DOCSLIB.ORG

What Should Solidarity Do? the Diplomatic Stance By

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
What Should Solidarity Do? the Diplomatic Stance By 10 essay 11 SOLIDARITY DESPITE RESERVATIONS BY KLAUS MISGELD & KARL MOLIN POSTWAR POLAND WAS SHAKEN repeatedly by protest ac- tive was far from the minds of contemporary onlook- reducing tensions between the blocs in Europe and tions and uprisings against the Soviet-backed commu- ers. They remembered the outcomes of earlier reform building bridges between East and West. nist regime: in 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, and again, most movements, especially the bloody disintegration of In the following, we paint a picture of the views of successfully, from 1980 to 1981. The democratic opposi- the Prague Spring in 1968. The reformist policies of Al- diplomats and union leaders on, first, how Solidarity tion of the 1970s was monitored with keen interest in exander Dubçek had been stymied by tanks from the should act to prevent leading itself and the world over Sweden. The Swedish media reported frequently on the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries. After the brink of ruin and, second, how they should them- Workers’ Defense Committee (Komitet Obrony Robot- the invasion of Czechoslovakia, Soviet leader Leonid selves act in order to responsibly support the democra- niczów, KOR, in 1977, Social Self-Defense Committtee/ Brezhnev had declared that when a threat to the cause tization of Poland. Komitet Samoobrony Społecznej KSS–KOR), and of socialism arose in a socialist country, it was not only articles by well-known KOR activists like Adam Mich- a problem for the country concerned, but for all social- WHAT SHOULD nik and Jacek Kuroń were published in newspapers ist countries. The events in Poland of 1980–1981 unfold- SOLIDARITY DO? and journals of varying political stripe. The strikes of ed in the shadow of the policy the world came to call August 1980, which led to the formation of a new so- the Brezhnev Doctrine. THE DIPLOMATIC STANCE cial movement, the Independent and Self-Governing There was no doubt among Swedish diplomats Swedish diplomats in Warsaw who reported on the Trade Union “Solidarity” (Niezależny Samorządny and union leaders, who are the focus of this article, developments, with Ambassador Knut Thyberg in the Związek Zawodowy “Solidarność”, NSZZ Solidarność), that they would support the independent trade union vanguard, recognized early on the historical dimen- headquartered in Gdańsk, were met with tremendous movement that had suddenly appeared on the Polish sions of the events. The Gdańsk Accord signed in late sympathy throughout the Western world.1 Over the 16 stage and which soon totaled 10 million members (in a August opened the door to independent unions and months that the burgeoning organization Solidarity — the country of 38 million). Still, they could not ignore the sparked somewhat euphoric hopes for “humanization name we will use here — was able to act entirely above risk of renewed military intervention that would have of the communist system”2 and a “more humane socie- ground, until General Wojciech Jaruzelski declared mar- had disastrous consequences for Poland and security ty”3. Still, the embassy was convinced that the changes tial law on December 13, 1981, Solidarity was the object in Europe. A balance had to be struck between sup- had to happen within the framework of a socialist sys- of frenetic diplomatic activity and extensive international port for a movement with which one strongly sympa- tem and preservation of Poland’s membership in the ANICKI/ZIN-ZIN PRESS J aid efforts. Sweden manifested agreement and support, thized (and which demanded nothing more than what Warsaw Pact. despite political and ideological reservations. it had been guaranteed by several international treaties Thus, the principle that the Communist Party’s NDRZEJ A The dramatic events in Poland during 1980 and ratified by the regime) and acceptance of political and leading role was central to the system could not be un- 1981 now stand out as the beginning of the end of So- military realities. The actors involved were also obliged dermined. The embassy had long been convinced that viet hegemony in Eastern Europe, but that perspec- to uphold official Swedish policy, which was aimed at some form of equilibrium between the Party and Soli- ILLUSTRATION: ILLUSTRATION: Poland 1980: when an internal affair goes public. Definition of a revolutionary process! 