Manifesto of the Communist International
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Socialist Planning
Socialist Planning Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chap- ter analyses how planning worked in the defence–industry complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history. michael ellman is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is the author, co- author and editor of numerous books and articles on the Soviet and Russian economies, on transition economics, and on Soviet economic and political history. In 1998, he was awarded the Kondratieff prize for his ‘contributions to the development of the social sciences’. Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139871341 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2015 Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. -
409 the Men Named Lennon and Lenin – Great Britain’S “Imagine There’S No Heaven” Lennon and the Soviet Union’S “Imagine There’S No Heaven” Lenin
#409 The Men Named Lennon and Lenin – Great Britain’s “Imagine there’s no heaven” Lennon and the Soviet Union’s “Imagine there’s no heaven” Lenin Now we turn to The Men Named Lennon and Lenin, still as a part of the umbrella theme of The Second Oswald Head Wounds, which is related to The Deadly Wound of the Beast, Phase II. The Lord’s ordainment of the two men named Lennon and Lenin, with the spirit of “Imagine there’s no heaven” being a central theme in each of their lives, is tied to “the man clothed in linen” in Daniel 12:6-7. Daniel 12:4-6 (KJV) But thou, O Daniel, shut up the words, and seal the book, even to THE TIME OF THE END: many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased. 5 Then I Daniel looked, and, behold, there stood other two, the one on this side of the bank of the river, and the other on that side of the bank of the river. 6 And one said to THE MAN CLOTHED IN LINEN, which was upon the waters of the river, How long shall it be to the end of these wonders? “The man clothed in linen” will need to be elaborated upon at another time. Nonetheless, we can start to set up “the man clothed in linen” by understanding how it ties to what we are currently studying – the Second Oswald Head Wound defeat of the Soviet Union, which occurs at “the time of the end.” Key Understanding: The men named Lennon and Lenin. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
At Berne: Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
Marxism Since the Communist Manifesto
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1961 Marxism since the Communist manifesto Alfred G. Meyers Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Meyers, Alfred G., "Marxism since the Communist manifesto" (1961). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 22. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/22 MARXISM SINCE THE COMMUNIST MANIFESTO Ihe A4mcrim Httorlcal As¶datim, haguae at a eontiriw the teaching of history in the schd d the UzkiW esW&hcd the Wet Center for T&m cif Risary to offa qmWtive dtmce in m1ving some of the ptddum which tala7 beset ,the classraom teacher. me of the p- bdng sponsored by the Service Cmter is the prepiwaticb d a series of pampS1;1tts, each containing a eon& summary d pubkatio~~.@ectbg rt9:etwt research and new inte][prctatirms in a particular fidd d history. Prompted by an awarmea of the fact that the avaage 9condsry ~dmo1teacher has neither the time nor the opportunity to keep up with monographic litera- these pamphlets are specifically dt- dgnd to make available to the cl-m instructor a summary of pertinent trends aqd devdopments in historical study. Our aim is, in short, to help the teachem Up ems selves by keeping up to date in thdr fields d hiterest. -
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,And Their Impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,and their impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement DAN LA BOTZ Abstract: The Soviet Union and A L the Communist International had an adverse influence on the Latin CONTRA American workers’ movement, ), 1957-1964. continually diverting it fighting for UCIÓN L a democratic socialist society. They ALHE T REVO A DE subordinated the workers’ movements L ( to the interests of the Soviet . Union’s ruling class, the Communist IQUEIROS PORFIRIANA bureaucracy. At one moment, they led S the workers’ movement in disastrous ARO F L uprisings, while in a subsequent era A they encouraged it to build alliances DICTADURA AVID with capitalist and imperialist power. D Keywords: Soviet Union. Communist International. Communist Parties. Cuba. Workers Movement. A Internacional Comunista, a União Soviética e seu impacto no movimento de trabalhadores da América Latina Resumo: A União Soviética e a Internacional Comunista tiveram uma influência adversa no movimento latino-americano de trabalhadores, frequentemente, distraindo-o de sua luta por uma sociedade socialista democrática. Ambas subordinaram os movimentos de trabalhadores aos interesses da classe dominante na União Soviética, a burocracia comunista. Em um momento, dirigiram o movimento de trabalhadores para levantes desastrosos, DAN LA BOTZ enquanto em um período subsequente encorajaram-no a fazer alianças com Ph.D in American history and poderes capitalistas e imperialistas. professor at the Murphy Institute, the Palavras-chaves: União Soviética. labor school of the City University Internacional Comunista. Partidos of New York. He is the author of ten Comunistas. Cuba. Movimento de books on labor, social movements, Trabalhadores. and politics in the United States, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Indonesia. -
Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
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MAOISM-ITS ORIGINS, BACKGROUND, AND OUTLOOK Isaac Deutscher WHAT does Maoism stand for? What does it represent as a political idea and as a current in contemporary communism? The need to clarify these questions has become all the more urgent because Maoism is now openly competing with other communist schools of thought for inter- national recognition. Yet before entering this competition Maoism had existed as a current, and then as the dominant trend, of Chinese communism for thirty to thirty-five years. It is under its banner that the main forces of the Chinese revolution waged the most protracted civil war in modern history; and that they won their victory in 1949, making the greatest single breach in world capitalism since the October Revolu- tion, and freeing the Soviet Union from isolation. It is hardly surprising that Maoism should at last advance politically beyond its national . boundaries and claim world-wide attention to its ideas. What is surprising is that it has not done so earlier and that it has for so long remained closed within the confines of its national experience. Maoism presents in this respect a striking contrast with Leninism. The latter also existed at first as a purely Russian school of thought; but not for long. In 1915, after the collapse of the Second International, Lenin was already the central figure in the movement for the Third International, its initiator and inspirer-Bolshevism, as a faction in the Russian Social Democratic Party, was not much older then than a decade. Before that the Bolsheviks, like other Russian socialists, had lived intensely with all the problems of international Marxism, absorbed all its experience, participated in all its controversies, and felt bound to it with unbreakable ties of intellectual, moral, and political solidarity. -
Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-1967 Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis Christine Deichsel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Deichsel, Christine, "Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis" (1967). Master's Theses. 3240. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3240 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. YUGOSLAV IDEOLOGY AND ITS IMPORTANCE TO THE SOVIET BLOC: AN ANALYSIS by Christine Deichsel A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo., Michigan April 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of Professors George Klein and William A. Ritchie. My thanks go to them and the other members of my Committee, namely Professors Richard J. Richardson and Alan Isaak. Furthermore, I wish to ex press my appreciation to all the others at Western Michi gan University who have given me much needed help and encouragement. The award of an assistantship and the intellectual guidance and stimulation from the faculty of the Department of Political Science have made my graduate work both a valuable experience and a pleasure. -
Chinese Foreign Policy During the Maoist Era and Its Lessons for Today
Chinese Foreign Policy during the Maoist Era and its Lessons for Today by the MLM Revolutionary Study Group in the U.S. (January 2007) “U.S. Imperialism Get Out of Asia, Africa and Latin America!” 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction p. 3 A. The Chinese Revolution and its Internationalist Practice— p. 5 Korea and Vietnam B. The Development of Neocolonialism and the Bandung Period p. 7 C. Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party Launch the p. 11 Struggle against Soviet Revisionism D. Maoist Revolutionaries Break with Soviet Revisionism-- p. 15 India, the Philippines, Turkey, Nepal, Latin America and the U.S. E. Support for National Liberation Movements in Asia, Africa p. 21 and the Middle East in the 1960s F. Chinese Foreign Policy in the 1970s p. 27 G. The Response of the New Communist Movement in the U.S. p. 35 H. Some Lessons for Today p. 37 2 Introduction Our starting point is that the struggle for socialism and communism are part of a worldwide revolutionary process that develops in an uneven manner. Revolutions are fought and new socialist states are established country by country. These states must defend themselves; socialist countries have had to devote significant resources to defending themselves from political isolation, economic strangulation and military attack. And they must stay on the socialist road by reinvigorating the revolutionary process and unleashing the political initiative of the masses of working people in all areas of society.1 However, socialist countries cannot be seen as ends in and of themselves. They are not secure as long as imperialism and capitalism exist anywhere in the world. -
LENIN the DICTATOR an Intimate Portrait
LENIN THE DICTATOR An Intimate Portrait VICTOR SEBESTYEN LLeninenin TThehe DDictatorictator - PP4.indd4.indd v 117/01/20177/01/2017 112:372:37 First published in Great Britain in 2017 by Weidenfeld & Nicolson 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 © Victor Sebestyen 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher. The right of Victor Sebestyen to be identifi ed as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. HB ISBN 978 1 47460044 6 TPB 978 1 47460045 3 Typeset by Input Data Services Ltd, Bridgwater, Somerset Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Weidenfeld & Nicolson The Orion Publishing Group Ltd Carmelite House 50 Victoria Embankment London EC4Y 0DZ An Hachette UK Company www.orionbooks.co.uk LLeninenin TThehe DDictatorictator - PP4.indd4.indd vvii 117/01/20177/01/2017 112:372:37 In Memory of C. H. LLeninenin TThehe DDictatorictator - PP4.indd4.indd vviiii 117/01/20177/01/2017 112:372:37 MAPS LLeninenin TThehe DDictatorictator - PP4.indd4.indd xxii 117/01/20177/01/2017 112:372:37 NORTH NORWAY London SEA (independent 1905) F SWEDEN O Y H C D U N D A D L Stockholm AN IN GR F Tammerfors FRANCE GERMANGERMAN EMPIRE Helsingfors EMPIRE BALTIC Berlin SEA Potsdam Riga -
The Rise and Fall of Communism
The Rise and Fall of Communism archie brown To Susan and Alex, Douglas and Tamara and to my grandchildren Isobel and Martha, Nikolas and Alina Contents Maps vii A Note on Names viii Glossary and Abbreviations x Introduction 1 part one: Origins and Development 1. The Idea of Communism 9 2. Communism and Socialism – the Early Years 26 3. The Russian Revolutions and Civil War 40 4. ‘Building Socialism’: Russia and the Soviet Union, 1917–40 56 5. International Communism between the Two World Wars 78 6. What Do We Mean by a Communist System? 101 part two: Communism Ascendant 7. The Appeals of Communism 117 8. Communism and the Second World War 135 9. The Communist Takeovers in Europe – Indigenous Paths 148 10. The Communist Takeovers in Europe – Soviet Impositions 161 11. The Communists Take Power in China 179 12. Post-War Stalinism and the Break with Yugoslavia 194 part three: Surviving without Stalin 13. Khrushchev and the Twentieth Party Congress 227 14. Zig-zags on the Road to ‘communism’ 244 15. Revisionism and Revolution in Eastern Europe 267 16. Cuba: A Caribbean Communist State 293 17. China: From the ‘Hundred Flowers’ to ‘Cultural Revolution’ 313 18. Communism in Asia and Africa 332 19. The ‘Prague Spring’ 368 20. ‘The Era of Stagnation’: The Soviet Union under Brezhnev 398 part four: Pluralizing Pressures 21. The Challenge from Poland: John Paul II, Lech Wałesa, and the Rise of Solidarity 421 22. Reform in China: Deng Xiaoping and After 438 23. The Challenge of the West 459 part five: Interpreting the Fall of Communism 24.