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Indonesia 2010 ORGANISATION for ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION and DEVELOPMENT
OECD Investment Policy Reviews INDONESIA OECD Investment Policy Reviews Indonesia has undertaken a decade of political and economic reform, under very diffi cult circumstances. Democracy is now fi rmly established, and the economy is growing at a steady pace in spite of the global fi nancial crisis. Reforms over the past decade have done much to improve the resilience of the Indonesian economy, and the INDONESIA government has made substantial progress in creating a better climate for investment. New laws have been enacted in almost all sectors, and new institutions have been created to advise the government, implement and enforce laws, regulate newly liberalised sectors and settle disputes. Foreign investors have taken notice. Foreign direct investment in Indonesia in the past fi ve years has exceeded the earlier peak achieved in 1996, before the Asian fi nancial crisis in 1997-98 brought economic contraction and net outfl ows of foreign investment. This investment is also becoming increasingly diversifi ed by sector and by country of investor. OECD Investment Policy Reviews: Indonesia charts Indonesia’s progress in developing an effective policy framework to promote investment for development. It focuses INDONESIA Reviews Policy Investment OECD on policies towards investment, competition, infrastructure, fi nance and other areas of the business environment and suggests ways the climate for both domestic and foreign investment might be further improved. In the same series China Egypt India Morocco Peru Russian Federation I Viet Nam DN The full text of this book is available on line via this link: www.sourceoecd.org/finance/9789264087002 Those with access to all OECD books on line should use this link: www.sourceoecd.org/9789264087002 SourceOECD is the OECD online library of books, periodicals and statistical databases. -
Welfare in Transition
Welfare in Transition The Political Economy of Social Protection Reform in Indonesia Maryke van Diermen Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide December 2017 Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint award of this degree. I give permission for the digital version of my thesis to be made available on the web, via the University's digital research repository, the Library Search and also through web search engines, unless permission has been granted by the University to restrict access for a period of time. I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Signature of candidate: Date: 10/07/18 ii Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the support I have received from many people. I am thankful to them all but I wish to mention some in particular. -
Who Owns the Broadcasting Television Network Business in Indonesia?
Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) Rendra WIDYATAMA Károly Ihrig Doctoral School of Management and Business University of Debrecen, Hungary Communication Department University of Ahmad Dahlan, Indonesia Case WHO OWNS THE BROADCASTING Study TELEVISION NETWORK BUSINESS IN INDONESIA? Keywords Regulation, Parent TV Station, Private TV station, Business orientation, TV broadcasting network JEL Classification D22; L21; L51; L82 Abstract Broadcasting TV occupies a significant position in the community. Therefore, all the countries in the world give attention to TV broadcasting business. In Indonesia, the government requires TV stations to broadcast locally, except through networking. In this state, there are 763 private TV companies broadcasting free to air. Of these, some companies have many TV stations and build various broadcasting networks. In this article, the author reveals the substantial TV stations that control the market, based on literature studies. From the data analysis, there are 14 substantial free to network broadcast private TV broadcasters but owns by eight companies; these include the MNC Group, EMTEK, Viva Media Asia, CTCorp, Media Indonesia, Rajawali Corpora, and Indigo Multimedia. All TV stations are from Jakarta, which broadcasts in 22 to 32 Indonesian provinces. 11 Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION The author uses the Broadcasting Act 32 of 2002 on In modern society, TV occupies a significant broadcasting and the Government Decree 50 of 2005 position. All shareholders have an interest in this on the implementation of free to air private TV as a medium. Governments have an interest in TV parameter of substantial TV network. According to because it has political effects (Sakr, 2012), while the regulation, the government requires local TV business people have an interest because they can stations to broadcast locally, except through the benefit from the TV business (Baumann and broadcasting network. -
Hans Harmakaputra, Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia
Key Issues in Religion and World Affairs Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia: Challenges and Progress Hans Abdiel Harmakaputra PhD Student in Comparative Theology, Boston College I. Introduction In February 2014 Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) published a report concerning the rise of religious intolerance across Indonesia. Entitled Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,1 this study portrays the problems plaguing interfaith relations in Indonesia, where many religious minorities suffer from persecution and injustice. The report lists five main factors contributing to the rise of religious intolerance: (1) the spread of extremist ideology through media channels, such as the internet, religious pamphlets, DVDs, and other means, funded from inside and outside the country; (2) the attitude of local, provincial, and national authorities; (3) the implementation of discriminatory laws and regulations; (4) weakness of law enforcement on the part of police and the judiciary in cases where religious minorities are victimized; and (5) the unwillingness of a “silent majority” to speak out against intolerance.2 This list of factors shows that the government bears considerable responsibility. Nevertheless, the hope for a better way to manage Indonesia’s diversity was one reason why Joko Widodo was elected president of the Republic of Indonesia in October 2014. Joko Widodo (popularly known as “Jokowi”) is a popular leader with a relatively positive governing record. He was the mayor of Surakarta (Solo) from 2005 to 2012, and then the governor of Jakarta from 2012 to 2014. People had great expectations for Jokowi’s administration, and there have been positive improvements during his term. However, Human Rights Watch (HRW) World Report 2016 presents negative data regarding his record on human rights in the year 2015, including those pertaining to interfaith relations.3 The document 1 The pdf version of the report can be downloaded freely from Christian Solidarity Worldwide, “Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,” February 14, 2014. -
Deputy Minister Position?
