_tÇzâtzx TÜàá 2 | 2016 | VERSION 2016-03-11 OPEN – ACCESS Freely available online

Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection Roland A. Pooth* FIU Cologne, University of Cologne ‡, Leiden University ‡, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History ◊

Abstract: This article provides an overview of Proto-Indo-European verb morphology. Keywords: Reconstruction of morphology, PIE verbal morphology, PIE aspect system, PIE grammar ** Citation: Pooth, R. A. (2016): “Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection”, Language Arts 2, issue version 2016-03-11, author manu- script version 2016-03-11 Editor: Dr. Roland A. Pooth, Merheimer Str. 117, D 50733 Cologne (Nippes), Western Germany Written: Winter 2015/2016; published online at https://leidenuniv.academia.edu/RolandPooth , 2016-03-11 Copyright: © 2016 R. A. Pooth. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

*E-mail: [email protected]

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1 Introduction is indicated by T, e.g. Tu̯eu̯órti , cf. Vedic 3sg aor. ind. mid. ávavarti 3 These introductory remarks are partly identical to the ones ‘returned’ (RV 2.38.6a). As a methodological of two foregoing articles.1 The reader is recommended to obligation, the linguistic reconstruction of PIE verb mor- compare the templatic analysis of PIE 2 nominal morphol- phology must further generally be based on comparative IE ogy to the one provided here. The linguistic reconstruction equation formulas. A comparative equation formula is ₠ ₠u̯ég̑ɦo/e- of PIE verb forms, stem formation patterns and morpho- indicated by here, e.g. imperfective stem ‘to syntactic rules, as it is presented here, is based on the most move, float’. Based on a prime axiom of comparative phi- archaic IE verb forms and stem formation patterns. It is lology, comparative equation formulas like this are con- ventionally interpreted as PIE word forms. However, re- predominantly grounded on the IE athematic verb stems, 4 first of all on the patterning of the IE athematic root for- call that many traditional interpretations of equation mations such as Vedic 3sg aor. ind. act. ágan ‘came, went’, formulas as PIE word forms suffer from the lack of dia- 3sg pres. hánti ‘slays, kills’ :: Hittite 3sg pres. ind. act. ku-e- chronic linguistic plausibility. Recall that we have to be en-zi (OS) ‘id.’, etc. Likewise, however, several isolated more skeptical about the traditional analysis because a ₠u̯ég̑ɦo/e- archaisms are phonologically mapped onto PIE by undoing good deal of the equation formulas, like , are the respective sound laws. A form generated this way is solely grounded on the IE PRODUCTIVE thematic word for- váha-ti called a phonological Transponat in German. I will use the mation patterns, cf. Vedic pres. ‘to move’ :: Latin uehit uehere *weɣana n convenient German term here. A phonological Transponat ( ) ‘id.’ :: Proto-Germanic inf. ‘id.’, etc. 5 Verb stems belonging to IE productive stem formation patterns, however, are principally prone to be innovative ‡ Alumnus: Dr. (2014) in Comparative Linguistics, Leiden University; M.A. in Historical-Comparative Linguistics, General Linguistics, Phi- in a particular respect, which is to say that they may well losophy, University of Cologne. ◊ IE Lexical Cognacy Database (IELex) 2, be result of a formal or functional morphotactic or mor- Data Entry Group (supervised by P. Heggarty), 09-2015 - 02-2016. phosyntactic innovation. Recall that equation formulas like 1 Cf. Pooth 2015a, 2015b. ₠u̯ég̑ɦo/e- are thus prone to represent common IE 2 Abbreviations: act. = active; adj. = adjective; agt. = agentive-active; aor. = aorist (perfective) stem; Gk. = Greek; Hitt. = Hittite; IE = SECONDARY EQUATIONS , such as result from a parallel but Indo-European; in. = inanimate; ind. = indicative; inf. = infinitive; Lat. = Latin; m. = masculine; mid. = middle; OCS = Old Church 3 The term transponatum ( TM ), used in my article on PIE nominal mor- Slavonic; OHG = Old High German; OS = old script; PG = Proto- phology (cf. Pooth 2015b), is no longer used here. Germanic; PIE = Proto-Indo-European; plt. = plurative; pres. = so- 4 Pooth 2015b. called “present”, that is, imperfective stem; redup. = reduplicated or 5 This holds for all thematic ( ₠-o/e-) stems reconstructed by the LIV , cf. reduplication; Ved. = Vedic, etc. Meillet 1931, Pooth 2014b: chapters 7-8.

2 Roland A. Pooth

₠ ɦ relatively independent formal and functional emergence, the basis of the equation formula u̯ég̑ o- by retransforming presumably in close areal dialectal contact.6 For this rea- and remodeling the equation formula into a PIE verb form. son, many traditional equation formulas are no longer It is explicitly claimed here that the backprojected form automatically interpreted as belonging to the PIE verb and function of IE productive formation patterns, e.g. ₠ ɦ inflection here. Again it is explicitly claimed that, before u̯ég̑ o/e-, AS SUCH can only have the value of a secondary, being acceptable as a potentially real and realistic PIE verb less reliable equation formula and its form and function is form, the given equation formula must undergo an addi- thus not necessarily the preceding potentially real and tional methodological procedure, as it must necessarily be realistic PIE form and function, despite all previous claims result of the method of INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION,7 that is, of comparative philology.9 the equation formula must first be diachronically analyzed, interpreted, and identified as matching the most archaic 2 Phoneme inventory and representation PIE word formation patterns from the perspective of inter- The PIE segmental phoneme inventory comprised a mini- nally reconstructable PIE to IE morphosyntactic rules and mum of 31 segmental phonemes including twenty-three tendencies. If necessary, an equation formula must be consonant phonemes, two semi-vowel phonemes /i u/ and modified and formally retransformed to match the older six ‘full’ vowel phonemes /a aː ɛ ɛː ɔ ɔː/: and most archaic pattern, if the respective PIE pattern was w w w evidently different and if this older pattern is evidently 16 stops /p b̤ ɓ t d̤ ɗ k g̈ ɠ k g̈ ɠ q ɢ̤ ʛ ʔ/ reconstructable. As outlined in my preceding articles, I will + 2 voiceless fricatives /s χ/ + 1 voiced fricative /ʕ/ + 2 nasal stops and 2 “liquids” /m n r l/ refrain from any automatic backprojection of SECONDARY = 23 consonant phonemes equation formulas to avoid a diachronic misinterpretation + 2 semi-vowels /u i/ of productive IE word formation patterns. It is necessary at + 6 ‘full’ vowels /a aː ɛ ɛː ɔ ɔː/ this point of reasoning within a proper linguistic recon- = 31 segmental phonemes struction to sharply distinguish between PRIMARY , more + high and intense pitch accent (stress) ´ ₠ ̑ reliable equation formulas (such as kéi̯o(i) ‘lies’), versus (+ low(ered) tone ` of stressed syllables 10 ) SECONDARY , less reliable or unreliable equation formulas. The traditional representation is not maintained here for Whereas the former are formally close to linear results of a 11 reasons outlined elsewhere. I make use of the symbols of common inherited word form (e.g. PIE *kɛ́iɔi ‘is lying, is the International Phonetic Association (IPA). The “mediae” being put down (by s.o.)’) the latter are much less reliable w 〈b d g̑ g g 〉 are reconstructed as voiced implosive stops and cannot automatically be interpreted as such linear h h h h wh here. The “mediae aspiratae” 〈b d g̑ g g 〉 are recon- continuations. Nevertheless, secondary equations can also structed as PIE breathy or murmured voiced plosives be used to reconstruct PIE word forms. But these word 12 here. The three “laryngeals” are reconstructed here as forms need to be formally or functionally modified and two fricatives /χ ʕ = h h / and a glottal stop /ʔ = h /. morphosyntactically reanalyzed according to a more gen- 2 3 1 The PIE phonemes are given in Figures 2 and 3. Marginal eral diachronic morphosyntactic analysis of PIE. Formally PIE phonemes are enclosed in parentheses. Key to the and functionally, PIE word forms do not necessarily have columns: 1. plain voiceless stops; 2. breathy or murmured to exactly match secondary equation formulas. They may voiced stops; 3. voiced implosives; 4. voiceless fricatives well be proxies, as illustrated by Figure 1: (including the sibilant); 5. voiced epiglottal/pharyngeal fricative or approximant; 6. nasal stops; 7. lateral ap- label examples proximant; 8. alveolar trill or approximant; 9. semi-vowels IE forms Vedic váhati :: Latin uehit , etc. :: Vedic śáye , °śaya(t) , śáya-, etc. (vocalic glides or approximants); 10. glottal stop. IE equation formula ₠u̯ég̑ɦo/e- (cf. LIV s.v.) phonological Transponat *k éȋ̯ o(i) ⇐ Vedic śáye :: CLuw. zīyar(i) front mid back and rounded provisional forms *u̯ég̑ɦo/e- closed i u ɛ ɛː ɔ ɔː reconstructed PIE form *uɛ́g̈ɔ :: *kɛ́iɔ mid open (a aː) reconstructed PIE categories 3SG .DURATIVE .DETRANSITIVE .INTRANSITIVE Figure 2. Figure 1. IE forms, provisional forms (cf. LIV s.vv.), and reconstructed forms PIE vowel phonemes including semi-vowels and reconstructed morphosyntactic categories 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 An example for what is implied in this section can be bilabial p b̤ (ɓ) m alveolar t d̤ ɗ s n l r provided by the reconstruction of a PIE 3sg durative de- velar k g̈ ɠ i 8 transitive intransitive form * uɛ́g̈ɔ with the reconstructable labiovelar kw g̈w ɠw u meaning ‘is, was moving (labile)’. This PIE so-called postvelar q ɢ̤ ʛ χ epiglottal ʕ “Narten protomiddle” or “stative” is reconstructed here on glottal ʔ

Figure 3. PIE consonant phonemes including semi-vowels 6 Comparanda are the Germanic have-perfect constructions, which parallely emerged in areal contact yielding secondary equations (Scheingleichungen ). Proto-Germanic only had possessive constructions 9 Cf. Pooth 2015b: inroduction. with *haβjanan ‘to hold, keep’ and *aiɣanan (*aih ) ‘to own’. 10 Marking vocatives, perhaps imperative verb forms, and main verb 7 Cf. Fox 1995. forms of subordinate constructions, cf. Pooth 2015a, 2016b (forthcom- 8 The term DETRANSITIVE is used here for what Jasanoff 1979, 2003 has ing). termed “protomiddle”. The term intransitive solely refers to the lack of 11 Cf. Pooth 2015a. a direction marker -t- or -s-. These forms were labile: see below. 12 Kümmel 2012, Pooth 2015b: section 2, footnotes. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 3

3 Morphotaxis tier segment/template gloss 15 _ɛ_ As argued in detail else- vowel melody (or transfix) AGENTIVE or (PROTO -)ACTIVE vowel melody template _V_ SINGULATIVE or underspecified 13 ́ where, it is inferential word form CV template Ci-CV C-C-C SINGULAR or underspecified 16 that PIE verb inflection word form metrical structure σ́ σ SINGULAR or underspecified was of the ROOT AND consonant frame d̤i-d̤_ʔ-t-i DISTRIBUTIVE -ro_ot-DIRECT -PROGRESSIVE PATTERN morphology type. direction suffix -t- DIRECT By definition, languages of number marking ― this type are made up from aspect suffix -i PROGRESSIVE PIE verb form *d̤id̤ɛ́ʔti ‘does it now & then, here and there; a skeletal consonant frame puts s.th. here and puts s.th. there’ (abbreviated CF) and a Figure 4. *d̤id̤ɛ́ʔti transfix or vowel melody Segmental and templatic analysis of PIE (abbreviated VM): inflectional lexical + inflectional inflectional “[...] In these languages, the root in a number of common tense aspect inflectable base aspect mood person/ voice number direction aspect/ binyanim 14 (redup.) ~aspect (infix)~ direction mood [ ] or paradigms may T RED C_C A M P H N D F be analysed as being made -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 solely of consonants, while the ɛ́- CV 3(C)(i) CV 1~n~V 2C CV4C CV 5C CV6 CV7 CV 8 CV 9 C pattern of vowels which are Ci nu iʔ m χ s ~ m i found around the consonants Cɛ sk ʔs u n ~ r s u and the particular vowels Cɛ́ s χ t filling up the pattern provide Cɛ́ː ~ Cɛ́R t morphological information C_Ci Ø comparable to that often given DSTR ~ICPL ~ ICPL OPT 1EXC DTR PL ~ CIS 17 PRG by affixation. This analysis ANT /CMPL PUNC CON 1INC PL DIR (ECT ) DEB leads to discontinuous roots CONT INV (ERSE ) COL INV (ERSE ) and discontinuous morphs INT DIR (ECT ) interacting with the roots, MULT ITR [...].” (Bauer 2004: 93) Figure 5. PIE verbal morphotaxis [aspect/mood glosses: ANT /CMPL = anterior/completive; CON = conative; CONT = continuative-frequentative; DEB = debitive; DSTR = distributive, ICPL = incompletive; INT = intensive or internally “A transfix is a particular repetitive -iterative; MULT = externally mult iplied ; PRG = progressive -continuous] type of affix, one which is completely interwoven with its base. Typically, it is a series of vowels which surround and interact from the agglutinating affixation on the skeletal consonant with a base which in turn can be analysed as a series of conso- frame tier. It is mapped onto the underlying VOWEL MELODY nants. For example, Arabic katab ‘he wrote’, kitaab ‘book’, kaatib TEMPLATE (abbreviated VMT) which consists of underspeci- ‘clerk’ (where the root is *ktb , indicating ‘writing’) illustrate the _V _ _V V _ _V _..._V _ _a_a_ _i_aa_ _aa_i_ fied vowel slots, symbolized by 1 or 1 2 or 1 2 transfixes , and . Such transfixes [...] are discon- V tinuous affixes attached to discontinuous bases, [...].” ( = vowel). The different morphological tiers and seg- ments or templates can be illustrated by Figures 4 and 6. (Bauer 2004: 102) 3.1 The vowel melody vowel melody tier Following the terminological tradition of the autosegmen- detransitive vowel tier ɔ ⎜ tal approach, as launched by McCarthy 1981, the term ‘bare’ vowel tier ɛ ɛ VOWEL MELODY (VM) is used here as a synonym of transfix. ⎜ ⎜ PIE morphological segments can be analyzed on different vowel phoneme moraic tier µ µ ⎜ ⎜ morphological levels which are termed morphological tiers vowel melody moraic tier µ µ or MORPHEME TIERS within the autosegmental morphologi- ⎜ ⎜ V V cal analysis. The vowel melody is analyzed as an inde- vowel melody template tier 1 2 ⎜ ⎜ pendent segmental string, morphotactically independent word form template tier ⎜ ⎜ stress accent tier ´ ⎜ 13 ⎜ ⎜ Cf. Pooth 2000: last fn., 2001, 2004a, 2009b, 2014acd, 2015ab; tonal tier H ⎜ Tremblay 1999, 2003; for the Vedic system of root and stem formation ⎜ ⎜ morphology cf. Pooth 2014, chapter 2b. word form CV template tier C C V C V C 14 ́ The term binyānîm (pl.) is borrowed from Classical Hebrew grammar. ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ 15 I use the general glosses redup- = reduplication, ro_ot- = disconti- consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ nuous root, ba_se- = discontinuous inflectable base: PIE regular roots root and inflectable base tier s t u ⎜ inflectable bases were interrupted by a vowel slot _V_ , e.g. *p_k- ‘to fix suffix tier i wool, fix hair, comb’, *ʔu_s- ‘worthy’, etc. I principally follow the Figure 6. Segmental and templatic analysis of PIE *stɛ́uɔi Leipzig Glossing Rules. Most glosses are the conventional ones, e.g. ABS = absolutive; ALL = allative-dative; AN = animate; COL = collective- sociative uncountable; DIR = direct transitive; DTR = detransitive The word form analyzed in Figure 6, PIE *stɛ́uɔi ‘s.o. is (“protomiddle”); ERG = ergative-genitive; EXC = 1exclusive; IN = praising s.o./s.th.; s.o./s.th. is being praised by s.o.’ (> inanimate; INC = 1inclusive; INV =inverse transitive; ITR = (syntacti- cally) intransitive; I further use the glosses PLT = plurative, VM = Vedic stáve ‘id.’), was a form of the so-called “Narten type vowel melody or part of the vowel melody. protomiddle” or “stative”. In my analysis *stɛ́uɔi was a 3sg 16 Symbols: σ́ σ = trochaic foot, σ σ́ = iambic foot. detransitive INTRANSITIVE form of the DURATIVE aspect with 17 CIS = CISLOCATIVE , which I use in the sense of deictically speaker- oriented. 4 Roland A. Pooth

18 additional PROGRESSIVE -CONTINUOUS C-chain gloss example translation suffix -i. It was encoded by the vowel d̤_ʔ-t-i p_ut-DIR -PROGRESSIVE *d̤ɛ́ʔti ‘is doing (it/s.th.)’ _ɛ_ɔ_ d̤i-d̤_ʔ_t DISTRIBUTIVE -p_ut-2/3 DIR *d̤id̤ɛ́ʔt ‘did here/now & there/then melody with accent on the initial d̤ɛ-d̤_ʔ-Ø- *d̤ɛd̤ɔ́ʔɛ _ɛ́_ ANTERIOR /COMPLETIVE -p_ut-2/3 ITR ‘s.o. has done and is a doer’ vowel . This vowel melody was d̤ʔ-i_ʔ-s p_ut-OPT -2/3 INVERSE *d̤ʔiɛ́ʔs ‘I wish she/he would do’ assigned to the underlying vowel d̤ʔ-sk_ put-PUNC _ *d̤ʔskɔ́ ‘did at once, suddenly, casually’ melody template consisting of two iu~n~_ʛ_n-t con~ INCOMPLETIVE ~_nect_3 PL -DIR *iunʛɛ́nt ‘they connected (it/s.th.)’ d̤~n~ʔ-i_ʔ-m p~INCOMPL ~_ut-OPTATIVE -DIR *d̤nʔiɛ́ʔt ‘I wish I would still be doing’ vowels _V_ 1..._V 2_ (which was a PLURATIVE “chroneme”). Each PIE Figure 7. A few PIE consonants frames of the PIE verbs *d̤_ʔ- ‘to put, do ’ a nd *i_u -ʛ- ‘to connect , yoke ’ finite inflected verb form thus con- sisted of a minimum of two obligatory overt morphemes. The first obligatory overt morpheme tive vowel tier, the ‘bare’ vowel tier, the vowel phoneme was the skeletal discontinuous inflectable base, abbrevi- moraic tier, the vowel melody moraic tier, and the vowel ated IB (e.g. *d̤_ʔ- ‘to put, do, make; state, say’), including melody template tier: see Figures 6 and 11. the proper root (R). The second overt morpheme was the PIE had a binary voice system: morphologically underly- discontinuous inflectional vowel melody which was com- ing (unmarked) agentive-active ( AGT ) verb forms were pletely interwoven with the discontinuous inflectable base, distinguished from DETRANSITIVE ( DTR ) (“protomiddle”) including the root. The other morphemes or morpheme ones. In general, 3sg, 3pl, and 1pl detransitive forms were slots could remain non-overtly zero-marked/unmarked. marked by the discontinuous autosegmental or supraseg- mental detransitive morpheme ɔ, e.g. *kɛ́iɔ ‘lay there, was 3.2 The consonant frame put, laid down by s.o.’, whereas 2sg, 2pl, and 2/3col forms were marked by its continuous suffixal counterpart -χ-, e.g. In addition to transfixation on the vowel melody tier PIE *kɛ́iχa ‘I lay there, was put, laid down there by s.o.’. PIE made use of the morphotactic strategy of agglutination on detransitive voice marking can be illustrated by forms of the consonant frame tier. Aspect and mood marking (in the PIE first or NONDURATIVE -TERMINATIVE aspectual binyan slots 1, 2, and 7), person and direction marking (in slots 3 in Figures 8, 9, and 10. The respective voice marker is and 6), and part of the detransitive voice marking (in slot colored red (e.g. *g̈w_n- ‘to beat, slay, kill, hunt’). 4) as well as (partly optional) number marking (in slot 5), was provided by agglutinating suffixation on the conso- gloss SINGULAR PLURAL w w nant frame tier. The agglutinating skeletal C-chain or 1EXC *g̈ ɛ́nm *g̈ nmɛ́(s) w CONSONANT FRAME , that is, reduplication prefix, inflectable 1INC ― *g̈ nuɛ́(s) [PIE collective number w w 2ITR *g̈ ɛ́n *g̈ nɛ́(n) was deponential: the base (including root), and suffix(es) is the part left over w w 2DIR *g̈ ɛ́nt *g̈ ntɛ́(n) forms are given in after subtraction of the discontinuous full vowels /ɛ ɛː ɔ ɔː/ w w 2INV *g̈ ɛ́ns *g̈ nsɛ́(n) Figures 9 and 10] from the segmental string. Recall that the inflectable base w 3ITR *g̈ nɛ́r w w can be split up into the proper root and a derivational 3DIR *g̈ ɛ́nt *g̈ nɛ́nt w w suffix, that is, the so-called enlargement. It is further infer- 3INV *g̈ ɛ́ns *g̈ nɛ́rs ential that the so-called “mobile” s- was a derivational or Figure 8. PIE agentive-active unmarked voice forms of the first binyan inflectional prefix: see section 8.2. I use the underline _ (instead of the minus -) to represent gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE a morpheme boundary in between the consonant frame w 1EXC *g̈ nχá and the vowel melody. The underline further indicates the 1INC w w w position of the vowel slot within the inflectable base, e.g. 2ITR *g̈ nχá *g̈ nχá(n) *g̈ náχ(m) w w w *d̤_ʔ- 2DIR *g̈ ntχá *g̈ ntχá(n) *g̈ ntá χ(m) ‘to put, do, make; state, say’. A few PIE verbal conso- w w w 2INV *g̈ nsχá *g̈ nsχá(n) *g̈ nsá χ(m) nant frames or consonantal skeletons are given in Figure 7. w 3ITR *g̈ náχ(m) w The order of affixes in verb forms is given in Figure 5. In 3DIR *g̈ ntá χ(m) w line 3 of Figure 5, in between the orange lines, the conso- 3INV *g̈ nsá χ(m) nantal morpheme slots are numbered -2 to 7 with 0 being Figure 9. -χ- the inflectable base. T, RED, M, P, H, N, D, F symbolize the Corresponding detransitive voice forms marked by morpheme slots.19 The vowel slots of the vowel melody gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE (V1-V9) are included in line 4 of that Figure. w w 1EXC *g̈ nmɔ́(s) *g̈ nmɔ́(χ) w w 1INC *g̈ nuɔ́(s) *g̈ nuɔ́(χ) w 20 4 Internal modification 2ITR *g̈ nɔ́m w 2DIR *g̈ ntɔ́m 4.1 Detransitive voice marking w 2INV *g̈ nsɔḿ w w w w PIE had transfixation on the vowel melody tier, as indi- 3ITR *g̈ nɔ́ *g̈ nrɔ́ ~ *g̈ nɛ́rɔ ~ *g̈ nɔ́r w w w w 21 3DIR *g̈ ntɔ́ *g̈ nnt ɔ́ ~ *g̈ nɛ́nt ɔ ~ *g̈ nɔ́nt cated by the orange-shaded lines in Figures 6 and 11. The w 3INV *g̈ nsɔ́ VOWEL MELODY TIER , as a templatic morphological analyti- cal unit, is meant to be a superordinate tier of the detransi- Figure 10. Detransitive voice forms marked by suprasegmental mapping of ɔ

18 I often use the meaning labels of the aspectual and modal categories 20 These were special cislocative forms with a meaning close to English as defined by Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994: 316ff. (appendix B), but ‘you (pl.) here, close to me’. I use PROGRESSIVE in the sense of their “progressive” and “continuous”. 21 This was later extended to -onto which became abundantly produc- 19 I use H instead of V to symbolized the voice suffix ( -χ-) slot because V tive as a post-PIE 3pl middle ending, whereas -ont merged with -ent and ₠ ₠ ₠ is generally used to symbolize a vowel. was reanalyzed as neoactive ending, cf. h1sént ~ h1sónt, h1sónto . Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 5

The detransitive vowel ɔ or its feature [+round] was marked in the morphological sense, but were more under- suprasegmentally mapped onto a ‘bare’ or underlying specified in semantic terms, since they denoted many vowel /ɛ/ or /a/ which itself occupied a vowel slot of the different deviations from the semantic transitivity proto- given vowel melody template. The suprasegmental map- type.26 It is crucial for the understanding of PIE morpho- ping of ɔ onto bare vowel /ɛ/ or /a/ can be illustrated by syntax recognizing that all derivational and inflected forms the analysis of the PIE 3sg intransitive transitional aspect coded by the discontinuous vowel /ɔ/ and its continuous form *ɠwɔ́m(i) ‘s.th. came about; s.th. is coming about’, as suffixal counterpart /-χ-/ belonged to the PIE detransitive given in Figure 11. The basic agentive-active verb form voice category, regardless from their respective position corresponding to *ɠwɔ́m(i) ‘s.th. came about; s.th. is com- within the given word form. Typologically, the supraseg- ing about’ (as analyzed in Figure 11) was a 2sg intransitive mental mapping of the discontinuous vowel ɔ or its feature form *ɠwɛ́m(i) ‘come; go’ which was solely characterized [+round] upon the bare vowel ɛ or else upon the vowel a by showing the ‘bare’ vowel /ɛ/ (or /a/ with a-roots). of a-roots (e.g. *uaɠ- ‘to break, split’ → *uɔɠ-) is one of the most fascinating properties of PIE morphology. In the vowel melody tier system of PIE noun inflection voice marking was mainly detransitive vowel tier ɔ derivational, as it was used to code detransitive stems ⎜ ‘bare’ vowel tier ⎜ ɛ which were derived from unmarked basic stems in the ⎜ ⎜ majority of cases. In the system of root nouns and root vowel phoneme moraic tier µ µ adjectives detransitive voice marking was in between ⎜ / vowel melody moraic tier µ derivation and inflection. In the verb system voice marking ⎜ was rather inflectional, although PIE also had derivational V vowel melody template tier detransitive “enlargements” -χ-, -ɗ-, -d̤- (e.g. *m_l-χ- ‘be, ⎜ word form template tier ⎜ become, make soft (grind)’, *m_l-ɗ- ~ *m_l-d̤- ‘id.’.) stress accent tier ´ ⎜ tonal tier H 4.2 Plurative marking ⎜ word form CV template tier C V C (C) PIE further distinguished a basic, underived singulative or ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ underspecified (polysemous) monovocalic vowel melody consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ 27 w template ( _V 1_) from a specifically bivocalic PLURATIVE root and inflectable base tier ɠ m ⎜ suffix tier (i) vowel melody template ( _V 1V2_), glossed PLT here. Whereas the single (short) vowel melody template indicated verbal w Figure 11. Suprasegmental mapping of ɔ onto ɛ, e.g. *ɠ ɔ́m(i) (and nominal) singularity (or aspectual underspecifica- tion), the geminated (long or doubled) vowel melody Recall 22 that the introduction of a vowel phoneme mo- template was a specific marker of verbal (and nominal) raic tier and a vowel melody moraic tier helps to represent plurality and plurativity, including verbal duration or a the mapping of two underlying vocalic segments /ɔ/ and state. The plurative meaning was coded by gemination /ɛ/ and the respective two moraic units of these segments (doubling) of the vowel slot on the vowel melody tier of onto one and the same monovocalic vowel melody tem- the word form template tier ( _V 1_ → V 1V2_), as illustrated, plate _V 1_ which was templatically monomoraic. This has e.g., by PIE *st ɛ́ːumi ‘is praising s.o.’ in Figure 12: the advantage of keeping the discontinuous vowel as a moraic unit in the representation of the analysis. As out- vowel melody tier lined in my article on PIE nominal morphology, 23 this detransitive vowel tier vowel turns up again in derived (nominal) forms, remain- ‘bare’ vowel tier ɛ ing in its position in the vowel slot of the inflectable base, ⎜\ when the other moraic unit is transposed to another posi- vowel phoneme moraic tier µ µ ⎜ ⎜ tion within the word form, e.g. gen. *ɗɔ́rus → abl.-gen. vowel melody moraic tier µ µ *ɗɔruɛ́s. Recall that whether ɔ is posited to the left or right ⎜ ⎜ ɛ 24 vowel melody template tier VV of within the analysis given in Figure 11 is irrelevant. ⎜ ⎜ As mentioned, the agentive-active forms only contained word form template tier ⎜ ⎜ the ‘bare’ vowels /ɛ/ or /a/, e.g. *ɠwɛ́m-t ‘topic came; went stress accent tier ´ ː ⎜ ⎜ there’. Agentive-active verb forms were unmarked in this tonal tier H ː morphological sense. But note that agentive-active forms ⎜ ⎜ were not underspecified in semantic terms, since they word form CV template tier C C V ː C C C ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ encoded a volitional and controlling agent or a powerful consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ natural force (e.g. in the case of *b̤uχ- ‘to grow; be(come) root and inflectable base tier s t u ⎜ ⎜ m i by nature’). The “protoactive” voice was functionally more suffix tier 25 specified compared to the underspecified IE active voice. Figure 12. PIE vowel slot gemination, e.g. PIE *st ɛ́ːumi The detransitive verb forms, on the other hand, were

