London and Middlesex Archaeological Society Transactions, 66 (2015), 137—97
MEDIEVAL CROSSED FRIARS AND ITS ROMAN TO POST-MEDIEVAL LANDSCAPE: EXCAVATIONS AT MARINER HOUSE, IN THE CITY OF LONDON
Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
With specialist contributions by Ian Betts, Lyn Blackmore, Brice Girbal, Tony Grey, Nigel Jeffries, James Morris, Alan Pipe, Beth Richardson, Karen Stewart, Amy Thorp, Roger Tomlin, Don Walker and Angela Wardle
SUMMARY centuries. The construction of the retro-choir was in- complete when the friary was dissolved in 1. This site near the Tower of London produced arch- The article also identiþes the various medieval tene- aeological evidence of Roman occupation, the medieval ments acquired by the friars to create their priory. Evi- religious house of Crossed Friars, late 16th- to 17th- dence of the destruction of the priory during the Disso- century glass manufacture and a 19th-century tavern lution and the subsequent usage of the site was uncov- assemblage. ered, which included late 16th- and early 17th-century During the later 1st century AD two linear boundary façon de Venise style glass-working debris and a later ditches bisected the site, but there was little contempo- assemblage of material from the French Horn tavern. rary evidence of actual occupation. These ditches were both inþlled during the early nd century AD. Subse- INTRODUCTION quent Roman activity within this area consisted of the digging of scattered cess and rubbish pits, while a tim- Excavation on the site of Mariner House, ber-lined well contained eight complete ceramic vessels Crutched Friars (NGR 533443 180865) in the dating from the late nd to early rd century AD, one City of London was commissioned by Mint of which was inscribed with Greek grafþti. The site was Hotels in 2008. It is bounded by Crutched abandoned by the end of the 4th century AD and was Friars to the north, Walsingham House to the not reoccupied until the later 10th century. west at 35 Seething Lane, Savage Gardens to The location of the priory of the Crossed Friars has the east and by Pepys Street to the south (Fig long been indicated by the street name Crutched Friars 1). to the north of Tower Hill, but little was known of the Following a watching brief in 2006 and plan of the friary’s buildings. Recent excavations and investigation of two geotechnical pits in documentary research have enabled a reconstruction of 2007, excavation began in April 2008 in four the friary church and precinct buildings to be attempt- trenches located in the south-west, south-east ed. The earliest phase of the church (c.16Þ10 and north-west corners of the site. The areas consisted of a simple rectangular building which was around these trenches were then opened subsequently enlarged during the 14th, 1th and 16th up resulting in near-complete excavation
137 138 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig 1. Site location also showing the areas of excavation and nearby sites (ARC1, FCC9, FSS4, PEP9, RAG, SEA, SEN91, S9A10, TR< (scale (left 1 700, (right 1 00, (inset 1 0,000 and recording of the western, northern in the text appear in square brackets [10] and eastern perimeter of the site (Fig 1). DQG DFFHVVLRQHG þQGV DUH VKRZQ LQ DQJOHG A further four large trenches for pile caps brackets <20>. Land-use entities consist of were excavated near the southern boundary Buildings (B), Structures (S) and Open Areas of the site and a watching brief with selective 2$ VXFK DV þHOGV EDFN\DUGV RU JDUGHQV excavation was maintained on 17 more pile &HUWDLQFDWHJRULHVRIþQGVKDYHEHHQJLYHQ caps of varying size in the central part of illustration numbers preceded by a letter the site. Further small-scale excavation took denoting their category. Concordance tables place in the EDF substation located in the are provided for building material (
The natural topography of the site and sur- EARLY ROMAN LAND MANAGEMENT, rounding area is formed of the Wolstonian AD 50—120 (PERIOD 2) Mucking Gravel Terrace (OA1, not illustrat- ed), capped by compacted brickearth (OA2, The earliest occupation on the site can be not illustrated), much of which had been dated to the mid-1st century AD when it truncated by the 1963 development. The was situated at the eastern extremity of the terrace gravels sloped down southwards Roman settlement. The local topography was from 10.17m to 9.55m OD across the site. shaped by two roads: the main extramural At Lloyd’s Register of Shipping to the north road from Aldgate (roughly along the line (site code FCC95; Bluer & Brigham 2006, 8; of Fenchurch Street; Fig 1) approximately Fig 1) the gravels were recorded mostly at 200m to the north, and the cardo Decumanus 9.8m OD, falling to 9.74m OD at Fenchurch Maximus which ran eastwards from the Street Station (site code FSS84; O’Connor- Basilica at Leadenhall skirting the site Thompson 1984; Fig 1). At Colchester roughly 15m to the south (Fig 2). Part of this House, to the south of Mariner House, the URDGDJUDYHOVXUIDFHÿDQNHGE\D9VKDSHG gravels were recorded at 9.3m OD (site code ditch and 2nd-century AD buildings, was PEP89; Sankey 1995, 1; Fig 1). found during excavation at Colchester The dip in the levels recorded to the north House south of modern Pepys Street (Sankey of the site is accounted for by the conjectured 1995, 20—8, 94, 118). alignment of a watercourse, known as the During the early Roman period the west- ß/RUWHEXUQà,WLVþUVWUHFRUGHGLQDGHHGRI ern half of the site was demarcated by two, 1288. It refers to a property in the parish of parallel linear ditches aligned north-west All Hallows Barking fronting on to Seething to south-east (S1 and S2; Fig 2). These Lane, the rear portion of which adjoined a were located approximately 22m apart and stream called the ‘Lorteburn’ (Bentley 1984, parallel with the projected line of the Roman 16). Evidence for a dendritic stream channel road to the south. A row of eight stakeholes in this area comes from sites located to the along the southern edge of Structure 1 ditch north and north-east (ibid). More recent may have supported a fence at its eastern observations at Lloyd’s Register of Shipping end. Both ditches produced pottery of a has proposed evidence for a second, possibly similar date: Structure 2 ditch is dated to c.AD seasonal branch to the stream which may still 70—120 by sherds of a Verulamium/London EH ÿRZLQJ XQGHUJURXQG LQ WKH )HQFKXUFK region mica-dusted ware (VRMI) bowl found Street area (Bluer & Brigham 2006, 8—9). LQ WKH SULPDU\ þOO ZKLOVW 6WUXFWXUH GLWFK The course of one of these stream produced a greater range of domestic wares channels has been projected to run across including Highgate Wood ware C (HWC) and the north-western corner of the Mariner La Graufesenque samian (SAMLG) vessels. House site before passing by Seething Faunal remains recovered from Structure 2 Lane (site code SEA88; Bentley 1984). This ditch included the bones of an adult horse projection is based on an observation made (Equus caballus). The distal end of the tibia in 1963 during the construction of Mariner had been gnawed by dogs suggesting that 140 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig . The early Roman landscape AD 0Þ10 (Period (scale 1 600 elements of this carcass had been left exposed Open Area 5 to the north, Open Area 4 in before burial. This is unusual as the rest of the centre and Open Area 3 to the south the Roman faunal remains discovered on site (Fig 2). Rubbish pits, cesspits and dumped appear to represent material discarded after GHSRVLWV ZHUH FKLHÿ\ FRQþQHG WR WKH DUHDV consumption. north of Structure 1 ditch, which appears to Various sets of parallel early Roman KDYHEHHQOHIWHLWKHUDVRSHQVSDFHRUþHOGV ditches recorded nearby at 2 Seething Lane The character of the material retrieved from (site code SEA88; Gibson 1988) and 1—12 these pits, which included large quantities Rangoon Street (site code RAG82; Bowler of discarded oyster (Ostrea edulis) shells and 1983; Williams in prep; Fig 1) have been fragments of building materials, is similar to interpreted as drainage ditches and animal that recovered from the ditches, suggesting enclosures. However, the ditches at Mariner a domestic origin, though the sparse and House are wider and longer, in effect acting IUDJPHQWDU\QDWXUHRIWKHVHþQGVLQGLFDWHV as boundary ditches dividing the western secondary disposal of material away from portion of the site into three separate areas: the settled area. The associated pottery gives Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 141 a Flavian date (AD 70—100) for this activity, REORGANISATION OF THE ROMAN though continuity of occupation into the LANDSCAPE, AD 120—400 (PERIOD 3) 2nd century AD is suggested by the presence of a HWC jar (c.AD 100—20) recovered from The landscape began a period of change one of the pits in Open Area 4. GXULQJ WKH þUVW KDOI RI WKH QG FHQWXU\ A small group of intercutting pits in Open AD ZKHQ WKH GLWFKHV ZHUH EDFNþOOHG DQG Area 6 (Fig 2) at the south-eastern end of Building 1 was demolished. Both ditches the site produced several fragments of wall ZHUHEDFNþOOHGUDSLGO\DWWKHVDPHWLPHDQG plaster and ragstone debris, which may contained a similar range of pottery dating indicate the presence of nearby buildings. this event to c.AD 120—40. The palisade The remains of a timber fence (S3) assoc- structure in Open Area 3 was also demol- iated with a mid to late 1st-century AD trampled ished at this time. It was sealed by demolition surface of silty brickearth lay perpendicular deposits dating from AD 70/ 100—60 con- to Structure 1 ditch in Open Area 4. However, taining roof tiles, wall plaster fragments and the focus of settlement appears to be to the DER[ÿXHWLOH DOOSUHVXPDEO\GHULYHGIURP south of Structure 1 ditch where a fragment nearby masonry buildings. of a clay and timber building (B1) comprised 7KHEDFNþOOLQJRIWKHWZRGLWFKHV 6DQG a north—south orientated beam slot with a S2) consolidated the previously separated posthole at its northern end and a second areas into one continuous stretch of open posthole to the west (Fig 2). These were landscape (OA9; Fig 3) which remained un- overlain by a trampled brickearth surface changed until the end of the Roman period. GDWHGWRWKHþUVWKDOIRIWKHQGFHQWXU\AD The area was interspersed with rubbish pits by a sherd of a Les Martres-de-Veyre samian and drainage gullies dated to the mid-2nd 6$009 GLVKDQGDFRPEHGER[ÿXHWLOH century AD. Several features, particularly Building 1 may have been associated with an located in the north-west part of Open Area external yard (OA3; Fig 2) in which a line of 9, indicate activity in this area continued in post- and stakeholes may represent a fence the mid-3rd to late 4th century AD (judging or palisade. The alignment of these post- by the presence of Alice Holt/Farnham ware and stakeholes, parallel to Structure 1 ditch (AHFA), Portchester ware D (PORD) and and terminating at the same point, suggests Oxfordshire white ware (OXWW)). A few that they are contemporary. This is broadly of the post-AD 250 pits were distinguished by FRQþUPHGE\DVLQJOHVKHUGRI9HUXODPLXP their rectangular shape and vertical sides, London region white ware (VRW) dated c.AD which suggests that they were originally 50—160 found in one of the postholes. lined so that they could be cleaned out and The alignments of the ditches (S1 and S2) UHXVHG $ VPDOO QXPEHU RI GRPHVWLF þQGV and the fence (S3) are a good indication were found within them including the bone that the Roman road to the south extended shaft of a pin or needle (<214>), fragments of at least as far as the termini of these ditches colourless and blue-green vessel glass and a during the 1st century AD, which previous cylindrical bottle (<131>). Sheep (Ovis aries) topographical reconstructions of 1st-century and cattle (Bos taurus) bones were recovered AD London generally show stopping short from Open Area 9, most of which showed of the site on account of the seemingly evidence of butchery. An almost complete disruptive course of the Lorteburn (Williams cattle head and several long bones, retrieved in prep; Bentley 1984). Although the stretch from a pit in Open Area 10 (Fig 3) show RIURDGLGHQWLþHGDW&ROFKHVWHU+RXVHPD\ pathological changes suggesting skeletal have been a later extension, the pattern adaptation to load-bearing work indicating of north-west to south-east development that this particular cow was used for traction, seen at Mariner House appears to indicate possibly ploughing or carting. that this road would have been the focus of Environmental samples collected primarily residential development in the area. The from the pits on site were dominated by distance of the site from the road suggests waterlogged wild plant species. Wetland and that the excavations have only located the disturbed ground taxa were both common, rear portion of such buildings and external implying a damp urban waste land environ- activities such as pit digging. ment. The gullies and ditches in Open Areas 142 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig . The late Roman landscape AD 10Þ400 (Period (scale 1 600
9 and 10 may therefore have been dug to The group is unusual particularly in terms improve drainage. RI SUHVHUYDWLRQ D JUDIþWR LQVFULEHG YHVVHO The most compelling evidence for occup- (
Fig 4. Roman pot assemblage from well (S4 black-burnished-style ware (BBS cavetto rim Mars P1! (height 110mm and P! (height 10mm north Kent grey ware (NKGW poppy-head style beaker P! (height 11mm unsourced oxidised ware face pot with frilled decoration P4! (height 160mm and east Gaulish samian ware (SAMEG Dragendorff form 1 dish P! (height 7mm (for context information see Table al 7KH JUDIþWR LQVFULEHG LQWR derived from ɁɇɂɌɍɁɍԓ, a noun meaning the middle of the vessel is complete except literally ‘through-out-way’ which is used in for the loss of the left-hand curve of the various concrete and abstract senses such third letter (epsilon). The letters are Greek as ‘passage-way’ and ‘narrative’ but also capitals reading ȟȤȠ .ȪȟȥȜ. There is a space as a medical term for ‘evacuation’ [of the after the third letter, followed by a sinuous stomach] by Hippocrates (Prog 11, 206.5), FXUYHZKLFKPD\EHDQXQLGHQWLþHGV\PERO quoted also by Galen (Hippocrates). The a ‘spacer’, or even decorative or possibly the derived ɁɇɂɌɍɁɇɈȽ would then mean ‘(agents) letter ȩ (xi) (Tomlin 2011). Most literate causing evacuation’ that is ‘purgatives’, JUDIþWL DUH SHUVRQDO QDPHV EXW JLYHQ WKDW not that this sense is actually attested, but this does not resemble any known name purging played a large part in ancient and no similar sequence of letters is known medical practice and various effective agents from Britain, interpretation is reduced to were available. The suggestion that this was conjecture. One possibility is that the last a Roman apothecary’s jar remains uncertain two letters, ȥȜ, are the Greek numeral ‘21’ LQ YLHZ RI WKH GLIþFXOWLHV RI UHDGLQJ DQG which is supported by their closeness to each interpretation. Many Roman doctors, even other, but they are not preceded by a plural in Britain, were Greek-speaking, so it is an noun-ending, or any recognisable word of attractive explanation of why a good-quality weight or capacity. vessel of British manufacture should have An alternative explanation is that been quite carefully inscribed in Greek ȟȤȠȩȪȟ(I)ȥȜ, ɁɇɂɌɍɁ(ɇ)ɈȽ was intended, the (Tomlin 2011). double zigzag of ȩ being reduced to a double The face pot (