Number 161 • July 2020 i 5th and 6th Floor, Constitutional Court Building Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 6 Jakarta Pusat ii Number 161 • July 2020 Number 161 • July 2020 DIRECTING BOARD: Anwar Usman • Aswanto • Arief Hidayat Editorial Greetings Enny Nurbaningsih • Wahiduddin Adams Suhartoyo • Manahan MP Sitompul Saldi Isra • Daniel Yusmic Pancastaki Foekh DIRECTOR: rials at the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (Mahkamah M. Guntur Hamzah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia or “MK RI”) continue to be conducted by EDITOR IN CHIEF: Timplementing health protocols related to Covid-19. The enthusiasm of the Heru Setiawan litigants remains high. Likewise, the Constitutional Court Justices remain active and enthusiastic in leading the trials. Many new cases are presented, while the DEPUTY EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: old cases are in the revision trials until it is time for the hearing by experts as well Fajar Laksono Suroso as the publication of statements from state institutions. MANAGING EDITOR: Towards the end of June 2020, the Constitutional Court has also held Mutia Fria Darsini oral sentence pronouncements for judicial reviews, such as for the Fiduciary EDITORIAL SECRETARY: Guarantee Law (UU Jaminan Fidusia), Traffic and Transportation Law (UU Lalu Lintas Tiara Agustina dan Angkutan Jalan or “UU LLAJ”), Position of Notary Law (UU Jabatan Notaris) and EDITOR: others. Meanwhile, the cases that are still on trial until mid-July 2020 and has Nur Rosihin Ana not yet been decided are the Corruption Eradication Commission Law (UU Komisi Nano Tresna Arfana • Lulu Anjarsari P Pemberantasan Korupsi or “UU KPK”), the Electronic Information and Transactions Law (UU Informasi dan T ransaksi Elektronik or “UU ITE”, the Criminal Code REPORTER: Procedures (Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Acara Pidana or “KUHAP”), and so on. -
Strengthening Economic Relations with Kazakhstan, 2015 – 2017
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF INDONESIA ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY: STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH KAZAKHSTAN, 2015 – 2017 Nida Sabila Firdaus 016201505010 President University A Thesis presented to the Faculty of Humanities in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Bachelor Degree in International Relations Concentration in Diplomacy Studies 2019 ABSTRACT This thesis aims to discuss explicitly the economic interests of Indonesia to Kazakhstan. By focusing on foreign policy and economic diplomacy strategies carried out by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia in Kazakhstan in the period of 2015 to 2017. This research uses qualitative data analysis conducted deductively. The method used in research to collect data is by analyzing documents from primary sources and interview with the related sources. The theoritical framework of this study consists of Neo-Liberalism, Mutual Interdependence, Bilateral Relations, and Economic Diplomacy. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia by using its economic diplomacy can achieve the national interests in economic sector and can be keen to see the economic opportunities that exist in Kazakhstan. This is indicated by the positive results in the trade sector between Indonesia and Kazakhstan in 2018 which reached 6,822.9 USD. Meanwhile the trade data from 2015 to 2017 showed a deficit which amounted to -10,566.2 USD (2015), -7,769.9 USD (2016), -22,321.0 USD (2017). Keywords : Indonesia, Kazakhstan, foreign economic policy, bilateral relations, economic diplomacy iv ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membahas secara eksplisit tentang kepentingan ekonomi Indonesia dalam melihat peluang di negara Kazakhstan. Dengan berfokus pada kebijakan luar negeri dan strategi diplomasi ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh Kementerian Luar Negeri Indonesia dengan Kazakhstan di periode 2015 sampai 2017. -
Respons Konstitusional Larangan Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan
Respons Konstitusional Larangan Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah sebagai Pengurus Partai Politik Constitutional Response Concerning the Prohibition for Regional Representative Council Candidates as Political Party Officials Pan Mohamad Faiz dan Muhammad Reza Winata Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara Mahkamah Konstitusi Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No.6, Jakarta E-mail: [email protected] dan [email protected] Naskah diterima: 27/03/2019 revisi:07/08/2019 disetujui: 20/08/2019 Abstrak Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 30/PUU-XVI/2018 bertanggal 23 Juli 2018 menjadi salah satu putusan penting bagi desain lembaga perwakilan di Indonesia. Dalam Putusan tersebut, MK menyatakan bahwa pengurus partai politik dilarang menjadi calon anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah. Namun, tindak lanjut dari Putusan ini memicu polemik ketatanegaraan. Sebab, terjadi kontradiksi mengenai waktu pemberlakuan larangan tersebut akibat adanya perbedaan pemaknaan terhadap Putusan MK di dalam Putusan MA, PTUN, dan Bawaslu. MK menyatakan bahwa Putusannya berlaku sejak Pemilu 2019. Akan tetapi, Putusan MA, PTUN, dan Bawaslu tersebut menyatakan larangan tersebut berlaku setelah Pemilu 2019. Artikel ini mengkaji kontradiksi Putusan-Putusan tersebut doktrindengan menggunakanresponsivitas terhadap tiga pisau putusan analisis, pengadilan yaitu: (1) finalitasdari Tom putusan; Ginsburg, (2) artikel respons ini menyimpulkanterhadap putusan; bahwa dan Keputusan(3) validitas KPU atau yang keberlakuan tetap kukuh norma. memberlakukan Dengan menggunakan larangan bagi pengurus -
Mahkamah Agu Mahkamah Agung Republik Indo
Direktori Putusan Mahkamah Agung Republik Indonesia putusan.mahkamahagung.go.id PUTUSAN Nomor 33 P/HUM/2017 DEMI KEADILAN BERDASARKAN KETUHANAN YANG MAHA ESA MAHKAMAH AGUNG Mahkamah AgungMemeriksa dan mengadili Republik perkara permohonan keberatan Indonesia hak uji materiil terhadap Peraturan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Republik Indonesia (DPD RI) Nomor 4 Tahun 2017 tentang Tata Tertib, pada tingkat pertama dan terakhir telah memutuskan sebagai berikut, dalam perkara: 1. Ir. ANANG PRIHANTORO, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal RT. 003 RW. 003 Kelurahan Nambahdadi, Kecamatan Terbanggi Besar, Kabupaten Lampung Tengah, Provinsi Lampung, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 2. MARHANY VICTOR POLY PUA, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal RT. -/RW 008 Kelurahan Kairagi Dua Kecamatan Mapanget Kota Manado, Provinsi Sulawesi Utara, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 3. DJASARMEN PURBA, S.H. kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal Jl. Kaktus Giwang No. 2A Sukajadi RT/RW: 003/001 Batam, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014- Mahkamah Agung2019; Republik Indonesia 4. AM. IQBAL PAREWANGI, S.SI, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal Jl. Datuk Patimang No. 47 RT/RW: 006/003, Desa La’Latang, Kec. Tallo, Kota, Makassar, Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 5. HI AHMAD JAJULI S.IP, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, Jl. Sisinga Mangaraja No. 56 LK2, RT/RW: 012/-, Desa Gedong Air, Kecamatan Tanjung Karang Barat, Kota Bandar Lampung, Provinsi Lampung, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; Selanjutnya memberi kuasa kepada : 1. Dr. A. Irmanputra Sidin, S.H., M.H.; 2. Iqbal Tawakkal Pasaribu, S.H.; 3. Hermawanto, S.H.,M.H.; 4. Victor Santoso Tandiasa, S.H., M.H.; Mahkamah Agung5. Agustiar, Republik S.H.; Indonesia Halaman 1 dari 53 halaman. -
JURNAL MAJELIS Media Aspirasi Konstitusi