26 Such as REFLEXIVE , SOCIATIVE -COLLECTIVE ; ACCIDENTAL , FRUSTRATIVE , 22 Cf. Pooth 2015a. UNCONTROLLABLE ; STATIVE -HABITUAL , etc. cf. Pooth ibid. 23 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 27 I use this term as a functional superordinate for (verbal) PLURALITY in 24 Cf. Pooth 2015a. general, including DURATIVE , STATIVE , IMPERFECTIVE , etc. in addition to 25 Cf. Pooth 2014-10-14. verbal PLURAL number of any participant involved in the event. 6 Roland A. Pooth

grade 4.2 Verbal gradation number 3SG .AGT .DIR 3SG .DTR .ITR (PRG ) 1PL .EXC .AGT 1PL .EXC .DTR 3PL .AGT .DIR 3PL .DTR .ITR I *d̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤ʔɔ́(i) *d̤ʔm ɛ́ *d̤ʔm ɔ́ *d̤ʔɛ́nt *d̤ʔr ɔ́ Verbal gradation is another fascinat- II *d̤ɛ́ːʔt *d̤ɛ́ʔɔ(i) *d̤ɛ́ʔm ɛ *d̤ɛ́ʔm ɔ *d̤ɛ́ʔnt *d̤ɛ́ʔɔr ~ *d̤ɛ́ʔr ɔ ing aspect of PIE morphology. Most III d ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔɛ(i) ‒ *d̤ɛʔm ɔ́ ‒ *d̤ɛʔɔ́r of the PIE verbal skeletal consonant d IV ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔ(i) ‒ *d̤ʔm ɔ́ ‒ *d̤ʔɔ́r ~ *d̤ʔr ɔ́ frames, e.g. *d̤_ʔ- ‘to put, do, make; Vd ‒ *d̤ɔ́ːʔ(i) ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔm ɔ ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔɔr d state, say’ could occur combined VI ‒ *d̤ɔʔɛ́(i) ‒ *d̤ɔʔm ɛ́ ‒ *d̤ɔʔɛ́r with several combinations of vowel Figure 13. PIE verbal grades; d = deponent grade; ɛ́ = vowel melody and accent melodies which paradigmatically belonged together. These are termed grade verbal (aspectual) “grades” 30 here; number SG .AGT 3SG .DTR PL .AGT 1PL .DTR 3PL .AGT 3PL .DTR see Figures 13, 14, and 16. PIE ɛ́ ɔ́ ɛ́ ɔ́ ɛ́ ɔ́ I verbal gradation was a system of II ɛ́ː ɛ́ ɔ ɛ́ ɛ ɛ́ ɔ ɛ́ ɛ́ ɔ III d ‒ ɔ́ ɛ ‒ ɛ ɔ́ ‒ ɛ ɔ́ internal vocalic modifications. It ran IV d ‒ ɔ́ ‒ ɔ́ ‒ ɔ́ in parallel with the system of nomi- Vd ‒ ɔ́ː ‒ ɔ́ ɔ ‒ ɔ́ ɔ nal gradation. 31 PIE verbal gradation d VI ‒ ɔ ɛ́ ‒ ɔ ɛ́ (~ ɔ ɔ́) ‒ ɔ ɛ́ (~ ɔ ɔ́) is internal (aspectual) inflection Figure 14. PIE verbal grades and their vowel melodies in isolation without consonants (similar to Semitic transfixation), and it is a remarkable typological peculiarity of PIE. In PIE, differently from IE lan- Recall that such a templatic morpheme is sometimes guages, it was neither the root, nor the suffix (nor any called a “chroneme” because the vowel gemination (length “ending”) that contained a particular “ablaut grade” as it is or doubling) conveys a specific meaning and has mor- the case in IE languages. Instead, the term “grade” is now pheme status. This morphological mechanism took place in transferred to identify a property of the entire word form parallel on the vowel melody template tier and on the (e.g. PIE *uɛ́g̈ɔ(i) ) Thus, each PIE verbal finite word form word form template tier, see Figures 12 and 15. belonged to a specific ASPECT (UAL ) GRADE , and these are Vowel slot gemination (length, doubling) as a plurative defined as a combination of vowel melodies including marker also occurred with additional suprasegmental accent positions that were derivationally related within a vowel mapping, e.g. *suɔ́ːpi ‘s.o. is falling into sleep’, as system of so-called “internal derivation”, which is internal analyzed in Figure 15. (Note that this form is later contin- inflection in the verb system. The essence of the grade ued as *su̯óːpiti ~ *su̯óːpi̯oti ~ *su̯óːpi̯eti or even *su̯oːpei̯eti system, therefore, is the classification of verbal finite word with accent either on the root or on the suffix 28 ). Again, forms on the basis of their respective vowel melody and the position of ɔ, that is, whether it is posited to the left or the word form accent of the word form template. Each right or whether it is mapped onto the first (_V 1_) or second grade, as defined, had semantic (aspectual) correlates. An vowel slot _V 2_ of _V 1V2_ → _Vː_ within the autosegmental overview is given in Figures 13, 14, 15. The aspect grades analyis is rather irrelevant to the overall analysis because are numbered by Roman numbers I, II, III, IV, V, VI. both possible combinations /ɔɛ/ or /ɛɔ/ were realized as a Grades III, IV, V and VI were deponential and lacked agen- long vowel [ɔː]. 29 tive-active forms. These are termed ‘deponent(ial) grades’. Here belonged the STATIVE -HABITUAL aspect, e.g. *uɔ́iɗɛ(i) vowel melody tier ‘s.o. knows s.th./s.o.’, etc. PIE ‘deponent grades’ lacked detransitive vowel tier ɔ forms of the agentive voice because they were aspectual ⎜ ‘bare’ vowel tier ⎜ ɛ deviations from the transitivity prototype. As already ⎜ ⎜\ mentioned, various kinds of detransitive deviations were vowel phoneme moraic tier µ µ µ marked by the detransitive (“protomiddle”) voice; for ⎜\ ⎜/ 32 vowel melody moraic tier µ µ detransitive voice marking see section 4.1. ⎜ ⎜ The six PIE aspectual grades can be described more de- vowel melody template tier VV rd ⎜ ⎜ tailed as follows. The forms listed below are 3 person sg. rd word form template tier ⎜ ⎜ agentive direct-transitive :: 3 person pl. agentive direct- stress accent tier ´ ː transitive :: 1 st person pl. exclusive agentive :: 3 rd person ⎜ ⎜ rd tonal tier H ː sg. detransitive intransitive :: 3 person pl. detransitive st ⎜ ⎜ direct-transitive (or intransitive) :: 1 person pl. exclusive word form CV template tier C C V ː C C C detransitive. ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ root and inflectable base tier s u p ⎜ ⎜ suffix tier Ø i 30 This term is borrowed from the term for tonal patterns of Hausa grammar, e.g. Hausa jeefaà (grade I) ‘throw s.th.’ :: jèefaa (grade II) Figure 15. PIE vowel slot gemination and suprasegmental mapping, e.g. ‘throw at s.o.’ :: jeefoo (grade VI) ‘throw (in this direction)’, cf. Newman PIE *su ɔ́ːpi ‘s.o. is falling into sleep’ 1973: 298. This term is also used to describe the aspect system of Creek (Muskogee, Oklahoma, Florida), cf. Martin 2011: 43ff., 241ff., chapters 8, 28; cf. Pooth 2015ab. 28 This type is sometimes called “Klingenschmitt present”, cf. Klingen- 31 Cf. Pooth 2015ab. schmitt 1978. 32 For the PIE voice system cf. Pooth 2014-10-14; for the Vedic voice 29 Cf. Pooth 2015b. system cf. Pooth 2014: chapters 3-5. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 7

13SG .AGT .DIR , 23PL .AGT .DIR , the nominal inflectional types, 33 3 4 3SG .DTR .ITR , 3PL .DTR .DIR , but it is better to restrict this grade 53PL .DTR .ITR description I 1*d̤ɛ́ʔt monovocalic (singulative) vowel melody template ( _V_ ); pl forms and terminology to the nominal inflec- 2*d̤ʔɛ́nt detransitive forms have their vowel outside the inflectable base; detransi- tion. The pattern of the PIE first 3*d̤ʔɔ́ tive forms have their vowel in rightmost position (more towards the word root formation coded by grade I, 4 *d̤ʔntɔ́ end) that is, the PIE ‘first binyan’ is II 1*st ɛ́ːut bivocalic vowel melody template ( _V (+) V_ ), but irregular monovocalic 2 given in Figures 8, 9, 10 of section *st ɛ́unt vowel melody template ( _V_ ) in 3pl forms; ‘bare’ vowel ɛ́ in the leftmost 3*st ɛ́uɔ position; no accent shift (= static accent) 4.1 above. 4*st ɛ́uɔnt ~ *st ɛ́unt ɔ 4.2.2 Grade II III d 3*u ɔ́iɗɛ bivocalic vowel melody template ( _V_+_V_ ); accented ɔ́ in the vowel slot of 5*u ɛiɗɔ́r the inflectable base in sg forms vs. unaccented ɛ in pl forms d 3 Grade II had a bivocalic vowel IV *ɠɔ́nʔ structured in parallel with the agentive forms of grade I, but with su- _V V _ _V _ 5*ɠnʔɔ́r ~*ɠnʔrɔ́ prasegmental mapping of ɔ in 3sg and 3pl forms melody template ( 1 2 and 1 Vd 3*su ɔ́ːp structured in parallel with the agentive forms of grade II, but with su- ... _V 2_), but 3pl agentive forms 5*su ɔ́pr prasegmental mapping of ɔ in 3sg and 3pl forms were exceptionally monovocalic. 3 VI d *suɔpɛ́ bivocalic vowel melody template ( _V_+_V_ ); unaccented ɔ in the root The accent always remained on 5*suɔpɛ́r ɛ́ vowel slot in all forms; accented outside the inflectable base the first or leftmost vowel slot Figure 16. Overview and description of PIE verbal grades; pink = these forms (including corresponding pro- which was filled by the ‘bare’ gressive forms) later merged yielding a post-PIE imperfective mixed paradigm; blue: these forms later merged vowel. The second vowel alter- yielding a post-PIE non-imperfective (proto-aorist) mixed paradigm; lavender: these forms were first used as nated between vowel slots outside opponent middles of the post-PIE imperfective mixed paradigm (pink-shaded); orange = corresponding progressive forms (with word-final suffix -i) developed into imperfective present forms, whereas part of the the inflectable base. This grade II non -progressive forms developed into IE root aorists 35 thus had a mobile second vowel that underwent vowel transposi- tion, e.g. *stɛ́ːut */stɛ́ɛut/ :: *stɛ́unt 4.2.1 Grade I (exceptional 3pl form) :: *stɛ́umɛ(s) :: *stɛ́uɔ :: *stɛ́untɔ ~ Grade I had a monovocalic underlying vowel melody tem- *stɛ́uɔnt :: *stɛ́umɔ(s) . This grade is termed “acrostatic” or plate ( _V_ ). A single accented vowel alternated between “Narten type”. Further unmarked forms with grade II had vowel slots. The occurrence of the detransitive vowel ɔ was durative-interminative aspectual meaning. But punctual restricted to a vowel slot outside the root vowel slot, e.g. *sk wɛ́rmɛ(s) w 1pl 2pl forms (e.g. ‘we (excl.) cut it off’) also *d̤ɛ́ʔt :: *d̤ʔɛ́nt :: *d̤ʔmɛ́(s) :: *d̤ʔɔ́ (*g̈ nɔ́, etc.) :: *d̤ʔntɔ́ (~ had (optional ?) grade II marking. Grade II forms of depo- *d̤ʔɔ́nt ) :: *d̤ʔmɔ́(s) . This grade may be termed “amphiki- nent intransitive 36 and stative-dynamic verbs (e.g. *k_i- ‘lie, netic” or “holokinetic” in parallel with the terminology of lie down; be laid/put down (by s.o.)’) also had stative or stative-habitual aspectual reading, aside from the (more *kɛ́iɔ(i) gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE inagentive) durative-interminative reading (e.g. ‘is 1EXC *pr ɔ́kχa *pr ɛkm ɔ́(s) *pr ɛkm ɔ́(χ) lying, is lying down; is being put down’). The pattern of 1INC *pr ɛku ɔ́(s) *pr ɛku ɔ́(χ) the ‘second binyan’ or “Narten type” is given in Figures 18 2ITR *pr ɔ́kχa *pr ɛkχá(n) *pr ɛkáχ(m) and 19. pr ɔ́ktχa pr ɛktχá(n) pr ɛkt áχ(m) 2DIR * * * Detransitive forms of this aspect exhibited aspecto-modal 2INV *pr ɔ́ksχa *pr ɛksχá(n) *pr ɛksáχ(m) DURATIVE INTERMINATIVE 3ITR *pr ɔ́kɛ *pr ɛkɔ́r *pr ɛkáχ(m) polysemy. Alongside a - reading they had a PROSPECTIVE , POTENTIAL , and ABILITATIVE modal Figure 17. Forms of the PIE third binyan; post-PIE plural and dual forms reading, e.g. *ʔɛ́sɔ ‘s.o. was there for a while; will (is ex- later received innovative zero-grade (cf. Jasanoff 2003), e.g. *pr_k- ‘to ask’ pected to) be there; should (is presumably) there; may be there, can (is able to) be there’: gloss SINGULAR PLURAL 37 1EXC *pr ɛ́ːkm *pr ɛ́km ɛ(s) (1) a. noncanonical antipassive construction with ERG w 1INC *pr ɛ́ku ɛ(s) *χnɛ́r-s g̈ ɛ́nɔ χɔ́ui-m-s 2ITR *pr ɛ́ːk *pr ɛ́kɛ(n) man-ERG slay:DUR :DTR :ITR :3 SG sheep-ALL -PL pr ɛ́ːkt pr ɛ́kt ɛ(n) 2DIR * * (a) aspectual: ‘man killed/hunted (for a while) at sheep’ 2INV *pr ɛ́ːks *pr ɛ́ksɛ(n) (b) modal reading: ‘man (willing agent) can/may/will 3ITR *pr ɛ́kr 3DIR *pr ɛ́ːkt *pr ɛ́knt kill/hunt at sheep’ (prospective) 38 3INV *pr ɛ́ːks *pr ɛ́krs b. canonical antipassive construction with ABS w Figure 18. PIE agentive voice forms of the “Narten type” or second binyan *χnɛ́r g̈ ɛ́nɔ χɔ́ui-m-s man. ABS dito dito gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE ‘man (non-agent) can/may/will slay/hunt at sheep’ 1EXC *prɛ́kχa *prɛ́kmɔ(s) *prɛ́kmɔ(χ) 33 1INC *prɛ́kuɔ(s) *prɛ́kuɔ(χ) Cf. Eichner 1973. 34 ₠ ₠ 2ITR *prɛ́kχa *prɛ́kχa(n) *prɛ́kaχ(m) -snto should be analogical; cf. 3sg mid. -so → -sto , 2pl act. -se(n) → ₠ ₠ 2DIR *prɛ́ktχa *prɛ́ktχa(n) *prɛ́ktaχ(m) -ste(n) in analogy to 3sg act. -s → -st . 35 2INV *prɛ́ksχa *prɛ́ksχa(n) *prɛ́ksaχ(m) Cf. Pooth 2016+. 36 3ITR *prɛ́kɔ *prɛ́kɔr ~ *prɛ́krɔ *prɛ́kaχ(m) Deponent intransitive verbs lacked transitive forms and were incom- prɛ́ktɔ prɛ́kɔnt ~ prɛ́kntɔ prɛ́ktaχ(m) patible with the ergative case in “A” relation. In my view, a 3sg middle 3DIR * * * * ̑ 34 *k éito(i) *-to(i) 3INV *prɛ́ksɔ *prɛ́ksaχ(m) with is a post-PIE innovation. An explict agent or causer in the ergative case must have triggered the use of a different verb. 37 Figure 19. “Narten protomiddle” forms [here belonged the so-called “stative” = S A, cf. Dixon 1997, 2010, 2012. forms, e.g. *st ɛ́uɔ, which were 3sg durative detransitive intransitve forms ] 38 = S; potential and abilitative readings are not necessarily agentive. 8 Roland A. Pooth

c. *χnɛ́r mɛ́rɔ to *suɔ́ːpi and *suɔpɛ́i which I reconstruct on the basis the ₠ man. ABS die: DUR :DTR :ITR :3 SG comparative equation formulas ₠su̯ṓpi̯o/e-, su̯opéi̯o/e-. I (a) modal meaning: ‘man can, may soon, will die’ call this kind of internal reconstruction ‘retro(-grade) (b) aspectual (stative) reading: ‘man is mortal’ analogy’. I claim that a subtraction of -i and a subtraction ₠ The aspectual reading is reflected by the bhára-ti :: φέρει of the thematic stem -o/e- is an utterly necessary step of present stem; the modal reading is continued by the the- internal reconstruction to re-establish the proper PIE word t(i) t(i) matic subjunctive stem, e.g. Vedic mára- , hána- . forms X =*d̤ɔ́ʔ, Y = *suɔ́ːp , Z = *suɔːpɛ́ which are not detectable by comparison alone, since they were given up 4.2.3 Grade III d or modified in all IE daughter languages. (But of course, Grade III d was a deponential aspect grade and had a bivo- this does not mean that they did not exist in PIE. 44 ) calic vowel melody ( _V 1_ ... _V 2_). The accented vowel ɔ́ alternated between vowel slots and so did a second vowel, grade I grade IV grade V grade VI e.g. *uɔ́iɗɛ :: *uɛiɗɔ́r :: *uɛiɗmɔ́(s) . This grade was “am- *g̈wɛ́nt-i *d̤ɔ́ʔ-i *suɔ́ːp-i *suɔpɛ́_i ₠ ₠ phikinetic”, but not “acrostatic”.39 The pattern of the PIE (→ su̯ṓpi ̯o/e-) (→ su̯opéi ̯o/e-) *g̈wɛ́nt X = *d̤ɔ́ʔ Y = *suɔ́ːp Z = *suɔpɛ́ ‘third binyan’, i.e. the root formation coded by grade III, is given in Figure 17. It is inferential that it had a STATIVE - Figure 21. Internal reconstruction of PIE 3sg intransitive forms; orange -eti HABITUAL meaning. As mentioned in the legend to Figure = forms internally reconstructed by subtraction of (which was a pleonastic neoactive imperfective ending cf. Jasanoff 2003); light 16 above, it is internally evident that the original 3pl form green = forms internally reconstructed by retro-analogy *uɛiɗɔ́r with ɔ was replaced by innovative post-PIE 3pl *u̯eidŕ̥(s) 40 ~ *u̯oidŕ̥(s) 41 ~ *u̯idéːr 42 *u̯idŕ̥(s) d forms ~ (> 4.2.5 Grade V Vedic 3pl perf.-pres. ind. act. vidúr ). It is further internally d _V V _ evident that forms of the PIE STATIVE -HABITUAL ‘third bin- Grade V had a bivocalic vowel melody template ( 1 2 _V _ ... _V _ yan’ merged with the agentive-active forms of the PIE and 1 2 ). It was structured in parallel with the ɔ DURATIVE -IMPERFECTIVE “Narten type”, yielding the post-PIE agentive forms of grade II, but was mapped upon the 43 vowel slots _V 1V2_. I reconstruct 1sg 2sg forms with *_ɛ́ː_ general imperfective mixed “ h2e(i) -conjugation”. The PIE *suɛ́ːpχ, *suɛ́ːptχ to post-PIE mergers are symbolized by identical colors in ( , etc.), but 3sg 3pl forms with supraseg- ɔ *suɔ́pr *suɔ́pmɔ(s) Figure 16 (i.e., by the pink shading). mental (3pl :: 1pl exclusive ). This d grade was “acrostatic” and had a mobile second vowel. 4.2.4 Grade IV The 3pl form ( *suɔ́pr ) was exceptionally monovocalic. It d Grade IV had a monovocalic vowel melody ( _V_ ) and was was structured in parallel to the 3pl forms of grade II (e.g. deponential. It was structured in parallel to the agentive *stɛ́ur, *stɛ́unt, *stɛ́urs ). The PIE root formation coded by d forms of grade I. I suggest that 1 st and 2 nd person forms had grade V (the PIE ‘fifth binyan’) is given in Figure 22. a vowel melody _ɛ́_ (in slot V1) and were marked for detransitive voice by the suffix -χ- (see section 4.1). But 3rd gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE person forms had _ɔ́_ instead of _ɛ́_. A single accented ɔ́ 1EXC *suɛ́ːpχ *suɔ́pmɔ(s) *suɔ́pmɔ(χ) suɔ́puɔ(s) suɔ́puɔ(χ) alternated between vowel slots, e.g. *b̤ɔ́ud̤ ‘awoke, got 1INC * * 2ITR *suɛ́ːpχ *suɛ́pχa *suɛ́paχ(m) *b̤ud̤ɔ́r *b̤ud̤mɔ́(s) attentive’ :: :: . The PIE root formation 2DIR *suɛ́ːptχ *suɛ́ptχa *suɛ́ptaχ(m) d coded by grade IV is given in Figure 20. It had a TRANSI- 2INV *suɛ́ːpsχ *suɛ́psχa *suɛ́psaχ(m) TIONAL aspectual meaning and was also used within an 3ITR *suɔ́ːp *suɔ́pr (~ suɔ́prɔ) *suɛ́paχ(m) oblique-agent-less passive construction. Figure 22. Reconstructable forms of the PIE fifth ( INCHOATIVE -STATIVE ) binyan, e.g. *su_p- ‘to fall asleep, sleep’; I am not sure about the vocalism gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE of the 2pl and 2col forms: maybe these forms were identical to the ones of the second binyan 1EXC *ɠɛ́nɁχ *ɠnɁm ɔ́(s) *ɠnɁmɔ́(χ) 1INC *ɠnɁu ɔ́(s) *ɠnɁuɔ́(χ) 2ITR *ɠɛ́nɁχ *ɠnɁχá(n) *ɠnɁáχ(m) Corresponding progressive forms of this pattern are con- 2DIR *ɠɛ́nɁtχ *ɠnɁtχá(n) *ɠnɁtáχ(m) tinued, for instance, by Proto-Germanic *swōf(i)ja- (> ON 2INV *ɠɛ́nɁsχ *ɠnɁsχá(n) *ɠnɁsáχ(m) sǿfa ‘to kill, libate’) besides *swǣf(i)ja- (> ON svæfa ) and ɠɔ́nɁ ɠnɁ ɔ́r ~ ɠnɁr ɔ́ ɠnɁáχ(m) 3ITR * * * * by Vedic barytone -ya -presents with Vr̥ddhi of the root, ́ ̑ Figure 20. Forms of the PIE fourth ( TRANSITIONAL ) binyan, e.g. *ɠ_nʔ- ‘to e.g. śrā mya- ‘to get tired, slack’ < post-PIE *k róːmχi̯eti ~ come into being, be born; generate’; yellow-shaded forms were identical ̑ ₠ ̑ *k róːmχiti ( króːmh2i̯o/e- pace LIV ), going back to PIE to the first binyan; 1/2sg forms later received analogical zero-grade, *krɔ́ːm(χ)i accent on the ending, and neoactive endings → *g̑nɁχ́(m̥) ‘s.o. is slack, tired; is getting slack, tired’). On this basis, it is possible to assign INCHOATIVE -DURATIVE / TRANSITIONAL -DURATIVE as well as STATIVE aspectual mean- As illustrated by Figure 21, I reconstruct a 3sg detransi- ing to this PIE ‘fifth binyan’ (given in Figure 22). Note that tive intransitive form (e.g. *d̤ɔ́ʔ) by subtracting the pro- detransitive intransitive forms were labile verb forms and gressive suffix -i from *d̤ɔ́ʔi (> Vedic dhā yí ‘is put’) parallel w w could be used semantically intransitively and transitively, to *g̈ ɛ́nti vs. *g̈ ɛ́nt etc., and I apply the same subtraction that is, with factitive-causative reading within the PIE antipassive construction. I will return to this labile behav- 39 Pace Jasanoff 2003. ior in section 4.2.8. 40 With secondary accent shift. 41 Compare 3pl *suɔ́pr , see Figure 22. 42 Recall that word-final /ɛ́rs/ was realized as [ɛːr]. 44 ‘Retro-analogy’ belongs to the most important steps of internal 43 Cf. Jasanoff 2003 and his “mixed paradigm”. reconstruction: cf. the methodological remarks given in Pooth 2015a. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 9

