Can Iran Create Basij-Like Forces in Pakistan? Artical Name : Can

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Can Iran Create Basij-Like Forces in Pakistan? Artical Name : Can Artical Name : Can Iran Create Basij-Like Forces in Pakistan? Artical Subject : Can Iran Create Basij-Like Forces in Pakistan? Publish Date: 26/11/2017 Auther Name: Future for Advanced Research and Studies Subject : Iran appears to be trying to repeat its experience of establishing paramilitary militias, which started after the fall of Reza Shah Pahlavi¶s regime in 1979. Yet, this time it is in neighboring countries. On November 7 in Tehran, Commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari, urged the visiting Pakistani Chief of Army Staff, General Qamar Javed Bajwa to establish a Pakistani version of the Iranian Basij militia to back the regular army. He even said Iran was ready to offer its experience to the neighboring Pakistan, and showed off his country¶s experience in Syria and Iraq. He further claimed that their previous experiences succeeded in achieving their goals. However, his assertion is not consistent with the realities on the ground, because Iranian-led militias have exacerbated regional crises and blocked efforts to reach settlements. The IRGC plays the primary role of establishing and training militias in regional countries, while the official establishment, represented by the ministry of defense, assumes traditional missions such as promoting coordination with counterpart establishments in neighboring countries, such as Pakistan. In his other meetings in Tehran, Bajwa¶s talks with Iranian minister of defense, Amir Hatami and Chief of Staff, Mohammad Bagheri, were focussed on ways of promoting military cooperation to enhance border control. Such cooperation will allow both countries to counter cross-border attacks carried out in Iran by Iranian armed groups against border guards and IRGC forces. Primary IndicationsIran¶s efforts indicate their aim to achieve two key goals. Firstly, it seeks to export its revolution and its products such as the Basij, which Tehran claims is a model to follow, to help promote the creation of parallel militia that back regular armies and can play military and political roles at home and abroad. Jafari justified his call to Pakistan by citing the missions being carried out by the Quds Force, the IRGC¶s extraterritorial unit.Secondly, Iran tries to institutionalize its constant intervention in neighboring countries, and supports Shi¶ite Pakistani groups, in particular in border areas in north-west of Pakistan and the Punjab region. Some elements of these groups previously supported efforts to counter Taliban, while others joined militias, primarily the so-called Zaynabiyoun Brigade, created and trained by Iran to take part in the Syrian conflict. Persistent TensionsInterestingly, Jafari¶s call went unheeded by the Pakistani Chief of Staff who has not responded with neither a comment, nor a statement. However, there are indications that can help get a picture of Pakistan¶s position. Most importantly is Islamabad¶s rejection of Iran¶s intervention in its internal affairs, as well as Iranian frequent accusation of supporting some Iranian armed groups that sparked tensions between the two states. In May 2017, the Pakistani foreign ministry summoned the Iranian ambassador, Mehdi Honardoost, to protest a recent statement by Bagheri, who threatened to carry out cross border strikes inside Pakistan against the Jaish ul-Adl group accused by Iran of killing 10 Iranian border guards. Conflicting DeterminantsAlthough the political role of the Pakistani army is historically prominent, the role played by the army in Pakistan does not match the roles played by various branches of the Iranian military establishment. This can be explained in light of the following: 1- Different structures and creeds. In terms of structure and military creed, Pakistan¶s army is a traditional regular army. Its structure does not allow the creation of any parallel entities that share powers and roles. It is neither allowed to have sectarian affiliations, although the army in Islamabad shows some religious manifestations. 2- Different missions for paramilitary forces. In Pakistan, the 304,000-strong paramilitary forces such as the Coast Guards or the Maritime Security Agency, estimated to account for nearly half of the 617,000-strong army, are more regular than militia-styled. They entail either rapid deployment, or elite forces. Some of these formations, such as the Frontier Corps, the Pakistan Rangers, are part of the ministry of interior. Other special units include are the National Cadet Corps and Women's Guard. These components were created to achieve special goals, such as maintaining balance between various components of society and addressing chronic threats arising since the establishment of the state. Moreover, some of them, such as the Northern Light Infantry, were formed for certain terrains such as coastal or border areas. Overall, all are part of the conventional structure of a regular army. 3- Conventional Roles. Unlike Iran, Pakistan does not have experience in extraterritorial intervention, and its army¶s presence outside the country's border is confined to conventional participation in joint trainings with other regular armies or in peacekeeping missions. 4- Opposition to Iran¶s extraterritorial expansion. Pakistan considers Iran¶s expansion, in crisis-hit countries in particular, as a threat to neighboring countries and a cause of upsetting existing regional balance of powers. Statements made by Iranian officials further revealed Tehran¶s endeavor to support its regional expansions through establishing strong ties with terrorist organizations and armed groups operating in countries.That said, it can possibly be concluded that there are obstacles blocking Iran from promoting its Basij model in some regional countries and Pakistan in particular. The obstacles will further hinder Iranian endeavors to seize its involvement in various regional conflicts, and play a role in increasing chaos, instability and supporting various terrorist organizations. 10/1/2021 6:45:04 AM 1 / 1.