Fig . The late Saxon landscape c.AD 90Þ100 (Period 4 , with Hertstrete to the north (scale 1 600 were recovered. In contrast a solitary, recut Saxon pitting took place within a regulated cesspit in Open Area 13 was the only feature V\VWHPRISURSHUW\XQLWVGHþQHGE\GLWFKHV to the south. A comparable pattern of activity and fences. The pattern of late Saxon dev- was observed in the pre-Conquest phase elopment observed in other City of London at Lloyd’s Register of Shipping (site code excavations such as at 1 Poultry was for the FCC95; Fig 1) where the focus of pitting was contemporary street frontage to be lined associated with buildings along the Fenchurch with timber buildings and the areas to the Street frontage (Bluer & Brigham 2006, 75). rear of these buildings to be occupied by pits Although there is no structural evidence to %XUFK 7UHYHLOþJ suggest occupation on the Mariner House As a few pits were situated close to the Hart site, the location of the pitting suggests that Street frontage (OA12; Fig 5), it implies that medieval Hertstrete or Hart Street (the the street frontage was not densely built- eastern end of this street was generally known up during the 10th and 11th centuries. In as Crutched Friars from the 17th century) fact the overall number of late Saxon pits had been laid out by this time (Fig 5). indicates a low density of occupation. Plant There were some indications that the late remains recovered from these pits show a 146 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder dominance of cultivated plants over wild )ULDUV GHHGV DW &KHVWHU 5HFRUG 2IþFH plants (barley (Hordeum sp), oats (Avena Topological information from these property sp), free-threshing wheat (Triticum aestivum/ transaction records (in the form of numerous turgidum/durum) and low concentrations recorded abutments) was converted to RI þJ Ficus carica) seeds). Two small pits topographic mapping by a process of carto- which contained stakeholes were situated at graphic reconstruction using the 19th-cent- the north end of Open Area 12, where they ury Ordnance Survey mapping, an 18th-cent- may have supported upright stakes for a XU\ VXUYH\ RI WKH 1DY\ 2IþFH2 and Ogilby fairly insubstantial fence near the Hart Street and Morgan’s map of 1676 (Ogilby & Morgan frontage (Fig 5). 1676, pl 6). An undated shallow ditch or gully (S5; Fig 5) The archaeological features excavated PD\KDYHVHUYHGDVDþHOGERXQGDU\UXQQLQJ on the site were ascribed to Open Areas in- parallel to medieval Syvedenelane (Seething dependently of the topographic mapping, Lane) and at right-angles to Hertstrete. This with individual tenements and the bound- feature was respected by the cesspits located DULHVEHWZHHQWKHPLGHQWLþHGIURPGLVWLQFW immediately to the west indicating that it may groups or alignments of pits. The two meth- have already existed when the pits were dug, ods reached similar conclusions and the one of which dated to AD 900—1050. tenements with their respective archaeolog- The evidence indicates the gradual dev- ical features are illustrated on Fig 6. This also elopment of the site during the 10th and DOORZHGIRUFHUWDLQWHQHPHQWVDQGWKHþQGV 11th centuries, but the low density and recovered from them to be directly linked widespread distribution of the pits suggests with the known owners or occupants named that it was not densely occupied. in the documentary sources. The archaeological evidence indicates THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STREET that the use and occupation of the site as FRONTAGE: MEDIEVAL TENEMENTS, demonstrated by pitting continued from the 1080—c.1265 (PERIOD 5) late Saxon period (Period 4) through the 12th and 13th centuries. However, within this On the eve of the foundation of Crossed period the character of occupation changed Friars (c.1265), the block of land to the from occasional pitting in a broadly open north of Tower Hill was typical of most landscape to concentrated, localised activity of the City: on the Hart Street (Hertstete) ZLWKLQ GHþQDEOH SURSHUW\ ERXQGDULHV 2Q frontage lay a number of small property the basis of dated material recovered from holdings, generally consisting of two or more these pits, the foundation of the tenements separately rented ‘messuages’, houses with and the development of the street frontage an adjacent small yard or garden (Fig 6). can be broadly dated to the second half of To the rear of these smaller properties, and the 12th century. fronting on to the less busy roads of Seething Lane (Syvedenelane) and Woodruff Lane Tenements 1 and 2 (Woderovelane), were bigger properties with large areas of garden. The landowners — just The documentary evidence for these two as for much of London at this time — included properties survives from the late 14th century wealthy families with long-standing London when they were owned by the nunnery of connections such as the Frowyks (Tenement St Helen Bishopsgate and the Augustinian 8; see Period 6), and early London religious priory of Holy Trinity Aldgate respectively houses such as the Augustinian priory of (Hodgett 1971, 30—1). These properties fell Holy Trinity (Tenements 13—16; see below) outside the area of the site (Fig 6) and have and the ancient nunnery of Barking Abbey not been subject to previous archaeological (Tenement 12; see below). investigations. The principal documentary source for understanding these tenements is a series Tenement 3 of property transaction records: the records of the Court of Husting (at London Metro- Although no documentary evidence for the politan Archives) and some surviving Crossed early history of this property survives, a well- Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 147
Fig 6. (above Tenements in the area of Crossed Friars in the 1th century (scale 1 100 , and (below the 1th- and 1th-century archaeological features in the tenements (Period (scale 1 600 148 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder dated sequence of pits in Open Area 16 (Fig WKH EDFNþOOHG VKDOORZ GLWFK 6 3HULRG 6) provides good archaeological evidence Fig 5), set back about 10m from the street for the establishment of this tenement by the frontage. Comparable examples of medieval mid-13th century. tenements in the Cheapside area indicate The earliest pits in the sequence were a that the nearest 5—10m of these plots to the large rectangular pit and an adjacent circular street frontage would have been occupied SLWZKLFKZHUHEDFNþOOHGZLWKOLWWOHPRUHWKDQ by timber buildings and that the associated silt, brickearth and occasional fragments of digging of pits took place in the backyards pottery dated c.1240—70. These were super- EHKLQGWKHVHEXLOGLQJV 6FKRþHOGet al 1990, seded by an intercutting circular pit and a ÞþJ contemporary rectangular pit located 2.5m The circular pit produced an impressive to the south. The rectangular pit contained group of well-preserved pottery which DVRIWRUJDQLFþOOZLWKGHFRPSRVLQJZRRG comprised 11 ceramic vessels of which four perhaps the collapsed lining of a cesspit, and were largely intact. A preference for ‘pear- a small amount of pottery dated c.1240—70. shaped’ jugs in London-type ware (LOND) is 7KHVWDUNGLIIHUHQFHVLQWKHþOOVEHWZHHQWKLV apparent, with three smashed examples and and the circular pit which contained silty a fourth surviving intact (
Fig 7. An assemblage of 1th-century tableware from Tenement London-type ware (LOND pear-shaped Mugs P6!Þ P! and north French yellow-glazed ware (NFR< Mug P9! (for context information see Table ( P6! height 60mm Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 149 in the distinctive ‘Rouen-style’ (ibid, 28—9). VLOW\þOOVGDWHGWRÞVKRZWKDWLWZDV A polychrome jug with a deep collared rim contemporary with the pits in Tenement (
RI WKLV SLW JURXS ZKLFK LV DOVR UHÿHFWHG LQ $XJXVWLQLDQSULRU\RI+RO\7ULQLW\LQWKHþUVW the associated faunal and environmental half of the 13th century and later formed remains, including cereal grains and animal the foundation bequest given to Crossed bones, including a pheasant (Phasianus Friars in the 1260s. The names of the owners colchicus) tibia. before Holy Trinity and the tenants renting the properties before the friars are given in Tenements 6—8 the former’s cartulary; Tenement 13 appears to have contained at least two houses. These Nothing is known of these tenements were granted by Philip de Belvaco to Holy historically until the 14th century when Trinity in 1252—3 and the tenement was Tenements 6 and 7 were granted to the occupied by Stephen de Eldyng. Tenement Crossed Friars by their respective owners 14 is probably one of three quit-rents (Period 6). Tenement 8, however, was not granted to Holy Trinity Priory by Reginald acquired by the friary and this large property de Mallyng in 1222 and 1232 and was on Seething Lane may have originally inc- later occupied by William the Carpenter. luded Tenements 1 to 5 and perhaps Tene- Tenement 15 is probably the 1s 8d quit-rent ments 6 and 7 as well. A single, circular pit granted to Holy Trinity by John Renger, the containing occasional pottery fragments gift of Roger le Pestur, in 1250 and 1258, and dated to c.1140—1220 presumably lay in the which was occupied by Adam de Mallyng backyard area of Tenement 8 in Open Area when granted to Crossed Friars. Tenement 19 (Fig 6). 16 was situated to the south of Tenement 13 and was occupied by Robert de Turry/Turri Tenements 9—11 when granted to the friary (Hodgett 1971, 25, 28—30, 234—5; Stow 1908, i, 147). Tenements 10 and 11 (Fig 6) were owned The archaeological record of Tenements by Herildis, daughter of William Burgoine 13, 15 and 16 is limited as these areas were in the third quarter of the 13th century.5 largely unexcavated. However, Open Area The area occupied by these tenements was LGHQWLþHGIURPWKHGRFXPHQWDU\UHFRUGV subject to limited excavation and extensive as Tenement 14 (Fig 6) provided some of truncation along the street frontage and did the best preserved and diverse evidence for not reveal any archaeological features. the development and character of medieval occupation. Tenement 12 Two groups of intercutting rubbish pits There is no surviving documentation about located by the eastern boundary represent the property, but records for the adjacent activity throughout the 12th century (Fig 6, properties show that this large block of land Tenement 14). One of the earliest pits, dated was owned by Barking Abbey. The abbey to c.1080—1150 from fragments of LOND had long owned ten ‘manors’ in this part and early medieval shell-tempered ware of London thanks to an early land bequest (EMSH), was distinguished by a charcoal- by Wulfhere, brother of King Æthelred of ULFK þOO DGKHULQJ WR WKH VLGHV ZKLFK PD\ Mercia, in the 7th century AD (Sturman have been the burnt remains of a barrel or 1961, 123).6 a timber lining. Archaeological evidence of early medieval The second group of pits, dated to c.1170— activity was limited to a small number of 1200, produced a medium-sized assemblage intercutting cess and rubbish pits in Open of jugs in LOND and a shelly-sandy ware Area 15 (Fig 6) dated from c.1080 to c.1200 (SSW) bowl used for food preparation and from occasional fragments of LCOAR jugs. serving. The associated faunal assemblage These features were located in the central mainly consisted of the long, meat-bearing part of the tenement where they presumably bones of cattle and sheep/goat (Ovis aries/ lay in a garden area. Capra hircus), though the presence of mandibles and pelvic fragments could Tenements 13—16 indicate that relatively poor cuts of meat were being consumed. A single pit in this These tenements were acquired by the group contained a pair of left and right Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 151 dog (Canis familiaris) pelvises with butchery shell palette (<345>) containing iron oxide marks caused during the disarticulation of pigment (Paynter 2011). At least nine other the femoral joint. Although it is possible the oyster shell palettes have been found in the animal was knackered to feed other dogs, City of London (Blackmore 2011b, 1—2) and this may well point to an incident of dog they are often associated with the decoration consumption, normally linked to times of of churches or other high-status buildings. famine (Smith 1998). The faunal evidence Tenement 14 also contained a chalk- is comparable with that from Tenement 4 lined cesspit with tapered sides (Fig 6). (OA17), which revealed many similarities These reusable stone-lined cesspits became in species and composition. This contrasts common in the City of London from the with the dietary evidence from Tenement 5 13th century onwards as it appears that due (OA18), where the presence of wild bird and to the increasing density of population many roe deer together with the higher proportion people no longer had access to external of pig (Sus scrofa) elements may suggest that DUHDVWRGLJXQOLQHGSLWV 6FKRþHOGet al 1990, the occupants had a higher social status. 173—5). Many of these stone-lined cesspits, The character of occupation changed including this example, remained in use for in the 13th century when two large, FHQWXULHVDQGRIWHQWKHLUþQGVRQO\UHODWHWR rectangular, timber-lined tanks and a WKHLUþQDOXVDJH VHH3HULRG%EHORZ cistern were positioned in a roughly north— south alignment through the centre of the Tenements 17—20 tenement (OA14; Fig 6, Tenement 14). The southernmost two were very similar in Nothing is known of the history of Tenements dimensions and construction, measuring 17 and 20 until the early 14th century (see c.2m deep. The southernmost tank was below, Period 6). In the third quarter of the the best preserved, retaining numerous 13th century Tenements 18 and 19 were stakeholes along the perimeter of the base owned by Geoffrey of Schanketon who had and the remains of timber joists on the bought Tenement 18 from Ingulph the Baker base and sides. Most of the timbers of the and Tenement 19 from Saer de Abyndon second tank had been stripped away before (Abingdon) (Rees 1997, 155). These tene- EDFNþOOLQJOHDYLQJSDWFKHVRIWKHFOD\OLQLQJ ments fell outside the limits of the site, and adhering to the sides, which suggests it was previous excavations (site codes ARC81, designed to contain liquids. The function SEN91, SVA10, TRY88; Fig 1) in this area did of these tanks is uncertain, though water not uncover any archaeological evidence of storage for an undetermined industrial this date. function is a possibility. The northernmost WDQNDSSHDUVWRKDYHIDOOHQLQWRGLVXVHþUVW THE FOUNDATION OF THE PRIORY, DQGZDVEDFNþOOHGZLWKGHSRVLWVRIVLOWZKLFK c.1265—1350 (PERIOD 6) contained occasional fragments of plaster The Church and mortar, peg tiles and a sherd from a LOND vessel with repair holes (<352>), The priory of Crossed Friars was founded dated to c.1180—1270. The tank was replaced along Hart Street in the 1260s or thereabouts. by a circular well (Fig 6), which may have The priory was probably the second English been contemporary with the southernmost house of an order of regular canons now tank and which contained pottery dated to known as Crosiers, but who in 13th-century c.1180—1300. The timber-lined structure England were known as cruciferi (‘crossed located to the north-east was slightly smaller [brethren]’) or fratres sancte crucis (‘brothers but was the deepest of the three, at almost of the Holy Cross’). The order originated at 3m deep. The sides retained traces of a Clairlieu near Huy in the Duchy of