d 4.2.6 Grade VI As illustrated in the foregoing sections, PIE displayed minimally six binyanim that were made up from combina- Grade VI had a bivocalic vowel melody template ( _V 1_ ... tions of the aspect grades I-IV d and the unmarked underly- _V 2_). The accented vowel ɛ́ alternated between vowel slots outside the vowel slot of the inflectable base, whereas the ing consonant frame, that is, the discontinuous inflectable ɔ base (including the root). These binyanim 1-6 (encoded by unaccented remained in this vowel slot in all forms, e.g. d *ɠɔnʔɛ́ :: *ɠɔnʔɛ́r :: *ɠɔnʔmɛ́(s) . It is unclear whether the grades I-VI ) can be termed by the conventional label “root second vowel of the 3pl and 1pl forms was ɛ or ɔ, but formations”. maybe PIE had both variants. The PIE root formation The PIE ‘first binyan’ had NONDURATIVE -TERMINATIVE in- coded by grade VI d (the ‘sixth binyan’) is given in Figure cluding telic, semelfactive, and punctual-perfective as well *ɗʕɔ́ 23. It had a distributive and iterative aspectual meaning as NEUTER aspectual meaning, cf. e.g. PIE ‘s.o. grabbed, took, received it (non-durative aspect)’ → *dʕó/é- and was also used in a particular, detransitive-marked and t 45 (ā )da-́ antipassive causative construction. > Vedic thematic aor. ‘grabbed, took, received it’, etc. It is continued by Vedic and Greek root presents and (á)dāt́ gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE root aorists (e.g. Vedic ‘gave, spent’, etc.), by sig- e (á)vidát 1EXC *suɔpχá *suɔpmɛ́(s) ~ -mɔ́(s) *suɔpmá(χ) ~ -mɔ́(χ) matic aorists with -grade, by the thematic aorist 1INC *suɔpuɛ́(s) ~ -uɔ́(s) *suɔpuá(χ) ~ -uɔ́(χ) type, and the Vedic tudáti present, as outlined in a forth- 2ITR *suɔpχá *suɔpχá(n) *suɔpáχ(m) coming article.46 2DIR *suɔptχá *suɔptχá(n) *suɔptáχ(m) The second PIE root formation is identical with the so- 2INV *suɔpsχá *suɔpsχá(n) *suɔpsáχ(m) called “Narten type” and was a DURATIVE -INTERMINATIVE 3ITR *suɔpɛ́ *suɔpɛ́r (~ *suɔpɛ́rɔ) *suɔpáχ(m) and thus IMPERFECTIVE -like aspect. This second binyan is Figure 23. Forms of the PIE sixth ( DISTRIBUTIVE -ITERATIVE ) binyan continued as IE “Narten type” present, that is, the Vedic stáuti , staut type, as the preterit of the Hittite ḫi- 4.2.7 The reanalysis of PIE word-final segments to post-PIE conjugation and as the Greek and Vedic sigmatic aorist stem suffixes forms with lengthened grade of the singular forms. The As already mentioned above, corresponding (-i-marked) corresponding detransitive forms are continued as “Narten progressives of this PIE sixth binyan are continued by the type” middles (e.g. Vedic stáve ) which had further devel- IE factitive and “causative-iterative” present stem: oped to thematic stems from PIE to post-PIE: ɦ ɦ (2) PIE 3sg *suɔpɛ́i + -oi ~ -toi ~ -ei ~ -eti ~ -etoi → post- (7) PIE 3sg *b̤ɛ́rɔ(i) → post-PIE *b éro(i) → *b ére(i) ~ ɦ ti PIE *suɔpéi̯oi ~ *suɔpéitoi or neoactive *suɔpéi̯ei ~ *b éret(i) (> Vedic bhára- type) *suɔpéiti ~ *suɔpéi̯eti (8) PIE 3sg *g̈wɛ́nɔ → dito → *g wɦéno/e- (> Vedic subj. of t(i) 47, 48 Likewise, corresponding 2/3col intransitive forms were the hána- type) pleonastically extended by the productive post-PIE 3pl The third PIE root formation was the STATIVE -HABITUAL endings -ont ~ -onto yielding allomorphic factitive, causa- aspect, e.g. *uɔ́iɗɛ(i) > Vedic véda :: OCS vědě , etc. which tive or iterative stems with a reanalyzed post-PIE neosuffix also had the function of a GENERAL (habitual) present. As ₠ -aχ- ( -ah 2-). already mentioned in section 4.2.3, it is internally evident (3) PIE 3col itr *sɔkwáχ → post-PIE 3pl *sok wáχont(o) ‘they that this pattern merged with the “Narten type” from PIE made them follow’, cf. Lithuanian sãko (inf. sakýti ) to post-PIE yielding the so-called “Jasanoff present” or “h2e(i) -conjugation”. This third binyan is continued as This also happened to many other 2/3col intransitive ₠ more or less irregular non-reduplicated “perfectopresent” forms yielding several post-PIE stems in -aχ- ( -ah 2- ) with stem (e.g. Vedic pres. véda , etc.) and as major part of the different root ablaut grades and functions comparable to Hittite ḫi-conjugation (e.g. Hittite 1sg dāḫḫe, 3sg dāi the ones of their respective sources: ‘takes’, etc.): (4) PIE 3col intransitive (of binyan 2 or the “Narten type”) (9) PIE 3sg *g̈wɔ́nɛ(i) → *g wɦóne(i) ~ *g wɦónet(i) besides 3sg *ʔɛ́saχ → post-PIE 3pl *ʔésaχont(o) with all the readings *g̈wɛ́ːns → post-PIE *g wɦéːns(t) (later yielding the IE sig- of the original “Narten type” (see section 4.2.2) matic aorist) The unmarked 3col forms (e.g. *ʔɛ́saχ) were reanalyzed PIE non-direct 3pl forms *d̤ɛ́ʔr, *d̤ɛ́ʔrs :: *d̤ʔɛ́r, *d̤ʔɛ́rs → as unmarked 3sg forms and could receive active ( -t) or *['d̤ʔɛː(ɹ)] became part of this mixed paradigm; the two neoactive endings ( -e, -et ). They also received the produc- latter underwent another segmental reanalysis yielding a tive post-PIE imperfective present endings: see (6): stem in -eː- whith all the readings of its source(s): (5) PIE 3col intransitive (of the “Narten type”) *Ɂɛ́saχ → (10) PIE *[d̤ʔɛː(ɹ)] → *d ɦ(ʔ)eː → post-PIE *d ɦ(ʔ)éː- ‘did, put post-PIE 3sg *Ɂésaχ(t) ~ *Ɂésaχ-e(t) → post-PIE imper- ɦ down; had just done, put down’, *ʔrud -éː- ‘is, was, be- fective past or subjunctive (cf. Latin imperfect eram, came, had become red’ (used as variant of the sigmatic erās, erat , subjunctive agam, agās, agat ) ɦ stem * d é(ː)ʔ-s- and as a perfect-like stative stem) (6) PIE 3col intransitive (of the “Narten type”) *g̈wɛ́naχ → ₠ wɦ ₠ wɦ ₠ wɦ The Vedic so-called “passive aorist” is a (formal) relic of post-PIE g énah 2- → g énah 2i̯ont(o)i ( g énah 2i̯o/e-): the fourth PIE root formation, that is, the TRANSITIONAL this was applicable to any other PIE 3col form in -aχ

(but note that PIE also had denominal verb stem in -áχ-, 46 Cf. Pooth 2016+. see section 9.2) 47 Cf. Pooth 2014: chapters 7 and 8. 48 The idea of a subjunctive suffix -Ɂo/e- is misleading pace Tichy 2009. 45 Cf. Pooth 2015a: last section. The hiat of long subjunctives is simply due to suffix doubling: /-a-a-/. 10 Roland A. Pooth

aspect (cf. Vedic dhāyi ‘was put there’). Its forms are re- (14) a. PIE intransitive construction with inanimate S constructed here as given in Figure 20 and outlined in *páχur ɠɔ́nɁ-i section 4.2.4. Corresponding PIE progressive forms of this fire.ABS generate/be.born: DTR :ITR :3SG-PRG binyan were pleonastically extended by post-PIE produc- lit. ‘the fire is coming into existence/is (being) born’ tive 3sg 3pl neoactive endings -otoi ~ -eti ~ -etoi and -onti b. PIE antipassive construction with inanimate O ~ -ontoi , etc. Moreover, many of them merged with de- *ɗɔ́ru(-χ) ɠɔ́nɁi páχun-i-s transitive progressive forms of the first binyan (e.g. *d̤Ɂɔ́i wood. ABS (-COL ) dito fire-LOC -PL ‘s.o. is being put there by s.o.’). These also were pleonasti- lit. ‘woods are giving birth to the fires’54 cally extended by productive neoactive endings. The most The reconstruction of the PIE antipassive construction illustrative example, immediately revealing the given has been outlined in detail in three preceding articles. The duhé origin, is Vedic ‘gives milk’ compared to Old Icelandic lability of Early Vedic middles was thus a consequence of dugir rd (III weak class) ‘gives help’, ultimately going back to the PIE lability of detransitive intransitive forms within the *d̤uɢ̤ɔ́i ‘is giving product, is being productive/useful’, Ger- original antipassive construction: see my dissertation on 49 man “ist trefflich”. this topic.55 (10) PIE *d̤uɢ̤ɔ́i (> Vedic duhé ) → *d ɦug ɦói ~ *d ɦug ɦóiti (> 4.2.8 Gradation on the word form template tier Proto-Germanic *duɣaiþ , etc.) Let us return to PIE verb morphology and its inner-PIE Many of these forms further underwent paradigmatic analysis. Within the given autosegmental analysis, the PIE leveling to e-grade or zero grade of the root and are re- word form template (WFT) had the status of a templatic flected by most of the IE yod-presents with e-grade or zero te morpheme. This word form template determined the posi- grade, e.g. Vedic dhīyá- . A major part of the IE yod- tion of the respective vowel(s) of the vowel melody com- presents thus simply reflects PIE progressive forms of the bined with the position of the word form stress accent on PIE TRANSITIONAL fifth binyan by continuing the post-PIE one vowel within the word form. The word form template pleonastic allomorphic variants: was thus meaningful and belonged to a meaningful combi- (11) PIE 3sg *d̤ɔ́Ɂi + -oi ~ -toi ~ -ei ~ -eti ~ -etoi → post-PIE ɦ ɦ nation of templates (or form formation schemes). Thus, a *d (e/o/Ø)Ɂi̯oi ~ *d (e/o/Ø)Ɂitoi (with varying accent particular position of the vowel(s) within a word form position); the PIE 3pl forms of the fifth binyan were determined a particular meaning. For instance, a 3pl agen-

*ɠusɔ́r ~ *ɠusrɔ́ (→ post-PIE *g̑usrónt ~ *g̑usróm), as tive direct form *d̤ɛ́ʔnt (or *stɛ́unt ) with stressed _ɛ́_ in the confirmed by Vedic ajuṣran (RV 1.71.1), etc. vowel slot of the inflectable base ( V1) had durative- (12) PIE 3sg *d̤Ɂɔ́i + -oi ~ -toi ~ -ei ~ -eti ~ -etoi → post-PIE imperfective meaning, whereas the corresponding 3pl *d ɦ(e/o/Ø)Ɂi̯oi ~ *d ɦ(e/o/Ø)Ɂitoi (with varying accent agentive direct form *d̤ʔɛ́nt (or *stuɛ́nt ) with _ɛ́_ before the position); the zero grade was original to the 3pl *d ɦɁónti plural suffix -n- and the direct transitive suffix -t- (in vowel ɦ ɦ ɦ ɦ 50 ~ *d Ɂi̯ónti ~ *d Ɂi̯ónti ~ *d Ɂi̯óntoi (→ *d Ɂi̯ó/é-) slot V6) had a nondurative-terminative meaning. Therefore, As mentioned in the foregoing section, the progressive the word form template itself belonged to a superordinate forms of the fifth PIE root formation were remodeled to paradigmatic set of word form templates. Recall that in the nominal inflection this superordinate set of templates is the so-called “Klingenschmitt present” from PIE to post- 56 PIE, e.g. Latin sōpīre , etc. (see Figure 23). As also men- known as the “inflectional type”. However, with regard tioned there, the progressive 3 rd sg. forms of the sixth root to the root and pattern morphology system of PIE verb formation developed to the so-called “causative-iterative inflection, as outlined above, I have already been using the ₠ ti more conventional term BINYAN (plural BINYANIM ). Recall present”, that is, the g̑onh 1éi̯o/e- type (> Vedic janáya- , svāpáya-ti ): see examples (2) and (3) above. that nominal inflectional types and verbal binyanim have a different grammatical status. As outlined in detail in my All these pleonastic extensions belonged to a more gen- 57 eral PIE to post-PIE morphological rule or tendency of article on PIE nominal morphology, each nominal stem *pɛ́ku- ending pleonasms. This rule can be formulated as follows: had an underlying or basic inflectional type (e.g. an. ‘domestic animal’, abl.-gen. *pkɛ́us ), whereas other inflec- (13) PIE 3sg 3pl 2/3col INTRANSITIVE DETRANSITIVE “protomid- tional types had a more derivational status or were in dles” were reanalyzed as neoactives and pleonastically between inflection and derivation. PIE verbal binyanim, extended by 3sg -e(i) ~ -et(i) , 3pl -ont(i) , mid. -onto(i) 58 when the PIE antipassive construction switched into a however, were inflectional aspectual templates. Never- post-PIE nominative-accusative construction. 51 54 ájani rd The Vedic so-called “passive aorist” 3sg (still) has a transitive It is further inferential that PIE lacked 3 person direct and factitive-causative reading in RV 2.34.2cd rudró yád vo maruto d ́ ́ and inverse forms of the binyans encoded by grades III , rukmavakṣaso vŕ̥ṣājani pŕ̥śn iyāḥ śukrá ūdhani “wenn Rudra euch hat IV d, V d, and VI d. A 3 rd person animate causer or inanimate entstehen lassen, ihr Maruts mit dem hellen Goldschmuck auf der Brust, causer or cause (in A relation 52 ) had to be coded by the PIE der Bulle, in Pr̥śnis glänzendem Euter” (Pooth). Rudra and Pr̥śnis, that 53 is, the cloud (or cow) are normally seen as the parents of the Maruts, antipassive construction: i.e. the storm-gods. The translation given by Kümmel 1996: 43f. “wenn für euch, ihr Marut mit dem Goldschmuck auf der Brust, gerade der 49 Cf. Jasanoff 2003: 159; but note that Jasanoff’s (2003: 173, figure Stier Rudra geboren ist im hellen Euter der Pr̥śni” makes no sense, but 6.5) further derivation of this type *b ɦud ɦó ← *b ɦóud ɦe suffers from the see Kümmel’s footnote 61; middle forms of this root are thus more lack of a plausible motivation and internal evidence. generally labile in Early Vedic, cf. Pooth 2014+. 50 Pooth 2016+. 55 Cf. Pooth 2004b, 2014, 2015a. 51 As initially outlined by Pooth 2004b; cf. Aldrige 2011. 56 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 52 57 For the A, S, S A, S O, O relations cf. Dixon 1997, 2010, 2012. Cf. Pooth 2015a. 53 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 58 Cf. Pooth 2015a, see the sections on aspect. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 11 theless, PIE must have had quite a number of defective The segmental transfer is indicated by arrows and brack- verbs. These verbs were restricted to a specific underlying ets. The analytical unit ( V) that is transferred and trans- binyan, e.g. *kɛ́iɔ(i) to the second aspectual binyan (the posed to another position within the word form is given in “Narten protomiddle type”). However, for other verbs (like parentheses. The arrows (

→) represent the segmental *d̤_ʔ- ‘put, do, say’) it is impossible to identify a lexically transfer and vowel transposition. The 1sg agentive form underlying binyan. For the majority of PIE verbs the aspec- *g̈wɛ́nm (cf. example 15), analyzed in Figure 24, had a tual binyanim were thus entirely inflectional patterns, monovocalic underlying vowel melody template ( _V_ ) and simply because many verbs could be inflected for all (or an underlying word form template *CV C-Ṕ , where C_C- is almost all) aspects (binyanim). It can be concluded that a used as a cover symbol for the inflectable base and -P- is PIE binyan was not identical to the overall lexical para- used as a cover symbol for any person and direction suffix digm. The overall PIE verbal paradigm consisted of a set of -m-, -u-, -t-, -s-, -Ø- filling slot 3 (see Figure 5 above). Thus multiple aspects (binyanim). I will return to the PIE aspect the position of the vowel was assigned to a specific vowel (and mood) system in sections 5, 6, 7. slot within the word form on the word form template tier. Here and below, the word form CV template tier is marked 4.3 Plural marking by vowel transposition by a grey shading.

st It is observable that PIE verbal plural forms of the 1 and 4.4 Verbal gradation and vowel transposition 2nd persons were “internally derived” from underlying singular forms by transposing the vowel(s) to different The morphological strategy of internal inflection and in- vowel slots within the word form on the word form tem- ternal derivation by means of the strategy of VOWEL plate tier. This morphological strategy is here referred to TRANSPOSITION can be interpreted as a phenomenon that by the label VOWEL TRANSPOSITION (VT). 59 Examples are: operated on the word form template tier, as marked by the (15) 1sg agentive *g̈wɛ́nm → 1pl exclusive *g̈wnm ɛ́(s) grey shading in Figures 24 and 25. Recall that PIE vowel transposition, at least synchronically, was often but not *g̈wɛ́nt (16) 2/3sg agentive direct → 2pl agentive direct always or necessarily accompanied by an additional inter- *g̈wnt ɛ́(n) nal accent shift within the word form. As already outlined Comparative evidence strengthens the inference that PIE in the article on PIE nominal morphology, the PIE word made abundant use of this morphological strategy which is form accent was part of the word form template. The PIE typologically rare, but not absent. 60 Recall that it is im- accent was thus “free”, that is, principally unpredictable proper to use the term “metathesis” for PIE vowel transpo- from syllable structure or word form structure. In word sition. A morphological transposition or positional change forms with more than one full vowel or semi-vowel, one of of segments has a different motivation. The notion of these two full vowels or a semi-vowel /i u/ was realized vowel transposition implies an underlying templatic struc- with a contrasting high pitch and intense stress accent, ture on a word form template tier with various vowel opposed to a non-intense low pitch of the other vowel or positions or vowel slots ( _V_ ) where the respective vowels vowels in the word form. Therefore, the word form accent switch positions for morphological reasons, that is, as an was not a property of any morphological unit other than inflectional and derivational morphological means. The the word form template morpheme, and it provided vowel transposition, as illustrated by example (15), can be grammatical distinctions. The accent position within the analyzed as given in Figure 24. word form, combined with other morphological means, was definitory for the identification of a given form as vowel melody tier belonging to a particular paradigmatic combination of detransitive vowel tier vowel melodies, that is, in the verb system to a particular grade I-IV and aspectual binyan. ‘bare’ vowel tier ɛ This also was true for accent patterns outside the verb ⎜ 61 vowel phoneme moraic tier µ system. For instance, PIE verb-like adjectives were de- ⎜ rived from underlying 3sg durative-imperfective (including vowel melody moraic tier µ stative) detransitive intransitive verb forms of the second ⎜ vowel melody template tier (V)


→ V aspectual binyan by accent shift to the word final vowel: ⎜ ⎜ (17) *l ɛ́uq ɔ- ‘s.o. is, was bright, shining’ (verb form of the so- word form template tier ⎜ ⎜ stress accent tier (´)


→ ´ called “Narten protomiddle type”) → *l ɛuq ɔ́- verb-like ⎜ ⎜ adjective ‘(it is) bright, shining’ (this PIE verb-like adjec-


tonal tier (H) → H tive was then inflectable for case and number) ⎜ ⎜ C (V)


→ V (C) word form CV template tier However, the PIE class of verb-like adjectives must be ⎜ C C ⎜ 62 ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ dealt with elsewhere. Recall that in the system of verbal consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ root and pattern morphology inflection it is impossible to w root and inflectable base tier g̈ n ⎜ ⎜ identify a particular derivational base other than the lexi- suffix tier m (s) cal discontinuous inflectable base (including the root), e.g. w Figure 24. Complete transposition *g wɛ́nm → *g wnmɛ́(s) *g̈ _n- ‘to slay, kill, hunt, beat’. Nevertheless, the following rules of PIE VOWEL TRANSPOSITION are reconstructed here 59 Vowel transposition (VT) has nothing to do with word-class-changing derivation (which is often also termed “transposition”). 61 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 60 Cf. Besnier 1987 and Edwards 2014 on Amarasi. 62 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 12 Roland A. Pooth

for the system of verbal root and pattern morphology. PIE (20) 3sg intransitive of the DURATIVE -IMPERFECTIVE aspectual verbal gradation must have been outcome of both vowel binyan *d̤ɛ́ʔɔ(i) (→ *CɛCɔ́-) → 3sg intransitive of the transposition and suprasegmental mapping of ɔ. STATIVE -HABITUAL aspectual binyan *d̤ɔ́ʔɛ(i) 4.4.1 Complete transposition It is further inferential that forms of grade III had a sta- tive or STATIVE -HABITUAL aspectual meaning, since Vedic The term ‘complete’ transposition or ‘unbroken’ transposi- 3sg ind. act. véda ‘knows’ and its IE comparanda have a tion refers to a complete transferal and full transposition of stative meaning. _ɛ_ a vowel (e.g. ) from its underlying position within the A second type of ‘reversive’ transposition yielded forms word form to another vowel slot of the word form tem- of grade VI, which can be identified with a DISTRIBUTIVE - plate. This morphological strategy is illustrated by exam- ITERATIVE aspectual meaning, since progressive forms of ples (15) and (16) and Figure 24. The same system of this type developed into so-called “causative-iterative complete vowel transposition was applicable to the ac- presents”, as already outlined above: cented full vowel _ɔ́_. Accordingly, the accented full vowel *u ɛ́rt ɔ(i) was transposed in its entirety, in parallel with the accented (21) → 3sg detransitive intransitive distributive- *u ɔrt ɛ́(i) *u̯ortéiti ~ *u̯ortéi̯eti _ɛ́_ of the agentive-active forms. This type of transposition iterative (→ > Vedic vartáyati ) (see example (2) above) rule can be illustrated below. It is evident from the rela- tionship between the following two 3sg detransitive in- It is inferential that the “Narten protomiddle type” *Cɛ́Cɔ transitive forms: was the ultimate “derivational” base of both, forms of the stative-habitual grade III as well as forms of the distribu- (18) 3sg detransitive intransitive of the TRANSITIONAL aspec- tual binyan *d̤ɔ́ʔ(i) (> Vedic 3sg “passive aorist” dhāyi ) tive-iterative grade VI. → 3sg detransitive intransitive *d̤ʔɔ́ (of the NONDURATIVE - 4.4.3 Broken transposition w TERMINATIVE *g̈ nɔ́(i) type) Another vowel transposition rule which is evident from the The first form was a 3sg detransitive intransitive form of reconstructable PIE word form can be termed ‘broken’ the transitional aspectual binyan; it is continued as the transposition. The ‘broken’ transposition rule was applica- Vedic so-called “passive aorist”. The second form was a ble to plurative word forms, that is, the ones with basic or 3sg detransitive intransitive form of the nondurative- underlying geminate vowel melody template _VV_ (realized terminative aspectual binyan. It is inferential that in the as _Vː_ ) in the vowel slot of the root or inflectable base. As system of detransitive voice marking the transitional as- illustrated by Figure 25, the vowel geminate _ɛ́ɛ_ was ‘bro- pect forms looks more basic than the nondurative- ken up’ into combinations of two short vowels _ɛ́_ in the terminative forms in a morphological sense. vowel slot of the root or inflectable base and _ ɛ_ elsewhere 4.4.2 Reversive transposition (_V_ + _V_ ). Another vowel transposition rule which is evident from the reconstructable PIE verb forms can be illustrated by the vowel melody tier rd detransitive vowel tier two 3 person detransitive intransitive forms given in example (19) below. This particular type of vowel transpo- ‘bare’ vowel tier ɛ ɛ sition was characterized by the internal change of para- ⎜\ ⎜ vowel phoneme moraic tier µ(µ)

→ µ digmatically more underlying singular forms with a vowel ⎜ ⎜ melody _ɔ́_ɛ_ mapped onto the geminated or doubled vowel vowel melody moraic tier µ(µ)

→ µ _V _ ... _V ⎜ ⎜ melody template 1 2_ to “derived” plural form with V V

V _ɛ_ɔ́_ *u ɛiɗɔ́r vowel melody template tier ( ) → reversed vowels and accent position (e.g. 3pl , ⎜ ⎜ 1pl exclusive *u ɛiɗmɔ́(s) , etc.). This internal modification, word form template tier ⎜ ⎜ with or without additional accent shift, is labeled ‘rever- stress accent tier ´ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ sive’ transposition here. The “derived” vowel melody also tonal tier H ⎜ encoded PIE verb-like adjectives (e.g. *l ɛuq ɔ́-), which were ⎜ ⎜ C C V(V)

→ V (C) word form CV template tier also derived from 3sg intransitive forms of the “Narten ⎜ ⎜ C ⎜ protomiddle type” _ɛ́_ɔ_, as illustrated by example (17) ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ above. consonant frame tier ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ root and inflectable base tier s t u ⎜ (19) 3sg *u ɔ́iɗɛ(i) (> Vedic véda , etc.) → 3pl *u ɛiɗɔ́r (later suffix tier (n) replaced by *u̯eid-ŕ̥(s) ~ *u̯id-ŕ̥(s) ~ *u̯idé(ː)r due to the Figure 25. Broken transposition 2sg agentive intransitive (and imperative) merger of this type with the “Narten type”, e.g. 3sg in- *stɛ́ːu → 2pl agentive intransitive *stɛ́uɛ(n) verse *prɛ́ːks , 3pl direct * prɛ́knt 63 ) It is thus inferential that verb forms like *u ɔ́iɗɛ(i) en- coded by grade III were “internally derived” from the “Narten protomiddle or stative type” by ‘reversive’ trans- Recall that detransitive vowel melodies were derived position without accent shift, whereas verb forms like from the agentive vowel melodies by additional supraseg- *u ɛiɗɔ́r, which also belonged to grade III, were “internally mental vowel mapping (as outlined in section 4.1). More derived” from the “Narten protomiddle or stative type” by examples of detransitive forms are given in (22), (23), and accent shift. This is illustrated by the following example: (24). (The vowel melody is colored red):