12 essay 13 darity was necessary: “a new balance that preserve[d] berg’s views diverge? One possible answer is that Thy- a cold war against Soviet systems in Eastern Europe. the social system but provide[d] greater self-gover- berg, who was closer to the new reform movement, The organization could not appear to be “the errand nance and equality.”4 The gathering storm clouds, of understood that, for its leadership, the alternative to boy of the USA”, an accusation Polish and Soviet media which there were many, were the result, partly, of hard- progress was not to stop and maintain a position, but soon aimed at LO. Their opponents must not be given liners on both sides of the Polish drama: radicals within to regress and go the way of earlier reform projects. the chance to paint Solidarity as being in the hands of Solidarity who rejected the passage in the Gdańsk Ac- During past reform efforts, once passions had cooled, foreign organizations. cord on the preeminent role of the Party, and dogma- the regime had reneged on its concessions and the bas- For this reason, the Swedish position initially con- tists within the Communist regime who were looking tions once torn down had been repaired. flicted with the position of the ICFTU and the Polish for a reason to abandon the policy of negotiation and policy of the AFL-CIO, America’s union association. To adopt harsher measures.5 The moderate, negotiatory WHAT SHOULD forestall accusations by the Polish government and the approach was personified by Solidarity leader Lech Soviet Union that Sweden was supporting anti-Com- Wałęsa and the new Party boss Stanisław Kania.6 The SOLIDARITY DO? munist activity in Poland and to protect their own sup- tacit interpretation was that if they had their way, Po- THE SwEDISH portive actions, the Swedish organization wanted only land would opt for a cautious but still system-trans- TRADE UNION direct relations with Solidarity and insisted on keeping forming policy of reform.7 CONFEDERATIon’S in the background the ICFTU, the International Trade But Solidarity did not choose the cautious approach Secretariats (the international organizations of the na- for which the Swedish observers had hoped. New de- STANCE tional unions), and Polish exile groups in Sweden who mands accompanied by strikes and threats of strikes The Swedish trade union movement also lived in the were cooperating with the IFCTU and the AFL-CIO and threw Poland into an immediate state of crisis. Radi- shadow of the Brezhnev Doctrine. There was no ques- accepting “American money”. For the same political cal voices dominated the Solidarity congress in mid- tion about its proffering support to the new Polish trade reasons, LO was unwilling to support what they consid- September 1981. The experience led the embassy to union, but it wanted its aid to be as un-provocative as ered to be Solidarity’s political ambitions. reevaluate its earlier analysis. Any hopes the West may possible to the Kremlin leadership. For that matter, Solidarity leadership shared the have had that Solidarity was working towards a new Cooperation between the Swedish trade union opinion that LO should have nothing to do with “Amer- balance, a modus vivendi with the Communist Party, movement and Solidarity was already established by ican money”13 but were less concerned about the risk now seemed illusory. All signs indicated that Solidarity the fall of 1980. Supportive activities continued through of Soviet intervention in Poland. Signals that Solidar- was aiming to “once and for all fundamentally change Solidarity’s underground period and afterward to the ity sent to Sweden in 1980 and 1981, in particular via the social system and break the dominance of the Com- mid-1980s, when the movement was able to act increas- union channels, were often predicated on the notion munist Party — and the USSR — in Poland.”8 ingly openly until it was legalized again in the spring of that Poles were loath to believe any intervention would Solidarity now demanded that the workers’ councils 1989. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation (“LO”) happen.14 at Polish companies should have the right to appoint initially undertook to build up printing offices in Po- One consequence was that LO, in order to avoid ac- management. The Party’s right to appoint all holders land with the help of the Swedish Union of Printing cusations of political involvement, refused to cooper- of key posts would be abolished. In the embassy’s judg- Workers (“GF”). LO cooperated with the International ate with KOR and representatives of KOR in Sweden. ment, the regime was facing the choice of mounting an Confederation of Free Trade Unions, ICFTU, after Lech Rune Molin, LO National Secretary, was very clear at a attack against Solidarity, and perhaps triggering civil Wałęsa had asked LO in the fall of 1980 to coordinate meeting of the