Basse- timber lining except in the lower part, which Lorraine (modern Belgium) in the early suggests it may have been a cistern supplied 13th century, beginning as a group running from the water table through an open base. a small monastic hospice and evolving into 7KHSULPDU\VDQGDQGJUDYHOþOOFRQWDLQHG an order of regular canons following a occasional fragments of LOND and KING blend of Dominican and Augustinian rules. dated to c.1240—1300 and a complete oyster 7KH\ IRXQGHG WKHLU þUVW KRXVH LQ (QJODQG 152 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder at Whaplode in Lincolnshire in the 1240s friaries at this time, with the exception of and these friar-like canons were regarded as the short-lived Pied Friars. Initially, the friars, even though they did not follow the Crossed Friars relied on begging for alms, strict mendicant ideal of poverty but instead but they were soon able to supplement this owned property to provide rental income in with income from a property portfolio and, the normal monastic way (Hayden 1964, 92— increasingly, by the provision of spiritual 6; 1989, 148—52; Van den Bosch 1992, 21—2, services. Like the other friars, they heard the 29—33). The London house was initially confessions of Londoners and performed known as the priory of the Holy Cross,7 but commemorative chantry Masses and annual the priory and, indeed, the English order anniversary services for the souls of the became known as the Crutched or Crouched deceased. The presence of some foreign- )ULDUVE\WKHHDUO\WKFHQWXU\LQÿXHQFHG born Crossed friars meant that they could by the English pronunciation of the Latin hear confessions in Dutch (and probably cruciferi.8 The friars referred to themselves, French) from alien merchants living in in a more correct translation of the Latin, as London (Röhrkasten 2004, 73—85, 457—65). Crossed Friars.9 7KH þUVW WDVN RI WKH VPDOO JURXS RI IULDU The Tudor historian John Stow records canons who arrived in London in the 1260s a tradition that the London Crossed Friars was to fund raise and build a chapel. Henry was founded by Ralph Hosiar and William III, a generous benefactor of London’s Sabernes in about 1298 (Stow 1908, i, 147). religious houses, granted them 20 marks Even though the foundation date stated by (equivalent to £13 6s 8d) in May 1269 and Stow is too late, the names of the founders reminded the City Corporation of his earlier are likely to be correct: an earlier Ralph the command (the date of which is unknown) Hosier owned land in this area in the late that they too should give money for the new 12th century and a later Ralph was a witness chapel or oratory (oratorium) (CLR 1267—72, in a London transaction of c.1240; William 81).12 In 1270 the king granted six oaks Sabern seems to have been active in the from the royal forest, suggesting that work third quarter of the 13th century (Hodgett on the roof of their church choir or chapel 1971, 28; Kerling 1973, 20, 129). The exact was shortly to begin, and three years later date of the foundation remains uncertain another document refers to the delivery of but the evidence points to the second half timber (CCR 1268—72, 232; Röhrkasten 2004, RI WKH V WKH KRXVH LV þUVW UHFRUGHG ,IWKHþUVWFKDSHORUFKRLUZDVFRPSOHWHG in May 1269 when the king contributed to in the 1270s, construction of the complete the construction of their chapel. This royal church took a little longer. In March 1320 command — a reissue of an earlier order — works on the church were drawing to an came four years after a more general royal end: a rental agreement between the friars letter of protection was issued to the English and their landlord, Holy Trinity Priory just order (CPR 1258—66, 456; CLR 1267—72, 81; down the road, refers to both the church Röhrkasten 2004, 62). The friars gradually and its cemetery but states that the former acquired the land for their precinct over the was ‘as yet undedicated’ (nondum dedicata) following decades, with the earliest surviving and the latter ‘as yet unconsecrated’ property deed dating to the 1270s,10 followed (nondum benedictum) (Hodgett 1971, 29—30, by new acquisitions in 1295 and in the 1320s 234—5).13 The rental agreement gives us (Rees 1997, 155).11 By the 1330s the prior WKH GLPHQVLRQV RI WKH XQþQLVKHG FKXUFK turned his attention to the acquisition of 26¼ ells by 9¼ ells (24.0m x 8.5m); the land outside London, land which would measurements could, however, be internal or provide valuable rental income to maintain external, or simply refer to the parcel of land the London house, suggesting that the early in which the church was built. The following precinct was complete (CPR 1330—4, 41, 49, year, a legal dispute between the friary and 197, 223, 416; 1334—8, 222). their other landlord implies that the Crossed By the late 13th century the Crossed Friars Friars church had been completed: bailiffs formed a moderately sized religious house acting for Barking Abbey entered the church with just under 30 residents; they were, and walked through to the cloister in order therefore, the smallest of the seven London to seize goods (Cam 1968—9, ii, 196—202). Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 153
Fig . The northÞsouth orientated east wall of the 14th-century church (B with the pier foundations spaced .Þm apart, looking west
The excavations revealed the truncated westwards (into an area that was mostly foundations for the east wall of the late unexcavated). If the dimensions given for 13th- or early 14th-century church (B3; the width of the church in the 1320 rental Figs 8 and 9). These were aligned north agreement, cited above, are interpreted as to south and comprised a row of four internal measurements then they match the substantial pier foundations constructed excavated masonry. The church appears to from compacted, coursed chalk rubble with have possessed a simple rectangular plan RFFDVLRQDO IUDJPHQWV RI ÿLQW DQG UDJVWRQH without aisles. bonded with a yellow sandy mortar. The Some contemporary building materials foundations were rectangular and spaced which may have formed part of the original 2.5m to 3m apart, centre to centre. Three of fabric of the church were found in later the foundations were fully or partly located demolition deposits or reused in later RYHU WKH EDFNþOOHG WDQNV DQG ZHOO RI WKH EXLOGLQJV7ZRW\SHVRIGHFRUDWHGÿRRUWLOH previous tenement (Tenement 14, Period 5; produced in the second half of the 13th Fig 6) and so the bases of these particular century or early years of the 14th century piers had to be reinforced with clusters of were recovered: these were of ‘Westminster’ wooden piles. Two of the piers retained the type, of which seven were found, and six stubs of the relieving arches that linked these examples of Eltham Palace/Lesnes Abbey foundations, on which the superstructure of type (
Fig 9. (above The 14th-century precinct of Crossed Friars and the adMacent tenements (outlined in green (scale 1 100 , and (below archaeological features of the 1th and 14th century (Period 6 (scale 1 600 Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 155
Fig 10. Decorated ÿoor tiles from Crossed Friars ßWestminster’ ÿoor tiles T1! and T! ÿoor tile designs belonging to the Eltham/Lesnes group, T!Þ T6! and pre-Black Death Penn tile T! (for context information see Table 1 (scale 1 6, except T1! and T! 1 tiles have previously unpublished designs: building materials recovered were ceramic one shows a brown heraldic design on a URRþQJ WLOHV 6HYHUDO SHJ URRþQJ WLOHV DQG yellow background (
Fig 11. An ßash burial’ a 6Þ year old man laid on a bed of charcoal in his cofþn >1101@, looking south (0.m scale x 22.9m x 12.8m) (Hodgett 1971, 29—30, preserve the corpse or perhaps as a symbol 234—5).14 of penance. This particular form of burial A total of nine articulated supine human practice was relatively common in medieval EXULDOVZHUHIRXQGRQWKHVLWHþYHRIZKLFK London (Gilchrist & Sloane 2005, 121, 127; can be attributed to this period. Although Daniell 1997, 159). it was not possible to date all the burials to The partial remains of three nearby DQ\ VSHFLþF SHULRG ZLWK FHUWDLQW\ DOO ZHUH skeletons had been truncated by later activity located close to the east wall of the 14th- leaving only the lower limbs in the graves. century church within the external cemetery A further four exhumed graves could be (OA23; Fig 9). Several of the burials had attributed to this period, three of which were been truncated or disturbed by later inter- located in the same north—south orientated ments or activity. All the burials, where sex row of burials outside the church wall. could be determined, were either adult Occasional fragments of worn, 14th-century men or probable males. All the burials were 3HQQÿRRUWLOHVUHFRYHUHGIURPWKHEDFNþOOV orientated west—east, with their heads to the of these graves suggest they were exhumed west and arms by their sides. following the eastern extension of the church The most complete skeleton of this period in the mid-14th century (discussed below was that of a 26—35 year old man, [1101], in Period 7). The fourth exhumed grave, interred against the church wall. The [1253], must also belong to this period as it skeleton had been interred in a rectangular was located beneath a chalk footing relating FRIþQWKHVKDSHRIZKLFKZDVPDUNHGE\D to this extension of the church. charcoal lining and three iron nails (Fig 11). This is an example of an ‘ash burial’, where The Cloister VXFK PDWHULDO ZDV SODFHG LQVLGH WKH FRIþQ possibly as a desiccating agent to dry out and By the time of a legal dispute of 1321, the Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 157 friars had already built a cloister to the south midden-like deposits of oyster and mussel of the church and a garden beyond. A friar shells and animal bones. The moderate described how bailiffs acting for Barking quantities of ceramics recovered were dated Abbey ‘came into our church [from the to c.1240/1270—1350. The fragmentary street] and passed through it as far as our FKDUDFWHU RI WKH þQGV LQGLFDWHV WKDW WKHVH cloister, and there took the said bell and SLWV ZHUH JUDGXDOO\ LQþOOHG UDWKHU WKDQ then went to our garden and there took an TXLFNO\ EDFNþOOHG UHVXOWLQJ LQ DVVHPEODJHV axe, and then came back as far as the cloister comprising fragmented pottery mixed with and wrenched a bell hanging from a chain’. smaller quantities of residual Roman pot- Another witness described how the bailiffs tery. This contrasts with the relatively well- passed through the cloister in order to enter preserved animal bone assemblage which the refectory (situated, therefore, possibly included, in descending order of quantity, on the south or east side of the cloister) and elements of sheep/goat, cattle, pig with took another bell and two books (Cam 1968— smaller amounts of chicken (Gallus gallus), 9, ii, 196—202). The cloister must also have goose, probably domestic goose (Anser housed the dormitory, presumably on the anser domesticus), cod (Gadus morhua) and XSSHUÿRRUWKHFKDSWHUKRXVHDQGSHUKDSV ÿRXQGHUSODLFH 3OHXURQHFWLGDH 7KH the kitchen. faunal remains included many butchered No archaeological evidence for the early elements, which may indicate the nearby 14th-century claustral range of buildings was location of the kitchen and refectory, from found. The cloister may have been under where the bones could have been disposed construction at this time, perhaps with only a of directly into the pits. couple of its ranges completed. In London’s $ VPDOO QXPEHU RI þQGV DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK other friaries, the cloisters were built as the construction of the friary buildings were part of a planned programme: choir, then recovered from the quarries, including a cloister, then nave. In each case the cloister large lead stylus (<41>; Fig 12), possibly used was situated on the side of the church which for marking stones during building, and a was furthest from the main road and beside possible iron tool or stake (<52>). These the soon-to-be-built nave (Holder 2011, 201, complement the fragment of Reigate stone þJ with a mason’s mark recovered from one of the graves in the cemetery. The Friary Precinct: Gardens and Land The area to the south of the quarries was Management occupied by a number of intercutting rubbish pits which contained a similar range, but in Much of the large area of land to the south of smaller quantities, of ceramic vessels, animal the church previously occupied by Tenement bones and building debris to the quarry pits. 12 does not appear to have been developed A large, oval quarry pit/pond (measuring in the early 14th century. Instead, groups of 7m by 4m) located near the western quarry, rubbish and cesspits were clearly dug boundary of the precinct in Open Area 20 here within designated zones. )LJ FRQWDLQHG D SULPDU\ þOO RI RUJDQLF The location of the eastern boundary of PDWHULDO LQWHUOHDYHG ZLWK þQH VDQG\ OHQVHV the early 14th-century precinct in Open Area suggesting this feature had been left open 20 (Fig 9) was determined by the north— and silted up over a long period of time. south alignment of a number of closely 7KH SULPDU\ þOO LV GDWHG WR c.1240—1350 spaced quarry and rubbish pits which appear by a single sherd of London-type ware to respect a property boundary shared with /21' ZKLFKOLQNVZLWKWKHSULPDU\þOORI Tenement 18 fronting on to Woderovelane the adjacent ditch (S6), in which two other (Woodruff Lane). joining fragments of the same vessel were The quarry pits exploited deposits of brick- recovered. The northern terminus of this earth and gravel, and once these resources were ditch extended as far as the north edge of exhausted the quarries became convenient the pond, suggesting that it functioned as rubbish pits. Large amounts of building a water management feature feeding into GHEULV LQFOXGLQJ SODVWHU FKDON URRþQJ DQG the old quarry pit creating a rudimentary ÿRRU WLOHV ZHUH GLVSRVHG RI WRJHWKHU ZLWK pond. Ponds were not uncommon features 158 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig 1. Tool associated with the construction of the friary stone-marking lead stylus 41! >60@ (scale 1 1 in urban monasteries (Bond 1993, 71) and Area 20, the ceramic remains from the ditch its location by the western boundary of the (S6) were notable for their good preservation monastery, away from the utilitarian activities and completeness: two Kingston-type ware of pitting and quarrying in the eastern half, highly decorated style (KING HD) jugs and a may indicate it was located in a designated rare, LOND aquamanile were recovered. The garden area. A comparative example seen aquamanile appears to be the breast portion in the Augustinian priory of Holywell (Bull of a bird, possibly a mythical beast such as et al 2011, 72) could suggest such pond-like D JULIþQ ZLWK WKH WZR VLGH DWWDFKPHQWV features were created by collecting roof water possibly wings (