63 Cf. Jasanoff 2003. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 13

grade 4.4.4 Primary and secondary 3pl vowel number 3SG .AGT .DIR 3SG .DTR .ITR 1PL .EXC .AGT 1PL .EXC .DTR 3PL .AGT .ITR 3PL .DTR .ITR melodies I *d̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤ʔɔ́ *d̤ʔm ɛ́ *d̤ʔm ɔ́ *d̤ʔɛ́r *d̤ʔr ɔ́ II *d̤ɛ́ːʔt *d̤ɛ́ʔɔ *d̤ɛ́ʔm ɛ *d̤ɛ́ʔm ɔ *d̤ɛ́ʔr *d̤ɛ́ʔɔr ~ *d̤ɛ́ʔrɔ It is intricate to identify the correct III d ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔɛ ‒ *d̤ɛʔm ɔ́ ‒ *d̤ɛʔɔ́r grade of many 3pl forms. In any case, d IV ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔ ‒ *d̤ʔm ɔ́ ‒ *d̤ʔɔ́r ~ *d̤ʔr ɔ́ agentive-active “Narten type” 3pl forms Vd ‒ *d̤ɔ́ːʔ ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔm ɔ ‒ *d̤ɔ́ʔɔr d seem to be the most basic and underly- VI ‒ *d̤ɔʔɛ́ ‒ *d̤ɔʔm ɛ́ ‒ *d̤ɔʔɛ́r ing 3pl forms. These forms are shaded Figure 26. Internal derivation of PIE verbal grades; grey: most basic form(s), light green-blue: internal- grey in Figures 26 and 27. The 3pl forms ɔ ly derived by suprasegmental mapping of to corresponding agentive forms; orange: internally given in column (2) of Figure 27 are derived by vowel transposition rules and/or accent shift; red: internally derived by vowel gemination (plurative marking); white: derived by suffixation of ɔ interpreted as primary, that is, as more original or older. However, the status of the pink-shaded form as secondary is secondary 3PL very insecure. Maybe it was the primary

analogical to 3pl form of grade II and was derived from the (grey- 1 3SG / shaded) agentive-active form by simple suffixation of -ɔ. primary 13SG .DTR .DIR 21PL .EXC / 13PL .DTR .DIR 23SG .DTR .ITR 33PL .AGT / But it is difficult to find a derivational base for the grade II grade 3PL .AGT .DIR 23PL .DTR .ITR 31PL .EXC .DTR 43PL .DTR form *d̤ɛ́ʔɔnt (given in column (2)) in that case. Moreover, number (1) (2) (3) (4) the latter looks as if it was derived from the corresponding I *d̤ʔɛ́nt 1*d̤ʔɔ́nt 1*d̤ʔtɔ́ 1*d̤ʔnt ɔ́ 3sg detransitive intransitive form *d̤ɛ́ʔɔ by suffixation of 3*d̤ʔɛ́nt ɔ I the plural suffix -n- (~ -r-), followed by the suffix -t-. It is II *d̤ɛ́ʔnt 1*d̤ɛ́ʔɔnt 3*d̤ɛ́ʔmɔ(s) 2*d̤ɛ́ʔnt ɔ III d ‒ 2*d̤ɔʔɛ́r 2*d̤ɛʔɔ́r quite tricky to identify the correct derivational direction(s) IV d ‒ 2*d̤ʔɔ́r 3*d̤ʔmɔ́(s) 2*d̤ʔrɔ́ in this case. For the time being, I have decided to leave the Vd ‒ 2*d̤ɔ́ʔr 3*d̤ɔ́ʔmɔ(s) 2*d̤ɔ́ʔrɔ derivational source-goal interpretations as given in that d 2 4 VI ‒ *d̤ɔʔɛ́r *d̤ɔʔɛ́rɔ Figure. Figure 27. Primary and secondary PIE 3pl forms; grey: most basic form; light green: internally derived by suprasegmental mapping of ɔ to 5 Infixation corresponding agentive forms; orange: internally derived by vowel transposition rules and/or accent shift Another aspect category of the imperfective domain was the PIE nasal infix (and suffix) aspect. It is inferential that it had a strong imperfective-like meaning, simply because (22) 3sg *st ɛ́ːut(i) ‘s/he (topic) is praising s.o.’ :: 2sg itr it is nowhere reflected as aorist in any IE language. There- *st ɛ́ːu(i) :: 3sg detransitive intransitive *suɔ́ːp(i) ‘s.o. is fore, I suggest that this category signaled both, a narrow falling asleep’ (see section 4.2 above) INCOMPLETIVE meaning as well as a broader, more polyse- mous IMPERFECTIVE -DYNAMIC 64 aspectual meaning. How- *st ɛ́umɛ(s) (23) 1pl exclusive ‘we (exclusive) are praising s.o.’ ever, the evidence points towards the following restriction: *su ɔ́pm ɔ(s) :: 1pl exclusive ‘we (exclusive) are falling This aspect category denoted incomplete dynamic events asleep, are sleeping; we are putting s.o. into sleep’ (the (subsuming actions and processes), but did not encode causative reading is found in the antipassive construc- habitual or non-habitual states. It was restricted to the tion) eventive-dynamic reading of a given PIE verb, as it could (24) 3pl intransitive *st ɛ́ur ‘they are praising someone (some- not be combined with its static reading. It was thus used one not mentioned before)’ :: *su ɔ́pr ‘they are falling broadly for any kind of incompletive and imperfective asleep’ dynamic action or process. 65 The internal modifications (internal inflection, transfixal (25) *iunɛ́ʛt /iu ~n~ ɛ́_ʛ-t/ inflection) can be summarized as given in Figures 26 and connect~ INCOMPLETIVE ~AGENTIVE _connect-2/3 DIR \SG 27. Most of the forms were derived from other forms by ‘3sg (topical) is/was (still) connecting/yoking (it)’ vowel transposition rules. Several detransitive forms were It is often said that it included a transitive factitive- derived by suprasegmental mapping of ɔ onto underlying causative component. However, such a component was agentive-active forms. I suggest that the grey-shaded forms inherently implied in the meaning of PIE agentive-active were the most basic one, whereas the “Narten protomid- inflection, interacting with the given actional-eventive dle” form left blank (of the *kɛ́iɔ(i) type) was presumably verb reading―and it is quite evident that the nasal aspect originally derived by simple suffixation of ɔ to its base. The also encoded anticausative processes, e.g.: singular form of grade II and V d were further marked by vowel gemination (plurative marking, V-doubling, realized (26) *d̤_lg̈- ‘make firm, get firm, be firm’ → *d̤lng̈ɔ́ ‘s.o. is as length). getting firm’; detransitive intransitive forms also had fac- Without any further additional aspectual marking, these titive meaning ‘s.o. is making s.th. firm’ in the antipas- six aspect grades encoded the six basic aspect categories, sive construction; the latter was pleonastically extended *dɦlng̑ɦót ~ *dɦlng̑ɦét(i) as outlined above. But since PIE had a COMBINATORY aspect to with factitive meaning ‘s.o. is making s.th. firm’ > Vedic dŕ̥m̐hati ‘id.’, cf. LIV , p. 113 marking system, the grades could be combined with addi- tional aspectual markers, as outlined in the following 64 Including ITERATIVE reading of punctual (“semelfactive”) verbs. sections. 65 As such, it may be comparable with the “eventive” aspect of Creek (Muskogee), but with the important exception that the PIE nasal aspect could not refer to punctual events (cf. Martin 2011, chapter 28). 14 Roland A. Pooth

gloss SINGULAR PLURAL (GRADE I) PLURAL (GRADE II) mapped upon it. This additional vowel slot was 1EXC *iu nɛ́ʛm *iu nʛmɛ́(s) somehow templatically ‘blank’ and open to be filled iu nʛuɛ́(s) 1INC * by the leftmost syllabifiable sonorant of the inflect- 2ITR *iu nɛ́ʛ *iu nɛ́ʛɛ(n) 2DIR *iu nɛ́ʛt *iu nɛ́ʛtɛ(n) able base, see Figure 30, where the /u/ of /iunɛ́ʛt/ 2INV *iu nɛ́ʛs *iu nɛ́ʛsɛ(n) fills the blank vowel slot Vx. 3ITR *iu nʛɛ́r The vowel slot _V 2_ following the nasal infix was 3DIR *iu nɛ́ʛt *iu nʛɛ́nt either occupied by the initial vowel of the vowel iu nɛ́ʛs iu nʛɛ́rs 3INV * * melody, which as a rule had to be the accented ‘bare’ Figure 28. PIE agentive forms of the nasal infix binyan vowel, or it remained (morphologically) unoccupied. In case it was occupied by the ‘bare’ vowel _ɛ́_ of the gloss SINGULAR SINGULAR (GRADE II) PLURAL COLLECTIVE respective vowel melody, the nasal infix, as a rule, 1EXC *iu nʛχá *iu nɛ́ʛχa *iu nʛmɔ́(s) *iu nʛmɔ́(χ) was the onset of the second syllable, e.g. *iunɛ́ʛt(i) → 1INC *iu nʛuɔ́(s) *iu nʛuɔ́(χ) [ju] σ['nɛk] [ti] , as illustrated by Figure 30. However, iu nʛχá iu nɛ́ʛχa iu nʛχá(n) iu nʛáχ(m) σ σ 2ITR * * * * in case it was unoccupied, the nasal infix belonged to 2DIR *iu nʛχá *iu nɛ́ʛtχa *iu nʛtχá(n) *iu nʛtáχ(m) *iunʛɔ́- 2INV *iu nʛχá *iu nɛ́ʛsχa *iu nʛsχá(n) *iu nʛsáχ(m) the coda of the initial syllable, e.g. → 3ITR *iu nʛɔ́ *iu nɛ́ʛɔ *iu nʛrɔ́ *iu nʛáχ(m) [juŋ]σ['ʛɔ]σ, see Figure 31. 3DIR *iu nʛtɔ́ *iu nɛ́ʛtɔ *iu nʛntɔ́ *iu nʛtáχ(m) Roots of the shape K_K- (with K = any plosive, 3INV *iu nʛsɔ́ *iu nɛ́ʛsɔ *iu nʛsáχ(m) fricative, or glottal stop; e.g. *b̤_ʛ- ‘to break (up)’) Figure 29. PIE detransitive forms of the nasal infix binyan showed a secondary vowel [ɛ] occupying the initial vowel slot Vx. This secondary vowel did not belong to the vowel melody. It just occupied the initial vowel (27) *b̤_ud̤- ‘wake up, be awake, attentive’ → *b̤und̤ɔ́ ‘s.o. is slot of the disyllabic nasal infix consonant frame template awakening, was (still) awakening (... when x happened)’, CV x~n~_V 2_C-, e.g. *b̤(ɛ)nɛ́ʛti ‘s/he (topic) is breaking it cf. LIV , p. 82f. 66 (up)’ (> Vedic bhanákti , etc. ) → [bɛ]σ['nɛk] σ['ti]σ, as The incompletive-imperfective aspect category was ex- illustrated by the metrical analysis of the corresponding ~n~ pressed by infixation of the PIE nasal infix and by non-progressive 3sg form *b̤(ɛ)nɛ́ʛt in Figure 32: suffixation of its allomorph, the nasal suffix -n_u-. The ω nasal infix consonant frame was combined with grade I, ? ⎜ but 2pl (and 1pl ) agentive forms and singular detransitive Fiambic forms could be combined with grade II, e.g. *iun ɛ́ʛtɛ(n) . I  ? will return to the encoding of 2pl (and 1pl ) forms by σ1 σ́2 ⎜ ⎜ grade II below. The PIE nasal infix pattern (binyan) is ⎜ ⎜ given in Figures 28 and 29. [ju]σ ['nɛ́kt]σ The infix ~n~ and the suffix -n_u- were in complemen- /iu ~n~ _V_ʛ-t/ tary distribution, the choice of which was triggered by the Figure 30. Syllabification of PIE nasal infixed forms I structure of the root or inflectable base: Triradical inflect- able bases ending in a plosive T or fricative (e.g. *i_uʛ- ‘to ω ⎜ connect, yoke’) had to be infixed. Inflectable bases ending Fiambic in a plosive T or fricative F could be infixed or suffixed. 

Other inflectable bases (e.g. *ʕ_r- ‘to rise, raise) were suf- σ1 σ́2 -n_u- ⎜ ⎜ fixed by . Thus, the consonant frame marked by the ⎜ ⎜ ~n~ *iu~n_ʛ- nasal infix (e.g. ) was derived from its root [jun]σ ['ʛɔ]σ (*i_u-) and inflectable base ( *i_u-ʛ-) by somehow ‘splitting /iu ~n~ ʛ_ɔ́/ up’ and ‘prolonging’ the monosyllabic inflectable base Figure 31. Syllabification of PIE nasal infixed forms II template on the word form template tier yielding a metri- cally disyllabic nasal infixed consonant frame ω ⎜ CV x~n~_V 2_C-, e.g. *i_uʛ- → *iuσ~n~_V 2_ʛ- (with σ = Fiambic syllable boundary; Vx represents the additional vowel slot  of the initial syllable). The inflectable base template was σ1 σ́2 thus split up into its consonantal onset C(R)- and the base- ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ ⎜ final consonant -C, and the nasal infix ~n~ including a [b̤ɛ]σ ['nɛ́kt]σ following vowel slot _V 2_ was infixed in between these two /b̤(ɛ)~n~ _ɛ́_ʛ-t/ segmental strings, as illustrated by the Figure 30ff. Figure 32. Syllabification of nasal infixed forms III Inflectable bases including a sonorant /m n l r i u/ (cover symbol R) or two sonorants of the shapes C_RC-, Nasal infixed agentive singular forms thus always had CR_C-, CR_RC- (e.g. *ʔl_ud̤- ‘to go up, grow, increase’) thus one more syllable compared to corresponding underlying underwent syllabification of the sonorant preceding the non-infixed agentive singular forms. This tendency towards base-final consonant (e.g. *ʔlu~n~_V2_d̤). This sonorant increasing the number of syllables compared to the under- was syllabified as the nucleus of the initial syllable. The lying forms may be the reason why 2pl agentive forms and first vowel slot Vx of the disyllabic nasal infixed consonant singular detransitive forms could be combined with a CV ~n~_V _C- frame x 2 did not belong to the vowel melody template; and a vowel of the vowel melody could not be 66 Cf. LIV , p. 66. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 15 grade II vowel melody _ɛ́_ɛ_ or _ɛ́_ɔ_, respectively. Since the gloss SINGULAR PLURAL underlying 2pl agentive forms had a disyllabic metrical 1EXC *iu nɛ́um *iu nu mɛ́(s) iu nu uɛ́(s) structure, the “derived” forms could be formed with a 1INC * 2ITR *iu nɛ́u *iu nu ɛ́(n) disyllabic-plus-one-syllable (trisyllabic) metrical structure: 2DIR *iu nɛ́ut *iu nu tɛ́(n) (28) 2/3sg agentive direct *iɛ́uʛt (monosyllabic base) → 2INV *iu nɛ́us *iu nu sɛ́(n) “derived” 2/3sg agentive direct *iu.nɛ́ʛt (disyllabic) (NB. 3ITR *iu nu ɛ́r iu nɛ́ut iu nu ɛ́nt the full stop . indicates the syllable boundary here) 3DIR * * 3INV *iu nɛ́us *iu nu ɛ́rs (29) 2pl agentive direct *iuʛtɛ́(n) (disyllabic base) → “de- Figure 33. *i_u- rived” 2pl agentive direct *iun ɛ́ʛtɛ(n) (trisyllabic) PIE agentive forms of the nasal suffix binyan, e.g. ‘to hold’ _ɛ́_ɛ_ Therefore, the use of the grade II vowel melody (and gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE _ɛ́_ɔ_ detransitive ) saturated the trisyllabic metrical struc- 1EXC *iu nu χá *iu nu mɔ́(s) *iu nu mɔ́(χ) ture (= + one more syllable) of these “derived” 2pl agen- 1INC *iu nu uɔ́(s) *iu nu uɔ́(χ) tive and singular detransitive forms. The same was true for the formal relationship between the underlying singular 2ITR *iu nu χá *iu nu χá(n) *iu nu áχ(m) detransitive forms and the “derived” ones, as illustrated 2DIR *iu nu tχá *iu nu tχá(n) *iu nu táχ(m) 2INV *iu nu sχá *iu nu sχá(n) *iu nu sáχ(m) below: 3ITR *iu nu ɔ́ *iu nu rɔ́ *iu nu áχ(m) (30) 3sg detransitive intransitive *iuʛɔ́ (disyllabic base) → 3DIR *iu nu tɔ́ *iu nu ntɔ́ *iu nu táχ(m) “derived” 3sg detransitive intransitive *iunʛɔ́ (disyllabic) 3INV *iu nu sɔ́ *iu nu sáχ(m) *iunɛ́ʛɔ ~ (trisyllabic) Figure 34. Corresponding detransitive forms, e.g. *i_u- ‘to hold’ Vedic punīṣé (RV 7.85.1) (< ° -nH-sʔɔ́i) reveals that the nasal aspect was not incompatible with the conative- desiderative suffix -ʔs- ~ -s- (see section 6.3). This combi- Combining all these meanings, I suggest that non- nation perhaps had immediate-future time reference, as in progressive -sk- forms conveyed a PUNCTUAL -CASUAL aspec- Vedic (‘I am now committing myself to purifying O’) at the tual meaning including PUNCTUAL -INGRESSIVE (or INCEPTIVE ), very beginning of a song. The nasal infix ~n~ and nasal PUNCTUAL -ACCIDENTAL , and SPONTANEOUS or CASUAL (and suffix -n_u- also occurred in combination with the optative- perhaps also OCCASIONAL ) readings. It is simply glossed irrealis mood suffix -i_Ɂ-. Thus combined, the optative PUNC here. mood had incompletive-imperfective aspectual meaning: (32) *ɠwm-sk_ɔ́ (31) *ɠn~n~ʕ-iɛ́Ɂ-m come-PUNC _GRADE I. DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG (get.to.)know~INCOMPLETIVE~know-OPT :AGT -1\SG ‘s.o. came, s.th. came about at once, suddenly, casually ’ a b ( ) ‘I wish I would still know (it/him/her); ( ) ‘I presume (33) *ɠnʔ-sk_ɔ́ that I would still know (it/him/her); (c) ‘(if x was the case generate/be.born-PUNC _GRADE I. DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG ...) I presume that I would still know (it/him/her)’ ‘s.o. was born at once, suddenly; s.o. generated s.th. or s.o. at Thus the nasal aspect was perhaps simply the PIE “older” once, suddenly, casually’ IMPERFECTIVE eventive (actional and processual) . (34) *ʔr-sk_ɔ́ hit-PUNC _GRADE I. DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG 6 Suffixation (a) ‘s.o. hit s.o. at once, suddenly’ 6.1 Incompletive aspect (b) ‘s.o. just kept hitting someone’ (c) ‘s.o. hit s.o. casually (iteratively on some occasions)’ The suffixation of -n_u- principally ran in parallel with the (d) ‘s.o. hit s.o. occasionally’ infixation of ~n~ . As just outlined, these markers were Cf. Latin nāscor , nāscitur ‘is born, comes into being, allomorphs in complementary distribution. The PIE nasal ti suffix binyan is given in Figures 33 and 34. However, arises’, and Vedic r̥cchá- ‘hits, meets accidentally’, cf. LIV , differently from the infix ~n~ , this suffix -nɛ́u- ~ -nu- s.vv. In my view, non-progressive forms only occurred automatically increased the number of syllables of the combined with the nondurative grade I. The pattern is “derived” forms by +1 syllable. Therefore, this pattern given in Figure 35, where the suffix is colored red. had grade I throughout and grade II forms did not occur. This difference of the two patterns strengthens the case for gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE a metrical explanation, as it has been provided here, sim- 1EXC *ʔr sk χá *ʔr sk mɔ́(s) *ʔr sk mɔ́(χ) ʔr sk uɔ́(s) ʔr sk uɔ́(χ) ply because the difference in gradation remains inexplica- 1INC * * 2ITR *ʔr sk χá *ʔr sk χá(n) *ʔr sk áχ(m) ble or not easy to explain otherwise. 2DIR *ʔr sk tχá *ʔr sk tχá(n) *ʔr sk táχ(m) 2INV *ʔr sk sχá *ʔr sk sχá(n) *ʔr sk sáχ(m) 6.2 Punctual-casual aspect 3ITR *ʔr sk ɔ́ *ʔr sk ɔ́r ~ *ʔr sk rɔ́ *ʔr sk áχ(m) PIE had another aspect encoded by suffixation of -sk- to Figure 35. PIE forms of the (deponential) punctual-casual aspect, e.g. *Ɂ_r- ~ Ɂar- the inner aspect slot (slot A or 1) of the consonant frame. ‘to hit, meet with, come into contact with, fit, conjoin’ This suffix is reflected as -sk o/e-̑ stem suffix in the IE lan- guages, where it often codes iterative-imperfective stems. Non-progressive forms were roughly equivalent to the However, it also occurs as marker of inchoative present use of the English adverbs ‘at once, suddenly, casually’ stems and as narrative imperfect suffix. It is thus difficult and/or the English prepositional phrase ‘by sudden im- to sort out its original use. pact’, ‘by accident’ or the like. Due to these accidental or 16 Roland A. Pooth

casual readings, the PIE -sk- aspect was deponential. As (Any uncontrollable cause can be felt as a force majeure. mentioned above, PIE lacked 3 rd person direct and inverse This may explain why such a reading can also be expressed forms of many deponential binyanim. Recall that a 3rd by the given suffix in Creek) person animate causer or inanimate causer or cause (in Let me further suggest that the punctual suffix -sk- is “A” relation) had to be coded by the PIE antipassive con- comparable to a nominal diminutive marker because the struction: event is coded as ‘temporally small, punctual, and casual’. -s_k- *pɛ́ik sɔk (35) a. PIE antipassive construction with inanimate A Note that PIE also had a nominal suffix , e.g. *ɗɔ́ru Ɂrskɔ́ pχtɛ́r-m in. ‘fish (generic), loc. *pik sɔ́k, abl.-gen. *pik sk ɔ́s (> Proto- *fiska- *pi_k- wood. ABS hit:PUNC :DTR :ITR :3 SG father-ALL Germanic ‘fish’ m.), derived from ‘to pick out ‘lance suddenly hit (at) (my) father’ (with a stick), paint (with a stick-like object), scratch; decorate’ (or its variant *pi_ʛ- ‘paint’), cf. LIV , 464, 465f. b. PIE noncanonical antipassive with animate A *χnɛ́r-s ʔrskɔ́ pχtɛ́r-m 6.3 Conative mood man-ERG hit:PUNC :DTR :ITR :3 SG father-ALL ‘man suddenly hit (my) father’ I suggest that the PIE modal suffix -Ɂs- (glossed CON ) and Corresponding progressive forms of the -sk- aspect inter- its phonologically simplified allomorphic by-form -s- had a acted with the punctual-casual basic meaning, thus often CONATIVE -DESIDERATIVE -COMMISSIVE meaning and was thus introducing an iterative and/or occasional-frequentative 67 roughly equivalent to the use of English ‘to try to do’ or component, depending on the underlying aspectual lexical ‘to plan to do’, ‘to wish to do’, ‘to want to do’, ‘to be going meaning:68 to do’, ‘to intend to do’, ‘to commit oneself to doing’ and -sk- (36) *ɠnʔ-sk_ɔ́-i similar uses. In parallel with the aspect, as outlined in PUNC GRADE DETRANSITIVE ITR SG PROGRESSIVE the foregoing section, the conative mood was deponential. dito- _ I. . .3 - rd a Again, this modal category lacked 3 person direct and ( ) ‘s.o. is, was generated in a sequence of sudden moments’ rd (b) ‘s.o. is, was generated occasionally’ inverse transitive forms. Again, a 3 person animate causer or inanimate causer or cause (in A relation) had to be used (37) *ʔr-sk_ɔ́_i within the PIE antipassive construction (see examples hit-PUNC _GRADE I.DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG _PROGRESSIVE 35ab). ‘s.o. is, was hitting s.o. in a sequence of sudden moments’ The conative-commissive mood was further used to code Corresponding progressive forms could lack the acciden- volitional (intentional) actions with FUTURE time reference. tal component―or sporadically lost it and developed into Such a categorical polysemy is a common crosslinguistic iterative-frequentatives. Nevertheless, non-progressive pattern. This suffix could be combined with grade I and forms and progressive forms were characterized by the with grade II. It could also be combined with the redupli- same constructional constraints. Therefore, this binyan cation templatic prefix Ci-. The PIE patterns are given in also lacked progressive direct and inverse transitive forms. the Figures below. The conative suffix is colored red. However, progressive forms had variants with PLURATIVE grade II marking (cf. Old Latin escit :: Gk. ἔσκε ): gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE (38) *ʔsskɔ́i ~ *ʔɛ́skɔi 1EXC *uiɗɁs χá *uiɗʔsmɔ́(s) *uiɗɁs mɔ́(χ) (a) ‘s.o. is, was just casually sitting there’ 1INC *uiɗʔsuɔ́(s) *uiɗɁs uɔ́(χ) (b) ‘s.o. is, was (sitting) there (... when x happened)’ 2ITR *uiɗɁs χá *uiɗɁs χá(n) *uiɗɁs áχ(m) ɠnáʕ-sk_ɔi (g)nōscit γι-γνώσκει 2DIR *uiɗɁs tχá *uiɗɁs tχá(n) *uiɗɁs táχ(m) (thus also * > Lat. , Greek uiɗɁs sχá uiɗɁs sχá(n) *uiɗɁs sáχ(m) γι- 2INV * * ‘recognizes’ with additional reduplication , etc.) 3ITR *uiɗɁs ɔ́ *uiɗɁs ɔ́r ~ *uiɗɁs rɔ́ *uiɗɁs áχ(m) Later 3rd person intransitive forms of this binyan were Figure 36. PIE forms of the conative mood (grade I), e.g. *u_iɗ- ‘to see’ extended by neoactive 3sg endings -t(i) or -e(i) ~ -eti and 3pl endings -ont(i) ~ *-onto(i) , as illustrated below: gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE ̑ ̑ ̑ (39) 3sg *ʔrskɔ́(i) → * ʔr̥sk ót ~ *ʔr̥sk éi ~ *ʔr̥sk éti (> Vedic 1EXC *uɛ́iɗɁs χa *uɛ́iɗʔsmɔ(s) *uɛ́iɗɁs mɔ(χ) ti r̥cchá- , etc.), 3pl *ʔrskrɔ́ ~ *ʔrskɔ́r → replaced by neoac- 1INC *uɛ́iɗʔsuɔ(s) *uɛ́iɗɁs uɔ(χ) tive *ʔr̥sk ónt(i)̑ ~ middle *ʔr̥sk ónto(i)̑ (due to the produc- 2ITR *uɛ́iɗɁs χa *uɛ́iɗɁs χa(n) *uɛ́iɗɁs aχ(m) tivity of the post-PIE 3pl endings -ont ~ -onto ) 2DIR *uɛ́iɗɁs tχa *uɛ́iɗɁs tχa(n) *uɛ́iɗɁs taχ(m) 2INV *uɛ́iɗɁs sχa *uɛ́iɗɁs sχa(n) *uɛ́iɗɁs saχ(m) Let me further suggest that similar to the “spontaneous- 3ITR *uɛ́iɗɁs ɔ *uɛ́iɗɁs ɔr ~ *uɛ́iɗɁs rɔ *uɛ́iɗɁs aχ(m) casual” suffix in Creek (Muskogee) 69 this suffix perhaps was Figure 37. PIE forms of the conative mood (grade II), e.g. *u_iɗ- ‘to see’ used in the clause that specifies the cause of an event: nɛ́ uɛ̀iɗ-ʔs-χ_a_i (40) * gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE NEG see-CONATIVE -1SG .DETRANSITIVE _GRADE II-PRG \L 1EXC *d̤id̤ʔʔs χá *d̤id̤ʔʔs mɔ́(s) *d̤id̤ʔʔs mɔ́(χ) ‘I am not going to see (visit) him ...’ 1INC *d̤id̤ʔʔs uɔ́(s) *d̤id̤ʔʔs uɔ́(χ) ʔs-sk_ɔ́_i 2ITR *d̤id̤ʔʔs χá *d̤id̤ʔʔs χá(n) *d̤id̤ʔʔs áχ(m) be.there-PUNC _GRADE I.DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG _PRG 2DIR *d̤id̤ʔʔs tχa *d̤id̤ʔʔs tχá(n) *d̤id̤ʔʔs táχ(m) d̤id̤ʔʔs sχa d̤id̤ʔʔs sχá(n) d̤id̤ʔʔs sáχ(m) ‘... just because he is casually there.’ 2INV * * * 3ITR *d̤id̤ʔʔs ɔ́ *d̤id̤ʔʔs ɔ́r ~ *d̤id̤ʔɁs rɔ́ *d̤id̤ʔʔs áχ(m)

