Institutional Explanations of Shaping a Particular Housing Culture in South Korea
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Institutional Explanations of Shaping a Particular Housing Culture in South Korea: A Case Study of the Gangnam District in Seoul by Jinhee Park Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Town and Regional Planning The University of Sheffield June 2013 ABSTRACT High-rise urban housing has been one of the most contentious themes in academic and policy discourses regarding urban built environments, connoted in many western countries as ‘slums’ with social delinquency and dysfunctional family lives. This has often been contrasted with the ideal of the suburban house. Together these have framed a ‘deterministic dualism’ of built environments according to the physical and spatial features. Such extreme comparison has helped to reinforce social and spatial segregation, resulting in the deep stigmatisation of high-rise built environments. This has left little room for other possibilities, in particular in the context of recent issues of sustainable development, such as new urbanism, struggling to transform images and perspectives of high-rise city living. However, there is a contrasting reality in South Korea, where the same built environment involves exactly the opposite story of these predominant discourses, where fundamental changes in the country’s housing market have occurred in tandem with the rise of a so-called ‘apartment culture’. Urban high-rise living has come to be seen as representative of modern middle-class lifestyles in response to dramatic economic growth over the last half century, accompanying by the transformation of low-rise settlements into high-rise blocks in both urban and suburban areas. As a result, the mega-sized capital city, Seoul, embraces half of population within an extremely compact area, 10 % of the nation. This example of Korean high-rise living suggests a lack of deep understandings about built environments, in which the deterministic framework of the western-centric view cannot explain a different reality generated from the same built form. Instead, by focusing on cultural identity to shift away from deterministic analyses of built environments, this research aims to understand how a ‘housing culture’, as a form of ‘institutionalised built environment’, can arise and operate socially, culturally, economically and politically in a market-driven capitalist society. Seoul offers rich source of this exploration, especially in the case study district of Gangnam, where Korean apartment culture was literally born. Based on qualitative methodology with mainly semi-structured interviews, the research found that built forms are not entitled with innate entity, but socially constructed meanings. The analytical lens of housing culture enables this complex and dynamic construction of built environments to be 2 captured. Given this potential of a new thinking, this thesis suggests some renewed ideas and perspectives, and the new way of framing problems beyond simple physical and spatial factors in understanding built environments. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Without a full of emotional support to sustain the lonely fight, this thesis could not see the light at the end of the tunnel. In particular, two greatest supervisors, Dr Ed Ferrari and Professor Heather Campbell of the University of Sheffield have made possible the existence of this thesis from the dim light of the initial stage, enlightening my academic desire and knowledge. Their confidence, encouragement and support in every moment during the research period have been the essential energy to continue this project. For this, there is no way of thanking them enough. All participants who gave warm openness of their interviews have also enabled this insightful research. For reasons of confidentiality, they cannot be named here, but I tremendously appreciate their efforts in fully contributing to the interviewing process and the warm support they gave me personally at the end of the interviews. Those who willingly accepted the interviewing by my direct contact and encouraging my will for this research are particularly given my thanks. Regarding the interview process, grateful thanks should be also given to them who provided the majority of contacts. In particular, Hongseok Jeon made possible most of the interviews with housing companies, which is gratefully appreciated. Also, my friends, Eunjin, Guyeon, Minjung, and Ryunhee gave their full efforts to make possible the interviewing of a number of residents. For interviewing policymakers, many thanks must also go to Kim (his name cannot be recognised here as he was involved himself in interviews as a government employee). In the TRP department, thanks are due to Steve Connelly, who made efforts to grant the fee scholarship of the University of Sheffield to conduct the project. Also, all other TRP staff and colleagues provided a very warm and supportive environment during the research, which has been a great experience to communicate with them based on a variety of cultural and academic backgrounds. Further beyond the academic circle, I was fortunate to have the opportunity to discuss the research issues with those who were met in conferences. In particular, Professor Ricardo Garcia Mira of the University of A Coruña in Spain, and Mark Del Aguila of Swansea University, who were mentors for my research proposal, gave the insightful comments and the 4 broadened my view of academic activities, which gratefully resulted in granting an award for excellent research proposal. I should also thank Elżbieta Niezabitowska of the Silesian University of Technology in Poland who offered an opportunity to publish my first journal article. Also, John Flint who was at the time a professor at Sheffield Hallam University at the time I met him at the HSA conference, but has since moved to our department, offered very helpful comments and references with great encouragement. All these have been the decisive triggers to continue this research. Most importantly, invaluable support has been given by friends and family, both emotionally and practically. During hard times, my neighbour friend Youngju in the UK fully supported my domestic matters and gave her loyal friendship, for which I cannot express my thanks enough. Also, I should thank other Korean and the British friends around my area who have helped me out to take care of my sons and to sort out many arrangements and events in my place. Particular thanks must be due to my parents (unfortunately, my dad passed away during my MSc period) and parents-in- law. Without their persistent support it would not be possible to finish this thesis. Also, my two sons, Hunsik (Mark) and Wonsik (Eddie) have been a real encouragement by being part of ongoing life, lively and joyfully, during the suffering and tedious process of PhD, and by making their excellent performance in school life academically and socially. Lastly, but most of all, my husband, Don, without his all commitment and belief, this thesis could not be started and finished. This thesis has been done from all described here, not myself. 5 Contents List of figures ............................................................................................................. 9 List of tables ............................................................................................................. 11 Glossary ................................................................................................................... 12 Chapter One ................................................................................................................. 14 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 14 1.1 Housing, its discourses and meanings ........................................................... 18 1.2 Marginalisation of built form in housing research ......................................... 21 1.3 From dualism to cultural identity ................................................................... 24 1.4 Urban built environments in Korea................................................................ 27 1.5 Thesis structure .............................................................................................. 30 Chapter Two................................................................................................................. 33 The Growth of Seoul in Korea ................................................................................. 33 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 33 2.1 Housing in global contexts............................................................................. 34 2.2 Development of housing market in Korea ..................................................... 40 2.3 Earlier housing provision in modern market ................................................. 51 2.4 The growth of metropolitan city, Seoul ......................................................... 61 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 66 Chapter Three............................................................................................................... 68 High-rise City Living in Korea ................................................................................ 68 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 68 3.1 High-rise housing system