Fig 1. Ceramics from the friary London-type ware (LOND aquamanile P10! and Kingston-type ware (KING anthropomorphic rounded Mug P11! and pear-shaped Mug P1! (for context information see Table ( P10! height 140mm refectory tables to ensure the provision of LQGLFDWHVWKDWWKLVPDUNRIUHþQHPHQWZDVQRW jugs of beer (ibid, 148—9) though a similar exclusive to the monastic community. bias towards pouring and drinking vessels was The apparent lack of variety in the dis- observed in the tenements. Only the pits from carded kitchen waste and ceramics may re- Tenements 4 and 14 (OA21, OA14) mostly ÿHFWWKHUHODWLYHO\VPDOODQGPRGHVWVL]HRI contained cooking pots and dripping dishes, the 14th-century friary compared to some indicating this material was discarded from of the larger religious orders. For example, nearby food preparation and cooking areas. this order had trouble expanding outside of This site is one of just three London sites London due to lack of funds (Hayden 2000, — Billingsgate Market Lorry Park (site code 423). BIG82) and Hosier Lane (site code HSN99) One of the notable aspects of the faunal being the other two — that has yielded more DVVHPEODJH IURP WKH EDFNþOOHG TXDUULHV LV than one aquamanile. The washing of hands the apparent lack of variety in the monastic before meals was a rule of all the monastic diet. There was a limited range of bird orders, but particularly in the Augustinian and mammal remains and the absence of Orders which stressed the need for this þVK UHPDLQV LV VXUSULVLQJ FRQVLGHULQJ WKH instruction to be assiduously followed LPSRUWDQFHRIþVKWRPRQDVWLFFRPPXQLWLHV (Greene 1992, 116). The recovery of an The animal bone recovered shows a heavy bias aquamanile from within the monastic precinct towards sheep/goat and cattle, supplemented PD\ UHÿHFW VXFK UHOLJLRXV REVHUYDQFHV DQG by pork with both meat-bearing and butchery practices, but the discovery of a second waste in equal measure suggesting the friary aquamanile from an adjacent tenement may have butchered animals on-site rather (Tenement 4, discussed below;
Fig 14. The head of London-type ware (LOND aquamanile P1! from Tenement 4 (for context information see Table (scale 1 4 Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 161 a previous example of this form with this shaped cesspit, were interspersed with lenses same rim and dot decoration is known from of sand suggesting a sustained period of use. waterfront dumps at Billingsgate Market This is supported by the quantity of pottery Lorry Park (site code BIG82; Pearce et al discarded within the pit which included a þJQR WKLVþQGUHPDLQVD range of fragmented, but highly decorated rare example which is securely provenanced style baluster jugs in London-type (LOND to a secular household. HD) and Kingston-type ware (KING HD) together with MG conical jugs indicating the Tenement feature was used during the late 13th century (c.1270—1300). John Hurel sold this tenement to Henry Nearby were the fragmentary chalk found- Orpedman in 1271 (Fig 9). Recorded owners ations of a single- (not illustrated) and a after this include Roger de Wantham by the two-celled structure (Fig 9), interpreted as late 1290s, then Cecilia de Lamore, wife or single- and double-unit cesspits. ZLGRZRIDOLPQHUFDOOHG5DOSKDQGþQDOO\-RKQ de Stratford. De Stratford’s executors granted Former Tenements 9Þ1 the property to the Crossed Friars in 1328 as part of a contract to perform commemorative Tenements 9—12 were gradually acquired Masses and funeral anniversaries for him by the Crossed Friars and incorporated into and his wife Constance.18 Unfortunately, no their precinct (cf Figs 6 and 9). Tenement archaeological remains of this tenement sur- 9 was described in 1299 as ‘two houses with vived. adjacent curtilages’ when the son and wife of the late William Burgoine granted it to Tenement 6 the woolmonger Adam Hunteman. In 1324 Hunteman granted the property to the This property seems to have consisted of at Crossed Friars and it became the site of their least two separate houses or tenements (not main gate with, to the east, one of the older illustrated). In 1343 the potter Simon de houses on the street frontage, probably Hathfeld granted the prior of Crossed Friars retained as a rented tenement.22 Tenements a life-lease on one of the parts, although 10 and 11 were the property of the Burgoine 12 years later de Hathfeld quitclaimed or family in the late 13th century, and passed released the property to John atte Walle, cap- from William Burgoine to his daughter maker (Chew 1965, 96—8).19 Herildis. In 1276 or 1277 she granted the property on Tenement 10 to the Crossed Tenement 7 Friars, and in 1295 she sold them the parcel of land on Tenement 11 on a long lease of 200 In 1328 the cap-maker Gilbert le Hurer and years.23 There is little surviving documentary his wife Christina granted his ‘land built up evidence for Tenement 12, but the friary 20 with houses’ to the Crossed Friars (Fig 9). rented it from Barking Abbey by the early 14th century and it is generally described as Tenement the ‘garden of the friars’ (Cam 1968—9, ii, 196—202).24 There were no contemporary This tenement was a large property on archaeological remains associated with these Seething Lane (Fig 9). The property was tenements. described in 1328 as a ‘tenement with houses and a garden’: it had been owned by Roger Tenements 1Þ16 de Frowyk and in that year his widow Idonea and his other executors granted it to Walter These tenements formed the site of the le Hurer, woolmonger, and his wife Mathilda. friary’s original church and churchyard in The following year they granted it to William the 1260s and were the foundation bequest Curteys of Bricklesworth.21 (a lease rather than an outright gift) of The digging of pits continued in this tene- Ralph Hosiar and William Sabernes (Fig 9). ment with a couple of large, oval pits dug The Crossed Friars still paid Holy Trinity in the same area as in Period 5 (OA19; Fig Priory an annual rent of 13s 8d in 1320 and 7KHþOOVRIWKHODUJHVWRIWKHVHDQRYDO it is not clear when the friars acquired full 162 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder ownership of the property (Hodgett 1971, seeds which may also be eaten for medicinal 25, 29—30, 234—5; Cam 1968—9, ii, 196—202; reasons or crushed to produce linseed oil as Stow 1908, i, 147). a food preservative. The location of the church to the rear of the roadside tenements suggests their Tenements 17Þ19 continued maintenance and there is some archaeological evidence for their occupation Tenement 17 on the corner of Hart Street and during the early years of the friary. Woodruff Lane was occupied by Constance The property on Tenement 14 (OA14; de Stratford in the early 14th century (Fig Fig 9) may have been occupied during the 9). In 1335 the skinner Gilbert de Lincoln construction of the church in the late 13th and his wife Agnes granted it to the mercer FHQWXU\ WKH þOOV RI D FLUFXODU EDUUHOOLQHG John de Colewell, and it was described as a well or soakaway sunk through the centre tenement with four shops and an adjacent of the earlier cistern contained ceramics garden (Hodgett 1971, 30).25 Tenement closely dated to c.1270—1300. In contrast to 18 was probably leased by the Augustinian the highly decorated jugs recovered from abbey of Lilleshall (Shrops) to the Crossed other tenements at this time, the assemblage Friars by the 1320s, and the friars may in turn is characterised by cooking vessels and have rented it out rather than incorporating dripping dishes. These include the sooted it into their precinct immediately: William upper portions of two LOND jars and the Wynnehelm was named as the tenant in UHFRQVWUXFWDEOH SURþOHV RI WZR .,1* MDUV about 1335. Lilleshall leased Tenement 19 with applied horizontal thumbed decoration to the carpenter Henry Clement and his displaying similar residues of use. Recovered wife Joan in 1354. The property was then together with a LOND tripod pipkin, this described as a ‘cottage and an adjacent assemblage represents one of the few curtilage containing two plots’ for which the divergences of ceramic cooking forms over measurements are given; it is not clear if one the dominant jar form. The implied use of of these plots was still being leased by the this feature in the late 13th century suggests friars (Rees 1997, 155).26 These tenements the tenement building was maintained, largely lie outside the site footprint and no either leased out or occupied by the friars archaeological features were observed here themselves, during construction of the during the excavations. conventual buildings. Although small, the faunal and botanical Tenement 0 assemblages from this well were equally informative. The majority of the cattle re- The City Corporation owned a garden by mains consisted of foot elements whereas the the friars’ precinct in the 14th century, sheep/goat bones were mainly mandibles, adjacent to the open space or ‘roumland’ of both of which appear to represent primary le Tourhill (Tower Hill) (Fig 9). The tenant processing (butchery) rather than con- in 1347 was the clerk John de Foxtone (Cal 27 VXPSWLRQZDVWH0RUHWKDQþVKHOHPHQWV Lbk F, 175, 248). were recovered from the samples taken from WKH þOOV DQG LQFOXGHG YHUWHEUDO IUDJPHQWV THE EXPANSION OF THE FRIARY of cod, haddock (Melanogrammus aegleþnus), TO THE DISSOLUTION, c.1350—1538 herring family (Clupidae) including herring (PERIOD 7) (Clupea harengus SODLFHÿRXQGHU VPHOW (Osmeridae) and thornback ray (RaMa Like all London’s religious houses, Crossed clavata GHUPDO VSLQHV VXJJHVWLQJ WKH þVK Friars must have lost many brethren in the were brought in after removal of the head and Black Death pandemic of 1348—9, and then tail (Morris 2009). This varied assemblage have experienced both recruitment and complements the ceramics and suggests the economic problems during the ensuing ZHOOZDVEHLQJLQþOOHGZLWKUXEELVKIURPWKH decades. Only 13 friars remained to sign a kitchen. The botanical remains included þQDQFLDOO\ LPSRUWDQW DJUHHPHQW ZLWK -RKQ a number of charred cereal grains, but of de Causton in 1350, and numbers do not SDUWLFXODU LQWHUHVW ZHUH WKH FKDUUHG ÿD[ seem to have picked up until the early 16th Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 163 century (Röhrkasten 2004, 83—4). In spite of the century, a charismatic English friar, of rising food prices and labour costs, the William Bowry, became prior and managed house seems to have fared well economically: to build up a network of lay supporters it was fairly successful in attracting chantry among London’s merchants and aliens, Mass agreements and bequests from both raising money for the rebuilding of the Londoners and aliens, and it expanded priory and for another enlargement of his its property portfolio of rent-earning church. Bequests from Londoners rose tenements. Houses within the precinct were dramatically, so much so that in an imagin- rented out as early as 1350 in order to raise ary London league table of friary popularity income.28 By the late 14th century the friars &URVVHG )ULDUV URVH IURP þIWK WR þUVW SODFH received about £38 a year in rents and by the in the 1520s, raising more money than even 16th century this had risen slightly to £40 8s the large and famous Dominican house of 8d (McHardy 1977, 54, 56, 69, 76; CPR 1330— Black Friars (Hayden 2000, 424—5; Röhr- 4, 49, 197, 223, 416; 1334—8, 222; 1340—3, kasten 2004, 555—6, 561, 564—7). Bowry was 345; Holder 2011, 189—90). also able to raise money for his building The friary enlarged its precinct in the late projects by the collection of alms, contracts 14th and early 15th century by acquiring to perform chantry Masses, house building additional property on Woodruff Lane and — rather more riskily — by loans (Brewer (Tenements 17—20 on Fig 9).29 The enlarged 1862—1932, ix, no. 1168).32 However, if precinct was encircled by a stone wall, part of Bowry was to achieve a great success in which survived into the 19th century having public relations and spiritual reform, he EHHQLQFRUSRUDWHGLQWKHJURXQGÿRRURID seems to have overreached himself in his row of 16th-century almshouses. The outer þQDQFLDO PDQDJHPHQW WKHUH DUH VHYHUDO precinct in the south was enclosed by an recorded court cases in the 1520s and 1530s earthen bank, described as a ‘mud wall’ on concerning the priory’s unpaid bonds and a 16th-century plan of the Tower of London loans, as well as correspondence concerning (the original plan is lost but later copies the disputed property rights of corrodians survive: Keay 2001, colour pls 1—3). and other benefactors (Röhrkasten 2004, In 1490 or 1491 disaster struck when 559).33 D WHUULEOH þUH EXUQW PXFK RI WKH SULRU\ In the 1530s, as well as having to deal with the exception of the church. Prior with accusations of treason and sexual im- Thomas Whete sold fundraising indulgences propriety, Priors John Dryver and Edmund granting the purchaser a generous 1,140 days Stretham tried to keep the friary from insolv- remission from purgatory and the document ency and to continue the stalled building described how ‘the place of the seid Prioure campaign on the church (Hayden 2000, and Convent upon Mydsomer evyn last past 432—3; Wright 1843, 59—60; Barron & Davies [23 June] by a sodeyne tempest of fyre, savyng 2007, 141; Brewer 1862—1932, ix, no. 1092). the Chirche, was devoured and destroyed to In 1534 Stretham raised £32 by selling a strip there Utter enpoverysshyng’.30 The damage of the eastern part of the precinct to Sir John was clearly fairly substantial: a Dutch religious Milbourne who, in partnership with the fraternity who met here had to move that Drapers’ Company, built a row of almshouses year to Austin Friars and parishioners of the (Archer-Thomson 1940, i, 130—5).34 Around neighbouring parish of St Dunstan in the East this time Stretham sold the outer precinct to contributed small sums towards a rebuilding John Marton and his wife Sybil, probably for programme in the second half of the 1490s, a much larger sum.35 apparently by arrangement with the king Even as Crossed Friars was busy raising (Colson 2010, 118).31 funds for its new retro-choir (see below, During the early 16th century the friary discussion of the church), the end of the made strong efforts to recover from the monastic era was fast approaching: in 1536 GLVDVWURXV þUH RI RU ,Q D a number of the smaller monasteries were group of Crossed Friars from the order’s dissolved. However, the friaries escaped the home in the Low Countries had visited the attention of the various royal inspectors of London house to give spiritual guidance 1535 and 1536 and their fate was not sealed and to promote reform. Around the turn until February 1538 when the Dominican 164 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder friar Richard Ingworth, a former provincial was given royal protection to collect alms prior and now Bishop of Dover, was for the ‘uncompleted and very costly work appointed head of the royal commission of the blessed virgin Mary’ (superonerose charged with securing the surrender of the operationi beate marie virginis ... inchoate); he English mendicant houses (Youings 1971, was still collecting in 1360 although the work 75—6; Knowles 1948—59, iii, 360—2). The VHHPVWRKDYHEHHQODUJHO\þQLVKHGE\ IULDU\þQDOO\VXUUHQGHUHGWRWKHUR\DORIþFLDO ZKHQWKHFKDSHOLVþUVWPHQWLRQHGLQDZLOO Richard Layton on 12 November 1538; there (Röhrkasten 2004, 512).37 A will of 1507 were only six friars left in the house that day mentions the statue or picture of the Virgin (Brewer 1862—1932, xiii (2), no. 807). ‘on the south side of the same [Lady] chapell The early 16th-century friary had a precinct next the south wall there’ (Röhrkasten 2004, of about 0.9ha (2¼ acres; Fig 15). In addition 512). to the church, cloister and prior’s hall there The only other chapel that can be ident- seems to have been a courtyard of buildings, LþHG LQ WKH FKXUFK DW WKLV WLPH LV D FKDSHO SHUKDSVQRWDIXOO\ÿHGJHGVHFRQGFORLVWHU dedicated to St Anne, the mother of the situated south of the