67 Cf. the definition of “iterative” and “frequentative” given by Bybee, Figure 38. PIE forms of the reduplicated conative mood, e.g. *d̤_Ɂ- ‘to put, ...’ Perkins & Pagliuca 1994: 317 (appendix B). 68 But recall that many PIE verbs were aspectually polysemous. 69 Cf. Martin 2011: 251-254 Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 17

I am still wondering whether the reduplication prefix Ci- 6.4 Optative mood coded a distributive-iterative aspectual component (‘to PIE optative-irrealis mood was coded by suffixation of a try/intend to do s.th. on several occasions, now & then, discontinuous suffix *-i_Ɂ- to the inner mood suffix slot (2 here & there, affecting a distributed plural “O”) or whether or M) on the skeletal consonant frame tier (see Figure 5). it simply indicated a kind of ‘diminutive-like’ verbal as- The regular optative binyan had grade I with the ‘bare’ pect, implying that only a small part of the event, its be- vowel _ɛ́_ alternating between the vowel slot of the modal ginning or just a plan was fulfilled. Maybe the reduplicated suffix ( V5) and a position to its right, e.g. * ʔsiɛ́ʔm :: *ʔsiʔmɛ́, pattern was polysemous and both readings were possible. etc. The pattern is given in Figure 39 and 40. This mood perhaps also indicated a low affectedness of O, e.g. ‘I planned to (but only partly) put it there’. 6.4.1 Suppositional and volitive-cupitive mood w (41) *g̈ n-ʔs_ɔ́ The PIE optative-irrealis mood had two major uses. Firstly, slay-CONATIVE _GRADE I.DETRANSITIVE .ITR .3 SG it indicated speaker-oriented epistemic speculative (hypo- (a) ‘s.o. tried to slay s.o.’ thetical) and assumptive irrealis mood, that is, the (b) ‘s.o. only partly beat at/slew s.o.’ speaker’s speculative (pre)supposition. Thus, it was also Later, 3rd person intransitive forms of this binyan were used in the clause encoding the supposed condition (“if- often extended by neoactive 3sg endings -t(i) or -e(i) ~ -eti clause”) of conditional constructions, as illustrated by and 3pl endings -ont(i) ~ *-onto(i) . They are thus contin- example (43a) below. Furthermore, a weaker supposition ued by IE thematic desiderative stems, subjunctive stems, and potential reading (roughly equivalent to the use of the or future stems (e.g. in Greek), as illustrated by the English auxiliary may/might ) was also among its uses: following example: (43) a. PIE irrealis conditional construction ɦ ɦ ɦ ɦ ɦ ɦ (42) 3sg *d̤id̤ʔʔsɔ́ → *d id ʔʔsot ~ *d id ʔʔsei ~ *d id ʔʔseti *(Ɂɛ́i) ɗɔ́ru Ɂ(a)riɁɔ̀ χnɛ́r-m ... with accent either on the ending or on the reduplication if wood. ABS hit:OPT :DTR :ITR :3 SG :L man-ALL ti syllable (> Vedic dítsa- , etc.), 3pl *d̤id̤ʔʔsrɔ́ ~ *d̤id̤ʔʔsɔ́r lit. ‘(if/supposed) lance hit (at) man ... ɦ ɦ → replaced by neoactive *d id ʔʔsont(i) ~ middle nú qɛm ~ qam b̤ɛ́nɔ70 /ʕuátχɔ ɦ ɦ *d id ʔʔsonto(i) &then under.this.condition hurt:DUR :DTR :ITR :3 SG However, Vedic 123sg mid. stuṣé ‘I, you, s/he plan(s) to lit. ‘... and then under this condition he praise s.o.’ (< *stu(ʔ)sχai, *stu(ʔ)sɔ́i) is still an evident may/shall/will (is strongly expected to) be hurt’ remnant of the older athematic conative protomiddle. b. “volitive-cupitive” use of the optative *ɗɔ́ru Ɂ(a)riɁɔ́ χnɛ́r-m gloss SINGULAR PLURAL wood. ABS hit:OPT :DTR :ITR :3 SG man-ALL 1EXC *iu iɛ́Ɂm *iu iɁmɛ́(s) lit. ‘I wish the lance would hit (at) man ...’ 1INC *iu iɁuɛ́(s) c. potential use of the optative 2ITR *iu iɛ́Ɂ *iu iɁɛ́(n) *ɗɔ́ru Ɂ(a)riɁɔ́ χnɛ́r-m 2DIR *iu iɛ́Ɂt *iu iɁtɛ́(n) 2INV *iu iɛ́Ɂs *iu iɁsɛ́(n) wood. ABS hit:OPT :DTR :ITR :3 SG man-ALL 3ITR *iu iɛ́Ɂr ~ *iu iɁɛ́r lit. ‘the lance may/might (perhaps) hit (at) man ...’ 3DIR *iu iɛ́Ɂt *iu iɛ́Ɂnt ~ *iu iɁɛ́nt nu χnɛ́r mriɁɔ́ *iu iɛ́Ɂs *iu iɛ́Ɂrs ~ *iu iɁɛ́rs 3INV &then man-ALL die:OPT :DTR :ITR :3 SG Figure 39. PIE agentive forms of the regular optative-irrealis modal ‘... and then the man may/might (perhaps) die’ *i_u- binyan, e.g. ‘to hold’ Example (43b) illustrates the second major use of the optative-irealis: It was also used to indicate the speaker’s gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE wish or desire and had a speaker-oriented dynamic “vo- 1EXC *iu iɁχá *iu iɁmɔ́(s) *iu iɁmɔ́(χ) 1INC *iu iɁuɔ́(s) *iu iɁuɔ́(χ) litive-cupitive” function. *iu iɁχá *iu iɁχá(n) *iu iɁáχ(m) 2ITR 6.4.2 Primary optatives 2DIR *iu iɁtχá *iu iɁtχá(n) *iu iɁtáχ(m) 2INV *iu iɁsχá *iu iɁsχá(n) *iu iɁsáχ(m) I suggest that PIE further had a special class of optatives, 3ITR *iu iɁɔ́ *iu iɁrɔ́ *iu iɁáχ(m) derived from verbs of wishing and desiring, e.g. *u_lɁ- ‘to *iu iɁtɔ́ *iu iɁntɔ́ *iu iɁtáχ(m) 3DIR wish, want, desire; choose’, *u_nH- ‘to wish, love’. Such 3INV *iu iɁsɔ́ *iu iɁsáχ(m) ‘primary’ or ‘lexical optatives’ differed from regular opta- Figure 40. Corresponding detransitive optative-irrealis forms tives by a different position of the first vowel _ɛ́_ of the vowel melody. Primary optatives had their first ‘bare’ gloss SINGULAR (GRADE I) PLURAL (GRADE II) vowel in the vowel slot of the inflectable base, but not in 1EXC *uɛ́lɁiɁm *uɛ́lɁiɁmɛ(s) the vowel slot of the suffix, and plural forms had grade II, *uɛ́lɁiɁuɛ(s) 1INC as illustrated by Figure 41. It is inferential that only 1 st 2ITR *uɛ́lɁiɁ *uɛ́lɁiɁɛ(n) 2DIR *uɛ́lɁiɁt *uɛ́lɁiɁtɛ(n) person forms of such optatives were speaker-oriented, that 2INV *uɛ́lɁiɁs *uɛ́lɁiɁsɛ(n) is, indicated the speaker’s wish or desire, whereas in other 3ITR *uɛ́lɁiɁr persons the optative marking was not necessarily speaker- 3DIR *uɛ́lɁiɁt *uɛ́lɁiɁnt oriented (e.g. *uɛ́lɁiɁt ‘3sg (topic) wishes, wants, desires’). *uɛ́lɁiɁs *uɛ́lɁiɁrs 3INV Thus, primary optatives were also used as variants of Figure 41. PIE irregular optative-irrealis agentive forms, e.g. *u_lɁ- ‘to wish, want, desire; choose’ 70 Cf. LIV , p. 74 “krank werden”; but *b̤_n- ‘to wound, injure, hurt, make sick’ seems to be related to *g̈w_n- ‘to beat, kill, slay, hunt’. 18 Roland A. Pooth

former indicative forms of verbs of whishing and desiring 6.5.2 Direction marking/the PIE inverse system or of verbs with a polysemy including such readings. In my PIE was a language with an inflectional direct/inverse view, the use of grade II in plural forms did not encode system. 73 It displayed two specifically deictic DIRECTION durative aspectual value in this case, but served as a -t- -s- 71, 72 suffixes and in addition to zero. These two markers marker of 1pl and 2pl forms here. encoded the source or the goal, respectively, of the agen- 6.4.3 Optative mood and anterior aspect tive causation force with regard to the topical referent. These two suffixes thus coded the respective direction of Furthermore, PIE also had optative forms prefixed by the causative force and transitivity, going over from a first Cɛ- unaccented reduplication templatic prefix indicating participant to a second participant. anteriority (including counterfactual conditional meaning), Direction towards a nontopical 3 rd person referent (with a as illustrated below: nd rd 2 person or topical 3 person source) was encoded by the (44) 1sg agentive anterior opt. *d̤ɛd̤ʔiɛ́ʔm ‘I wish I had done direct suffix -t- (glossed DIR ). Direction starting from a 2 nd it’ or ‘I would have done it ... (if x had happened)’ person going over to a 1 st person or starting from a topical rd nd (45) 3sg detransitive anterior opt. *d̤ɛd̤ʔiʔɔ́ ‘it would have 3 person going over to a 2 person or starting from a rd rd been done ... (if x had happened)’ nontopical 3 person going over to a topical 3 person was -s- Aside from the reduplication Cɛ-, the pattern was identi- marked by the INVERSE suffix (glossed INV ). As usual, cal to the unmarked one, as given in Figures 39 and 40. PIE also had a person hierarchy or general topicality hier- archy triggering the use of the respective direct or inverse 6.4.4 Optative mood and incompletive aspect forms; see Figure 44 (where > means ‘higher ranked than, When combined with the incompletive aspect, the optative higher in (general) topicality than’): mood had incompletive (including counterfactual condi- tional) meaning (‘topic would still be doing it’; cf. Vedic 3 rd 1st > 2 nd > topical 3 rd > other 3 rd sg. pres. opt. act. bhindyāt (AV), bhid- ‘split’, etc.). Figure 44. The PIE person hierarchy (46) 1sg *b̤r-nu-iɛ́ʔ-m ‘I wish I would still be carrying it’ or ‘I would still be carrying it ... (if x had happened)’ (coun- The direct transitive form was used when a 2 nd person terfactual) rd causer (or agent-causer) was acting upon a 3 person Aside from the infix or suffix, the pattern was identical patient causee. The inverse form was used when a person to the regular unmarked one, cf. Figures 39-40 again. ranked lower on the person hierarchy was agent and causer and acting upon a higher ranked person. 6.5 Person and direction marking w (47) a. *g̈ ɛ́n-t st 6.5.1 1 person marking slay/hunt: NDUR :AGT :SG -DIRECT a 1st person marking was achieved by three different suffixes ( ) ‘you (sg.) slew him’, b (-m-, -u-, -χ- and by -mχ-). PIE had a 1 st person exclusive ( ) ‘he (topical) slew him/them (nontopical)’ w vs. inclusive distinction. Agentive-active 1sg, 1pl, 1col b. *g̈ ɛ́n-s exclusive forms were marked by the 1 st person exclusive slay/hunt: NDUR :AGT :SG -INVERSE suffix -m-, whereas corresponding 1pl, 1col inclusive forms (a) ‘you (sg.) slew me’, were marked by the 1 st (including 2 nd ) person inclusive (b) ‘he slew me’, suffix -u-. Detransitive 1sg forms were marked by the con- (c) ‘he slew you (sg./pl.)’, tinuous detransitive suffix -χ-. They were formally identi- (d) ‘he (nontopical) slew him/them (topical)’ cal to 2sg detransitive intransitive forms. PIE also had The direct and inverse forms were also used to code specific 1sg detransitive forms encoded by a combination switched referents, perhaps even in case the less topical or of both markers -mχ-; see Figures 42 and 43. “anti-topical” (or “obviative”) referent was involved in an intransitive event. For saving space I leave away the gloss gloss SINGULAR PLURAL for the inflectable base in some of the following examples: -m- m_ 1EXC - (48) a. *χnɛ́r-s mɛ́d̤u ɗʕ-t_ɔ́ 1INC -u_ man-ERG honey. ABS DIRECT _NDUR :DTR :3 SG Figure 42. PIE agentive-active 1 st person markers nu páʕ-t &then swallow: NDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \SG gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE ‘the man i (topic) took honey & then he i swallowed it’ 1EXC -χ_ ~ -mχ_ -m_ -m_ b. *χnɛ́r-s mɛ́d̤u ɗáʕ-t 1INC -u_ -u_ ERG ABS NDUR AGT SG DIRECT 2ITR -χ_ -χ_ -_χ- man- honey. : . - \3 nu páʕ-s Figure 43. st nd Corresponding detransitive 1 person (and 2 person intransi- &then swallow: NDUR :AGT :SG -INV \3 tive/imperative) markers that person ‘the man i gave honey to s.o. & then j swal- 71 From PIE to post-PIE, this pattern spread to some root aorist opta- lowed it’ zaēmā varəzimācā srəuuīmā vainīt ̰ dheyām deyām w w tives, cf. Av. , , , , Vedic , , (49) a. *χnɛ́r g̈ ɛ́ntχa ɠ áʕu-m-s Gk. θεῖμεν , etc., cf. Gotō 2013: 95 with references. 72 man. ABS hunt: DUR :DIR :2 SG .DTR cow-ALL -PL PIE also had a special set of EMBEDDED DETRANSITIVE OPTATIVE forms, encoded by grade II, e.g. *bɛ́rɔiʔ , which preceded the IE thematic optatives (e.g. Vedic bháre-), cf. Pooth 2016b (forthcoming). 73 For direct/inverse systems cf. Jacques & Antonov 2014. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 19

mr sɔ̀ logical endings including newer °st° instead of older °s° (2pl 74 die:INVERSE :3 SG :NDUR :DTR :L( CLAUSE .COMBINED ) act. -ste(-), 3sg middle -sto, 3du -staχ(m) , etc.). These were ₠ ̑ t ‘as for man i, while you (higher) were hunting at reanalyzed as new sigmatic aorist stems ( prḗk-s- ) only cows, he i (lower) died’ after Proto-Anatolian branched off. As outlined in a forth- 75 b. *χnɛ́r-s g̈wɛ́nɔ ɠwáʕu-m coming article, the development of the sigmatic aorist man-ERG hunt: DUR :ITR :3 SG .DTR cow-ALL stem was (just) a parallel innovation of Proto-Indo-Iranian, b̤uʛsɔ̀ Proto-Greek and other IE branches in areal contact. flee:INVERSE :3 SG :NDUR :DTR :L( CLAUSE .COMBINED ) 6.5.3 Appendix on the PIE inverse suffix ‘as for man i, while he i (topical) was hunting at a -s- cow j, the cow j (“obviative”) flew’ Let me now provide a reason for identifying as inverse suffix. 76 It is internally evident that the suffix -s- was also As already outlined above, the PIE inverse system also used as a SOURCE marker in ergative-genitive and ablative- included 2/3sg, 2/3pl, 2/3col INTRANSITIVE forms lacking a genitive case forms (e.g. erg.-gen. sg. *ɗɛ́m-s ‘family’s, of direction marker ( -t- or -s-). The intransitive forms were the family’, etc.). 77 The -t- obviously had a deictic ad- used with an intransitive meaning in case there was no dressee-and-speaker-oriented place and goal meaning, e.g. transitivity or causation. *tɔ́ɗ *ɗɔ́́m ‘(to) this house (close to addressee and But PIE detransitive intransitive forms were generally speaker)’. I draw the inference that -s- coded a direction labile and underspecified (or polysemous) for direction. towards the topical participant originating from the second The detransitive intransitive forms were thus used in the and non-topical one as the SOURCE of the causation, PIE antipassive construction, where transitivity direction whereas the -t- coded causation towards a GOAL , that is, was unmarked and underspecified on the verb form, but direction from the topical participant to the non-topical was otherwise syntactically indicated by a specific allative one. Of course, inferences like this one must be based on or locative goal case: w w possible diachronic sources of direct and inverse markers. (50) a. *χnɛ́r-s g̈ ɛ́nɔ ɠ áʕu-m-s It has been proposed by many other researchers before man-ERG hunt: DUR :ITR :3 SG :DTR cow-ALL -PL that word forms indicating a “cislocative” direction ‘man hunted (for a while) at cows’ (‘hither’) towards the speaker (or towards the most topical b. *ɠwáʕuɛ g̈wɛ́nɔ or topical participant) are a possible source of inverse cow. ABS .PL hunt: DUR :ITR :3 SG :DTR markers. To illustrate this grammaticalization path, let me ‘cows were hunted at (for a while); s.o. hunted at cows just give the following quotation (example numbers are (for a while)’ mine): c. *ɠwáʕuɛ g̈wɛ́nɔr ~ g̈wɛ́nrɔ “The term ‘cislocative’ is used to refer to markers expressing a cow. ABS .PL hunt: DUR :ITR :DTR :3 PL motion towards the speaker, both directional (‘verb hither’) and ‘some people hunted cows (for a while)’ associated motion (‘come to verb’) ones. The inverse marker in Nez Percé (Sahaptian) used in local scenarios with second person rd It is further possible that 3 person inverse optative- acting on first person has grammaticalized from an earlier cisloca- irrealis forms were used in case the speaker’s emotional tive marker, reconstructed for Proto-Sahaptian as *-im (Rude 1997, wish or desire was involved, whereas direct forms were 122). used otherwise: [52] héexn-e see-PST (51) a. *χnɛ́r b̤uχ-iɛ́ʔ-s I saw you. ABS OPT SG INVERSE man. grow- : - [53] héxn-ím-e ‘I wish 2/3sg would grow a man’ or ‘if only 2/3sg see-CIS -PST grew a man’ You saw me. [ PST = PAST , CIS = cislocative] b. *χnɛ́r b̤uχiɛ́ʔ-t Interestingly, this marker has also grammaticalized into the er- man. ABS grow-OPT :SG -DIR \3 gative case suffix which appears on the non-SAP agent in mixed ‘(if x happened...) ... 2/3sg would turn into a man’ scenarios in cases where one would expect inverse marking on the verb (Rude 1997, 121-2). NB. This does not imply that a volitive-cupitive reading [54] hi-héxn-e háama-nm was impossible with optative intransitive forms. It is only 3S/A→SAP-see-PST man-ERG suggested that the inverse form was preferred in that case. The man saw me/you. (NEZ PERCÉ ) It is finally inferential that the PIE direct vs. inverse op- [...] In still other languages, we observe a formal similarity be- position (e.g. 2/3sg direct *prɛ́ːkt ‘asked, demanded’ vs. tween some inverse or direct markers and various types of third inverse *prɛ́ːks ) collapsed by the time when the PIE anti- person markers including agent, patient, or possessive affixes. The clearest case is the inverse prefix found in Sino-Tibetan (Rgyal- passive construction with ergative or absolutive and alla- rongic and Kiranti) languages. As first noticed by DeLancey tive-dative was syntactically reanalyzed as the new post- (1981b), the Situ Rgyalrong third person possessive prefix wə- is PIE unmarked transitive construction including a new-born formally identical to the inverse marker. This is also true of other nominative and accusative alignment. The PIE inverse Rgyalrong languages and of some Kiranti languages that have an forms were pleonastically extended by the former direct inverse marker, such as Bantawa [...]. The similarity between the -t- two sets of prefixes is striking and suggests a grammaticalization suffix yielding post-PIE forms with a new sigmatic 3sg from a third person marker into an inverse marker. While the ending -st (e.g. *préːkst̑ ). Likewise, other inverse endings were pleonastically extended by °t° further yielding ana- 75 Cf. Pooth 2016+. 76 Cf. I am indebted to Guillaume Jacques p.c. for drawing my attention 74 On the clause-combining or subordinating/coordinating function of L to this problem and helping me to improve the argumentation. = low(ered) tone see section 10.1; cf. Pooth 2016b (forthcoming). 77 Cf. Pooth 2015b. 20 Roland A. Pooth

exact pathway remains unclear and thus requires further investiga- 6.7.2 Appendix: Number agreement tion, it is possible that non-finite verb forms carrying a third 6.7.2.1 A and S number agreement person possessive prefix were reanalyzed as finite ones. In the case A of Sino-Tibetan languages, this scenario probably occurred in the PIE obligatory verbal number agreement was foremost ancestor of both Rgyalrongic and Kiranti languages [...]. triggered by a given animate agent or causer in A or SA (Jacques & Antonov 2014: 325ff.) relation or by a given speech-act-participant (1st or 2 nd The mentioned bidirectional “poly-grammaticalization” person) in A and SA relation. This can be illustrated by in Nez Percé (from “cislocative” both to inverse and erga- examples (56a-d). Note that I leave away the glosses for tive marking) looks very similar to what is found in PIE, the inflectable base and for aspect: since the ergative (agent case) suffix -s (e.g. PIE * χnɛ́r-s > (56) a. *Ɂiús 78 g̈wnɛ́rs (r) post-PIE * χnéː ) and the genitive or ablative-genitive 2PL .TOP 3PL :AGENTIVE :INVERSE

SOURCE suffix *-s (e.g. PIE * ɗɛ́m-s) were formally identical ‘as for you O (pl), they A beat you’ to the inverse suffix -s-. This parallel strengthens the con- b. *Ɂiús g̈wnntɔ́ clusion that -s- was the inverse marker and -t- the corre- 2PL .TOP 3PL :DETRANSITIVE :DIRECT sponding direct marker. ‘as for you O, they A beat you for their own benefit’ w 6.6 Detransitive voice suffixation c. *Ɂiús g̈ ntɛ́(n) 2PL .TOP 2PL :AGENTIVE :DIRECT

The PIE continuous detransitive suffix -χ- has been dealt ‘as for you A, you beat it/them’ with together with the discontinuous voice marker ɔ in d. *Ɂiús g̈wnɛ́(n) section 4.1. This PIE detransitive suffix seems to go back to 2PL .TOP 2PL :AGENTIVE :INTRANSITIVE a pre-PIE impersonal or 2/3 collective marker, which is a ‘as for you S, you beat s.o.’ very plausible source: st nd A 1 and 2 person non-agent in SO relation also trig- (55) *nɛ́ ɠus-s_á_ χ gered obligatory number agreement with detransitive NEG root-INV _NDUR _IMPERSONAL \2/3 COLLECTIVE intransitive verb forms, as illustrated by the following *‘one does not like me/it (topical)’ → examples: (a) ‘they (collective) do not like me/it (topical)’ (57) a. *Ɂiús g̈wnχán (b) ‘you (2pl collective) do not like me’ 2PL .TOP 2PL .DETRANSITIVE .INTRANSITIVE 6.7 Number marking ‘as for you S, you were beaten (by s.o.)’ b. ungrammatical 6.7.1 Number suffixes w †Ɂiús g̈ nrɔ́ Outside 3pl forms and outside forms of the progressive 2PL .TOP 3PL :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE aspect or debitive mood, PIE number suffixation was non- c. ungrammatical: obligatory and plural and collective number was coded by †Ɂiús g̈wnɔ́ vowel transposition on the word form template (see sec- 2PL .TOP 3SG :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE tion 4.3). However, in addition to transfixal number mark- rd A topical 3 person animate non-agent in S relation, ing by vowel transposition, 1 st person forms could be suf- O however, did not trigger number agreement of agentive- fixed by a non-obligatory plural marker -s- or a collective- active verb forms and detransitive forms of verbs belong- plural marker -χ-, and 2pl forms could be suffixed by the w ing to the AGENTIVE -CAUSATIVE VERB CLASS (e.g. *g̈ _n- ‘to 2nd (and 3 rd ) person plural marker -n- (which was one of slay, kill, beat, hunt’). Instead, there was an implicit and the two variants of the 3pl suffix -r- ~ n-), see Figure 45. rd non-topical 3 person animate agent or causer triggering 3rd person verbal number marking: gloss PLURAL COLLECTIVE w w w 79 w 1EXC *g̈ nmɛ́(s) *g̈ nmɔ́(χ) (58) a. *χnɛ́r_ɛ g̈ nɔ́r ~ g̈ nrɔ́ w w 1INC *g̈ nuɛ́(s) *g̈ nuɔ́(χ) man. ABS _PL 3PL :DETRANSITIVE:INTRANSITIVE w w 2ITR *g̈ nɛ́(n) *g̈ náχ ‘as for men, some people beat them’ w w 2DIR *g̈ ntɛ́(n) *g̈ ntá χ w w w *χnɛ́r_ɛ g̈ nɔ́ 2INV *g̈ nsɛ́(n) *g̈ nsá χ b. w w 3ITR *g̈ nɛ́r *g̈ náχ man. ABS _PL 3SG :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE w w 3DIR *g̈ nɛ́nt *g̈ ntá χ ‘as for man, some people beat him’ w w 3INV *g̈ nɛ́rs *g̈ nsá χ w w c. *χnɛ́r g̈ nɔ́r ~ g̈ nrɔ́ Figure 45. PIE number suffixes (colored red); note that -χ- is also analyzed man. ABS 3PL :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE nd as the 1sg and 2 person voice suffix (colored blue) [maybe these two ‘as for man, some people beat him’ markers share a common origin] d. *χnɛ́r g̈wnɔ́ man. ABS 3SG :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE In forms further suffixed by -i or -u in the word-final slot F rd ‘as for man, someone beat him’ ( ) and generally in all 3 person forms, plural marking was obligatory. In 3pl forms, plural marking was achieved 78 Phonetically */ʔiɛ́us/, realized → ['ʔjuːs]. The basic pronominal stem by suffixation of the plural number suffix -r- ~ -n- to the was */ʔi-/ ‘the one I talk about; the one I talk to’, to which the 2 nd number ( N) slot. These two variants were in complemen- person suffix /-u-/ and the plural suffix /-s/ was added. -n- 79 PIE 3pl detransitive intransitive forms ending in _ɔr(i) were later tary distribution: was used before the direct transitive -or(i) -r(i) -t- -r- reanalyzed as post-PIE 3sg forms ending in , whence spread suffix , whereas was used otherwise. as a new marker of the middle, cf. Pooth 2014: 177f. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 21

