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German Studies Association Johns Hopkins University Press Restoring a German Career, 1945-1950: The Ambiguity of Being Hans Globke Author(s): Daniel E. Rogers Source: German Studies Review, Vol. 31, No. 2 (May, 2008), pp. 303-324 Published by: Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of the German Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27668518 Accessed: 11-10-2015 16:19 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. German Studies Association and Johns Hopkins University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to German Studies Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Sun, 11 Oct 2015 16:19:35 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Restoring a German Career, 1945-1950: The Ambiguity of Being Hans Globke Daniel E. Rogers University of South Alabama Hans Globke, for 10 years Konrad Adenauer's Staatssekret?r and one of the most controver sial figures in the early history of the Federal Republic, struggled to restore his civil service career after 1945. He crafted an ambiguous image of himself during the Third Reich as both effective bureaucrat and daring r?sister by admitting only minor misjudgments, gathering statements of support from opponents of Hitler, and characterizing his co-authorship of a commentary on the Nuremberg race laws as an effort to lessen their impact. He had thus positioned himself to survive the ensuing attacks on his Nazi-era past. was one most Hans Globke (1898-1973) of the powerful and controversial figures in postwar German public life.1As long-time chief of staff,political confidant, and adviser to first secretary, postwar Germany's chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, Globke quietly, even secretly, influenced the course and structure of the new as a democracy. He acted kind of hidden general secretary toAdenauer's party, theChristian Democratic Union (CDU).2 He led the staffingof new ministries oversaw and the development and functioning of the Federal Republic's incipi ent return was intelligence services.3 And in he almost immediately labeled a an "grey eminence," appellation targeting those who, like the original eminence are grise, Fran?ois-Joseph le Clerc du Tremblay, loathed and feared not only for their furtive power, but also for the policies, shortcomings, and failures of their bosses.4 was career Globke 's rise to such power unlikely. His might well have ended with the collapse ofNazi Germany in 1945. He had served the regime as a moderately high-ranking civil servant in the Reich Ministry of the Interior? was high enough that he subject to automatic arrest by Germany's occupiers. on Moreover, he had worked laws and regulations that discriminated against and humiliated Jews, and he had joined his boss in co-authoring a legal com on race mentary theNuremberg laws of 1935.5Tainted by this past, he might more have easily abandoned the civil service and moved into private business. resume Instead, he struggled to his interrupted professional life.He restored to career fullviability his civil service by crafting an ambiguous image of himself as during theThird Reich both effective bureaucrat and daring r?sister.His to rise prominence after 1949 could then follow, but only because Adenauer were and early postwar German society also eager to embrace the ambiguity This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Sun, 11 Oct 2015 16:19:35 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 304 German Studies Review 31/2 (2008) surrounding Globke and many like him. Most previous writings about Globke have paid little attention to the years immediately afterWorld War II.6 Polemical and scholarly accounts of his life, work, or influence have centered on his role as Adenauer's chief of staff,the post-1950 controversies over Globke's past in theNational Socialist era, or on his activities during theThird Reich.7 Considerable factual distortions some times emerge in these works, particularly the careless assumption or outright was a allegation that he member of theNazi Party or drafted theNuremberg Laws.8 In the early 1960s, the East German communist government released new documents on him during theNazi era, but interpreted and contextualized a them in way tomake the government of the Bonn Federal Republic look as as an even unrepentantly Nazi possible.9 Documents needed for minimally career objective analysis of how Globke restored his were long either widely scattered or inaccessible. Only recently has his carefully gathered collection of personal papers become generally available in the Archives of Christian Democratic Politics at theKonrad Adenauer Foundation in Sankt Augustin. The son of a cloth merchant, Globke had grown up as a Catholic in the Rhineland, served on the front lines ofWorld War I, and returned to attend the universities inCologne, Bonn, and finallyGie?en, where he received a doc torate in law