church and east of the Virgin Mary, where Sir Thomas Haseley, main cloister. It included ‘le pryncypalls the under-marshall of England, asked to be chambre’, presumably the accommodation buried in his will of 1449 (Roskell et al 1992, for the head of the English order. There was iii, 309). The request for burial here by a also a building called ‘seynt barbara hall’ senior royal administrator and an important and the use of the saint’s name might suggest lay benefactor of the friary, would suggest that the hall was used by a religious fraternity that the chapel of St Anne was situated within of lay people; two London fraternities the choir. This chapel could perhaps be the dedicated to St Barbara are known and the building project referred to by two bequests existence of a third is a possibility (Barron in 1387 for ‘new work’ on the church (pro 1985, 30; Colson 2010, 112).36 This group novo opere), although the work could equally of buildings may also have included a small be the construction of aisles for the nave school and library: the Crossed Friars had a (Röhrkasten 2004, 512). short-lived house in Oxford and the friars A building campaign on the church choir continued to attend the university, so it is began in the mid-15th century: a bequest likely that the London house included a was made ‘for the construction of the new school for advanced study (Hayden 1995, choir’ (ad novum chorum fabricandum) in 82—3; Röhrkasten 2004, 484—5). The location 1455. Fourteen years later, another testator of the library is not known, but a surviving bequeathed money ‘toward the making of library book has an inscription of 1496 the Quere [choir] of the same Chirch of recording that it was part of a donation of Crowched Freers’, this time specifying that at least 31 books to the house by a Master the money was to be used ‘to make it and Gerard, perhaps the Crossed friar Gerardus Stalle it with tymbr and of Joynours Werk’ Venlowe who was ordained in 1524 (Hayden (Röhrkasten 2004, 512). The construction 1995, 80; Humphreys 1990, 242). The layout of choir stalls would imply that any major of the 1534 almshouses in two wings could VWUXFWXUDO ZRUNV KDG þQLVKHG DQG WKDW WKH suggest that the medieval buildings were project was approaching an end. The central similarly arranged, with the additions of church tower capped by a spire, which is 1534 forming a full four-sided courtyard clearly visible in Wyngaerde’s view of c.1544, of buildings (Fig 15). The 17th-century may also have been built around this time Colchester and River Streets on Ogilby and (Fig 16) (Wyngaerde c.1544, drawing ix). Morgan’s map of 1676 would thus have been Prior William Bowry began a major new GHþQHG E\ WKH ZHVW DQG VRXWK PHGLHYDO building campaign on the church in the wings of this courtyard. þUVWRUVHFRQGGHFDGHRIWKHWKFHQWXU\ 7KLV FDPSDLJQ LV þUVW HYLQFHG LQ D ZLOO The Church of 1507 which mentions ‘the new quere’ (apparently as a future project rather than Construction of a Lady chapel was begun completed building). Another will of 1518 in about 1350 when Friar Elias Belhomme mentions ‘the new fabric’ (in nove fabrice) Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 165
Fig 1. (above The friary precinct shortly before the Dissolution (scale 1 100 , and (below the archaeological evidence of the late 14th to early 16th century (Period 7 (scale 1 600 166 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig 16. The early 16th-century friary (within the outline of the site shown in the Billingsgate to Tower Wharf section of the panorama of London c.144 by Anthonis van der Wyngaerde, view looking north in the foreground south of the friary is the scaffold on Tower Hill (o Ashmolean Museum, 8niversity of Oxford, WA190.06.9
(Röhrkasten 2004, 512). In 1521 the City almshouse plot is described and measured Corporation granted the friary a strip of the from ‘the southeast corner of the said public highway, 148½ft long and 5ft wide Churche along by the kynges highwey’, the (45.3m x 1.5m), ‘for the enlargement of latter indicating Woodruff Lane. The precise their church’ (pro elargande ecclesie sue): this location of the almshouses is certain (they almost certainly meant a strip of Hart Street survived until the early 19th century) and so near the north-east corner of the priory. The the church must have extended almost as far friars may, in fact, have used the new land east as Woodruff Lane by the 1530s (even if to rebuild one or two of the rented houses it was not actually completed by that date). in Tenement 17 (Honeybourne 1929, 219; We can suggest, therefore, that Prior William Strype 1720, i (2), 74).38 %RZU\KDGSODQQHGDPDJQLþFHQWQHZUHWUR Money continued to be spent on the choir, extending the length of the church building works in the 1520s and the prior to some 75—80m (245—260ft) and thereby asked the king for a donation in c.1535, overtaking the churches of Black Friars and writing, that without such a gift they ‘shall White Friars in the process. As stated, the never be able to fynyshe the said church’.39 land sales and other evidence of the 1530s A draft response suggests that the king show that the project was nowhere near did make a contribution.40 The evidence complete. With the Dissolution of the house WKDW þ[HV WKH ORFDWLRQ RI WKLV QHZ EXLOGLQJ LQ%RZU\àVGUHDPRIDPDJQLþFHQWQHZ campaign is found in the 1534 sale of choir or retro-choir, perhaps intended as a friary land for the new almshouses.41 The smaller version of Henry VII’s Lady chapel at Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 167
:HVWPLQVWHU$EEH\ZDVþQDOO\H[WLQJXLVKHG The eastern extension appears to have been Twenty-six church burials with funerary VXEGLYLGHG LQWR WKUHH DUHDV GHþQHG E\ WZR monuments are listed in 16th-century shallow pier foundations located at the very heralds’ visitations, with another one or edge of the site (Fig 15). These foundations two tombs mentioned in wills; the Lady were constructed from large chalk blocks chapel was a particularly popular place for bonded with hard brown mortar. The burial. Three traitors executed near Tower central area (14th-century choir on Fig 15) Hill were buried here in the late 1530s in PHDVXUHG P QRUWKÞVRXWK DQG ZDV ÿRRUHG the aftermath of the Pilgrimage of Grace with mid—late 14th-century Penn tiles, six rebellion (Stow 1908, i, 147; Steer 2010a, examples of which were incorporated into 52—3; 2010b, table 1). The alabaster tomb of WKHPRUWDUEHGGLQJOD\HURIWKHÿRRUZKLFK Sir Richard Cholmeley, now in the chapel of extended between the piers, with one tile St Peter ad Vincula in the Tower of London, surviving in situ.7KLVFRQþUPVWKDWWKHÿRRU was probably moved from Crossed Friars at level inside the church stood at c.10.4m OD the time of the Dissolution by Sir Richard’s and similar patches of mortar and gravel widow, Dame Elizabeth: this tomb is thus deposits recorded at this level across this a rare surviving reminder of the glories of area may represent other remnants of this the Crossed Friars church (Steer 2010a, surface. Indeed, the majority of the Penn 51—2). Several other features of the church tiles recovered from the site (
Fig 17. Decorated Penn ÿoor tiles T7!Þ T1! and T!Þ T6! from the friary (for context information see Table 1 (scale 1 6 extension, the church was lengthened by an yellow, sandy mortar) and both extensions additional 8m, comprising a central choir together increased the length of the original PZLGHÿDQNHGE\WZRPZLGHFKDSHOVZLWK church by half again. The dating of this a north aisle of equal width (Fig 15). western extension remains uncertain, but it A fragment of a substantial chalk and may have been undertaken at the same time ragstone foundation located near the as the north aisle. The existence of the south western boundary of the precinct may aisle at this period is uncertain since this indicate that the western end of the church area was not excavated. was also extended by an additional 8m (Fig The documented mid-15th-century phase 15). It was of similar construction and depth of choir extension is probably represented to the foundations of the east wall of the by the various fragments of truncated church (1m x 1.2m deep and bonded with foundations of a large north—south wall Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 169 recorded in several trenches on the two of medieval date are 16 fragments of Caen sites on Savage Gardens (site codes ARC81 stone from Normandy. Again, most are too and SEN91; Figs 1 and 15). The two sets small to identify, but it is likely many of these of foundations differed in construction were originally window mullions. Finally, materials (chalk, and ragstone, chalk and several pieces of stained window glass were Reigate stone respectively) and so may recovered (<198> joining <201>, <203>, actually represent different phases of <205>, <206>). Some had traces of painted construction. No archaeological evidence linear borders; traces of other decoration was found for the 16th-century retro-choir are present but not intelligible. (the area has not been archaeologically On the basis of the available evidence not investigated). all the dimensions given in the 1549 survey Additional works to the main body of the of the church can be reconciled with the church also appear to have been carried archaeological and topographic evidence. out at this time, particularly in the area by The stated length of the south aisle seems to the north chapel and aisle. One of the pier þW DQG WKH IW P ZLGWK LI LW LV UHDG foundations looks to have been rebuilt or as an internal width for the whole church, underpinned in grey-mortared chalk and including the north aisle. The 180ft (54.9m) ragstone rubble, while another footing, per- length of the north aisle does correspond haps an additional support built from comp- to the length of the church from the east acted chalk fragments and sandy mortar, was end of the aisle to the conjectured precinct built just to the north of the arcade column. wall just beyond the church to the west. This contained fragments of late 15th- to However, the small area of the church early 16th-century London-made red bricks, H[FDYDWHG LV VLJQLþFDQW LQ LQWHUSUHWLQJ DQG one of which has a semicircular cut edge understanding its development. The late suggesting that it may have formed part of a 13th- or early 14th-century church appears horizontal plinth. to have formed the basic foundation for a Large quantities of building materials re- later, more complex arrangement almost covered from demolition deposits associated HQWLUHO\IXQGHGIURPþQDQFLDOEHTXHVWV7KH with the dismantling of the church in the Lady chapel for which Friar Belhomme was wake of the Dissolution provide some in- collecting alms in the mid-14th century may sight into the appearance of the vanished have been part of a larger programme of building. Some construction or paving in 14th-century building works for the church, brick is indicated by the presence of var- ZKLFKLQFOXGHGDFKRLURUFKDQFHOÿDQNLQJ ious yellow and cream bricks, thought to chapels and a north aisle. The continued have been brought to London from the expansion of the friary in the 15th and 16th Low Countries in between the 14th and centuries appears to have put the friary the mid-15th century, though their original XQGHU FRQVLGHUDEOH þQDQFLDO EXUGHQ D location within the building is uncertain. situation which was doubtless exacerbated Likewise, large numbers of plain-glazed Low E\WKH þUH &RXQWULHV ÿRRU WLOHV ZKLFK VHHP WR KDYH Two adjoining graves were discovered EHHQ þUVW XVHG LQ /RQGRQ DURXQG inside the 14th-century choir (Fig 15). The were recovered (though these could date most complete of these was of a man aged to the post-Dissolution use of the church). between 36 and 45 years old, laid out supine These tiles would have been laid in a simple with his wrists crossed over the pelvis. The chequerboard pattern with yellow-glazed position of the burial was unusual in that tiles alternating with brown and dark green- the neck was almost vertical and the centre glazed examples. Twelve fragments of of the skull lay about 110mm above the level Reigate stone moulding were found, most of of the chest. In the absence of slumping, which are too small to allow their function this suggests that the head was propped up to be determined with any certainty, though in the style of a pillow burial. It has been one appears to be the top or base of a small suggested this practice was a reference to octagonal column. It has two circular dowel the biblical story of Jacob who slept on a KROHVWRDOORZþ[WXUHWRWKHDGMDFHQWVWRQH stone pillow while dreaming of a stairway to block by means of iron pins. Probably also heaven (Genesis 28: 10—22; Gilchrist & Sloane 170 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig 1. Choir burial >11@ with belt þttings (above overhead view, north is to the bottom of the photo (0.m scale , and (right belt buckle 9! >110@ on the pelvis (10cm scale , looking east
2005, 125, 146—7). This was the only burial the digging of this grave, so were reinterred that produced any evidence of clothing, with here. Although the belt and the possible the remains of a leather belt recovered from presence of a grave pillow need not around the pelvis (Fig 18). This has a copper- necessarily indicate the high status of the alloy double D-shaped buckle (<29>; Fig 19) individual (Gilchrist & Sloane 2005, 84), the and a strap-connector (<30>; Fig 19) and is position of the grave near the spiritual heart decorated with at least three mounts of the of the church may suggest this was a person same basic form, two cinqfoils (<27>; Fig of some note, perhaps a priest or a wealthy 19) and one septfoil (<28>; Fig 19), all with benefactor. The grave of a second man (less RSHQFHQWUDOKROHVÿDQNHGE\RSSRVHGULYHWV well preserved) lay to the north, which again set closer to the edges (cf Egan & Pritchard included the bones of another individual. þJ SOF 7KHVHW\SHVRIEHOW The bones of at least 12 individuals were þWWLQJV ZHUH LQ XVH EHWZHHQ c.1350 and recovered from a charnel or ossuary pit c.1500 (ibid, 23—4, 186—95). located in the south chapel (Fig 15), though 7KH EDFNþOO RI WKLV JUDYH FRQWDLQHG WKH the date of this feature is uncertain. disarticulated bones of a 26—35 year old man, represented by parts of his skull, The Cemetery vertebrae, leg, arm and hand bones. Perhaps these disarticulated remains represent part With the construction of a Lady chapel and of an earlier burial which was disturbed by the 15th-century choir on the site of the Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 171
old cemetery, a new cemetery had to be laid out further east and north, in between the church and the road. An unknown number of burials were discovered during 19th-century building works at 22 Crutched Friars. The remains were described as ‘the EXULDOFU\SWDQGFRIþQVRIWKÞWKFHQWXU\ friars’, although they probably included lay people as well as friars (Kemp 1935, 100). An additional two burials were excavated in this area of the cemetery (OA28; Fig 15) with one inhumation cutting through the earlier grave. Both burials were heavily truncated, leaving only the skull and a few adult vertebrae in the later grave undisturbed. The earlier grave had been exhumed though DIHZULEVZHUHUHFRYHUHGIURPLWVLQþOO7KH cemetery may have extended round the east end of the 15th-century church where another burial was excavated at 26 Savage Gardens (site code ARC81; Fig 15).