Recommended publications
  • The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
    The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Basij Mull a Wider Domestic and Regional Role by Farzin Nadimi
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2738 Iran's Basij Mull a Wider Domestic and Regional Role by Farzin Nadimi Dec 20, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis In addition to expanding and professionalizing their traditional roles at home, Basij paramilitary forces are poised to assume a larger share of the fighting in Syria alongside Iran's foreign militia proxies. n December 7, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed a new head for the Iranian paramilitary O organization known as the Basij. Gen. Gholam Hossein Gheibparvar replaced Muhammad Naghdi, who had held the job for seven years. Among other things, his appointment highlights Tehran's apparent eagerness to cement the Basij's repressive domestic security role, and to use the Syria war as a de facto vetting and training ground for the next generation of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders. CONFRONTING DOMESTIC "THREATS" T he Basij are a volunteer-based paramilitary force formed soon after the 1979 revolution. During the Iran-Iraq War, they assumed their main role of augmenting the IRGC by supplying a stream of short-term volunteers, quickly gaining a reputation as either martyrdom-seeking devotees or ill-trained cannon fodder. It was not until late 2009 -- after "Green Movement" protestors took to the streets en masse to dispute the presidential election -- that the Basij were fully integrated into the IRGC's "mosaic defense" provincial security architecture, gaining their own professional cadre in the process.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
    1 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION: Iran’s Perceptions of its Internal Developments and their Implications for Strategic Competition with the U.S. in the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – March 2011 By Alexander Wilner May 17, 2011 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] 2 With the assistance of Adam Seitz of the Marine Corps University, the Burke Chair has compiled a series of chronological reports that focus on Iranian perceptions of national security and assess Iran‟s intentions concerning competition with the US. The latest version of these reports is entitled “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iran's Perceptions of its Ballistic Missile Program and Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011,” and is available on the CSIS web site at http://csis.org/publication/us-and- iranian-strategic-competition-2. Previous versions include “U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: Iranian Views of How Iran‟s Asymmetric Warfare Developments Affect Competition with the US and the Gulf, Sept. 2010 – Feb. 2011” (http://csis.org/publication/us- and-iranian-strategic-competition-1). The Iranian government‟s statements and actions provide considerable insight into the country‟s strategic competition with the US. They help show how the regime perceives and responds to external pressure and its relationship with the international community. The regime‟s rhetoric regarding its “soft war” against external cultural influence and domestic liberalism as well as laws such as the proposed Supervision of Members of Parliament bill provide key insights into the changing nature of the regime and its outlook.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps)
    IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) Name: IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) Type of Organization: Military terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist Khomeinist Shiite state actor Place of Origin: Iran Year of Origin: 1979 Founder(s): Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini Places of Operation: Afghanistan, Europe, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, South America, Syria Overview Also Known As: Islamic Revolutionary Guards Pasdaran (“Guards”) Revolutionary Guards Sepah (“Corps”) Sepah-e Pasdaran-e Enghelab-e Eslami (“Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps”) Executive Summary: The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is tasked with preserving the Islamic Republic of Iran and the ideals of the 1979 revolution. The IRGC combines traditional military roles with a relentless focus on supposed domestic enemies. The IRGC is Iran’s primary instrument for exporting the ideology of the Islamic Revolution worldwide. It is rigidly loyal to Iran’s clerical elite. The IRGC is Iran’s main link to its terrorist proxies, which the regime uses to boost Iran’s global influence. Within the IRGC are the Basij militia and the Quds Force (IRGC-QF). The Basij, literally “mobilization,” is a paramilitary organization charged with channeling popular support for the Iranian regime. The Basij is famous for its recruitment of volunteers, many of them teenage children, for human wave attacks during the Iran-Iraq war. Today, the Basij has two missions: to provide defensive military training to protect the regime against foreign invasion, and to suppress domestic anti-regime activity through street violence and intimidation. After the contested 2009 Iranian presidential elections, for example, the Basij brutally quashed protests and attacked student dormitories. IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) The IRGC’s Quds Force specializes in foreign missions, providing training, funding and weapons to extremist groups, including Iraqi insurgents, Hezbollah, and Hamas.
