and “anti-isochrony” in the Soikkola Ingrian trisyllabic

Kuznetsova, Natalia1, 2, Irina Brodskaya2, Elena Markus3,4 1Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore; 2Institute for Linguistic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; 3University of Tartu; 4Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences

The Soikkola dialect of Ingrian, a vanishing Finnic variety of Russia, manifests a rare ternary quantity contrast of , attested only in Estonian, Livonian, and Saami. Ingrian ternary contrast relies less on secondary durational cues in other foot segments than in these , at least in the disyllabic foot (Markus 2011). The trisyllabic foot shows prosodic differences from both the disyllabic foot and the combination of a disyllabic and a monosyllabic foot. It manifests two idiosyncratic phenomena: specific types of prosodically motivated and ongoing reduction of second long vowels (Sovijärvi 1944: 182–184). We studied the interaction of phonological and foot structure in segmental durations of 22 tri- and 4 disyllables (Table 1). The dataset (4259 tokens) was based on elicitation of phrase- final words by 5 speakers (2014-2016) and explored by mixed linear regression modelling. We looked at both synchronic timing patterns and their precursors in earlier history. We claim that both can be explained through an interaction of two main phonetic tendencies: isochrony and “anti-isochrony”. Isochrony is a cross-linguistically known trend for poly- subconstituent shortening (Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel 2020: 135–143). In , it also includes lengthening of short vowels after a light (C)V stressed syllable: tapa [ˈtab̥ aː] ‘kill:IMP’ (Lehtonen 1970; Eek 1990). “Anti-isochrony”, less known outside Finnic languages, implies lengthening of segments before longer sounds, most notably of consonants before long vowels (Nahkola 1987; O’Dell 2003: 15; Kuznetsova 2013). The most evident isochronic effect in our data is an ongoing phonological shortening of long second syllable vowels (V2) in most trisyllables, while disyllables, being shorter feet, still maintain long V2 (see Fig. 1). In turn, “anti- isochrony” is best represented by historical prosodic gemination of singleton consonants before long vowels (e.g. *kanā > kan̆ nā ‘hen:PRT’), widespread also in other Finnic varieties (Paunonen 1973). Such gemination is present both in di- and trisyllables and gave rise to the middle length class of consonants. However, the Soikkola Ingrian trisyllabic foot manifests gemination also before two light *-CVCV(C): *murkina > murk̆ kina ‘breakfast’. Subtler phonetic manifestations of both isochrony and “anti-isochrony” in other foot positions confirmed that the two tendencies are still active in the language. These effects include e.g. shorter vowel durations before longer length classes of consonants, shorter consonantal durations after long vowels (isochrony), or phonetic lengthening of consonants before long V2 (“anti- isochrony”). A comparison of effect sizes across positions indicates isochrony strengthening towards the end of the foot. Our findings present challenges for current phonological models, both physiologically- motivated and formal ones. Trisyllabic foot is often contested in formal phonological accounts (Martínez-Paricio & Kager 2015; Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec 2015), while our case showed two phonological processes clearly pertinent to the trisyllabic foot only. Our results are also challenging for Articulatory / Task Dynamics (Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel 2020): they show that the degree of poly-subconstituent shortening is regulated by the phonological length of segments and that isochrony strength is not equal in all foot positions. Local “anti- isochronic” lengthening is also difficult to account for in AP/TD.

Table 1. Original quantity patterns in Soikkola Ingrian di- and Figure 1. Mean duration (in ms) of V2 in 8 trisyllabic feet; studied structures are in yellow. Dark yellow dark yellow structures from Table 1. Means highlights the four shortest trisyllabic feet which were are given in boxes and nrs of tokens below the additionally compared to four disyllables with the same boxes. Note the preservation vs. shortening of structure of the first two syllables (marked as VCV, VːCV etc). long V2 in the di- vs. trisyllables of the VCːVː Duration of V2 in these 8 structures is given in Figure 1. structure (a shift in Vː vs. V is marked under the boxes).

C2+V2 Foot type VCV VːCV V1V2CV VRCV VːRCV C + V tapa lōta aita karta kārto

C + Vː mātā aitās kartās raentā

(Cˑ + V) Cˑ + Vː tap̆ pā lōt̆tā ait̆tā kart̆tā kārt̆tō

syllabic Cː + V natta vōtta aitta kartta - 2 Cː + Vː tappā nōttā aittā karttā C + V lakata vīkate leikata harkata kērsimä (C + Vː) Cˑ + V vōt̆tava voit̆teli murk̆ kina vǟnt̆ teli ̆

syllabic Cˑ + Vː mat̆tāla sūt̆tīma hoit̆tīma kerkkīmä vǟnt̆ tīmä - 3 Cː + V kattila ōttele voitteli markkoja Cː + Vː kattīma mūttīma toittīma harkkāma

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