The Buildings in the Precinct The Cloister
The cloister was rebuilt or repaired in the HDUO\ WK FHQWXU\ D ZLOO RI VSHFLþHV funds ‘for the work and construction of the cloister of the church’ (ad opus et ediþcationem claustri eiusdem ecclesie) (Röhrkasten 2004, 512; Fig 15). A 1549 survey of the former friary gives the dimensions of the cloister — probably the open space of the cloister garth — as 48ft by 42ft (14.6m x 12.8m), a rather modest size for the cloister of a religious house.44 These dimensions closely match those of the open space known as Burnt Yard on Ogilby and Morgan’s map of 1676 and it is likely that the 17th-century yard was the topographic remnant of the medieval cloister (Honeybourne 1929, 223—4; Ogilby & Morgan 1676, pl 6, L.62). The dormitory SUREDEO\IRUPHGWKHXSSHUÿRRURIWKHHDVW side of the cloister (to allow night-time access WRWKHFKRLURIWKHFKXUFK LWZDVVSHFLþHG in the lease of this part of the old friary after the Dissolution.45 The refectory may have been on the south side of the rebuilt cloister,
Fig 19. Elements of the leather belt from burial >11@ copper-alloy buckle 9!, strap-connector 0! and decorative cinqfoils 7! and septfoil ! mounts, all from >110@ (scale 1 1 172 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
RFFXS\LQJ WKH JURXQG ÿRRU RI WKH HDVW wing of the cloister or a building extending eastwards beyond the cloister (Holder þJ )LJ 2JLOE\ DQG 0RUJDQàV map of 1676 shows a large building in this location (just east of the cloister) and it may well be an enlarged version of the medieval chapter house. We might also expect there to have been a main kitchen with an external courtyard, as well as outbuildings housing a bakehouse and brewhouse. A substantial north—south building shown on the Ogilby and Morgan plan of 1676 lies to the east of the cloister and is separated from it by a small yard: this might well be the surviving medieval kitchen (Ogilby & Morgan 1676, pl 6). Fig 0. Lighting the friary 1th-century socketed In the absence of archaeological evidence candlestick 4!, ! >109@ recovered from for these buildings, the location of the Structure in the cloister walkway (scale 1 kitchen east of the cloister is tentatively suggested by a small group of rubbish pits (OA26; Fig 15) from which food waste and perhaps with a small guest-wing occupying table and kitchen wares were recovered. Two the west side. broadly contemporary pits (dated to 1240— The suggested location of the cloister 1400 and 1270—1500 respectively) contained lay in an area of the site that was largely varying amounts of common oyster and unexcavated and no walls or footings that common mussel shells, cod and probably could be directly related to its construction goose bones and butchered remains of pigs were found. A square or rectangular trunc- and sheep/goats. However, the relatively poor ated chalk-lined structure (S8; Fig 15) was preservation of the material may indicate located in the north-east corner of the WKDW WKHVH ERQHV GR QRW UHSUHVHQW VSHFLþF cloister walkway. The function of this struct- dumps, but rather redeposited material that ure is unclear though it might have been a gradually became incorporated into the soakaway to dispose of roof water or perhaps PDWUL[RIWKHSLWþOO waste water from a laver or washing place To the south of these pits was a large situated within the northern side of the rectangular cesspit measuring over 3m wide FORLVWHUZDONZD\7KHEDFNþOORIWKHVWUXFWXUH and 0.8m deep (Fig 15) which produced a was a dark brown, organic deposit dated from well-preserved collection of later medieval the fragments of pottery to c.1350—1500. The pottery and an equally impressive catalogue þOO DOVR \LHOGHG WZR LWHPV DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK RIJODVVDQGPHWDOOLFþQGV8SWRFHUDPLF lighting; a complete socketed candlestick, vessels were discarded here (85 sherds probably of brass (<34> and <35>; Fig 20) weighing 2,443g) with the later products of and the base of a hanging lamp made of the Surrey white ware industry (Pearce & JUHHQSRWDVKJODVV ! VLPLODUWRþQGV Vince 1988) the most common. The group from contexts elsewhere in the City dated to included the substantial remains of a coarse between c.1270 and c.1450 (cf.H\V þJ Surrey-Hampshire border ware (CBW) large 97.353; Tyson 2000, 141—7). rounded jug, Cheam white ware (CHEA) biconical (ibid, 167, nos 543—51) and barrel- The Chapter House and Kitchen shaped jugs (ibid Þ þJ DQG WZR so-called ‘Tudor Green’ ware (TUDG) The precise location of the Crossed Friars lobed cups. A reconstructable Langerwehe chapter house and kitchen is uncertain; stoneware (LANG) jug sourced from the by analogy with London’s other friaries we Rhineland (Hurst et al þJ ZRXOG H[SHFW WR þQG WKH FKDSWHU KRXVH
Fig 1. 1th-century ceramics, artefacts and ÿoor tiles from the cesspit in Open Area 6 Langerwehe stoneware (LANG Mug P14! (scale 1 4 copper-alloy skimmer 11! >09@ and ferrule 1! >11@ from the handle (ferrule scale 1 , skimmer 1 4, reconstruction c.1 , and mount 16! >11@ (scale 1 1 glass pedestal beaker with optic-blown ribs 146! >10@ (scale 1 and rare white slip-painted ÿoor tiles T7! and T! (for context information for ceramics see Tables 1 and (scale 1 6 deposits suggesting it was well used. Sherds (<146>; Fig 21). These were complemented from one or two beakers in yellowish glass by several kitchen implements, all of copper were also found, at least one of which is of alloy, including a paw-shaped foot from an pedestal form possibly with optic-blown ribs extremely large cauldron (<12>), the greater 174 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder part of a copper-alloy skimmer (<11>; Fig presumably for him to use as his London 21), a large ferrule which could be from business base (Roskell et al 1992, iii, 307—10).46 the handle (<15>; Fig 21) and a trapezoidal The building seems to have been a small two- mount with a scallop shell-shaped edge and a storey mansion. The ‘hall called the prior’s central iron/silver rivet (<163>; Fig 21). chamber’ lay over a cellar (una aula vocata 6HYHUDOFHUDPLFÿRRUWLOHVRI3HQQ(OWKDP le prioures chambre cum uno celario subtus) and Palace and ‘Westminster’ types were also LWKDGDJURXQGÿRRUSDUORXU unum parvum recovered, together with two slip-decorated parlarium bassum) though no kitchen: the designs rarely seen in London (
Fig . The chalk-lined cellar of the prior’s house (B4 (the brick facing is post-Dissolution , looking south-east Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 175 bonded with green-grey sandy mortar. It cellar, together with abundant quantities of measured 3.3m x 3.5m internally and its ash and charcoal. This deposit contained a walls survived to a height of 1.5m. No means well-preserved group of two CHEA rounded of entrance was found suggesting that it may MXJV 3HDUFH 9LQFH þJ have been entered via a trapdoor and ladder. QRV Þ DQG WKH XSSHU SURþOH RI D ODWH 1R VLJQ RI DQ\ ÿRRULQJ ZDV IRXQG ZLWKLQ London-type ware (LLON) bunghole jug the cellar; possibly any paving was robbed or cistern (dated c.1400—1500). The storage out when it went out of use (see Period 8, pit seems to have suffered the same fate as discussion of glassmaking on site). WKH FHOODU DQG ZDV þOOHG ZLWK VLPLODU DVK\ A square feature located immediately deposits which contained a near-complete, to the south of and in alignment with the folded rectangular copper-alloy mount midpoint of the cellar may have also lain (<361>) and two largely intact and therefore within the walls of the building. Measuring useable ceramic vessels (dated to c.1350— just short of 1m square, the fragments of 1500). These were a CHEA rounded jug decayed wood present in its primary and (
Fig . 1th-century ceramics from the prior’s house (B4 Cheam white ware (CHEA rounded Mug P1! and Merida-type micaceous ware (SPAM costrel P16! (for context information see Table (scale 1 4 176 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder although the proximity of this building to year later the Sedars, in turn, sold it to the WKH NLWFKHQV D QRWRULRXV þUH KD]DUG DQG brewer John Normanton and the tawyer VRXUFH RI FRQÿDJUDWLRQV PD\ H[SODLQ LWV Walter Teband. The former bequeathed particular vulnerability. However, that is the property to the Crossed Friars in his not to say that the building was completely will proved in 1405. A 12d quit-rent (annual destroyed. The rental agreements between payment) remained payable to Holy Trinity the friary and Philip Dennys for the lease Priory.51 on ‘le pryours chambre’ in 1535 and 1547 indicate the building was rebuilt or was still Tenement standing after the Dissolution.48 This property remained in the possession of The Tenements the Crossed Friars and was part of the bundle sold to Sir John Milbourne in 1527.52 The friary precinct reached its greatest extent by the early 16th century through the Tenement 6 acquisition of tenements along Woodruff Lane (Fig 15). The friars also acquired ,Q 6LPRQ GH +DWþHOG TXLWFODLPHG RU tenements further west on Hart Street, released the property to John atte Walle, cap- although these were not assimilated into the maker, and the property was described as a precinct. In addition to the medieval tene- messuage with two shops. In 1375 the two ments examined here, the friary owned a VKRSVZHUHJUDQWHGWRWKHVWRFNþVKPRQJHU further dozen rented tenements in their Richard de Rochyng but in 1380 John atte ‘home’ parish of St Olave, 15 other London Walle’s widow Agnes, now married to the properties, as well as a manor in Suffolk: weaver Robert Hankyn, granted part of the their total rental income was £40 8s 8d at the property to Richard Morel, mercer. At some time of the Dissolution.49 No archaeological point the Crossed Friars must have acquired evidence relating to any of the tenements in the fee simple or freehold of the whole Period 7 was discovered, presumably having property because it was part of the bundle been truncated by later activity. sold to Sir John Milbourne in 1527 (Chew 1965, 96—8).53 Tenements 1 and Tenement 7 There is no documentary or archaeological evidence relating to these tenements. This property had been granted to Crossed Friars in 1328 but it was one of many trans- Tenement actions that were subsequently investigated by the Crown: the acquisition of these prop- The Augustinian priory of Holy Trinity erties by the ‘dead hand’ of the Church (and Aldgate owned this tenement by the 14th their consequent permanent removal from century; the tenant in 1384 was Alan Russell. the normal range of Crown transaction fees) The priory soon leased the tenement to breached the late 13th-century Statutes of Crossed Friars and the friars must sub- 0RUWPDLQ 7KH SURSHUW\ ZDV FRQþVFDWHG sequently have bought the fee simple or free- by the Crown and subsequently granted, hold since they sold it in 1527 to the wealthy presumably on payment of a fee, to the draper Sir John Milbourne (Hodgett 1971, Cistercian abbey of St Mary Grace in 1373 30—1).50 (CCR 1370—4, 347).54
Tenement 4 Tenement This tenement and the two houses on it were William de Curteys held this property for owned by Richard Kyng and his wife Mathilda nearly 40 years and in 1367 bequeathed it to (sister of the earlier owner William Symond) the rector of St Michael Wood Street. By the and it passed into the hands of their son, 1530s it was a large house and garden owned Richard. In 1388 he sold the property to the by the mayor Sir John Allen.55 ÿHWFKHU6WHSKHQ6HGDUDQGKLVZLIH-RDQ$ Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 177
Former Tenements 17Þ0 William Sharington, the under-treasurer of the Bristol Mint and the actual occupier The Crossed Friars must have acquired of the building (Loades 2008).62 In 1549, Tenement 17 by the 16th century when they however, Seymour was executed for treason started building their new retro-choir on the and Sharington arrested (Sharington had site. The friars rebuilt, in the late 1510s or been improperly minting money to assist early 1520s, one or two of the houses on the Seymour’s treasonable conspiracy against northern street frontage, in partnership with his brother, Edward Seymour, the Lord the tenant-corrodians Peter and Margaret Protector during the infancy of Edward VI); Johnson. William Valentynio was the other the Crown granted the friary in June that tenant here (next to the Johnsons) at the time year to Henry Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel.63 In of the Dissolution (Holder 2011, 189, 266, March 1569 Fitzalan granted the property 56 336—7). The friary seems to have acquired to his daughter Jane and new son-in-law Tenements 18 and 19 by the 16th century, John Lumley, Baron Lumley.64 The property although they may well have continued to remained in the hands of the Lumleys until pay rent to Lilleshall Abbey (Rees 1997, the 17th century (Milner 1904, 97—9; Hervey 57 155). The friars seem to have leased the 1918, 38—40). garden in Tenement 20 to form part of their We also have some information on what outer precinct by the 16th century, although tenants and landlords did with the various they never acquired full ownership. When parts of the precinct in the 1540s and 1550s. the former outer precinct was sold by John The Crown sale of the precinct to Thomas Marton in 1539 (he bought it before the Wyatt included, of course, the site of the Dissolution, probably in the 1530s), he FKXUFK DQG LWV PDLQ ZDOOV EXW VSHFLþFDOO\ described it as ‘formerly of the mayor and excluded the good-quality freestone, roof commonalty of the city of London’ and ‘of timbers, lead, iron and glass.65 The roof Edmund Stretham, prior of the Crossed seems to have been taken down in late 1539 58 friars’ (Cal Lbk F, 175, 248). or 1540 and stone and timbers were probably used to rebuild the Lieutenant’s house at DISSOLUTION OF THE FRIARY AND the Tower of London, which still survives THE 17th-CENTURY DEVELOPMENT on the south side of Tower Green (Colvin OF THE SITE, 1538—c.1675 (PERIOD 8) 1963—82, iii, 268).66 In 1546 stone, lead and LURQZHUHVWULSSHGIURPWKHURRÿHVVVKHOORI After the Dissolution of the friary in Novem- the church for reuse in building works at the ber 1538, the Court of Augmentations (the Palace of Whitehall, perhaps the King Street government ‘ministry’ administering the gate (Colvin 1963—82, iv, 312—13).67 The Dissolution) appointed a caretaker, Lionel church remained an empty ruin for several Martyn, to look after the church and pre- years: in 1586 it was described as a ‘parcell of cinct (Brewer 1862—1932, xix (2), no. 86).59 grounde or greate yarde late the ground of The poet and diplomat Sir Thomas Wyatt the dissolved churche’ when it was used by bought the former outer precinct (which Richard Bradshawe, a carpenter.68 the prior had sold in the 1530s) from John A number of demolition deposits and Marton and his wife Sybil in October 1539; robber cuts of structural features may WKH SULFH LV QRW VSHFLþHG60 Wyatt then relate to the documented destruction of bought the main part of the precinct from the church in 1546. For instance, one oval the Crown in July the following year. The pit was dug to remove part of the north wall H[DFW SULFH SDLG LV GLIþFXOW WR FDOFXODWH DV of the church (Fig 24). Deposits dated to Wyatt was purchasing this and other property 1480—1600, containing fragmentary building in a complicated part-exchange transaction; materials and disarticulated human bones the Crossed Friars part was valued at 100s were found, particularly in the area of the annual rent suggesting that he paid, in north aisle and overlying the footing of the effect, about £100 for the friary.61 