LO executive committee on January 12, war, or conceding to union demands and risking Soviet international union support activities. This particu- 1981: “[W]e should avoid any contact with KOR, which military intervention. The regime chose the latter alter- lar assignment and LO’s own comprehensive support is a political organization, because it may give rise to native, hoping that the Russians would find the price of would become the topic of some discussion and give misunderstandings. Contacts should be organized di- an invasion too high.9 rise to conflict. rectly between the union organizations.”15 The embassy in Warsaw had now abandoned any In a letter of November 7, 1980, to ICFTU and LO, This view also emerges clearly in a letter Molin sent notions about necessary equilibrium.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Democratic Government in Poland
    Democratic Government in Poland Also by George Sanford POLISH COMMUNISM IN CRISIS MILITARY RULE IN POLAND: The Rebuilding of Communist Power 1981–1983 THE SOLIDARITY CONGRESS, 1981 DEMOCRATIZATION IN POLAND, 1988–90: Polish Voices POLAND: World Bibliographical Series (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF POLAND (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) BUILDING DEMOCRACY: The International Dimension of Democratization in Eastern Europe (with G. Pridham and E. Herring) POLAND: The Conquest of History Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics since 1989 George Sanford Reader in Politics University of Bristol © George Sanford 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-77475-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the new global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John Mccarthy
    bs_bs_banner British Journal of Industrial Relations doi: 10.1111/bjir.12084 52:4 December 2014 0007–1080 pp. 627–657 Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John McCarthy Abstract Solidarity has long been considered essential to labour, but many fear that it has declined. There has been relatively little scholarly investigation of it because of both theoretical and empirical difficulties. This article argues that solidarity has not declined but has changed in form, which has an impact on what kinds of mobilization are effective. We first develop a theory of solidarity general enough to compare different forms. We then trace the evolution of solidarity through craft and industrial versions, to the emergence of collaborative solidarity from the increasingly fluid ‘friending’ relations of recent decades. Finally, we examine the question of whether these new solidarities can be mobilized into effective collective action, and suggest mechanisms, rather different from tra- ditional union mobilizations, that have shown some power in drawing on friending relations: the development of member platforms, the use of purposive campaigns and the co-ordination of ‘swarming’ actions. In the best cases, these can create collective actions that make a virtue of diversity, openness and participative engagement, by co-ordinating groups with different foci and skills. 1. Introduction In the last 30 years, there is every evidence that labour solidarity has weak- ened across the industrialized world. Strikes have widely declined, while the most effective recent movements have been fundamentalist and restrictive — turning back to traditional values and texts, narrowing the range of inclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi
    OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy Europe After the Great Recession By LEONARDO MORLINO with DANIELA PIANA MARIO QUARANTA FRANCESCO RANIOLO CECILIA EMMA SOTTILOTTA CLAUDIUS WAGEMANN 1 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi 1 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Leonardo Morlino 2020. Some rights reserved. © Chapter 2 © Leonardo Morlino, Claudius Wagemann, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 3 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 4 © Leonardo Morlino, Mario Quaranta, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 5 © Leonardo Morlino and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 6 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 7 © Leonardo Morlino, Daniela Piana, and Cecilia Sottilotta 2020. The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in 2020 Impression: 1 Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. This is an open access publication, available online and distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial – No Derivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), a copy of which is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/.