6.7.2.2 Non-obligatory SO number agreement 6.7.2.3 Non-obligatory inanimate SA number agreement rd rd Labile 3 person detransitive intransitive forms of LABILE As a rule, PIE topical 3 person inanimate causer (or verbs showed non-obligatory number agreement with a cause) in “A” relation had to be turned into SA of an anti- topical animate S relation, if this was SO, that is, if it was passive construction. This inanimate SA did not trigger no animate agent or causer, as in (59c): obligatory number agreement, but could show non- (59) a. *χnɛ́r_ɛ b̤ɛ́ud̤ɔ obligatory collective number agreement, as illustrated by the examples below. man. ABS _PL 3SG :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE lit. ‘as for men, it was attentive/awake’ or ‘as for men, (61) a. *ɗɔ́ru(χ) Ɂrɔ́ χnɛ́r-m there was being attentive’ wood. ABS (COL ) hit: NDUR :ITR :DTR :3 SG man-ALL b. *χnɛ́r_ɛ b̤ɛ́ud̤ɔr ‘as for woods, it hit (at) man’ man. ABS _PL 3PL :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE b. *ɗɔ́ru( χ) Ɂráχ χnɛ́r-m ‘as for men, they were attentive’ wood. ABS (COL ) hit: NDUR :ITR :DTR :3COL man-ALL c. *χnɛ́r_ɛ-s b̤ɛ́ud̤ɔr ɠwáʕu-m-s ‘as for woods, they hit (at) man’ man_PL -ERG 3PL :DTR :ITR cows-ALL -PL 6.7.2.4 Obligatory SO number agreement ‘men made cows attentive/awoken’ rd A topical 3 person animate non-agent in SO relation trig- The construction given in example (59a) was remodeled gered obligatory number agreement of detransitive intran- to a post-PIE intransitive construction with nominative sitive forms of AGENTIVE -IMPERSONAL /NATURAL FORCE 82 subject and allomorphic 3sg and 3pl verb forms verbs (such as PIE *m_r- ‘to vanish, die’): *χnéres *bɦéud ɦo (→ *bɦéud ɦe) ~ *b ɦéud ɦont(o) ‘the NOM.PL.MASC (62) a. *χnɛ́r_ɛ mrrɔ́ ~ mɛ́rt men were awake.’ I suggest that this PIE construction man. ABS _PL 3PL :DTR :ITR ~ 3SG .AGT .DIR lacking S number agreement was the ultimate basis for O ‘as for men, they died ~ it vanished them’ the emergence of a transnumeral 3 rd person form from PIE to Proto-Baltic via generalizing transnumerality to all 3 rd b. *χnɛ́r mrɔ́ ~ mɛ́rt person forms. man. ABS .SG 3SG :DTR :ITR ~ 3SG :AGT .DIR Sporadically, a lack of number agreement is found in ‘as for man, he died ~ it vanished him’ Hittite with a 3sg intransitive middle form and nominative The same was true for the anticausative reading of 3 rd plural forms, e.g. KUB 8.1 iii 8-9 ḫēwēš kīša ‘rains will person detransitive intransitive forms of DEPONENT - occur’, lit. ‘rains: it occurs’.80 I suggest that these nomina- INTRANSITIVE VERBS ,83 which were labile and had a contex- tive plural forms once replaced PIE absolutive plural forms tual converse-causative (i.e. inagentive-stative and passive) in undergoer role. Similarly in Early Vedic, a “passive reading (e.g. *k_i- ‘to lie, be put down’): aorist” 3sg aor. injunctive várti occurs with nominative (63) a. *χnɛ́r_ɛ kɛ́iɔr dual, plural and singular forms (lacking number agreement man. ABS _PL 3PL .DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE with the first mentioned subject ródasī ), cf. RV 8.6.38 ánu (a) anticausative: ‘as for men, they were lying there’ ́ tvā ródasī ubhé cakráṃ ná vart iyétaśam ánu suvānā sa índavaḥ (b) causative: ‘as for men, some people were putting “dir nach (rollen) die zwei Welten, die beiden [3du.S], wie them down’ das Rad [3sg.S] dem Etaśa nachrollt, (so auch) die aus- 81 b. *χnɛ́r kɛ́iɔr gepressten Säfte [3pl.S]” (German translation mine). rd man. ABS .SG dito An inanimate 3 person topic in SO relation did not trig- causative: ‘as for man, some people were putting ger obligatory number agreement, but could show non- him down’ obligatory collective number agreement, as illustrated *χnɛ́r kɛ́iɔ below. This corresponds to the non-obligatory nominal c. number marking of PIE inanimate nouns (e.g. *ɗɔ́ru- man. ABS .SG 3SG .DETRANSITIVE .INTRANSITIVE (a) anticausative: ‘man, he was lying down there’ ‘wood(s)’), which were transnumeral: (b) causative: ‘man, someone was putting him down’ (60) a. *ɗɔ́ru(χ) kɛ́iɔ wood. ABS (COL ) 3SG .DETRANSITIVE .INTRANSITIVE 6.7.2.5 Non-agent-oriented number agreement (a) anticausative: ‘as for woods, they were lying Furthermore, number agreement was ‘patient-oriented’ in there’ st nd rd 1 and 2 person (and 3 person) agentive-active 84 forms (b) causative: ‘as for woods, they were put down by of INTRANSITIVE NATURAL FORCE VERBS such as *b̤uχ- (*b̤_uχ- someone’ or *b̤u_χ-) ‘to grow, be, become by nature’: *ɗɔ́ru(χ) kɛ́iaχ b. *Ɂɔ́g̈wi_ɛ b̤úχt ~ b̤úχr (64) a. wood. ABS (COL ) 3COL .DETRANSITIVE .INTRANSITIVE a snake.ABS _PL 3SG :AGT :DIR ~ 3PL .AGT .ITR ( ) anticausative: ‘as for woods, they were lying there’ 82 This class of verbs only had a 3sg agentive-active form *mɛ́rt(i) (> (b) causative: ‘as for woods, they were laid/put Hittite 3sg pres. ind. act. mērzi ‘vanishes’), whereas it had a fully in- down by a group of people’ (collective causer) flected paradigm of the detransitive voice. 83 This class of verbs was deponential and also lacked 3sg detransitive transitive direct and inverse forms. 80 Cf. Hoffner & Melchert 2008: 241 (§15.17). 84 These forms were formally agentive-active, but the “A” relation of 81 But note that the Vedic 3sg number agreement may simply be trig- their agentive-active forms was restricted to a natural force role, gered by the preceding nom. sg. n. cakrám ná varti ‘like a wheel rolls’. whereas detransitive intransitive forms were labile and could be used within an antipassive construction. 22 Roland A. Pooth

lit. ‘snakes, it grew them ~ they grew’ am not quite sure to what extent it also encoded evidential b. *χnɛ́r b̤úχm (exceptional agt-active voice modality, but it plausible that INDUCTIVE /DEDUCTIVE evi- man. ABS .SG 1SG :AGT with non-agentive meaning) dential modality was also among its functions. ‘I became a man’ (66) a. *Ɂɛ́s-t-u Moreover, an animate S triggered ‘non-agent-oriented’ be.there: NDUR :AGT :SG -DIRECT -DEBITIVE \3 number agreement with detransitive intransitive forms of ‘it is necessary that he (topic) is there/here/present; INTRANSITIVE AGENTIVE VERBS such as *Ɂ_i- ‘to go’: let him be here’ (65) a. *χnɛ́r_ɛ Ɂɛ́iɔr b. *(Ɂɛ́i) tú b̤niɛ̀Ɂt / ʕuatχiɛ̀Ɂt pχtɛ́r man. ABS _PL 3PL :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE if 2SG .TOP hurt:OPT :AGT :DIR :2 SG :L father.ABS ‘as for men, they will go wrong’ lit. ‘if you (sg) wound my father ... nú =mɔi kwi-s-χá-u b. *χnɛ́r Ɂɛ́iɔ &then 1SG .LOC pay-INV -2DTR :NDUR :SG -DEB man. ABS .SG 3SG :DETRANSITIVE :INTRANSITIVE lit. ‘... then you will have to pay (at) me at once’ ‘as for man, he will go wrong’ c. *sáχul ʕárɔ_u (Ɂɛ-)ɗiɛ́Ɂ 6.7.2.6 Summary of section 6.7.2 sun. ABS.SG rise:DUR :DTR :ITR :3 SG _DEB (DEM -)day.INS lit. ‘(it is cogent that) the sun must go by today’ To sum up, PIE obligatory number agreement was ‘agent/causer-oriented’ in agentive and detransitive forms The position of the debitive-necessative suffix -u was w of AGENTIVE -CAUSATIVE VERBS such as *g̈ _n- ‘to slay, kill, identical to the one of the progressive aspect suffix -i, since beat, hunt’, whereas it was ‘patient-oriented’ in detransi- both were word-final suffixes (of slot -F). tive voice forms of AGENTIVE -IMPERSONAL /NATURAL FORCE VERBS (e.g. *m_r- ‘to vanish, die’) and with anticausative 7 Reduplication detransitive intransitive forms of LABILE verbs (e.g. *ʕ_r- ‘to PIE displayed a fairly high number of reduplicated aspec- rise, arise, raise s.th.’) or DEPONENT -INTRANSITIVE verbs (e.g. tual binyanim which may be termed Aktionsarten , although *k_i-) in the above mentioned cases. PIE thus exhibited a using such a term for PIE cannot imply that these catego- split-system of obligatory number agreement, with ries were “derivational” in the lexical sense. The PIE redu- ‘agent/causer-orientation’ versus ‘patient-orientation’ plicated patterns clearly belonged to the domain of aspec- depending on the presence or absence of a topical agent or causer in interaction with the given verb class. tual inflection. (I call them “aspects”). The most frequent type of reduplication was partial re- 6.8 Word-final suffixation duplication of the first or first + second consonant (in- cluding a sonorant and fricative) of the inflectable base or 6.8.1 Progressive aspect root. The reduplication syllable templatic prefix was then IE comparative and internal evidence strengthens the attached to the consonant frame and made up a “derived” reconstruction of a PIE PROGRESSIVE aspect category.85 This reduplicated consonant frame. An overview of the PIE additional aspect was encoded by the word-final suffix -i, “derived” reduplicated consonants frames is given in Fig- which was attachable to its base in word-final position (in ure 46. The respective reduplicated consonant frame was suffix slot -F), even to forms which were otherwise marked further combined with the PIE transfixal inflectional aspec- d d d by the past tense prefix ( ɛ́-). This is ultimately confirmed tual grades I, II, III , IV (and perhaps also with grades V d by the Old Phrygian 3sg past tense (aorist) middle form and VI ). Thus, in a sense, the reduplicated binyanim were edatoy ‘he put it there (for his own benefit ?)’ with past derived from the “root formations” by prefixation of the tense prefix e- and 3sg (past tense) middle ending -toy , reduplication syllable templates (which is the most plausi- continuing PIE 3sg progressive forms ending in -toi (which ble diachronic scenario.) also had a past tense reading besides a present tense read- If the onset of the inflectable base had a consonant clus- ing). 86 ter including a stop /p b ɓ .../ or a fricative /χ ʕ/ preceded As outlined in a forthcoming paper, 87 PIE progressive by a sibilant /sP-/ or /sF-/, PIE showed three different aspect forms were later semantically broadened to present types of reduplications: tense and imperfective aspect portmanteau forms. This (67) a. reduplication without sibilant /s/ change triggered the subsequent genesis of the Proto-Greek *χnɛ́r-s ti-stáχ-t 88 and Proto-Indo-Iranian tripartite tense and aspect system. man-ERG DSTR -stand.up:NDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \3 This semantic diachronic path from progressive to present 89 b. reduplication of the cluster /sP-/,/sF-/ imperfective is very common crosslinguistically. *χnɛ́r-s sti-stáχt 6.8.2 Debitive-necessative mood man-ERG DSTR -dito The PIE debitive-necessative mood encoded obligation or c. reduplication of /s/ only *χnɛ́r-s si-stáχ-t necessity (‘it is necessary that ...’) and was also used with a hortative (or jussive) imperative-like function (‘let us ...’). I man-ERG DSTR -stand.up: NDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \3 all: ‘man stood up now & then, here & there’ 85 Cf. Pooth 2009a. As illustrated by (67a), one type of reduplication just 86 Cf. Lubotsky 1988. skipped over the sibilant /s/, whereas the second conso- 87 Cf. Pooth 2016+. 88 Cf. Pooth 2009a, 2015a, 2016+. nant of that cluster underwent reduplication. In a second 89 Cf. Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994. type of reduplication the entire cluster /sP-/, /sF-/ was Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 23 reduplicated, as redup. redup. CF number C-chain gloss example translation illustrated by (67b). d̤i-d̤_ʔ- *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔ-t In a third type it 1 DISTRIBUTIVE -p_ut- ‘3sg (topical) put it here & (put it) there’ 2a d̤ɛ-d̤_ʔ- ANTERIOR /COMPLETIVE -p_ut *d̤ɛ-d̤ɔ́ʔɛ ‘s.o. has done s.th. and is now a doer’ was just the sibilant 2b Ɂs-ʔ_s- ANTERIOR/COMPLETIVE -si_t- *Ɂs-ʔɔ́sɛ ‘s.o. sat down to settle there for a while’ that underwent 3 d̤_-d̤_ʔ- CONTINUOUS -p_ut- *d̤ɛ́_d̤ɛʔ-t ‘3sg (topical) kept on putting/doing it’ w w w w 4a k ɛ́ː-k _k- INTENSIVE -se_e *k ɛ́ː-k ɔk ‘s.o. looked at s.th. intensively’ reduplication, as w w w w illustrated by (67c). 4b g̈ ɛ́n-g̈ _n- INTERNALLY .MULT /INTENSIVE -sl_ay *g̈ ɛ́n-g̈ ɔn ‘s.o. beat s.o. intensively’ g̈wɛ́ni-g̈w_n- *g̈wɛ́ni-g̈wɔn It can be assumed 5 EXTERNALLY .MULT -pu_t- ‘s.o. beat and beat various objects’ that one of these Figure 46. PIE reduplicated consonants frames (red. CFs), e.g. *d̤_ʔ- ‘to put, do, make; say, state’, *Ɂ_s- ‘to sit, sit down; be there, w w three types was the be real, exist’, *k _k- ‘to see, look at’, *g̈ _n- ‘to slay, kill, beat, hunt’ default reduplica- tion of inflectable bases which were prefixed by the “mobile” s- prefix, b. (temporally) distributive reading with 3sg O kuɔ́n-s ɗi-ɗɛ́nkt pχtɛ́r whereas another type was the default reduplication of * roots beginning with a consonant cluster including an dog-ERG DSTR -bite:dito father.ABS initial sibilant, in parallel, e.g., to *si-su_p- from *su_p-, cf. ‘dog bit father on several occasions’ Vedic 2sg aor. inj. act. síṣvap . PIE perhaps exhibited redu- c. distributive reading with 3pl O plication of the initial consonant of the root, but not the *kuɔ́n-s ɗi-ɗɛ́nkt χnɛ́r_ɛ initial consonant of the inflectable base, thus excluding the dog-ERG DSTR -bite:dito men. ABS _PL “mobile” s- prefix, which did not belong to the proper root. lit. ‘dog bit several men’ But this difference must have been blurred by generalizing (69) a. spatially/temporally distributed+transitional the use of the second or third type of reduplication. There *páχur ʕi-ʕɔ́r have been claims that the second type (* sti-stáχ-) preceded fire. ABS DSTR -rise: TRANSITIONAL :DTR :ITR :3 SG the other ones, but there possibly was difference between (a) ‘fire arose here & there’ inflectable bases prefixed by “mobile” s- and root with (b) ‘fire arose now & then’ sibilant onset. b. distributed+transitional “S” PIE had minimally 7 different reduplication templates *páχun-χ ʕi-ʕráχ (~ 3sg ʕi-ʕɔ́r) (Ci-, Cɛ- ~ C 1C2-, C_, Cɛ́ː ~ Cɛ́R-, and C1_C2i-), two of which fire-COL \ABS DSTR -burn: TRANSITIONAL :DTR :ITR :3COL were allomorphs in complementary distribution. An over- lit. ‘scattered fires, they arose’ or ‘scattered fires, it viw is given in Figure 47. The last four reduplication tem- arose’ plates (3, 4a, 4b, 5) always attracted the word form accent, whereas the three first ones (1, 2a, 2b, 3) were never ac- gloss SINGULAR PLURAL cented. (The template numbers 1, 2ab, 3, 4, 5 correlate 1EXC *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔm *d̤i-d̤ʔmɛ́(s) with the following section numbers 7.1-5.) 1INC ― *d̤i-d̤ʔuɛ́(s) [PIE collective number 2ITR *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔ *d̤i-d̤ʔɛ́(n) was deponential: the *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤i-d̤ʔtɛ́(n) redup. CF/ reduplication 2DIR forms are given in *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔs *d̤i-d̤ʔsɛ́(n) template no. template gloss 2INV the Figures below] 3ITR *d̤i-d̤ʔɛ́r Ci- 1 DISTRIBUTIVE 3DIR *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤i-d̤ʔɛ́nt Cɛ- 2a PRECEDING .EVENT /ANTERIOR 3INV *d̤i-d̤ɛ́ʔs *d̤i-d̤ʔɛ́rs 2b C1C2- = 2a 3 C_- CONTINUATIVE /FREQUENTATIVE Figure 48. PIE agentive-active forms of the distributive binyan 4a Cɛ́ː INTENSIVE /INTERNALLY .MULTIPLICATIVE 4b Cɛ́R- (Cɛ́F-) = 4a gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE 5 C1_C2i- EXTERNALLY .MULTIPLICATIVE 1EXC *d̤i-d̤ʔχá *d̤i-d̤ʔmɔ́(s) *d̤i-d̤ʔmɔ́(χ) Figure 47. PIE verbal reduplication templates (isolation) 1INC *d̤i-d̤ʔuɔ́(s) *d̤i-d̤ʔuɔ́(χ) 2ITR *d̤i-d̤ʔχá *d̤i-d̤ʔχá(n) *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) 2DIR *d̤i-d̤ʔtχá *d̤i-d̤ʔχá(n) *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) 7.1 Distributive reduplication 2INV *d̤i-d̤ʔsχá *d̤i-d̤ʔχá(n) *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) 3ITR *d̤i-d̤ʔɔ́ *d̤i-d̤ʔɔ́r ~ *d̤i-d̤ʔrɔ́ *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) The PIE distributive or distributive-iterative aspect was 3DIR *d̤i-d̤ʔt ɔ́ *d̤i-d̤ʔɔ́nt ~ *d̤i-d̤ʔntɔ́ *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) coded by reduplication of the initial consonant of the 3INV *d̤i-d̤ʔs ɔ́ *d̤i-d̤ʔáχ(m) inflectable base or root followed by the semi-vowel i ( Ci-), Figure 49. Corresponding detransitive forms of the distributive binyan which was unstressed. This aspect had a general distribu- tive reading, as illustrated by the following examples. The gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE PIE distributive reduplication could be combined with the 1EXC *ɠi-ɠɛ́nʔχ *ɠi-ɠnʔmɔ́(s) *ɠi-ɠnʔmɔ́(χ) d nondurative grade I and the transitional grade IV . If com- 1INC *ɠi-ɠnʔuɔ́(s) *ɠi-ɠnʔuɔ́(χ) bined with the latter, the resultant forms had a transitional 2ITR *ɠi-ɠɛ́nʔχ *ɠi-ɠnʔχá(n) *ɠi-ɠnʔáχ(m) *ɠi-ɠɛ́nʔtχ *ɠi-ɠnʔtχá(n) *ɠi-ɠnʔtáχ(m) and distributive meaning: 2DIR 2INV *ɠi-ɠɛ́nʔsχ *ɠi-ɠnʔsáχ(n) *ɠi-ɠnʔsáχ(m) (68) a. (spatially) distributive reading without O 3ITR *ɠi-ɠɔ́nʔ *ɠi-ɠnʔɔ́r ~*ɠi-ɠnʔrɔ́ *ɠi-ɠnʔáχ(m) *kuɔ́n-s ki-kɛ́kw-t Figure 50. PIE forms of the distributive and transitional binyan dog-ERG DSTR -defecate:NDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \3 ‘dog defecated here & there’ 24 Roland A. Pooth

Perhaps the PIE distributive reduplication Ci- sporadi- slot of the inflectable base (incl. root), but PIE probably cally also occurred combined with the distributive-iterative also had regular variants: grade VI d, as double-marking ( *ɠi-ɠɔnʔɛ́(i) , etc.). Aside from the reduplication, the PIE two distributive aspectual gloss SINGULAR PLURAL binyanim patterned in parallel with the PIE first and fourth 1EXC *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́um *g̈ɛ-g̈umɛ́(s) (and maybe sixth) binyan (cf. Figures 8, 9, 10, 20, 23). The 1INC ― *g̈ɛ-g̈uuɛ́(s) g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́u g̈ɛ-g̈uɛ́(n) PIE patterns are given in Figures 48-50. 2ITR * * 2DIR *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́ut *g̈ɛ-g̈utɛ́(n) 2INV *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́us *g̈ɛ-g̈usɛ́(n) 7.2 Anterior-completive reduplication 3ITR *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́ur ~ *g̈ɛ-g̈uɛ́r 3DIR *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́ut *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́unt ~ *g̈ɛ-g̈uɛ́nt PIE had a type of reduplication with a superordinate func- 3INV *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́us *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́urs ~ *g̈ɛ-g̈uɛ́rs tion termed ‘anterior-completive’ reduplication here (it is Figure 52. glossed ANT or CMPL depending on the given reading). PIE agentive-active forms of the completive-resultative aspect, e.g. * g̈_u- ‘to pour, pour out’

template/ grade example gloss gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE g̈ɛ-g̈uχá g̈ɛ-g̈umɔ́(s) g̈ɛ-g̈umɔ́(χ) I Cɛ-CɛC- COMPLETIVE -RESULTATIVE 1EXC * * * g̈ɛ-g̈uuɔ́(s) g̈ɛ-g̈uuɔ́(χ) I Cɛ-CCɔ́ COMPLETEIVE -RESULTATIVE 1INC * * g̈ɛ-g̈uχá g̈ɛ-g̈uχá(n) g̈ɛ-g̈uáχ(m) II Cɛ-Cɛ́Cɔ ANTERIOR +DURATIVE 2ITR * * * d g̈ɛ-g̈utχá g̈ɛ-g̈utχá(n) g̈ɛ-g̈utáχ(m) III Cɛ-Cɔ́Cɛ ANTERIOR +STATIVE -HABITUAL 2DIR * * * d g̈ɛ-g̈usχá g̈ɛ-g̈usχá(n) g̈ɛ-g̈usáχ(m) IV Cɛ-Cɔ́C REITERATIVE 2INV * * * d g̈ɛ-g̈uɔ́ g̈ɛ-g̈urɔ́ g̈ɛ-g̈uáχ(m) V Cɛ-Cɔ́ːC ANTERIOR +INCHOATIVE -STATIVE 3ITR * * * d VI 3DIR *g̈ɛ-g̈utɔ́ *g̈ɛ-g̈untɔ́ *g̈ɛ-g̈utáχ(m) 3INV *g̈ɛ-g̈usɔ́ *g̈ɛ-g̈usáχ(m) Figure 51. PIE aspects with anterior-completive reduplication Figure 53. Corresponding detransitive forms Its superordinate polysemy included the following sub- This pattern, including corresponding progressive forms, ordinate readings: (a) It indicated that the given event or juhómi ájuhavur state was connected or related to a prior event (anterior is continued by the Vedic ( ) ‘to pour’ pre- sent type, e.g. PIE 3pl completive inverse *g̈ɛ-g̈ɛ́urs ‘they aspect) or was an accomplished state resulting from a prior event (resultative aspect); ( b) it referred to the given event (nontopical) poured it (topical) out (completely)’, cf. Vedic ájuhavur or state seen from its starting point to its end (deliminative 3pl past imperfective (= “imperfect”) ind. act. with irregular guṇa grade of the root. aspect). (c) It also indicated that the event was completely finished (completed), or ( d) that the given action was done Progressive detransitive forms, which had a RESULTATIVE aspectual meaning, are continued as IE perfect middle completely, or ( e) that the event was just about to be fin- ished; (f) it also indicated a complete affectedness of O. forms (see example 71c) Inflectable bases (incl. roots) with an initial glottal stop (71) a. completive: w w w followed by a stop ( _P-) in syllable onset showed irregular *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s g̈ ɛ-g̈ ɛ́n-t reduplication of both segments, as illustrated below: dog-ERG dangerous CMPL-kill: GRADE I: AGT :SG -DIR \3 (a) ‘dangerous dog completely killed it’ (70) a. reduplication of *ʔ_ʛ- (ʔ_P-) (b) ‘dangerous dog finished killing it’ *χnɛ́r ʔʛ ɛ-ʔʛɔ́rɛ man. ABS ANT -wake.up: GRADE III: DTR :ITR :3 SG b. completive-resultative/resultative: ‘man has just awoken & is awoken’ *pɛ́ku ɗɛ-ɗnk_ɔ́ domestic.animal. ABS CMPL -bite-GRADE I: DTR :ITR :3 SG b. reduplication of *ʔ_s- ‘domestic animal/sheep was (completely) bitten’ *χnɛ́r-s ʔɛ-ʔɔ́sɛ ~ ʔs-ʔɔ́sɛ w w man-ERG ANT -sit.down:dito c. *pɛ́ku g̈ ɛ-g̈ nɔ́-i (cf. Vedic jajñé) ‘man has sat/settled down & is now settled down’ dito CMPL -slay-PROGRESSIVE ‘the sheep is (now) (completely) slain’ Inflectable bases (incl. roots) with an initial glottal stop ʔ_s- d. completive meaning and antipassive construction: followed by a sibilant (e.g. * ‘to sit, sit down, be there, w exist’) sporadically showed a reduplication of both seg- *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s ɗɛɗnkɔ́ pɛ́ku-m ments. The sibilant was syllabified in the syllable nucleus dog-ERG dito dito dito-ALL of the reduplication syllable, as illustrated by example ‘dangerous dog completely bit (at) a/the sheep’ (70b) and reflected by Hittite ašāš-ḫi ‘to settle down’ (*‘to Again, non-progressive 3sg detransitive intransitive sit down & be there for a longer period’). Most verbs, forms were pleonastically extended by neoactive endings however, showed regular reduplication of the initial con- 3sg -t ~ -e ~ -et , 3pl -ont ~ -onto . They are thus continued sonant of the inflectable base/root. as reduplicated thematic -o/e- aorist stems in the IE lan- guages, as illustrated by the most prominent example 7.2.1 Completive-resultative aspect below: The completive-resultative aspect (glossed CMPL) was (72) 3sg * g̈weg̈wnɔ → *gwɦeg wɦnót ~ *gwɦeg wɦné(t) :: coded by combining ‘anterior-completive’ reduplication ₠gwɦeg wɦnó/é- (> Greek -πεφνο/ε-, etc.) with grade I. The PIE pattern is given in Figures 52 and 53. Thus despite all previous claims the Vedic and Greek re- 3pl forms exceptionally had their ‘bare’ vowel in the vowel duplicated aorist was not at all a PIE category and the Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 25 same holds true for the Vedic and Greek perfect middle The anterior-stative-habitual aspect was later used as a and active (see section 7.2.3 and cf. Pooth 2016+). “new anterior”. Originally it had a more general stative- habitual meaning. But it also had a continuative-aspect- 7.2.2 Anterior aspect like reading (‘is (still) a doer of s.th.’), see example (75a): ANT w w w PIE anterior aspect (glossed here) was a more general (75) a. *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s g̈ ɛ-g̈ ɔ́nɛ anterior category. Aside from its general anterior meaning dog-ERG dangerous ANT -kill: STAT :DTR :ITR :3 SG it also had IE-subjunctive-like and IE-pluperfect-like read- pɛ́ku-m ings. It was formed by combining ‘anterior-completive’ domestic.animal/sheep-ALL reduplication with grade II. It was deponential and lacked a rd ( ) ‘dangerous dog has (always) killed (a/the) sheep/is 3 person transitive forms. The pattern is given below: a killer of (a/the) sheep’ (b) ‘dangerous dog has (always) killed (a/the) sheep gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE and is (still) (always) killing (a/the) sheep’ 1EXC *uɛ-uɛ́rtχa *uɛ-uɛ́rtmɔ(s) *uɛ-uɛ́rtmɔ(χ) (c) “new anterior” reading with present relevance: 1INC *uɛ-uɛ́rtuɔ(s) *uɛ-uɛ́rtuɔ(χ) 2ITR *uɛ-uɛ́rtχa *uɛ-uɛ́rtχa(n) *uɛ-uɛ́rtaχ(m) ‘dangerous dog has (just) killed (a/the) sheep and is 2DIR *uɛ-uɛ́rttχa *uɛ-uɛ́rttχa(n) *uɛ-uɛ́rttaχ(m) still killing it now’ uɛ-uɛ́rtsχa uɛ-uɛ́rtsχa(n) uɛ-uɛ́rtsaχ(m) w w w 2INV * * * b. *kuɔ́n ulk ɔ́ g̈ ɛ-g̈ ɔ́nɛ 3ITR *uɛ-uɛ́rtɔ *uɛ-uɛ́rtɔr ~ *uɛ-uɛ́rtrɔ *uɛ-uɛ́rtaχ(m) dog. ABS dangerous ANT -kill: STAT :DTR :ITR :3 SG Figure 54. PIE anterior aspect forms, e.g. *u_rt- ‘to turn (around), roll’ ‘dangerous dog has (always) been killed’ This aspect later merged with the non-progressive forms Again, 3sg detransitive intransitive forms were pleonasti- of the continuative-frequentative aspect (see section 7.3) cally extended by post-PIE neoactive endings 3sg -t ~ -e ~ yielding a mixed anterior-continuative ‘pre-IE-perfect’ -et , 3pl -ont ~ -onto . They are still continued as “old ante- aspect. Within the course of this merger, plural forms riors” in Early Vedic, as demonstrated in a forthcoming received zero grade of the root and 3pl forms received new 90 a paper. They are thus continued ( ) as Vedic reduplicated endings ( *u̯eu̯r̥t-ŕ̥(s) ~ *u̯eu̯r̥t-éːr ~ *u̯eu̯r̥t-ér) in parallel b thematic aorist stems with guṇa of the root, ( ) as Vedic with the non-reduplicated * u̯óide (*u̯idŕ̥(s) , etc.) type. ápīpayat c thematic pluperfects ( type), ( ) as Vedic perfect Despite all previous claims, the “perfect active” category is d subjunctive stems with guṇa-root and ( ) as Early Vedic not straightforwardly inherited as such from PIE. irregular reduplicated thematic imperatives (e.g. pīpáyata ): 7.2.4 Reiterative aspect (73) 3sg * ueuɛ́rtɔ → *u̯eu̯értot ~ *u̯eu̯értet :: Tu̯eu̯érto/e- (cf. Vedic vavártat ~ vavártati , etc.) The PIE reiterative aspect (glossed REIT here) was formed by combining ‘anterior-completive’ reduplication with the (74) “non-tensed” anterior: d *kuɔ́n-s ulk wɔ́s g̈wɛ-g̈wɛ́nɔ transitional grade IV . It was deponential. The pattern is dog-ERG dangerous ANT -kill: GRADE II: DTR :ITR :3 SG given below: pɛ́ku-m gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE domestic.animal/sheep-ALL 1EXC *uɛ-uɛ́rtχ *uɛ-urtmɔ́(s) *uɛ-urtmɔ́(χ) (a) anterior reading with present relevance: ‘dangerous dog 1INC *uɛ-urtuɔ́(s) *uɛ-urtuɔ́(χ) has (just) killed (a/the) sheep (and this has high relevance 2ITR *uɛ-uɛ́rtχ *uɛ-urtχá(n) *uɛ-urtáχ(m) for now)’ (roughly equivalent to the use of the English 2DIR *uɛ-uɛ́rttχ *uɛ-urttχá(n) *uɛ-urttáχ(m) present perfect) 2INV *uɛ-uɛ́rtsχ *uɛ-urtsχá(n) *uɛ-urtsáχ(m) (b) anterior reading with future relevance: ‘dangerous dog 3ITR *uɛ-uɔ́rt *uɛ-urtɔ́r ~ *uɛ-urtrɔ́ *uɛ-urtáχ(m) uɛ-uɔ́rtt uɛ-urtɔ́nt ~ uɛ-urtntɔ́ uɛ-urttáχ(m) will have killed (a/the) sheep (in the future)’ 3DIR * * * * 3INV *uɛ-uɔ́rts *uɛ-urtsáχ(m) (c) pluperfect-like anterior reading: ‘dangerous dog had (just) killed (a/the) sheep ... (when x happened)’ (roughly Figure 56. PIE anterior aspect forms, e.g. *u_rt- ‘to turn (around), roll’, blue- equivalent to the English past perfect) shaded forms were identical to detransitive completive-resultative forms, see Figure 49; red-colored forms perhaps did not exist (?) 7.2.3 Anterior-stative-habitual aspect (76) a. either a transitive construction was possible ... The PIE anterior-stative-habitual aspect was deponential w and lacked 3 rd person transitive forms. It was formed by *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s ɗɛ-ɗɔ́nk-t combining ‘anterior-completive’ reduplication with the dog-ERG dangerous REIT -bite: GRADE VI-DIR stative-habitual grade III, see Figure 55: pɛ́ku domestic.animal/sheep. ABS

gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE b. ... or an antipassive construction was obligatory: w 1EXC *uɛ-uɔ́rtχa *uɛ-uɛrtmɔ́(s) *uɛ-uɛrtmɔ́(χ) *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s ɗɛ-ɗɔ́nk 1INC *uɛ-uɛrtuɔ́(s) *uɛ-uɛrtuɔ́(χ) dog-ERG dangerous REIT -bite: GRADE VI:ITR uɛ-uɔ́rtχa uɛ-uɛrtχá(n) uɛ-uɛrtáχ(m) 2ITR * * * pɛ́ku-m 2DIR *uɛ-uɔ́rttχa *uɛ-uɛrttχá(n) *uɛ-uɛrttáχ(m) domestic.animal/sheep-ALL 2INV *uɛ-uɔ́rtsχa *uɛ-uɛrtsχá(n) *uɛ-uɛrtsáχ(m) 3ITR *uɛ-uɔ́rtɛ *uɛ-uɛrtɔ́r *uɛ-uɛrtáχ(m) a and b: ‘dangerous dog bit sheep again’ c. intransitive construction with S Figure 55. PIE anterior-stative-habitual aspect A *kuɔ́n-s ulk wɔ́s uɛ-uɔ́rt-i dog-ERG dangerous REIT -turn: GRADE VI-PRG 90 Cf. Pooth 2016+. ‘dangerous dog is returning’ 26 Roland A. Pooth

As just mentioned, I am not sure whether this pattern b. *kuɔ́n-s ulk wɔ́s ɗɛ́ɗɛnk-t could be used within a transitive ergative-absolutive con- dog-ERG dangerous CONT :bite: GRADE II: AGT -DIR struction and thus included 3 rd person transitive forms. (Or pɛ́ku did forms of the completive binyan (e.g. *ɗɛ-ɗɛ́nk-t) also domestic.animal/sheep. ABS encode a reiterative reading, which was used in case there (a) ‘dangerous dog continued biting a/the sheep’ was an agent or causer role?) (b) ‘dangerous dog continuously bit a/the sheep’ The PIE reiterative aspect is directly reflected by the (c) ‘dangerous dog often/frequently bit a/the sheep’’ formally and functionally archaic reduplicated 3sg aor. (d) anterior-like continuative reading: ‘dangerous dog ind. mid. ávavarti (RV 2.38.6a).91 was biting a/the sheep and is now continuing biting it’ 7.3 Continuative-frequentative reduplication Non-progressive forms of this pattern developed an ante- rior-like reading, as illustrated by reading ( d) of example The PIE continuative-frequentative aspect (glossed CONT ) was formally exceptional: the reduplication templatic (77b) above. They finally merged with the anterior-stative- habitual aspect (see section 7.2.3) yielding the IE perfect prefix C_V_- included an empty vowel slot _V_ which was ₠dɦed ɦóh e(i) filled by the first vowel of the vowel melody of grade II. ( 1 , etc.) Several corresponding progressive forms developed to “acrostatic” IE reduplicated presents. A This aspect was thus coded by reduplication of the initial o consonant of the inflectable base (incl. root), combined few innovative preterit forms received analogical -grade *d ɦedɦoʔt with grade II. Since 3pl forms of grade II had an excep- (→ with variable accent). _V_ tional monovocalic vowel melody ( ), the 3pl agentive- 7.4 Intensive reduplication active forms of this binyan only had a single ‘bare’ vowel in the vowel slot of the reduplication prefix. The pattern is The term “intensive” reduplication is used here differently given in Figures 57 and 58 (3pl forms are pink ): form its use in Vedic grammar. It is solely used for the two allomorphic reduplication templatic prefixes Cɛ́ː and Cɛ́R-, gloss SINGULAR PLURAL which were in complementary distribution: PIE inflectable 1EXC *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔm *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔmɛ(s) bases incl. roots without sonorant in root syllable coda, w 1INC *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔuɛ(s) e.g. *k _k- ‘to see, look at; be able to see; appear, be visi- 2ITR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔɛ(n) ble’, showed reduplication of the initial consonant of the 2DIR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔt *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtɛ(n) 2INV *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔs *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsɛ(n) inflectable base incl. root followed by a stressed long 3ITR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔr vowel, as illustrated by the following examples: 3DIR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔt *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔnt w w w (78) *k _k- → *k ɛ́ː-k ɔk (→ later pleonastically extended by 3INV *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɛʔs *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔrs neoactive endings yielding a 3sg *k wéːk ok(χ)tȋ :: 1sg Figure 57. Agentive-active forms of the continuative-frequentative aspect *k wéːk ekχmȋ ~*k wéːk ok(χ)mȋ , etc.) (79) *su_p- → *sɛ́ː-suɔp gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE w w w 1EXC *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔχa *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔmɔ(s) *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔmɔ(χ) (80) *g̈ _n- → *g̈ ɛ́n-g̈ ɔn 1INC *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔuɔ(s) *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔuɔ(χ) m n l r i d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔχa d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔχa(n) d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔaχ(m) PIE inflectable bases incl. roots with a sonorant ( 2ITR * * * u R χ ʕ DIR d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtχa d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtχa(n) d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtaχ(m) , cover symbol ) or the fricative (perhaps also and 2 * * * w 2INV *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsχa *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsχa(n) *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsaχ(m) the glottal stop ʔ) in root syllable coda (e.g. *g̈ _n-, but not 3ITR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔɔ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔɔr ~ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔrɔ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔaχ(m) *su_p-) showed reduplication of the initial consonant, 3DIR *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtɔ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔɔnt ~ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔntɔ *d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔtaχ(m) followed by a stressed short ‘bare’ vowel and the given d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsɔ d̤ɛ́-d̤ʔsaχ(m) 3INV * * sonorant R or fricative χ (etc.) of the root syllable coda, as 3ITR .TRIT *d̤ɛ́-d̤ɔʔ illustrated by example (80) above. Sporadically a few Figure 58. Corresponding detransitive forms (grey: specifically transitional exceptions to this distribution rule occurred. Perhaps both st nd (TRIT ) 3sg intransitive form; 1 and 2 person continuative-frequentative types were possible with a few verbs. transitional forms were identical to the non-transitional forms) The intensive reduplication encoded an internal multi-

plication of parts of the event denoted by the verb (it is Forms of this pattern were used with a continuative as- glossed INT (ENSIVE ) here). This superordinate meaning pectual reading (‘to continue doing s.th.’, ‘to be continu- comprises repetitive, iterative, and intensive subordinate ously doing s.th.’). They also had a frequentative reading readings. This type of reduplication could be combined at (‘to do s.th. frequently, often’, German (an)dauernd etwas d least with grade II and grade IV ; see Figures 59-61. Com- tun ) and an incompletive reading (‘to still be doing s.th.’). bined with a vowel melody of grade II, the vowel of the w (77) a. *kuɔ́n-s ulk ɔ́s ɗɛ́ɗɛnk-t-i reduplication syllable was counted as the first vowel of the dog-ERG dangerous CONT :bite: GRADE II: AGT -DIR -PRG vowel melody, in parallel with the continuative- pɛ́ku frequentative aspect (see section 7.3 above). A combina- domestic.animal/sheep. ABS \SG tion with grade IV d encoded a repetitive-iterative meaning a ( ) ‘dangerous dog is continuing/still biting a/the and internal multiplication of more punctual events and sheep’ this binyan was deponential and presumably lacked 3sg b ( ) ‘dangerous dog is continuously biting a/the sheep’ transitive forms. The pattern was structured in parallel c ( ) ‘dangerous dog is often/frequently biting ... dito’ with the reiterative binyan (see section 7.2.4 above). It is given in Figure 61: 91 Cf. Pooth 2016+. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 27

gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE gloss SINGULAR PLURAL w w w w 1EXC *uɛ́ruɛrtm *uɛ́rurtmɛ(s) 1EXC *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnm *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nmɛ(s) 1INC *uɛ́rurtuɛ(s) 1INC w w w w 2ITR *uɛ́ruɛrt *uɛ́rurtɛ(n) 2ITR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛn *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nɛ(n) w w w w 2DIR *uɛ́ruɛrtt *uɛ́rurttɛ(n) 2DIR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnt *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntɛ(n) w w w w 2INV *uɛ́ruɛrts *uɛ́rurtsɛ(n) 2INV *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛns *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsɛ(n) w w 3ITR *uɛ́r-urt-r 3ITR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnr w w w w 3DIR *uɛ́ruɛrtt *uɛ́r-urt-nt 3DIR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnt *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnnt w w w w 3INV *uɛ́ruɛrts *uɛ́r-urt-rs 3INV *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛns *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛnrs

Figure 59. PIE intensive grade II forms, e.g. *u_rt- ‘to turn around, roll’, Figure 62. PIE agentive-active (grade II) forms of the “externally- blue forms show that the structure is the one of the “Narten type” multiplicative” aspect (glossed MULT ); blue: structured in parallel with the “Narten type”

gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE w w w w w w 1EXC *ɗɛ́i-ɗikχa *ɗɛ́i-ɗikmɔ(s) *ɗɛ́i-ɗikmɔχ) 1EXC *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nχa *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nmɔ(s) *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nmɔ(χ) w w w w 1INC *ɗɛ́i-ɗikuɔ(s) *ɗɛ́i-ɗikuɔ(χ) 1INC *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nuɔ(s) *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nuɔ(χ) w w w w w w 2ITR *ɗɛ́i-ɗikχa *ɗɛ́i-ɗikχa(n) *ɗɛ́i-ɗikaχ(m) 2ITR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nχa *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nχa(n) *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ naχ(m) w w w w w w 2DIR *ɗɛ́i-ɗiktχa *ɗɛ́i-ɗiktχa(n) *ɗɛ́i-ɗiktaχ(m) 2DIR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntχa *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntχa(n) *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntaχ(m) w w w w w w 2INV *ɗɛ́i-ɗiksχa *ɗɛ́i-ɗiksχa(n) *ɗɛ́i-ɗiksaχ(n) 2INV *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsχa *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsχa(n) *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsaχ(m) w w w w w w 3ITR *ɗɛ́i-ɗikɔ *ɗɛ́i-ɗikɔr ~ *ɗɛ́i-ɗikrɔ *ɗɛ́i-ɗikaχ(m) 3ITR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nɔ *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nɔr ~ -rɔ *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ naχ(m) w w w w w w 3DIR *ɗɛ́i-ɗiktɔ *ɗɛ́i-ɗikɔnt ~ *ɗɛ́i-ɗikntɔ *ɗɛ́i-ɗiktaχ(m) 3DIR *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntɔ *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntɔr ~ -ntɔ *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ntaχ(m) w w w w 3INV *ɗɛ́i-ɗiksɔ *ɗɛ́i-ɗiksaχ(n) 3INV *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsɔ *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ nsaχ(m)

Figure 60. PIE intensive grade II forms, e.g. *ɗ_ik- ‘to show’ Figure 63. Corresponding detransitive (grade II) forms

gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE w w w w w w 1EXC *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔnχ *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nmɔ(s) *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nmɔ(χ) 1EXC *uɛ́r-uɛrtχ *uɛ́r-urtmɔ(s) *uɛ́r-urtmɔ(χ) w w w w 1INC *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nuɔ(s) *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nuɔ(χ) 1INC *uɛ́r-urtuɔ(s) *uɛ́r-urtuɔ(χ) w w w w w w 2ITR *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔnχ *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nχa(n) *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ naχ(m) 2ITR *uɛ́r-uɛrtχ *uɛ́r-urtχa(n) *uɛ́r-urtaχ(m) w w w w w w 2DIR *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔntχ *g̈ ɔ́́ni-g̈ ntχa(n) *g̈ ɔ́́ni-g̈ ntaχ(m) 2DIR *uɛ́r-uɛrttχ *uɛ́r-urttχa(n) *uɛ́r-urttaχ(m) w w w w w w 2INV *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔnsχ *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nsχa(n) *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ nsaχ(m) 2INV *uɛ́r-uɛrtsχ *uɛ́r-urtsχa(n) *uɛ́r-urtsaχ(m) w w w w w w 3ITR *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔn *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ ɔnr *g̈ ɔ́ni-g̈ naχ(m) 3ITR *uɛ́r-uɔrt *uɛ́r-urtɔr ~ * uɛ́r-urtrɔ *uɛ́r-urtaχ(m) Figure 64. PIE “externally-multiplicative” grade VI d forms; 3 rd person forms Figure 61. d *u_rt- PIE intensive grade IV forms, e.g. ‘to turn (around), roll’ were used in the antipassive construction, if indicating a transitive (causa- tive, factitive) reading ; blue: structured in parallel with grade V d

Recall that Vedic has no evident functional (but just for- the non-reduplicated yod-presents, as outlined in section mal) voice distinctions in the intensive present stem, 4.2.7 above. PIE perhaps had allomorphic variants of which clearly points towards a protomiddle origin of all grade II forms (cf. Figure 60) with another ‘bare’ vowel in Vedic intensive present forms. The athematic intensives the vowel slot of the inflectable base, e.g. 3sg intransitive w w wɦ wɦ belong to the intensive yod-presents. They show the same *ɗɛ́i-ɗɛikɔ(i) , *g̈ ɛ́n-g̈ ɛnɔ(i) ( ₠g én-g eno/e-) → Vedic functions. Some Vedic forms are given below: intensive subjunctive stem jáṅghana- ~ jaṅghána-. Opposed to the grade IV d forms, which tended to code the repetitive (81) ŚB 11.8,2,10 cākaśyámāna- = cākaśīmi , ..., RV 8.1.4 ví tartūry- ante = vitártūrāṇas = tartarīti , ... , RV 6.47.16 ati-nenīyámānas or iterative meaning, grade II forms tended to code a dura- RVKh+ nenīyáte , ..., RV marmr̥jyáte , marmr̥jyánte = marmr̥jata , tive-imperfective intensive meaning. etc., ŚBM amarīmr̥śyanta , ŚB vāvadyate, vāvadyámāna- = RV vāvadīti , RV vevīyate = ní veveti . 7.5 Disyllabic reduplication Other forms: ŚB kanikradyámāṇa-, RV 10.124.9 ánu ́ ́ carcūryámāṇam , RV 10.4.4 rerihyáte , RV ūhyā te, ūhyā the , RV The term ‘disyllabic reduplication’ is used for the PIE 1.80.14 vevijyáte , RV coṣkūyáte , &c. disyllabic reduplication templatic prefix C1ɛ́C2i- (recall that This clear paradigmatic relationship of the given two the term “intensive” reduplication is not used for this type Vedic stems strengthens the following inferences: ( a) The of reduplication here). The PIE patterns are given in Fig- PIE pattern was deponential (protomiddle tantum); (b) 1sg ures 62-64. The “disyllabic” type showed reduplication of form in -χ- of this binyan were pleonastically extended by the initial consonant of the root ( C_), which was thus the active 1 st ending *-m(i) from PIE to post-PIE: mapped upon consonant slot C1, whereas it was the first w w w w w w consonant of the root syllable coda ( _C°) that was mapped (82) 1sg *k ɛ́ː-k ɛk-χ → *k éːk (e/o)k χm(i)̑ :: 3sg *k ɛ́ː-k ɔk w w upon the second consonant slot C2 followed by i, as illus- → *k éːk (e/o)k χt(i)̑ trated by the examples below: The voiceless fricative was prone to be generalized w w w (83) *k _k- → *k ɛ́ːki -k _k- within the paradigm, which can explain the overall (or frequent) Seṭ-effect in Vedic. (84) *su_p- → *sɛ́pi -su_p- (c) It is further inferential that the Vedic intensive yod- (85) *g̈w_n- → *g̈wɛ́ni-g̈w_n- presents continue corresponding progressive forms of this (86) *s_nχ- → *sɛ́ni-s_nχ- binyan. These were later pleonastically extended yielding ɗ_ik- ɗɛ́ki-ɗ_ik- ~ ɗɛ́iki -ɗ_ik-? IE intensive yod-presents. The development of the Vedic (87) * → * * (cf. (90, 91)) intensive yod-presents thus ran in parallel with the one of 28 Roland A. Pooth

binyan (1) (2) number aspect/mood label grade 3SG .AGT .DIR 3SG .DTR .ITR translation of (1) translation of (2) 1 NONDURATIVE I *d̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤ʔɔ́ ‘did/does’ 2 DURATIVE -IMPERFECTIVE II *d̤ɛ́ːʔt *d̤ɛ́ʔɔ (a) ‘did/does for a while’ (b) ‘was/is doing (when ...)’ (c) ‘will be doing (when ...)’ 3 STATIVE -HABITUAL III d *d̤ɔ́ʔɛ ‘always does’, ‘is a doer’ 4 TRANSITIONAL IV d *d̤ɔ́ʔ ‘is done’ 5 INCHOATIVE -STATIVE Vd *d̤ɔ́ːʔ (a) ‘is being done’ (b) ‘is on its way to be done’ 6 DISTRIBUTIVE -FACTITIVE VI d *d̤ɔʔɛ́ (a) ‘does here & there, now & then’ (b) ‘makes s.th. be done’ 7a INCOMPLETIVE I SG I/ PL II *d̤nɛ́ʔt *d̤nʔɔ́ ‘is still doing’ 7b INCOMPLETIVE II I *d̤ʔnɛ́ut *d̤ʔnuɔ́ dito 8 PUNCTUAL -CASUAL I *d̤ʔskɔ́ ‘does suddenly, at once, casually’ 9 CONATIVE I I *d̤ʔʔsɔ́ ‘plans to do’ 10 CONATIVE II II *d̤ɛ́ʔʔsɔ ‘is planning to do’ 11 CONATIVE III I *d̤id̤ʔʔsɔ́ ‘(now & then ?) plans to do’ 12a OPTATIVE I I *d̤ʔiɛ́ʔt *d̤ʔiʔɔ́ ‘would do’ 12b OPTATIVE II SG I/ PL II *uɛ́lʔiʔt *uɛ́lʔiʔɔ 13 INCOMPLETIVE OPTATIVE I *d̤nʔiɛ́ʔt *d̤nʔiʔɔ́ ‘would still be doing’ 14 ANTERIOR OPTATIVE I *d̤ɛd̤ʔiɛ́ʔt *d̤ɛd̤ʔiʔɔ́ ‘would have done’ 15 DISTRIBUTIVE II I *d̤id̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤id̤ʔɔ́ ‘does here & there, now & then’ 16 DISTRIBUTIVE TRANSITIONAL IV d *d̤id̤ɔ́ʔ ‘is done here & there, now & then’ 17 COMPLETIVE -RESULTATIVE I *d̤ɛd̤ɛ́ʔt *d̤ɛd̤ʔɔ́ (a) ‘does completely’ (b) ‘completes doing’ (c) ‘does strongly (high affectedness of O)’ 18 ANTERIOR II ― *d̤ɛd̤ɛ́ʔɔ (a) ‘has done and it is relevant for now’ (“ OLD ANTERIOR ”92 ) (b) ‘has done before ...’ (c) ‘will have been done before ...’ 19 ANTERIOR -STATIVE -HABITUAL III *d̤ɛd̤ɔ́ʔɛ ‘has done and is thus a doer’ 20 REITERATIVE -REVERSATIVE IV *d̤ɛd̤ɔ́ʔ ‘does again, re-does it’ 21 CONTINUATIVE -FREQUENTATIVE II *d̤ɛ́d̤ɛʔt *d̤ɛ́d̤ʔɔ ‘continues doing’ 22 CONT TRANSITIONAL IV d *d̤ɛ́d̤ɔʔ ‘is continuously done’ 23 INTENSIVE II *d̤ɛ́ːd̤ɛʔt *d̤ɛ́ːd̤ʔɔ ‘does intensively/repeatedly’ 24 INTENSIVE TRANSITIONAL IV d *d̤ɛ́ːd̤ɔʔ ‘is done intensively/repeatedly’ 25 MULTIPLICATIVE II *d̤ɛ́ʔid̤ɛʔt *d̤ɛ́ʔid̤ʔɔ ‘does intensively/repeatedly here & there, now & then’ 26 MULTIPLICATIVE TRANSITIONAL IV d *d̤ɛ́ʔd̤ɔʔ ‘is done intensively/repeatedly here & there, now & then’

Figure 65. Overview of the PIE aspect and mood categories―recall that many of these categories could additionally be combined with the progressive aspect suffix -i or debitive mood suffix -u [red: different verb: a “primary optative”]