Wyatt only north arcade column which appears to have held on to the friary for seven years, selling been removed at this time. If these deposits it in March 1547 to Edward VI’s uncle, the relate to the dismantling of the church, then privy councillor Thomas Seymour, and Sir the actual reoccupation of the site appears to 178 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig 4. (above Post-Dissolution tenement and property boundary division of the former friary precinct (scale 1 100 , and (below the archaeological evidence of the mid-16th to later 17th century (Period (scale 1 600 Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 179 have taken place soon after when a cellared þOOVRIWKHUHXVHGFHVVSLWDGMRLQLQJ%XLOGLQJ building (B5; Fig 24) and other features 5 including the base of a glass urinal (<199>) were constructed within the footprint of the and a complete iron casket key or slide of former south chapel, perhaps by Richard lever type (<88>; Fig 25). A copper-alloy book Bradshaw. clasp or hinge (<20>; Fig 25) and a near- The cellar of Building 5 was a square complete copper-alloy lantern or decorative structure with a small compartment (1m x mount with a square body decorated with 1.3m internally) in its north-west corner, opposed trefoil and quatrefoil apertures possibly intended for storage. The north (<21>; Fig 25) were recovered from the wall of the cellar was built against the pier demolition deposits of the cellared building base of the former choir and large sections % WRJHWKHU ZLWK D QXPEHU RI þQGV RI of the walls were built from materials plund- ironwork tools and objects associated with ered from the church, utilising chalk and carpentry. These include a gimlet-like tool Reigate stone rubble blocks and glazed (<82>), part of an auger for boring holes in ÿRRU WLOHV 7KH XSSHU FRXUVHV RI WKH ZDOOV wood (<84>), a staple (<373>) and several were constructed from grey-mortared half pieces of sheet metal (<97>, <98>). and whole bricks dated to c.1450—1700, and The bulk of the inner precinct, with the QXPHURXV PHGLHYDO SHJ URRþQJ DQG 3HQQ exception of the cloister garth and the ÿRRUWLOHVZHUHXVHGDVODFLQJDQGOHYHOOLQJ church, was leased by Thomas Wyatt to John courses. Interestingly, the choir piers were Mason and his wife Elizabeth in October apparently still standing and they partly IRU WKH DQQXDO UHQW RI þYH DUWLFKRNHV determined the layout of the new building. and 5s. The lease reveals little about the state This new construction must have exposed of the buildings other than that the refectory the earlier chalk-lined cesspit (OA14, Period wing had been converted into a stable.69 )LJ ZKLFKZDVQRZPRGLþHGIRUUHXVH Archaeological evidence for the reoccup- the upper part of the north wall was rebuilt ation of the cloister comes from a corner in chalk rubble with a 0.6m wide gap built of a brick-lined cellar (bricks dated to into the east corner. The base of the opening c.1450/1470—c.1550) located within the east- was paved with two rows of reused Penn ern walkway of the former cloister garth tiles set on a slope which may have served in Open Area 31 (Fig 24). The south and as a chute or drain leading into the pit. The east walls measured over 2m in length and chute was later partly blocked with bricks survived to a height of 0.8m. A series of (dated to c.1500—1600) and the north wall stepped putlog holes set 0.3m apart in the of the cesspit was then incorporated into the west wall of the cellar suggests that it was south wall of the cellar (B5; Fig 24). entered from the south by a wooden staircase. Associated with Building 5 were a nearby The dating of the cellar suggests that it may barrel-lined well or soakaway and a large have been built during the ownership of pit (Fig 24), the former dated by a Raeren the inner precinct by Thomas Wyatt or his stoneware (RAER) mug to c.1480—1610 successor, William Sharington. The cellar and the latter by part of a stove tile partly ÿRRU PD\ KDYH EHHQ UHPRYHG ZKHQ LW IHOO decorated with a foliate design (<227>). This RXWRIXVHDQGZDVEDFNþOOHGZLWKGHPROLWLRQ appears to be part of a crest piece situated rubble, containing pottery dated to c.1480— at the very top of the stove and is a brown- 1610. However, the building superstructure glazed Surrey-Hampshire ware (BORDB) may have been standing for longer than the product probably made in the last quarter of dating evidence would suggest as a building the 16th century. Stove tiles in England were in this location appears some years later on initially used to heat religious houses and the Ogilby and Morgan map of 1676 in the aristocratic residences. These early stove tiles south-east corner of what was then known as were all imported, but after the Dissolution ‘Burnt Yard’. the production of English tiles made them available to the wealthier middle classes Glassmaking on Site (Gaimster et al 1990; Pearce 2007, 198). Some typical household objects and In the late 1560s two Flemish glassmakers, kitchen wares were recovered from the back- Jean Carré and Peter Briet, built a glass-house 180 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig . Artefacts from Building and the adMoining cesspit iron slide key ! >1041@ (scale 1 copper-alloy book clasp or hinge 0! >941@ (scale 1 1 and copper-alloy lantern or decorative mount 1! >941@, as found (left and in original form (right (scale 1 1 within the former friary, perhaps in the old side of the glass-house, a yard or entry from fraternity building, St Barbara hall. This Hart Street, a further messuage with tennis glass-house specialised in producing Italian- court in the grounds of the former church style cristallo or crystal glass tableware. In (previously occupied by the carpenter 1571 Carré invited the Venetian glassmaker, William Bradshawe) and a parcel of the great Jacob Verzelini, to run the workshop and the yard formerly of the friary.71 latter continued the enterprise, rather more At the time of the Dissolution the prior’s successfully than the Flemings, with his son house (B4) was leased to Philip Dennys taking over around the turn of the century and was still occupied by the family in 1547 (Stow 1908, i, 148; Godfrey 1975, 22, 25, 28— (Fig 24). It appears to have been rebuilt 33; Sutton & Sewell 1980).70 The glass-house or remodelled during the late 16th—17th ZDVUHEXLOWDIWHULWVXIIHUHGDJUHDWþUHRQ century when the upper part of the south September 1575 and Verzelini was granted a wall of the cellar was rebuilt in brick (Fig 22). 21 year lease by Lord and Lady Lumley on a /DWHUWKHFHOODUZDVFRPSOHWHO\LQþOOHGZLWK number of buildings within the former friary dumped material containing residual friary precinct. These included a hall or shop building materials and 17th-century pottery with a parlour and kitchen, a little buttery, including Frechen stoneware (FREC) and a garden with various buildings on the east (VVH[W\SH SRVWPHGLHYDO þQH UHG ZDUH Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 181
Fig 6. Façon de Venise style glass waste 14!Þ 144! >76@ from the backþlled cellar Building 4 and 1!, 14!, 16!Þ 141! >770@ from a nearby pit in Open Area 1, possibly associated with the Carr®/ 9erzelini glass-house (scale 1 1
(PMFR). These dumps were sealed by the small amount of green glass slag (gall; <132>; EHGGLQJ OD\HUV RI VDQG DQG FOD\ IRU D ÿRRU not illustrated) also points to the production paved with reused Penn and Flemish tiles. of beakers, bottles or windows. A small assemblage of glass manufacturing The glass waste recovered from these waste was recovered from the bedding layer GHSRVLWV UHÿHFWV GLIIHUHQW VWDJHV RI WKH IRUWKHWLOHÿRRUDQGIURPDVPDOOSLWORFDWHG production process and suggests that the just to the north of the cellar in Open Area manufacture of fa¬on de 9enise style glass was 31 (Fig 24). The former comprise three taking place nearby, perhaps in the Carré/ colourless pieces possibly from a moil or cullet Verzelini workshop, which was renowned for (<144>; Fig 26), three joining fragments with the manufacture of fa¬on de 9enise drinking blue and white trails in the fa¬on de 9enise style glasses with high-quality engraved decoration (<142>; Fig 26, two fragments illustrated, face (Charleston 1984, 55—60), but has never been DQGSURþOH DQGDSDLURIIXVHGFDQHV ! properly investigated. In order to test this, Fig 26). The waste from the pit is dominated chemical analysis using scanning electron by canes used for vetro a þlgrano, with two microscopy-energy dispersive spectrometry IXVHG ÿDWWHQHG FDQHV RI FRORXUOHVV JODVV (SEM-EDS) and energy dispersive X-ray (<138>; Fig 26), four canes of colourless and ÿXRUHVFHQFH (';5) ZDV FDUULHG RXW RQ white glass (<133>, <134>, <136>, <140>; Fig seven samples of coloured and colourless 26) and a narrow cane of blue glass (<141>; glass from these features and two from the Fig 26); in addition there are three pulls and well group (discussed below, Period 9; Fig trimmings of colourless glass (<137>, <139>; 27; Girbal 2011). The results were then Fig 26, two fragments illustrated) and two compared with previously analysed samples possible base fragments of colourless glass from two other London sites where 17th- (<135>; not illustrated). The presence of a century glass debris has been recovered: Old 182 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
%URDG 6WUHHW VLWH FRGH %52 6FKRþHOG more about his London house (Barron 1998, 300) and Aldgate (site code AL74; 2004). Unfortunately, no plan has yet been Charleston & Vince 1984; Grew 1984, 34; traced of the house although an inventory of 6FKRþHOG DQGZLWKFRQWHPSRUDU\ Lumley’s possessions in 1590 and the 1616 Continental glasses (de Raedt 2001, 213—23; will of Lumley’s second wife, Elizabeth, make Girbal 2011, 11). Although a few goblets reference to the London house and describe of the Verzelini era have survived (Thorpe SRVVHVVLRQV VXFK DV /XPOH\àV þYH +ROEHLQ 1969, 78—83, pls I, II; Charleston 1984, 55— paintings, silverware, an armour room and 60), none have been analysed chemically a coach-house to the rear (Milner 1904, and so cannot be compared with this data. 97—9; Hervey 1918, 38—40). Some structural The analysis showed that two glass remains discovered nearby at Colchester compositions were present, which represent House (site code PEP89; Fig 1) are now two different industries (Girbal 2011, 11; interpreted as part of the Lumley mansion. %ODFNPRUH D DQG PD\ DOVR UHÿHFW D chronological development of the industry. LATE 17th- TO 19th-CENTURY The samples from the Open Area 31 pit DEVELOPMENT ALONG THE STREET (group 1) are all of fa¬on de 9enise glass, FRONTAGE OF CRUTCHED FRIARS which was probably made during the late (PERIOD 9) 16th and/or early 17th century and are chemically related to the samples from Unlike most of the City of London, the Broad Street, Aldgate, Antwerp (Belgium) buildings on this site were not destroyed by and Breda (the Netherlands). The chemical the Great Fire of 1666, as this corner of the FRPSRVLWLRQRIWKHJODVVIURPWKHFHOODUÿRRU City escaped destruction. Street numbering bedding (group 2) differs greatly from that was introduced in the late 18th century and of the other London samples; it is almost the history of various 18th- to 19th-century identical to cristallo glass from Antwerp and buildings along Crutched Friars can be traced Breda (Girbal 2011, 12, 15), but as close from piecemeal archaeological evidence and similarities were also observed with late 17th- associated documentary references. This century glasses from London and Guildford section focuses on particular properties for (Surrey) (Dungworth & Brain 2009, 132—3) which the archaeological evidence was more an English origin cannot be ruled out. substantial and of particular interest.
The Outer Precinct Tenement 5: 26 Crutched Friars and the French Horn Public House The outer precinct of the former priory was gradually turned into a grand townhouse and Tenement 5 had already been sold by the garden by successive landowners (Fig 24). Crossed Friars to Sir John Milbourne in 1527, 7KH þUVW SULYDWH RZQHU EXLOW D KRXVH KHUH some years before the Dissolution. Although in the early 1530s: it was described in 1534 no archaeological evidence remains of the as ‘the newe hous or buylding there of John 16th-century occupation, the later history Martyn’.72 By 1540 it was described as a ‘great of this property is documented (Guildhall mansion’ (magnum hospitium).73 Thomas Library 2006, 61—89). The existence of a Wyatt or his successor William Sharington public house on these premises from the mid- almost certainly carried out further 18th century can be suggested by the name improvements, since by 1549 the house had of the ‘3 colts yard’ given to the adjacent at least 20 rooms plus a series of kitchen/ yard and passage as shown on Rocque’s map buttery rooms, a wine cellar, a counting house of 1746 (Rocque 1746, pl E2). This yard and servants’ rooms. It seems to have been a was already in existence by 1676 (Ogilby & two-storey building with a cellar and garrets, Morgan 1676, pl 39). In the mid-18th century arranged as two wings around a courtyard.74 this premises and the adjacent yard became The house was probably further enhanced a public house known as the French Horn. by John Lumley and, given Lumley’s well In 1801 the occupant of this property, John documented tastes in architecture and gar- Cane (a chandler), was admitted to the Inn- den design, it would be fascinating to know holders’ Guild.75 We know that it was during Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 183
John Cane’s occupancy of the French Horn WDLQHG D VLJQLþFDQW DVVHPEODJH RI DUWHIDFWV in 1828 that the building burnt down in a dating to the second half of the 17th century, GHYDVWDWLQJþUHZKLFKWRRNWKHOLYHVRIIRXU with an exceptional group of vessel and people, including that of his daughter Nancy bottle glass. The former comprised sherds (aged 15) and a Susannah Cane (aged 16). from up to 27 glass vessels comprising seven The public house was rebuilt, but from 1876 beakers (of types 1.1a, 1.3, 1.7b, 3 and 3.3; LWZDVXVHGDVRIþFHVDQGZDVODWHURQHRIWKH Willmott 2002), including a squat beaker group of properties acquired by the Port of with optic-blown bosses (type 3.3, <168> and London Authority in c.1911.76 The public <182>; Fig 28). house also has a history as the meeting place In addition there are sherds from up to 17 for fraternities of freemasons: there is a goblets with ribbed round-knop stems and reference to an unnamed lodge meeting at ÿDULQJ EXFNHW ERZOV :LOOPRWW W\SH the French Horn in 1806 after which it was 10.6), such as <173> and <183> (Fig 28); one suspended in 1807 for ‘unmasonic conduct’ example has vertical optic-blown ribs (<162> (Lane 1895). and <354>; Fig 28). These are of a form made The remains of the property on this site in Venice and copied in the Low Countries comprised part of a cellar of the French Horn and England, which was most popular in public house and an open yard to the rear the second half of the 17th century (ibid). in which a brick-lined coal cellar was located Two of the goblets were analysed chemically. (OA35; Fig 27). Immediately to the west of Example <170> (not illustrated) was found the coal cellar was a chalk-lined well (Fig 27) to belong to the group 1 glass from the and it is likely that these two structures were Period 8 pit in Open Area 31, while <173> originally associated with an earlier phase of EHORQJVWRJURXSJODVVIURPWKHFHOODUÿRRU this public house, possibly ‘the 3 colts’. bedding (B4, see above, Period 8, discussion 7KH EDFNþOOV RI WKH FKDONOLQHG ZHOO FRQ of glassmaking on site; Girbal 2011).