    [Show full text]
  • Polityka Kulturalna W Polskiej Myśli Politycznej Po 1989 Roku Na Przykładzie Programów Partii I Ugrupowań Politycznych W Wyborach Parlamentarnych 1991 Roku
    Tom 12/2020, ss. 217-234 ISSN 0860-5637 e-ISSN 2657-7704 DOI: 10.19251/rtnp/2020.12(12) www.rtnp.mazowiecka.edu.pl Krzysztof Prętki Pracownia Historii Zdrowia Publicznego oraz Polityki Społecznej i Zdrowotnej Katedra Nauk Społecznych i Humanistycznych Uniwersytet Medyczny im. Karola Marcinkowskiego w Poznaniu POLITYKA KULTURALNA W POLSKIEJ MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ PO 1989 ROKU NA PRZYKŁADZIE PROGRAMÓW PARTII I UGRUPOWAŃ POLITYCZNYCH W WYBORACH PARLAMENTARNYCH 1991 ROKU CULTURAL POLICY IN POLISH POLITICAL THOUGHT AFTER 1989, ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND GROUPS IN THE 1991 PARLIAMENTARY ELEC- TIONS Streszczenie: Celem artykułu była analiza problematyki polityki kulturalnej w polskiej myśli politycznej po 1989 roku, na przykładzie programów partii i ugrupowań politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych 1991 roku. W artykule zauważono, że etnocentryzm i relatywizm kulturowy nie był dominującym elementem pro- Polityka kulturalna w polskiej myśli politycznej po 1989 roku na przykładzie programów partii pozycji wyborczych w zakresie kultury. Kwestie związane z ochroną polskiego rynku kultury przed zalewem negatywnych treści z zagranicy, a także ochro- ną polskiej tożsamości i kultury narodowej pojawiały się w różnym nasileniu w programach wyborczych takich partii politycznych i koalicji wyborczych, jak: Solidarność Pracy, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Porozumienie Ludowe, Partii Chrześcijańskich Demokratów, Porozumienia Obywatelskiego Centrum, Wyborczej Akcji Katolickiej, Unii Polityki Realnej. Tematyka ochrony polskiej tożsamości narodowej i kultury narodowej zdominowała propozycje wyborcze w zakresie kultury zaprezentowane przez Stronnictwo Narodowe. Słowa kluczowe: polityka kulturalna, polska myśl polityczna, partie poli- tyczne, programy partii politycznych, wybory parlamentarne 1991 roku Abstract: The aim of the article was to analyze the issues of cultural policy in Po- lish political thought after 1989, on the example of the programs of political parties and groups in the 1991 parliamentary elections.
    [Show full text]
  • PARTNERS for FOOD SECURITY the Role of Trade Unions, Rural
    PARTNERS FOR FOOD SECURITY The Role of Trade Unions, Rural Workers' Organizations, Agricultural Producers' and Farmers' Associations, Cooperatives, and Development/Advocacy Organizations in Contributing to the World Food Summit and its Follow-up Editor: Marilee Karl Papers contributed by: - The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) - The International Union of Food, Agriculture, Hotels, Restaurant, Tobacco and Allied Workers Associations (IUF) - The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) - The Trade Unions International of Food, Tobacco, Hotel and Allied Workers (UIS) - World Federation of Agricultural and Food Workers (WFAFW) - Federation Latinoamericana de Trabajadores Campesinos y de la Alimentation (FELTACA) - The General Agricultural Workers Union (GAWU) of Ghana - Confederation National Agraria, Peru - The International Federation of Agricultural Producers (IFAP) - The Via Campesina - The International Cooperative Alliance - Socio-Economic Development Organization of Cambodia (SEDOC) - Project Development Institute (PDI), Philippines - Asociacion de Investigation y Estudios Sociales (ASIES), Guatemala September 1996 The views expressed in this paper reflect the position of the organizations which have contributed to it and do not represent the official position ofFAO PARTNERS FOR FOOD SECURITY-I PREFACE The international trade unions, rural workers', agricultural producers' and farmers' organizations and cooperatives which met together at the 13th FAO/ITU Consultation in December 1995, expressed a shared concern
    [Show full text]
  • Issue No. 75, July, 1980