    [Show full text]
  • The Militarisation of Iran's Politics
    MIDDLE EAST The militarisation of Iran’s politics KEY POINTS Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is ■ Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, has mobilised the Revolution Guards commanders. increasingly looking towards former members of the ■ The aim is to repel internal pressure for political Islamic Revolution Guards Corps to help maintain influence. and economic reform and external pressure related to the nuclear stand-off. Ali Alfoneh investigates what this could mean for the future ■ Such political calculations might deliver the in- of the Islamic Republic. tended outcome, but it also endangers clerical rule in Iran. ith Iran facing formidable chal- during the Ahmadinejad presidency. Be- administration as well as from his associ- lenges in its nuclear stand-off sides Ahmadinejad, the nine out of his ates during his term as Tehran’s mayor W with the West, and given the 21 cabinet ministers all come from the (2003-2005). Jane’s discovered IRGC internal pressures for political and eco- IRGC: backgrounds in the governors of Qom, nomic reforms, the political leadership ■ Minister of Energy: Parviz Fattah Kerman, Western Azerbaijan, Khuzestan, of the Islamic Republic is increasingly ■ Minister of Welfare and Social Secu- Hamedan and Ilam. In addition, the gov- relying on the Islamic Revolution Guards rity: Abdol-Reza Mesri ernors of Zanjan, Lorestan, Esfahan and Corps (IRGC) to maintain power. ■ Minister of Industries and Mines: Ali- Southern Khorasan are recruited from Having chosen the path of defiance in Akbar Mehrabian the prison administration in the Islamic relation to the West and repression of do- ■ Minister of Justice: Gholam-Hossein Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • L196 Official Journal
    Official Journal L 196 of the European Union Volume 63 English edition Legislation 19 June 2020 Contents II Non-legislative acts REGULATIONS ★ Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2020/847 of 18 June 2020 implementing Regulation (EU) No 267/2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran . 1 DECISIONS ★ Council Decision (EU) 2020/848 of 16 June 2020 on the position to be taken on behalf of the European Union in the World Forum for Harmonisation of Vehicle Regulations of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe as regards the proposals for modifications to UN Regulations Nos 13, 14, 16, 22, 30, 41, 78, 79, 83, 94, 95, 101, 108, 109, 117, 129, 137, 138, 140 and 152, as regards the proposals for modifications to Global Technical Regulations Nos 3, 6, 7, 16 and 19, as regards the proposal for amendments to Consolidated Resolution R.E.3. and as regards the proposals for five new UN Regulations in relation to safety, emissions and automation in the area of motor vehicles . 5 ★ Council Decision (CFSP) 2020/849 of 18 June 2020 amending Decision 2010/413/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Iran . 8 ★ Council Decision (CFSP) 2020/850 of 18 June 2020 amending Decision 2014/386/CFSP concerning restrictive measures in response to the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol . 12 Acts whose titles are printed in light type are those relating to day-to-day management of agricultural matters, and are generally valid for a limited period. EN The titles of all other acts are printed in bold type and preceded by an asterisk. 19.6.2020
    [Show full text]
  • IRGC Quds Force and Lebanese Hezbollah
    Statement before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade Hearing on “Hezbollah’s Strategic Shift: A Global Terrorist Threat” Iran’s Global Force Projection Network: IRGC Quds Force and Lebanese Hezbollah Will Fulton Critical Threats Project Iran Analyst and IRGC Project Leaad American Enterprise Institute March 20, 2013 The views expressed in this testimony are those of the author alone and do not necessarily represent those of the American Enterprise Institute. The Islamic Republic of Iran is first and foremost concerned with regime preservation, and its strategic calculus and behavior are deeply influenced by this concern. It is therefore essential that Iran’s global terror campaign is considered within this context. Iran’s global force projection network, to include the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and the Quds Force, Lebanese Hezbollah, and Iran’s proxies in Iraq and Gaza, is primarily a deterrence and retaliatory force, nested within a strategy designed to protect the regime from external threats. By demonstrating a capability to strike U.S. and Israeli interests anywhere in the world, or creating a perception of this capability, Iran’s leaders hope to stave off a military strike, or at least make it extremely costly for their foes. This has been a component of Iran’s strategic thinking since the earliest years of the Iranian Revolution. In 1980, while the regime was still in its infancy and officials were debating the direction of Iran’s foreign policy, the official organ of the IRGC published an editorial describing why Iran’s global terrorist network is fundamental to regime survival.