In parallel to the usual reduplication rules with regard to *g̈wɛ́n-g̈wn_ɔ_r the sibilant, the “mobile” s- could be left out (see section 7, INT -beat_ GRADE II: DTR _3PL .ITR example (67)): German “die Pferde trampelten auf den/dem Boden” (88) *s-q_nɗ- → *qɛ́ni -sq_nɗ- (cf. Vedic caniśad-at-) Additionally, disyllabic reduplication could be combined d This type of reduplication encoded external multiplica- with grade VI (see Figure 64). Again, the vowel of the tion (repetition) of the event denoted by the verb in its reduplication template was taken for the first vowel of the d _ɔ́_ɔ_ ~ _ɔ́_ɛ_ entirety: see example (89a). The disyllabic reduplication vowel melody of grade VI ( ). But the use of grade VI d did not necessarily indicate a stative-inchoative could be combined with the plurative grade II. The ‘bare’ d vowel of the reduplication syllable was counted as the first durative meaning here. Grade VI simply coded detransi- vowel of the vowel melody. tive and plurative-multiplicative meaning. PIE perhaps sporadically showed full disyllabic redupli- *kuɔ́n-s ulk wɔ́s pɛ́ku_ɛ (89) a. cation of the entire inflectable base (see example 87): dog-ERG dangerous sheep. ABS _PL w w su_p- suɛ́pi -su_p- ? *g̈ ɛ́ni-g̈ ɛn-t (90) * → * ( ... seems to be plausible) MULT -slay: GRADE II: AGT :SG -dir\3 (91) *s_nχ- → *sɛ́nχi -s_nχ- (dito) ‘dangerous dog killed multiple sheep’ b. *ʔɛ́kuɛs *d̤ɛ́g̈ɔm 7.6 Summary: the PIE aspect system horse.ERG _PL ground. ABS w w To sum up: PIE had an elaborate aspect system which was *g̈ ɛ́n-g̈ n_ɛ_n-t very different from the typologically average “tripartite” 93 INT -beat_ GRADE II: AGT _3PL -DIR German “die Pferde zertrampelten den Boden” aspect system of Greek and Vedic. The PIE aspect system 92 c. *ʔɛ́kuɛs *d̤g̈ɔ́m Cf. Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994. 93 Tripartite = imperfective vs. perfective stem (± anterior) and pre- horse.ERG _PL ground. LOC sent vs. past tense distinction of imperfectives: cf. ibid. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 29 showed tremendous complexity in the functional interac- nonical perfective aspectual reading. Alongside ingressive- tion of vowel melody patterns (transfixal gradation), suf- punctual and terminative or telic readings, the prefix s- fixation on the consonant frame tier, and reduplication. perhaps also had a deliminative reading encoding an event Similar, e.g., to the complex aspect system of Athabascan that was seen in its totality or its boundaries. In this case, languages, it often served functions accomplished in other its status is close to a simple inflectional prefix, since it languages by the lexicon. An overview of all reconstruc- was perhaps attached to many roots to indicate a perfec- table PIE aspectual binyan is given in Figure 65. tive meaning regardless from the underlying lexical aspec- tual semantics, which was often “polyactional”.95 8 Prefixation 8.1 Past tense s- prefixed (possible) cons. frame meaning (cf. LIV s.vv.) base meaning 94 PIE was a “non-tensed” language. Past tense was option- *s-t_nχ- G. ”erdonnern” *t_nχ- ‘thunder’ ally specified by the so-called “augment”, that is, a vocalic *s-p_lH- G. “erzählen, prefix ɛ́- (glossed PAST ). It was probably mainly used in verkünden” *s-pr_nɗ- G. “aufspringen” *pr_nɗ- ‘id’, cf. LIV , p. 583 narration or similar typically past-tensed contexts. Al- *s-pr_nɢ̤- G. “sich spannend *pr_nɢ̤- G. “(sich) spannen” though its nature was vocalic it did not belong to the aufspringen” vowel melody. It always attracted the word form stress *s-k_r- G. “springen, hüpfen” *k_r- G. “(sich) schwingen” accent (which may be a remnant of its origin as a particle). *s-q_l- G. “schuldig schlagen” *q_l- ‘be guilty, indebted’ *s-q_l-ʔ- Verb forms without past tense prefix were non-tensed, that ‘dry up’ 1*s-q_n-ɗ- ‘go up, jump up, *q_n- G. “entpringen, ...”, is, underspecified as for tense distinctions. They could thus spring, begin’ cf. LIV , p. 351 be used with present or past (and some even in future) 2*s-q_n-ɗ- G. “erglänzen” *q_n-ɗ- LIV “sich auszeichnen” time reference. As mentioned earlier, differently from its *s-q_r-ɓ- ‘shrink’ *q_r-ɓ- use in Vedic and Greek the “augment” could also be at- *s-qr-_i- ‘run crooked, circle’ *qr_i- *s-qr-_i-t- ‘run crooked, circle’ tached to progressive aspect forms: w w *s-qr_n-ɠ - ‘bend, bow, shrink’ *qr_n-ɠ - (92) a. *ɛ́-ʔɛːs-t ʕrɛ́ːɠ *s-l_u-ʛ/q- ‘swallow (at once ?)’ *l_u-ʛ/q- ‘eat’, G. “schluchzen” PAST -be/sit. DUR .AGT -DIR ruler. ABS \SG *s-u_iɗ- G. “erglänzen” *u_iɗ- ‘see, appear, find, know’ lit. ‘(once upon a time) there was (sat) a ruler/chief’ *s-u_nd̤- ‘dry up, fade, whither’ *u_nd̤- ‘vanish, fade’ b. *ʔɛ́ːs-t ʕrɛ́ːɠ Figure 66. Inflectional bases marked by s- indicating more terminative, telic, LIV be/sit. DUR .AGT -DIR ruler. ABS \SG punctual meaning (cf. s.vv.); G. = German; blue = possible base ‘a ruler is, was (sitting) there.’ s- c. *ɛ́-d̤ɛʔ-t_ɔ_i ʕrɛ́ːɠ-s The prefix was thus roughly equivalent to the use of er- ent- ver- PAST -put:DUR -DIR _DTR _PRG ruler-ERG \SG the German prefixes , , , etc. or English ‘totally, up he eats up (a) ‘the ruler was putting it there for his own benefit’ entirely, completely’ and in . Possible minimal (b) ‘the ruler was putting his x (possessed) there’ pairs are given in the Figure above. The difference be- tween * suɛ́nd̤ɔ ‘s.th. dried up, faded, withered (it is dry, d. *ɛ́-ʔɛːs-t-i ʕrɛ́ːɠ-s faded, withered)’ versus *uɛ́nd̤ɔ ‘s.o./s.th. dried, faded, PAST -be/sit. DUR .AGT -DIR -PRG ruler-ERG \SG vanished’ may be reflected by the paradigmatic difference ‘a ruler was sitting there’ between the prefixed OCS aor. pri-svęde ‘it dried up, faded, withered’ and Church Slavonic ǫždǫ , inf. ǫditi ‘to smoke- 8.2 Derivational prefixation dry’ (cf. LIV s.v.), which is used in other stems. s- The so-called “mobile” prefix can be analyzed as a deri- 8.2.2 Increase of control and thoroughness vational prefix because it belonged to the consonant frame of the inflectable base. But it may also be described as The second subfunction was to indicate an increase of having a status in between derivation and inflection, de- agentive control and thoroughness of the action, as done pending on the final definition of the respective underlying by an intentional agent. This PIE opposition is reflected in spaś- PIE verbal lexical semantics with regard to aspect. I will Vedic, where has a more ‘thoroughgoing’ meaning ‘to thus also deal with it here, even if it may not belong to PIE observe, notice, examine, inspect, look out, watch out, take inflection in the strict sense. I suggest that its superordi- care of’ indicating an increase of intention and control (3sg áspaṣṭa paspaśé nate function was to indicate an increase in semantic tran- aor. ind. mid. 22 perf. , causative-iterative spāśayasva paś- sitivity (more towards its prototype). Therefore, it is pres. 2sg imp. mid. ), whereas often lacks this nuance and has a more general meaning ‘to look at, glossed TR for (SEMANTICALLY ) TRANSITIVIZING here. In my view’ (pres. IV páśyati ), cf. RV 1.22.19ab víṣṇoḥ kármāṇi analysis, it was opposed to a group of DETRANSITIVE “root ? paśyata yáto vratāní paspaśé enlargement” suffixes -χ- (-d̤- , ...) encoding a decrease of ‘look at Viṣṇu’s deeds, by semantic transitivity (including indirect causation). which he observes (sc. controls) the sacred rules!’ It is quite safe to assume that the Vedic situation continues the 8.2.1 Terminative, telic, punctual, perfective original PIE distinction, as illustrated below. The first subfunction of the PIE transitivizing prefix s- was (93) PIE 3sg agentive direct *pɛ́kt ‘he looked at it’ → *s-pɛ́kt to indicate a terminative, telic, punctual, perfective (also ‘he looked at it more thoroughly, he watched it, he ob- including ingressive) aspectual meaning including a ca- served it, he looked at it with more control’

94 Cf. Stassen 1997. 95 = aspectually polysemous, cf. Sasse 1991a, 1991b. 30 Roland A. Pooth

8.2.3 Strongly-affected and transformed patient But note that the prefix was not necessarily valency- The prefix s- further indicated the introduction of a changing in the canonical sense. I suggest that verbs with strongly affected patient and an effect-causing agent to the highly patient-affecting meaning could additionally be s- underlying lexical semantics. This third subfunction differs prefixed by with no severe change of meaning. from the function of a canonical causative marker, since its 8.2.4 Causative functional focus is on the introduction of an affected pa- tient, but not on the introduction of an external causer. The prefix s- also had a canonical causative function. By However, with several verbs, s- also had a more canonical prefixation of s- an external causer role was implemented causative function: see section 8.2.4. Thus, by prefixation in the core case frame (ergative and absolutive), whereas 96 of s- an external effective causer role was be added to the the underlying absolutive was taken out of the core: semantics of the underlying base deriving a meaning with (95) a. *ɠwɛ́n-s χnɛ́r nɛ́ub̤-t 97 a strong affection or transformation of O. This semantic woman-ERG man. ABS marry: NONDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \3 role-change can be illustrated by the minimal pair below. ‘woman married (a) man’ These two inflectable bases may well be etymologically b. *pχtɛ́r-s ɠwɛ́n s-nɛ́ub̤t χnɛ́r-m related, even if a connection of ‘to yawn’ and ‘to split’ feels father-ERG woman. ABS TR -dito man-ALL a bit unusual from a common IE point of view. An over- ‘father made woman married to (a) man’ view of more possible instance is given in Figure 67 below. (94) a. *ɠwɛ́n g̈áχt s- prefixed basic woman. ABS gap-DIR cons. frame causative base meaning ‘woman had to yawn, yawned’, lit. ‘it gapped, *s-r_G- “färben, röten” *r_G- “sich färben, sich röten” *s-p_n-ɗ- *p_n-ɗ- yawned woman’ “spannen (tr.)” “hängen (itr.)” *s-p_n-ʔ- ‘id.’ *p_n-ʔ- “in der Luft hängen” ̑h b. *pχtɛ́r-s s-g̈áχ-t (LIV *sk eh 2(i̯ )-, p. 547) *s-n_ub̤- “verkuppeln” *n_ub̤- “einen Mann heiraten” woman. ABS TR -gap-DIR *s-q_ɗχ- ‘smash’, *q_ɗχ- ‘burst’ ‘father cut/tore/split it up (made a hole in between G. “zerstreuen” *s-q_lʔ- *q_lʔ- two parts, German “schlitzen”)’, lit. ‘gapped it up’ ‘dry (tr.)’ ‘dry (itr.), be dry’ *s-q_r-ɓ- “schrumpfen *q_r-ɓ- “schrumpfen (itr.), ~ *s-qr_ɓ- (tr.)” dürr sein” s- prefixed (possible) (possible) cons. frame meaning base meaning Figure 68. Inflectional bases marked by s- indicating CAUSATIVE FUNCTION ; *s-t_iʛ- ‘prick, sting’ *t_iʛ- ‘be sharp’ German translations (“...”) according to the LIV s.vv.; G = ɠ or ʛ *s-t_rk G. “beschmutzen” *t_rk- ‘be filthy’ ? *s-t_rg̈- G. “zerschmettern” *t_rg̈- (cf. LIV , p. 598) (σ)κίδναμαι *s-t_u- *t_u- The Greek middle ‘I disperse’, German “ich σ° *s-t_u-p- ‘push, beat’ *t_u-p- ‘push, beat’ zertreue mich” sometimes lacks the onset, whereas its *s-t_u-ɗ- ‘id.’ *t_u-ɗ- ‘id.’ corresponding transitive active σκίδνημι ‘scatter’, German *s-t_u-ʛ- ‘id.’ *t_u-ʛ- ‘id.’ “etwas zerstreuen” never does. The intransitive comparan- *s-p_l-t- ‘split’ *p_l-t- ‘id.’ dum, Lithuanian kedù (inf. kedėtí ) ‘to burst’, also lacks the *s-p_l-H- *p_l-H- ‘break up, split’ ‘plough’ sibilant. The comparative evidence thus strengthens the *s-g̈_χ- ‘split, tear apart, cut’ *g̈_χ- ‘yawn, gap’

*s-g̈_i-ɗ- ‘split, tear apart’ *g̈_i- ‘gap’ analysis of s- as presented here. PIE *s-q_ɗχ- obviously had *s-g̈_i-ʔ- ‘split, tear apart’ *g̈_i(-ʔ)- ‘gap’ a highly transitive meaning ‘to smash, strew into pieces’, *s-q_p- G. “hacken, hauen” whereas *q_ɗχ- was labile and had a meaning ‘to strew *s-qab̤- ‘scratch, cut, carve’ (out)’ (and ‘to be strewn out’) with a lower degree of tran- *s-q_r- ‘scratch, cut’ *q_r- ‘id.’ *s-q_r-p- ‘pick, pluck, cut’ *q_r-p- ‘id.’ sitivity besides intransitive ‘to burst’. *s-q_r-b̤- ‘bite, gnaw off, cut’ *q_r-b̤- ‘sharp’ ~ *s-qr_b̤- 8.2.5 Applicative(-like) *s-q_r-t- ‘cut apart’ *q_r-t- ‘id.’ Since a superordinate semantically transitivizing function *s-q_r-d̤- ‘id.’ includes an applicative(-like) subfunction, it is inferential *s-q_r-H- ‘split, separate’’ *q_r-H- ‘id.’ *s-q_r-s- ‘scratch’, that the introduction of an external role to the core, G. “Wolle krempeln” mainly the implementation of a goal, theme, or path, was *s-qr-_i-b̤- ‘scratch’ also encoded by the prefix s- (roughly equivalent to the *s-q_ɗ-χ- ‘split, strew’ German goal-implementing prefix be-, zu-, durch-). *s-q_l- ‘split’ w *s-q_l-H- ‘id.’ (96) a. *ɠ ɛ́n-s náχ-t *s-q_u- *q_u- woman-ERG move.in.water: NDUR :AGT :SG -DIR \3 *s-q_u-b̤- ‘push’ ‘woman swam’ or ‘bathed, was, moved in water’ *s-q_u-t- ‘scratch, cut’ *ɠwɛ́n-s s-náχt *s-q_u-ɗ- ‘push’ *q_u-ɗ- ‘id.’ b. *s-qu-_ʔ-t- G. “durchschütteln” *qu_ʔ-t ‘id.’ woman-ERG TR (PATH .APPL )-dito *s-q_u -χ- ‘push, poke, pick’ ‘woman swam through it (e.g. a river)’ *s-i_u-H- ‘sow, connect by perforation’ *i_u(-H) ‘connect’ w c. *ɠ ɛ́n-s s-náχt Figure 67. Inflectional bases marked by s- indicating STRONGLY -AFFECTED -PATIENT woman-ERG TR (CAUSATIVE )-dito meaning (cf. LIV s.vv.); G. = German translation; blue = root reconstructable via internal reconstruction grounded on the given enlarged inflectable bases 96 This conforms to the definiton given by Dixon 2012, chapter 24. 97 PIE *n_u-b̤- may be derived from *n_u- ‘to nod, nod at s.o.; wave; be inclined to s.o., trust, believe, think’, cf. LIV , p. 455f. Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection 31

‘woman moistened/washed it (e.g. the cup)’ base. This denominative inflectable base could further be lit. ‘made it bath in water’? combined with the given most basic aspectual categories, (97) a. *ɠwɛ́n mr_ɔ́ 98 as outlined above. At least the detransitive vowel melodies d d woman. ABS remember_ NDUR .DTR .ITR .3SG of grade I, II, III , and IV could be mapped upon the two ‘woman remembered (s.th.)’ vowel slots of the denominative templatic suffix -_V_i_V_ . w The accent was shifted to one of the vowels of the vowel b. *ɠ ɛ́n-s s-mr_ɔ́ χnɛ́r-m melody: woman-ERG TR -dito man-ALL 100 German “die Frau bedachte den Mann mit etwas” (98) *χuʛsɛ́n- (classified nominal stem, relational ) m. w ‘someone’s young bull’ → discontinuous denominal verb c. *ɠ ɛ́n s-mr_ɔ́ base *χuʛsɛn_V_i_V_- → 3sg detransitive intransitive woman-ERG TR -dito *χuʛsɛniɔ́(i) ‘s.o. does the young bull’ German “die Frau wurde (von j.) mit etwas bedacht” (99) *χuʛsɛ́n-_i_- → 3sg grade I *χuʛsɛniɔ́ ‘did/does the As illustrated by examples (97b) and (97c), a peripheral young bull’ (nondurative or neuter) goal or theme role was implemented in the core case frame. Since a river (water) cannot be transformed or (100) *χuʛsɛ́n-_i_- → 3sg grade II * χuʛsɛnɛ́iɔ ‘was/is doing the highly affected, ‘swim through’ in (96b) is rather path- young bull’ (durative-imperfective) implementing applicative-like, whereas (96c) is another (101) *χuʛsɛ́n-_i_- → 3sg grade III * χuʛsɛnɔ́iɛ ‘always acts like instance of the affected-patient reading. a young bull, is a young bull’ (stative-habitual) (102) *χuʛsɛ́n-_i_- → 3sg grade II * χuʛsɛnɔ́i ‘turned into a goal/theme- s- prefixed implementing (possible) basic young bull’ (transitional) cons. frame applicative meaning base/root meaning All kinds of nominal stems and even the completely w w *s-t_g̈ - G. “bekränzen, *t_g̈ - G. “kränzen” vowel-less consonant frame could serve as the basis for umkränzen, denominal derivation: umschließen” *s-t_ʛ- G. “bedecken” *t_ʛ- G. “decken” (103) *ʔr_ʔ-_i_- oar.CONSONANT _FRAME -_DENOMINAL _ → 3sg *s-m_r- G. “sich an jemand *m_r- G. “sich erinnern” grade I *ʔrʔiɔ́ ‘rows’, cf. LIV , p. 251 erinnern” (104) *ʔrɔ́ʔ-_i_- oar.CORE .CASE .STEM -_DENOMINAL _ → 3sg grade I Figure 69. Inflectional bases marked by s- indicating GOAL -IMPLEMENTING *ʔrɔʔiɔ́ ‘rows’ APPLICATIVE FUNCTION ; G. = German translation (cf. LIV s.vv.) The derivational base of the denominatives given in the

examples above was the PIE nominal stem *ʔrɔ́ʔ- in. ‘oar’, Although it is not easy to judge from the given IE evi- consonant frame *ʔ(a)r_ʔ- (also being the consonant frame dence, which is often blurred by later post-PIE specifica- 99 of *ʔárʔm- an. ‘arm’). This was more probably not a proper tions with regard to transitivity and intransitivity, the verbal inflectable base or root, but a nominal stem pace overall evidence seems to be quite impressive. Therefore, LIV , p. 251. In general, the inflection of denominal verbs the PIE “mobile” s- prefix was not just a “meaningless” was identical to the detransitive deponential inflection. segment, randomly attachable to any root. Its function Note that this type of denominal verb derivation was also may be hidden, but it is still identifiable as a polysemous possible from root nouns and root adjectives: SEMANTIC TRANSITIVIZER . It is inferential that the s- prefix was productive in PIE, but was lexicalized and/or lost all (105) *ʔrɔud̤_i_ → *ʔrɔud̤_i_ → *ʔrɔud̤iɔ́ (grade I) ‘makes red’, d its functions in the post-PIE period. *ʔrɔud̤ɛ́iɔ (grade II) ‘is making red’, *ʔrɔud̤ɔ́iɛ (grade III ) ‘is red’, *ʔrɔud̤ɔ́i (grade IV d) ‘turns red’ 9 Denominal verb inflection Moreover, it was perhaps even possible to derive such PIE denominal verbs were deponential and lacked 3 rd denominatives from nominal finite case forms, especially person transitive forms. 3rd person animate causers or an from the sociative-associative and comitative-instrumental inanimate causer or cause had to be used within the PIE consonant frame. Perhaps PIE comitative-instrumentals *χnɛ́r ʔrud̤ɛ́ʔ antipassive construction, as outlined above. Recall that could be used in predicative function, e.g. denominal deponency is a common crosslinguistic pattern ‘man (is) with reddishness, is red’, as suggested by Jasanoff (e.g. cf. Old Irish denominatives). (2003) and illustrated below: (106) *ʔrud̤ɛ́ʔ ‘with reddishness’ or consonant frame *ʔr_ud̤_ʔ 9.1 Regular denominatives → denominative inflectable base *ʔrud̤(ɛ)ʔ_i_ → *ʔrud̤ɛʔiɔ́ ~*ʔrud̤ʔiɔ́ ‘is or makes s.th. be with reddish- I suggest that PIE denominal verbs were derived from ness, is with reddishness, etc.’ (this stem then conflated nominal stems by suffixation of the denominative template with the new perfect-like stem in -eː-) -_V_i_V_ (or -_i_ ) to the given nominal stem. The combina- tion of the respective nominal stem x and this templatic 9.2 Stative-factitive denominatives suffix x-_V_i_V_- served as the denominative inflectable Another type of PIE denominative verb derivation was 98 PIE *m_r- ‘remember’ and *m_r- ‘vanish, die’ seem to be related. achieved by means of suffixation of another templatic Maybe PIE *mar- ~ *m_r- had a meaning ‘vanish and come again’, cf. suffix, one that included the detransitive suffix (-χ-), to the *mɔ́ri , abl. máriɔs in. ‘ocean, sea: it always goes away (vanishes) and respective nominal stem: -_V_χ_V_-, e.g. *nɛ́u- ‘new, young’ comes again’. 99 Cf. Pooth 2012, 2014+, chapter 7. 100 Cf. Pooth 2015a, 2015b. 32 Roland A. Pooth

(*n_u) → *nɛu-_χ_- ‘it is new, young’. These denominatives To subordinate events with identical person referent, had a stative and a factitive-causative meaning. They were that is, to encode “same subject” clause linking, regular combined with the detransitive vowel melody of grade II, finite verb forms were replaced by participles. In these but the 3pl form had an exceptional “agentive-active” constructions the contextual background encoded by the vowel melody of the “Narten type” and the 3sg form pre- participle form received a high pitch accent (H), whereas sumably could lack the ɔ. PIE maybe had more such de- the verb form coding the main clause predicate (option- nominative templates: perhaps -n_χ- was also used this ally?) received a low tone accent (L). 102 To link events way. The pattern of the PIE stative-factitive demoninatives expressed by two verb forms including non-identical per- is given in Figure 70. son referents, that is, to encode “different subject” clause linking, PIE made use of coordinated finite verb forms. In gloss SINGULAR PLURAL COLLECTIVE such chained events including a “different subject” or 1EXC *nɛuáχχa *nɛuáχmɔ(s) *nɛuáχmɔ(χ) DIFFERENT TOPIC the direct or inverse forms had to be used 1INC *nɛuáχuɔ(s) *nɛuáχuɔ(χ) to code switched referents (even in case the second event nɛuáχχa nɛu áχχa(n) nɛu áχaχ(m) 2ITR * * * was semantically intransitive, as illustrated in section 2DIR *nɛuáχtχa *nɛu áχtχa(n) *nɛu áχtaχa(m) 2INV *nɛuáχsχa *nɛu áχsχa(n) *nɛu áχsaχa(m) 6.5.2). In coordinated constructions the verb form encod- 3ITR *nɛuáχ(ɔ) *nɛu áχr *nɛu áχaχ(m) ing the ‘superordinate’ or ‘backgrounded’ and ‘subordi- nated predicate’ received a high tone accent (L), whereas Figure 70. PIE denominative stative-inchoative-factitives the verb form encoding the ‘main predicate’ received a low 10 Verbal tonal distinctions tone accent: (107) a. *uɛ́iɗuɔtɛs uɔ́ːk w ʕr-nu-t_ ɛ̀_n As suggested elsewhere, PIE had a combinatory grammati- knowing. ERG .PL speech. ABS raise-ICPL -DIR _2 DIR -PL .L cal stress (intensity) and tone (pitch) accent system. ʔiɔ́ʔ ɗɛiuɔ́ːs Stressed syllables either had a high tone (H) or a low(ered) RELATIVIZER .COMITATIVE skyish.ERG .PL tone (L). The low(ered) tone of stressed syllables was the n-mɛ́rtu-m χa-χnɛkɔ́r marked value, whereas the high tone was the unmarked im-mortality-ALL ANT -reach:DTR :ITR :3 PL value. Each orthotonic (accented) word form only had a ‘as knowing ones you are raising the speech by whom the single stressed syllable: a single syllable was thus pro- sky-ish ones have reached to immortality’ nounced with more intensity and one of the two tones H or b. *uɛ́iɗuɔtɛs ʕrnut ɛ̀n L. Clitics (by definition) are prosodic hosts and thus lacked dito dito w any accent (any stress), e.g. PIE * mɛ́ː =mɛ g̈ ɛ́ns ‘do not kill ʔiɔ́ʔ uɛkwɔ́ʔ ɗɛiuɔ́ːs me’, where the second word form is a pronominal object dito speech. COMITATIVE dito clitic. Unstressed syllables had a default low (or maybe nmɛ́rtum χaχnɛkɔ́r mid) tone. A stressed and high-pitched syllable is indicated dito dito w by the acute accent (´), e.g. PIE * g̈ ɛ́nt ‘topical referent ‘as knowing ones you are raising it (“zero anaphor”), (and) slew nontopical referent; you slew him’. A stressed and by this speech (relativized participant) the sky-ish ones have low-pitched syllable is indicated by the gravis accent ( ̀). In reached to immortality’ terms of Ratcliff (1992) Proto-Indo-European was a “type ? B” tonal language. It was characterized by a minimum of 10.2 Imperatives tonal distinctions (H vs. L tone of stressed syllables). These The PIE low tone further coded vocative case forms in the tonal distinctions were involved in marking grammatical 103 system of nominal inflection. Recall that Vedic vocatives structures. They did not code lexical distinctions as it is also often lack any accent. (I suggest that in the post-PIE usually the case in classical tone languages like Mandarin period the stress accent was shifted from its original PIE Chinese. position to the word initial syllable in clause initial posi- 10.1 Subordinate verb forms tion, but not in “Wackernagel position”, where vocatives lost their stress accent.) Since verbal imperative forms are The PIE low(ered) tone stress (L) accent coded the finite functionally comparable to vocative case forms because verb form of the main clause in clause chaining and subor- both address a 2nd person speech-act-participant, I finally dination including relativization. 101 Recall that Vedic usu- assume that PIE low tone stress accent (L) also coded ally lacks any accent in such cases, cf. e.g. Early Vedic imperative verb forms, which were derived from 2 nd person kartana ‘you (pl.) make it’ (which is the verb form of the forms, e.g. 2sg imp *kln ɛ́u → *kln ɛ̀u (besides *klnù ) lit. main clause) as opposed to ānaśúḥ ‘they have reached’ (of ‘(still) be listening!’, etc. the relative clause) in RV 10.53.10 vidvā ṃsaś padā ́ gúhyāni kartana (verb form of the main clause) yéna (relativizer) Acknowledgements devā soś amr̥tatvám ānaśúḥ (verb form of the relative clause) I wish to say thank you to all the ones who participated in ‘as knowing ones you make the secret feet (metres) by the academia.edu session on a preceding version of this whom (singular) the gods have reached to immortality’. article: Mention their names. The PIE low tone was thus lost from PIE to Vedic, but the original PIE grammatical distinction is still alive in Early To Sasha and Lenja with gratitude Vedic. 102 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 101 Cf. Pooth 2015a. 103 Cf. Pooth 2015a. Roland A. Pooth

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Pooth, R.A. 2014: Die Diathesen Aktiv vs. Medium und die Verbse- mantik im Vedischen der distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribu- R̥gveda-Saṃhitā. Proefschrift. Defended tion License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and 2014-10-23. Universiteit Leiden, Leiden University Repository, reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl ; for a version with a few corri- source are credited. genda see https://leidenuniv.academia.edu/RolandPooth