    , Australasian ,. -~. ~ Number 75 July 1980 30 CENTS Smash apartheid - For workers revolution! r ~ ~ t Club-wielding/South African police drag off militant anti-apartheid demonstrators In Soweto, 1980 Once again black South Africa is rising June 20. Those are the government's are more cautious, dissolving their development" and are throwing in their up against its oppressors. After two figures and South African newspapers demonstrations when the killer cops and lot with the black majority, even to the months of the largest and most militant and hospitals report that the real toll is at troops arrive. For its part, the govern­ point of rejecting the label of "coioured" anti-apartheid struggles since the student least twice as high. Panicked by the ment of Prime Minister Pieter Botha is and identifying themselves as "blacks". protests of June 1976, black and' upsurge of the oppressed majority, which wary of provoking another uprising by The strikes and protests around the "coloured" (mixed race) workers and outnumbers the privileged whites by randomly mowing down hundreds of coloured students' boycott (see "Black students are marking the fourth anniver­ more than five-to-one, the Pr~toria schoolchildren. But a distinguishing Upsurge in South Africa" , Workers sary of the Soweto massacre with strikes regime has put the regular army on a war feature ofthe current upsurge, one which Vanguard no 258, 13 June) grew in size and demonstrations throughout the alert - something that was not done is crucial to the success of the anti­ and intensity after police viciously country. From the coloured townships of even in 1976.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 9 Polish Pathways to the European Trade Union Confederation
    Polish pathways to the European Trade Union Confederation195 Chapter 9 Polish pathways to the European Trade Union Confederation Adam Mrozowicki 1. Introduction This chapter discusses the mechanisms, contexts and outcomes of the involvement of Polish trade unions in the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). More specifically, it aims at addressing two interrelated questions. First, what were the key actors, events and contexts of this involvement? And second, what have been the outcomes and impact of ETUC membership with regard to the internal trans- formation of Polish trade unionism and, possibly, changes within trade unionism at the European level? In dealing with these questions, theoretical inspirations are drawn from the sociological and industrial relations debates on the West–East Eu- ropean labour transnationalism (Bernaciak 2011; Gajewska 2008; Meardi 2012). However, as there is no comprehensive written history of the relations between the Polish trade unions and the ETUC, the main goal of the chapter is to fill this gap. In other words, it seeks to reconstruct the main historical events that led up to the ETUC membership of three Polish trade union confederations: NSZZ Solidarność (Free Independent Trade Union Solidarność, established in 1980, in the ETUC since 1991), OPZZ (the All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, OPZZ, established in 1984, in the ETUC since 2006) and FZZ (Trade Union Forum, established in 2002, in the ETUC since 2012). It is argued that the case of Poland is worth discussing for a number of rea- sons. First, NSZZ Solidarność was the first independent trade union in the commu- nist countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE).
    [Show full text]
  • Klaus Misgeld
    RESEARCH PAPERS A Complicated Solidarity The Swedish Labour Movement and Solidarność Klaus Misgeld Cruquiusweg 31 1019 AT Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel. + 31 20 6685866 Fax + 31 20 6654181 ISSN 0927-4618 IISH Research Paper For a list of IISG Research Papers, see page . © Copyright 2010, Klaus Misgeld All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. IISH-Research Papers is a prepublication series inaugurated in 1989 by the International Institute of Social History (IISH) to highlight and promote socio-historical research and scholarship. Through distribution of these works the IISH hopes to encourage international discussion and exchange. This vehicle of publicizing works in progress or in a prepublication stage is open to all labour and social historians. In this context, research by scholars from outside the IISH can also be disseminated as a Research Paper. Those interested should write to Marcel van der Linden, IISH, Cruquiusweg 31, 1019 AT, The Netherlands, e-mail [email protected] A Complicated Solidarity The Swedish Labour Movement and Solidarność Klaus Misgeld Amsterdam 2010 Table of Contents Introduction 3 Sweden – Poland: Internationalism and Transnationalism 4 International Politics and International Trade Unionism 8 The LO in Sweden and its Polish Neighbour 10 Swedish Standpoints 21 A Strenuous Effort 35 About the Author 37 Abbreviations
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO.