in 1922. He began his civil service career inAachen in 1925 and ultimately landed in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior in Berlin in 1929.10 By the time theNazis took control of the German government in 1933, he had achieved the moderately high rank of Regierungsrat in the Prussian, and one thenGerman, civil service.11He had of themost prestigious careers open to a or servant never anyGerman, that of Beamter, civil who could most likely was lose his job in normal times.That status endangered by theNazis' swift promulgation of the "Law for the Restoration of a Professional Civil Service" inApril 1933, which made it possible to fire civil servants who were deemed or a racially politically dangerous.12 As member of the Catholic Center Party since 1922, Globke was not automatically suspect, as he would have been if a or he had been Social Democrat communist, but neither was he presumed politically reliable.While it remains disputed whether he had career options outside of government (some allege his-wife's family could have provided him a job in industry13) and whether he himself didn't long to try such options, everything about his career for the rest of his life indicates thatGlobke's self on as a worth depended his status and influence higher civil servant. Quitting either in 1933 or later would have meant giving up what he had worked his entire adult life to achieve. While he may, ifhis own accounts are to be cred was ited, have been tempted to resign, he blessed and cursed by requests from men in the resistance and Catholic Church to remain at his job and supply inside information about theNazi regime's plans and policies.14 Three young This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Sun, 11 Oct 2015 16:19:35 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 305 Daniel E. Rogers era children born during theNazi might also have led him to be very cautious about leaving the civil service.15 So he stayed.He was promoted to Oberregierungsrat at the end of 193 3, and received one further promotion in 1938 to the rank ofMinisterialrat. Younger colleagues continued to receive further promotions, while he remained at this one rank until the end ofWorld War II.16He was of approximately 40Minis terialr?te in theMinistry of the Interior in Berlin, working in the only initially area non-ideological ofmarital status (Personenstand)}1 Soon thisfield, mundane in other eras,would become one of the focuses ofNazi efforts to define, restrict, and humiliate Jews. In 193 5Adolf Hitler decided spontaneously to promulgate new anti-Jewish laws during the annual Nazi Party rally atNuremberg.18 Thus began the association of Globke with the city ofNuremberg that endures to this day. nor Globke did not know in advance about theNuremberg Laws of 1935, was did he help write them, although he involved in drafting ordinances to enforce the laws.19The following year, he and his boss, State SecretaryWilhelm a on Stuckart, published commentary theNuremberg Laws. Like all legal com mentaries, Stuckart's and Globke's treatise attempted to elaborate beyond the plain text of the laws in order to assist judges and others in applying the laws to precise cases whose particulars could not have been included in the actual text. a Unlike legal commentaries in other eras, theirs began with thoroughly Nazi introduction glorifyingHitler, "Aryan" racial ideology, and the subordination of law toNazism and toHitler as its leader. For the rest of his life,Globke would face the problem of all accused wrongdoers: clarifying the context of or an act later considered unethical, immoral, illegal, even evil by others who would not or could not spend the time and make an effort to understand the and circumstances in which the act occurred. precise, ambiguous, Other controversial areas occupied Globke's energies during the Third Reich. He was involved in drafting legislation that required Jews to add either "Israel" or "Sara" to their legal names in order to brand them publicly, even though he claimed his involvement served tomoderate Nazi plans thatwould have forced German Jews to surrender their entire names.20 After Germany launchedWorld War II, he traveled to several occupied countries and drafted legislation central to the annexation of territory by Germany. But throughout theNazi era, he also remained in contact with officials in theCatholic Church in Berlin, including the archbishop.21 Globke has leftbehind evidence of espionage for the Church and was later closely linked tomen who plotted the assassina tion and overthrow ofHitler in the failed bomb plot of 20 July 1944.22He fell under suspicion by theGestapo, but thanks to the protection and intervention of Stuckart with the head of theNazi security apparatus, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Globke avoided an arrestwarrant until near the end of the war.23 IfGlobke is to be believed, he survived theNazi era only due to good luck.