JURNAL MAJELIS Media Aspirasi Konstitusi MEWUJUDKAN VISI INDONESIA 2045 Badan Pengkajian MPR RI 2018 Susunan Dewan Redaksi Penasehat : Dr. (H.C.) Zulkifl i Hasan, S.E., M.M. Dr. Mahyudin, S.T., M.M. E.E. Mangindaan, S.IP. Dr. H.M. Hidayat Nur Wahid, M.A. Dr. (H.C.) Oesman Sapta Odang Dr. Ahmad Basarah, M.H. H. Ahmad Muzani Dr. (H.C.) H. A. Muhaimin Iskandar, M.Si. Pengarah : Dr. Bambang Sadono, S.H., M.H. Prof. Dr. Hendrawan Supratikno Rambe Kamarul Zaman, M.Sc., M.M. Martin Hutabarat, S.H. Ir. Tifatul Sembiring Penanggung Jawab : Dr. Ma’ruf Cahyono, S.H., M.H. Wakil Penanggung Jawab : Dra. Selfi Zaini Pemimpin Redaksi : Drs. Yana Indrawan, M.Si. Redaktur Pelaksana : Tommy Andana, S.IP, M.AP. Drs. Joni Jondriman Editor : Siti Aminah; Pradita Devis Dukarno; Otto Trengginas Setiawan. Pengumpul Bahan : Endang Sapari; Endang Ita; Riswandi; Rindra Budi Priyatmo; Dian Kartika Sari; Widhi Aditia Putra; Bayu Nugroho; Wafi strietman Corris; Elias Petege; Indra Ardianto; Wasinton Saragih; Rani Purwati Kemala Sari; Alamat Redaksi Biro Pengkajian, Sekretariat Jenderal MPR RI Gedung Bharana Graha, Lantai 3, Jl. Jend. Gatot Subroto No. 6 Jakarta 10270 Telp. (021) 57895421, Fax: (021) 57895420 E-mail : [email protected] / [email protected] DAFTAR ISI Daftar Isi ......................................................................................................................... i Pengantar Redaksi ...................................................................................................... iii Sambutan Sekretaris Jenderal -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Islam and Indonesia's Presidency Race
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 069 – 18 April 2018 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. Indonesian Presidential Election 2019 Islam and Indonesia’s Presidency Race: A Defining Role? By Alexander R. Arifianto Synopsis With Indonesia’s presidential election only one year away, there is a consensus among observers that Islam will play a more important role in this upcoming election. Both President Joko Widodo and his potential opponents are courting the Islamic vote. Commentary AS INDONESIA gears up for the presidential election even though it is still a year away, President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is poised to seek re-election for a second five- year term. In fact, he has already secured endorsement from several political parties, most importantly from his own Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (PDIP) and the Golkar Party, which together control 36 percent of seats of the House of Representatives (DPR). However, what is going to make the 2019 presidential election different from previous ones is that all potential candidates have to show they possess strong Islamic credentials if they hope to go far. The pressure to accommodate Islamic groups has become more pronounced after the 2016/17 Jakarta gubernatorial election. -
A B S T R a C T © 2020 Bingkai Yusril Ihza Mahendra Menjadi Pengacara
Kalijaga Journal of Communication, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2020: 93-106, DOI: https://doi.org/10.14421/kjc.22.01.2020 ISSN (e): 2685-1334; ISSN (p): 2775-1414, http://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/dakwah/kjc/index Bingkai Yusril Ihza Mahendra menjadi Pengacara Jokowi-Ma’ruf dalam Media Daring M. Sabron Sukmanul Hakim(a)(*) (a) UIN Sunan Kalijaga *Korespondensi Penulis, Alamat: Jl. Laksda Adisucipto, Papringan, Caturtunggal, Kec. Depok, Kabupaten Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281, Indonesia, Email: [email protected] A B S T R A C T Keywords: This paper discusses the mass media polemic when Yusril Ihza Mahendra Yusril Ihza Mahendra, became a lawyer for Jokowi-Ma’ruf in the 2019 presidential election. Media, Jokowi-Ma’ruf Previously, Yusril was a lawyer for Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) which later became a banned organization in Indonesia. In addition, Yusril was previously known as a critic of Jokowi and an active defender of Prabowo along with the party he leads, the Crescent Star Party (PBB). The focus of this research is to explore three mass media that are well known to the general public: Sindonews.com, Kompas.com, and Republika.co.id to see how the mass media dared to frame the coverage of Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s decision to become Jokowi-Ma’ruf’s campaign team. By using a qualitative research methodology, this study also uses Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis to see the framing. This is done in order to penetrate the reporting frame made by the three brave mass media. The findings of this study indicate that the three media have different attitudes.