Fig 7. Post-medieval archaeological evidence (Period 9 overlaid on the Ogilby and Morgan map of 1676 with the footprint of the 16 Navy Ofþce (scale 1 600 184 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
Fig . Artefacts from the well in Open Area 17th-century glass squat beaker 16! >9@ and 1! >9@ and façon de Venise style glass goblets 16! >97@ and 4! >9@, 17! >97@ and 1! >9@ made in the Low Countries or England ivory handle of small knife 0! >97@ and tin-glazed ÿoor tile T9! (for context information see Table 1 (scale 1 , except 0! 1 1 Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 185
The date of the goblets agrees well with wines suggests that much of this material was that of the 46 shaft and globe bottles which, connected with alcohol consumption, while from their shape and string rims, belong to the faunal remains are indicative of high- Shepherd’s Form 1 (Shepherd nd; see also status dining. %LGGOHþJV 7KHJURXSFDQ The 18th-century French Horn public be dated to the 1650s and 1660s and forms house was represented by the remains of one of the largest collections of early wine a brick-built cellared building (B14; Fig bottles from London. 27). The earliest phase of the building The clay tobacco pipes from the well also FRQVLVWHG RI WKH QRUWKÞVRXWK ZDOO GHþQLQJ dated to the later 17th century. The group the eastern boundary of 26 Crutched Friars. of 30 bowls and 38 stems included a rare This was later extended eastward, under the London example of a bowl (type AO16) passageway leading to French Horn Yard stamped with a gauntlet and an unusual from the street (this passageway is shown pinched and twisted stem. The associated on Horwood’s map of 1813, pl 16), to meet pottery comprised a group of 54 fragmented the boundary with property 25. Inside the YHVVHOV LQFOXGLQJ ÿDUHG DQG ÿDQJHG GLVKHV enlarged cellar was a succession of brick- in Surrey-Hampshire border white ware SDYHG ÿRRU VXUIDFHV DQG D GUDLQ WKDW KDG (BORD) and Frechen stoneware (FREC) been rebuilt on at least one occasion. jugs. An idiosyncratic object is a complete, 7KHEDFNþOORIWKHGUDLQFRQWDLQHGDURXQG ELVFXLW ZDUH þUHG EXW XQJOD]HG VDOW a dozen complete or reconstructable glass similar to tin-glazed examples found from ERWWOHV7KHVHLQFOXGHGþYHJUHHQFRORXUHG the Rotherhithe pothouse (Tyler et al 2008, four-sided Dutch gin bottles (
Fig 9. ObMects associated with the French Horn from the cellar drain, Dutch gin bottle G1!, English cylindrical wine bottle G!, French champagne bottle fragment G! with a label and a colourless glass spirits bottle G4! and from the coal cellar, pearlware (PEAR dinner plate P17! with blue, shell edge decoration and painted blue inscription ßFrench, Ho’ (for context information see Tables and (scale 1 Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 187
$VZLWKWKHEDFNþOORIWKHFHOODUGUDLQJODVV WKHSULPDU\DQGVHFRQGDU\þOOVRIWKHFRDO ERWWOHV IRUPHG WKH EXON RI WKH þQGV IURP cellar were dated c.1780—1820 and c.1820— this feature. Up to 34 black-coloured bottles 60 respectively. The latter included nine ZLWKDFUXGHPLQHUDOULPþQLVKEORZQLQD marked pipe bowls, of which eight are of the three-part-type mould (Jones 1986, 98—9, same form (type AO28; dated c.1820—40) þJ ZHUH UHFRYHUHG 'LIIHUHQWVL]HG and made by the same family of pipe-makers, measures were being served from these the Leaches. The mark consists of the name bottles, dividing approximately equally LEACH in a roundel with the Masonic between wine-sized and under-sized beer square and compasses below, stamped incuse quarts (ibid, 74—82). Complete examples of on the back of the bowl, facing the smoker. each size have survived along with two green- The Masonic markings recall the recorded coloured Continental wine bottles, probably use of the pub as the site for their meetings once containing cognac, and were discarded in the early 19th century. The Leach family together during the second quarter of the included pipe-makers John Leach, recorded 19th century, perhaps the result of a selective in 1805—39 in Horsley Down, John Leach, clear-out of the public house. 1832 in Shoreditch, and Mrs M Leach, In contrast to the well-preserved range of recorded 1848—68 in Whitechapel (Oswald glass bottles, small quantities of fragmented 1975, 140). Therefore it is not possible to ceramics were found, representing a determine exactly which of these individuals mixture of tea drinking and dining vessels made the pipes found here. However, it accumulated during the second quarter is likely that one workshop alone was res- of the 19th century. This material largely ponsible for producing the batch from FRPSULVHG SHDUOZDUH 3($5 RU UHþQHG which these all came. The date ranges of the white ware (REFW) vessels with blue two groups of pipes suggest that the primary transfer-printed decoration in a range of þOOV RI WKH FRDO FHOODU UHSUHVHQW WKH SHULRG prints common to this period such as the LPPHGLDWHO\ EHIRUH WKH þUH DQG WKDW ubiquitous willow pattern (on a tureen lid, WKHVHFRQGDU\þOOVZHUHGHSRVLWHGGXULQJWKH a sauceboat and plates) and a number of following decades. English countryside views (mostly teacups The 19th-century faunal and botanical etc). The best preserved vessel, a slop bowl for remains from the French Horn show that tipping tea dregs into, depicts a large country the tavern served relatively high-status fare. house or hall. The fragmentary state of the Amongst the usual cattle and sheep/goat ceramics is best interpreted as representing bones were some rarer species, notably hare, EURNHQ REMHFWV WDNHQ IURP LQFLGHQWDO ÿRRU probably brown hare (Lepus europaeus), and or yard sweepings and redeposited here over birds, including chicken and goose but a period of time. The rim of a PEAR dinner also game species pheasant and red grouse plate with blue, shell edge decoration is (Lagopus scoticus). The presence of the painted in blue with the inscription ‘French, latter is particularly interesting as in this Ho…’ (
The 1aYy OIþce and (ast ,ndia ComSany The excavations at Mariner House allow Warehouses us to trace the development of an urban site from its 1st-century AD beginnings on 7KH ROG 1DY\ 2IþFH PRYHG WR WKH VLWH RI the periphery of Londinium. The Roman Crutched Friars (Tenement 8) in the 1650s sequence is consistent with previous discov- EXW ZDV GHVWUR\HG E\ þUH LQ -DQXDU\ HULHVLGHQWLþHGDWDQXPEHURIQHDUE\VLWHV and moved to temporary premises on Mark First- and 2nd-century AD buildings were Lane (see Fig 1 for street location). In 1683 built along a Roman road, with a large open it moved back to a permanent building on area to the rear (Period 2). Later Roman its old site in Seething Lane, designed by activity included an important assemblage of Sir Christopher Wren and built by Joseph ceramics recovered from a well (S4, Period Ward. The new building was approached 3), one of which possessed an enigmatic from Crutched Friars and incorporated Greek inscription. some tenements fronting on to the street The pattern of early medieval pitting which were acquired from the Carpenters’ in the north part of the site argues for the Company in the intervening years (Redd- presence of buildings and the establishment away 1957, 91).777KHRIþFHPRYHGWR6RPHU of Hertstrete, the medieval precursor to Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 189
Crutched Friars, in the 10th century (Period the founders’ bequest of a bundle of urban 4). The dietary evidence from the medieval plots occupying a third of an acre (0.1ha) to tenements that developed along the street a moderately sized urban monastic precinct frontage seems to suggest the coexistence of of 2¼ acres (0.9ha) in the 16th century. WKRVHHQMR\LQJTXLWHDKLJKOHYHORIDIÿXHQFH From the 1530s until c.1560—70 the former (eg Tenement 5, Period 5) alongside those monastic precincts of the City of London of more modest means (eg Tenements 4 and were generally transformed into prestigious 14, Period 5). urban houses, but after c.1560—70 these Thanks to a long-running programme of large properties were often subdivided, excavation and research, we have a remark- in some cases for industrial premises able range of archaeological and docu- 6FKRþHOG 7KLVGUDPDWLFSDWWHUQ mentary evidence for many of London’s of transformation was also seen at Crossed medieval monastic houses. However, there Friars, with the establishment of the Carré/ is rather less published evidence for Verzelini glassmaking workshop on site the London friaries and this excavation during the late 1560s (Period 8). Fieldwork therefore provides important evidence for UHYHDOHGDVPDOOEXWVLJQLþFDQWJODVVZRUNLQJ one of London’s lesser monastic houses. In assemblage, providing a rare insight into the particular, archaeological evidence for the production of late 16th- and 17th-century church (albeit limited) allows us to track vessel glass in London (Fig 26). Further its development from a simple 13th-century analysis of the samples may well reveal more chapel to a more complicated late medieval on the manufacture and origins of the church with several chapels and aisles (Figs Crutched Friars glass-workshop and its links 9 and 15; Periods 6 and 7). There is also ZLWKWKH$OGJDWHDQG2OG%URDG6WUHHWþQGV tantalising documentary evidence for a 16th- The range of glass goblets and wine bottles century addition to the church, apparently IURP WKH EDFNþOOHG ZHOO LQ 2SHQ $UHD a grand retro-choir at the east end (Period 35 gives convincing evidence for a 17th- 7). This never-completed chapel might have century predecessor to the well-documented been a rare example of late Perpendicular 18th-century French Horn tavern (Period ecclesiastical architecture, had the project 9). Both appear to have been high-end not been cut short by the Dissolution of the establishments, serving high-status and friary in 1538 (Period 8). The other major exotic produce. discovery of the excavation was the square Much of the later post-medieval develop- cellared building interpreted as the prior’s ment, including the 17th-century Navy house (B4; Fig 15), apparently a secular RIþFHVKDGEHHQZLSHGDZD\E\WKH WKDQG town house for the prior built in the late early 20th-century warehouses. However, it 14th or early 15th century (Period 7). The is clear from the surviving wall foundations surviving documentary evidence for the and cesspits of the post-medieval buildings friary includes, unusually, several original along the Crutched Friars street frontage property deeds (preserved in Chester that there was a good deal of continuity in 5HFRUG2IþFH DQGZHFDQWKHUHIRUHVNHWFK the property boundaries dating back to the the development of the friary precinct from medieval tenements. 190 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
APPENDIX
Table 1. Decorated Eltham/Lesnes group and Penn ÿoor tiles and illustrated ceramic building material T1!Þ T9!
Ref Context Land Period Description/design No. of tiles Published ref/ Fig no. use number acc no.
Table 1 (cont. .
Ref Context Land Period Description/design No. of tiles Published ref/ Fig no. use number acc no.
Table . Illustrated pottery P1!Þ P17!
Ref Context Land use Period Description Fig no.
Table . Illustrated bottle glass G1!Ý G4!
Ref Context Land use Period Description Fig no.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vessel. Many MOLA specialist staff have produced comprehensive reports which can Museum of London Archaeology (MOLA) be consulted in the site archive: Ian Betts would like to thank Mint Hotels, in (ceramic building material), Lyn Blackmore particular David Orr, for generously funding DFFHVVLRQHGJODVVDQGþQGV 7RQ\*UH\ FOD\ WKH þHOGZRUN SRVWH[FDYDWLRQ DQDO\VLV DQG tobacco pipes), Nigel Jeffries (post-Roman publication of this site. Thanks are also ceramics and bulk glass), James Morris and extended to Kathryn Stubbs (Senior Planning Alan Pipe (faunal remains), Beth Richardson DQG$UFKDHRORJ\2IþFHU&LW\RI/RQGRQ IRU (leather), Karen Stewart (environmental), the curatorial advice and interest shown in Amy Thorp (Roman pottery), Roger Tomlin, this project. Sarah Paynter (then of English Don Walker (osteology) and Angela Wardle Heritage) and Brice Girbal are thanked 5RPDQ DFFHVVLRQHG þQGV )LQDOO\ WKDQNV for the analytical work they carried out on DUHH[WHQGHGWRDOOWKH02/$þHOGVWDIIZKR the pigment contained in the oyster shell worked on the site. palette and the chemical composition of the post-medieval glass. Roger Tomlin kindly [email protected] transcribed the inscription on the Roman [email protected] Medieval Crossed Friars and its Roman to Post-Medieval Landscape 193
NOTES 36 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fol 63. 37 TNA, C66/229, m. 3; C66/258, m. 2. 1 MOLA Resource Library, www.mola.org.uk/ 38 LMA, COL/CA/01/01/004, Repertory Book 4, resource-library (accessed 3 January 2016). fol 122v; Repertory Book 5, fol 52. 2 Sir John Soane Museum, London, 41/5/39 39 TNA, C1/534, no. 5; E314/76 (‘London: and /40. Crutched Friars’). 3 &KHVWHU5HFRUG2IþFH &52 '&+2 40 TNA, SP1/100, fol 57, no. 46. 4 CRO, DCH/O/56/6. 41 DC, A VII 48. 5 CRO, DCH/O/56/1 and /8. 42 CRO, DCH/X/13/2. 6 CRO, DCH/O/56/1. 43 TNA, C66/815, m. 16; WARD 2/58/215/8; 7 For example in c.1276: CRO, DCH/O/56/8. CRO, DCH/O/56/9. 8 For example in 1317: London Metropolitan 44 TNA, C66/815, m. 16; WARD 2/58/215/8; $UFKLYHV /0$ PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ CRO, DCH/O/56/9. Roll 45 (183). 45 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fol 63. 9 For example in an agreement of 1509: CRO, 46 TNA, C54/290, m. 12v. DCH/P/1. 47 Ibid, m. 11v. 10 CRO, DCH/O/56/8. 48 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fols 63—6v; 11 &52 '&+2 /0$ PLFURþOP ; C66/700, m. 10. 404, Husting Roll 53 (5). 49 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fols 63—4. 12 The National Archives (TNA), E403/1226, 50 LMA, CLA/023/DW/01/240, Husting Roll 240 m. 5. (25). 13 TNA, E40/2666; CRO, DCH/O/56/2. 51 /0$ PLFURþOP ; +XVWLQJ 5ROO 14 TNA, E40/2666; CRO, DCH/O/56/2. PLFURþOP ; +XVWLQJ 5ROO 15 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO (145). PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO 16 Ibid. 52 LMA, CLA/023/DW/01/240, Husting Roll 240 17 Ibid. (25). 18 CRO, DCH/O/56/3, /6, /7. 53 /0$ PLFURþOP ; +XVWLQJ 5ROO 19 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO 83 (100); X109/412, Husting Roll 103 (206); (100). X109/412, Husting Roll 109 (63); CLA/023/ 20 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO DW/01/240, Husting Roll 240 (25). (110). 54 BL, Additional charter 26586, m. 10v; LMA, 21 Ibid, Husting Roll 56 (126), Husting Roll 57 PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO (24); TNA, E40/2392. 55 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO 22 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO (167); CLA/023/DW/01/251, Husting Roll 252 (33); X109/403, Husting Roll 53 (5). (121). 23 CRO, DCH/O/56/1 and /8. 56 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fol 63v. 24 /0$PLFURþOP; +XVWLQJ5ROO 57 SRO, D593/A/1/18/15. (126). 58 TNA, E40/12598. 25 Ibid, Husting Roll 63 (66). 59 TNA, SC6/Hen VIII/2396, fol 63. 26 6WDIIRUGVKLUH5HFRUG2IþFH6WDIIRUG 652 60 TNA, E40/12598. D593/A/1/18/15. 61 TNA, C66/694, m. 14; E315/156. 27 TNA, E40/12598. 62 TNA, C66/700, m. 10. 28 British Library, London (BL), Topham 63 TNA, C66/815, m. 16; WARD 2/58/215/8; charters 33. CRO, DCH/O/56/9. 29 CRO, DCH/O/56/5. 64 CRO, DCH/P/1. 30 BL, IA.55480. 65 TNA, C66/694, m. 14. 31 Guildhall Library, London (GL), MS 4887, 66 TNA, SP1/153, fol 219, no. 171. fol 21. 67 TNA, SP4/1, fol 35, no. 73. 32 CRO, DCH/O/56/13; DCH/P/7; DCH/P/1; 68 LMA, CLA/023/DW/01/266, Husting Roll 267 TNA, SP1/89, fol 134, no. 114. (77). 33 TNA, C1/486, no. 4; C1/534, nos 4 and 5; 69 TNA, WARD 2/58/215/7. C1/767, no. 6; C1/832, no. 19; BL, Additional 70 LMA, COL/CA/01/01/022, Repertory Book charter 24490. 20, fol 1; CLA/023/DW/01/266, Husting Roll 267 34 Drapers’ Company, London (DC), A VII 45 (77). and 48. 71 LMA, CLA/023/DW/01/266, Husting Roll 267 35 TNA, E40/12598. (77). 194 Antonietta Lerz and Nick Holder
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