    [Show full text]
  • TAKING BACK the NEIGHBORHOOD the IRGC Provincial Guard’S Mission to Re-Islamize Iran
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n JUNE 2020 n PN81 Saeid Golkar TAKING BACK THE NEIGHBORHOOD The IRGC Provincial Guard’s Mission to Re-Islamize Iran During 2019, the Islamic Republic of Iran erupted in nearly simultaneous public protests in cities across the country. Thousands of citizens stopped traffic along major highways, marched, and shouted complaints about the gasoline price hike that had ostensibly sparked the demonstrations in the first place. They also aired their broader complaints against the leadership. Indeed, more than forty years after the country’s Islamic Revolution, the Iranian regime has become more repressive than ever, with an apparatus that attempts to reach into every facet of life and society. The protests, for their part, were brutally quelled through force. This was a familiar experience for Iranians seeking to express their displeasure. Scholars and journalists have produced a growing body of literature on political repression in Iran and the regime’s oppressive tools, including the police and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in general.1 © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR But these studies focus mainly on the IRGC’s 1979, to protect itself against a possible coup by military and security role and its five official divisions: Iran’s conventional army, the Artesh. At the beginning the IRGC Ground Forces (IRGC-GF), Aerospace of the Iran-Iraq War, in September 1980, the IRGC Force (IRGC-ASF), Navy (IRGCN), Qods Force was rapidly expanded to include ten departments. It (IRGC-QF),2 and Basij organization.3 Only a handful incorporated the National Mobilization (Basij-e Melli), of studies cover the IRGC’s role in political suppression which was created independently several months and maintaining state control, leaving a gap in the earlier, on April 30, 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
    Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Name: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Type of Organization: Military terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist Khomeinist Shiite state actor Place of Origin: Iran Year of Origin: 1979 Founder(s): Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini Places of Operation: Afghanistan, Europe, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, South America, Syria Overview Also Known As: Islamic Revolutionary Guards Pasdaran (“Guards”) Revolutionary Guards Sepah (“Corps”) Sepah-e Pasdaran-e Enghelab-e Eslami (“Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps”) Executive Summary: The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is tasked with preserving the Islamic Republic of Iran and the ideals of the 1979 revolution. The IRGC combines traditional military roles with a relentless focus on supposed domestic enemies. The IRGC is Iran’s primary instrument for exporting the ideology of the Islamic Revolution worldwide. It is rigidly loyal to Iran’s clerical elite. The IRGC is Iran’s main link to its terrorist proxies, which the regime uses to boost Iran’s global influence. Within the IRGC are the Basij militia and the Quds Force (IRGC-QF). The Basij, literally “mobilization,” is a paramilitary organization charged with channeling popular support for the Iranian regime. The Basij is famous for its recruitment of volunteers, many of them teenage children, for human wave attacks during the Iran-Iraq war. Today, the Basij has two missions: to provide defensive military training to protect the regime against foreign invasion, and to suppress domestic anti-regime activity through street violence and intimidation. After the contested 2009 Iranian presidential elections, for example, the Basij brutally quashed protests and attacked student dormitories. The IRGC’s Quds Force specializes in foreign missions, providing training, funding and weapons to extremist groups, including Iraqi insurgents, Hezbollah, and Hamas.