    [Show full text]
  • “Social and Solidarity Economy: Building a Common Understanding”
    The Reader 2010 “Social and Solidarity Economy: Building a Common Understanding” In support of the First edition of the Social and Solidarity Economy Academy, 25 -29th October 2010, ITC ILO, Turin, Italy By Bénédicte Fonteneau, Senior researcher at the Research Center/Leuven University - HIVA /Belgium Nancy Neamtan, Director General , Chantier de l'Economie Sociale, Canada Fredrick Wanyama, Director, School of Development and Strategic Studies, Maseno, University, Kenya Leandro Pereira Morais, Profesor del CEA-PUCCAMPINAS - Coordinador del Área de Desarrollo Territorial del Instituto Polis, Brasil Mathieu de Poorter, ILO Job Creation and Enterprise Development Department Cooperative Programme (EMP/COOP) Copyright © International Training Centre of the International Labour Organization 2010 This publication enjoys copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Applications for authorization to reproduce, translate or adapt part or all of its contents should be addressed to the International Training Centre of the ILO. The Centre welcomes such applications. Nevertheless, short excerpts may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. THE READER 2010: “SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY: BUILDING A COMMON UNDERSTANDING” ISBN 978-92-9049-568-0 First edition 2010 First edition of the Social and Solidarity Economy Academy, 25 - 29 October 2010, ITC ILO, Turin, Italy Coordination Roberto Di Meglio (ITC ILO Turin) Coumba Diop (ITC ILO Turin) Contacts International Training Centre of the ILO Viale Maestri del Lavoro, 10 10127 Turin, Italy [email protected] http://socialeconomy.itcilo.org/en The designations employed in publications of the International Training Centre of the ILO, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Centre concerning i.a.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook CPDS III 1990-2012
    Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET III 1990-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for a group of 36 OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period 1990-20121. The data are primarily from the data set created at the University of Berne, Institute of Political Science and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation: The Comparative Political Data Set I (CPDS I). However, the present data set differs in several aspects from the CPDS I dataset. Compared to CPDS I Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus (Greek part), Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia have been added. The present data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions is provided by Jelle Visser (2013). When using the data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. This data set is to be cited as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. 2014. Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012. Bern: Institute of Political Science, University of Berne. Last updated: 2014-09-30 1 Data for former communist countries begin in 1990 for Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Lativa and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Political Parties in Poland
    List of political parties in Poland This article lists current political parties in Poland, as • Your Movement (TR) – Liberal, anti-clerical party, well as former parties dating back as far as 1918. Since founded as Palikot’s Movement (RP) in 2010 by 1989, Poland has had a multi-party system, with numer- maverick M.P Janusz Palikot, a former Civic Plat- ous competing political parties. Individual parties nor- form politician. RP created something of a stir at mally do not manage to gain power alone, and usually the 2011 elections, where it polled 10% of the vote, work with other parties to form coalition governments. making it the third largest party, ahead of two of the established parties, PSL and SLD. In October 2013 RP merged with a few smaller parties to form a new 1 Parliamentary parties party, Your Movement. • United Poland (SP) – Right-wing and Eurosceptic Figures in parentheses reflect initial number of seats won party which split from PiS, following the expulsion by party (if different from current number), prior to splits, of Zbigniew Ziobro and his factional allies from the defections, etc. party, following the 2011 parliamentary elections. 2 List of parties 2.3 Minor parties • Poland Together (PR) – Splinter party formed 2.1 Major parties in 2013 under the leadership of Jaroslaw Gowin, breaking away from Civic Platform. • Civic Platform (PO) – One of the two major par- • Labor United (UP) – Small social-democratic party ties on the Polish political scene since 2005, PO first which usually aligns itself with the Democratic Left entered the Sejm in 2001.
    [Show full text]