    [Show full text]
  • Major General Mohammad Bagheri: Chief of Staff of Iran's Armed Forces
    Major General Mohammad Bagheri: Chief of Staff of Iran’s Armed Forces November 2020 1 Table of Contents Early Life and the Iran-Iraq War ............................................................................................................... 3 Reorganization, Positioning, and Firouzabadi’s Shadow ........................................................................... 4 Promotion as Chief of Staff of Iran’s Armed Forces .................................................................................. 7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 9 2 Major General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri Major General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri is the chief of staff of Iran’s Armed Forces. The chief of staff is considered the highest ranking military officer in the Islamic Republic and is responsible for the coordination and supervision of Iran’s regular army (Artesh) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Bagheri ascended to this post through a storied family military history and quiet competence. His arrival at the helm of the Armed Forces General Staff (AFGS) also bolstered the IRGC’s role in Iran’s national command structure. Early Life and the Iran-Iraq War There are conflicting reports as to the year of Bagheri’s birth. Some sources, including the U.S. Treasury Department, say he was born in 1960 in Tehran. Others list the year as 1958. In addition to his military training, Bagheri received a conventional education as an engineering student and later earned a doctoral degree in political geography from Tarbiyat-e Modares University. Bagheri’s revolutionary activities date back to the founding of the Islamic Republic in 1979. He was one of the students who attacked and seized the U.S. embassy, and Iranian media indicates that he deployed to the battlefield one month after the Iran-Iraq War began. There isn’t an extensive record of his service in these early years.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Mohammad Reza Fallahzadeh, the New Deputy Commander of Iran’S Qods Force? by Ali Alfoneh
    MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Alert Who Is Mohammad Reza Fallahzadeh, the New Deputy Commander of Iran’s Qods Force? by Ali Alfoneh Apr 20, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ali Alfoneh Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute. Brief Analysis A closer look at the general’s service in Syria, his political and military connections, and his potential influence on how the Qods Force carries out future operations abroad. ollowing the sudden passing of Mohammad Hossein-Zadeh Hejazi, the deputy commander of Iran’s Islamic F Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed Brig. Gen. Mohammad Reza Fallahzadeh as his replacement on April 19. Who is Fallahzadeh, why was he named as second-in- command of such a crucial tool in Tehran’s foreign policy, and how might his appointment affect the organization? Also known as Abu Baqer, Fallahzadeh was born in Yazd province in 1962 or 1963 and hails from a family of Iran- Iraq War veterans. One brother, Mohammad Baqer, was killed in combat in 1987; another relative, Asghar, currently serves in the Qods Force and may be Fallahzadeh’s brother as well. Next to nothing is known about his service in the Iran-Iraq War, perhaps due to his junior position at the time. Information about his activities since then is rather scarce as well, however. The official statement announcing his appointment included a few sentences noting his previous roles as a provincial IRGC chief in Isfahan (where he commanded the 33rd al-Mahdi Division), Fars (19th Fajr Division), and Yazd, but no information is available regarding his performance in those positions.
    [Show full text]
  • READ Middle East Brief 81
    Judith and Sidney Swartz Director Prof. Shai Feldman “Worried” or “Valiant”? The Dialectic Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Between Iran’s Nuclear Negotiations and Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of its Domestic Politics Middle East History and Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi Seyedamir Hossein Mahdavi Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD Khalil Shikaki, PhD n May 6, 2014, Mohammad Javad Zarif, the Iranian Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics OMinister of Foreign Affairs who had been summoned Eva Bellin to the Parliament on charges of offering compromises at the Henry J. Leir Professor of the nuclear negotiations with P5+1, told the hostile MPs: “We are Economics of the Middle East Nader Habibi a valiant (delavar) nation, not a worried (delvapas) one.” Zarif Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor was alluding to a series of recent debates and conferences of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies held across the country under the title of Delvapasi (Worry), Kanan Makiya objecting to the six-month interim nuclear deal (also known Junior Research Fellow Eric Lob, PhD as the Joint Plan of Action) signed on November 24, 2013. This movement aimed to raise awareness against making Postdoctoral Researcher Jonathan L. Snow, PhD unacceptable compromises in the nuclear negotiations and to prevent the finalization of what the conference organizers deemed to be a “bad” nuclear deal. Zarif further responded to the “worried” representatives at the Parliament by saying: “Not only do we not see any reason for being worried, we are fighting valiantly on diplomatic fronts.”1 This Brief argues that the recent nuclear deal and the ongoing negotiations with the West have created a new fault line in the domestic political landscape of Iran through the realignment of its political elite: Agreement with or opposition to the nuclear deal pursued by the Rouhani administration has June 2014 become the main factor dividing the political elite of Iran.
    [Show full text]