The Future of Prosody: It’S About Time
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Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: an Annotated Bibliography
Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography Volume 11 Prosody and Intonation in Non- Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: An Annotated Article 1 Bibliography 2009 Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: An Annotated Bibliography Christopher R. Green Indiana University Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.uiowa.edu/ejab Part of the African History Commons, and the African Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Green, Christopher R. (2009) "Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: An Annotated Bibliography," Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography: Vol. 11 , Article 1. https://doi.org/10.17077/1092-9576.1010 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Iowa Research Online. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography by an authorized administrator of Iowa Research Online. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Volume 11 (2009) Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: An Annotated Bibliography Christopher R. Green, Indiana University Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Atlantic – Ijoid 4 Volta – Congo North 6 Kwa 15 Kru 19 Dogon 20 Benue – Congo Cross River 21 Defoid 23 Edoid 25 Igboid 27 Jukunoid 28 Mande 28 Reference Materials 33 Author Index 40 Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages Introduction Most linguists are well aware of the fact that data pertaining to languages spoken in Africa are often less readily available than information on languages spoken in Europe and some parts of Asia. This simple fact is one of the first and largest challenges facing Africanist linguists in their pursuit of preliminary data and references on which to base their research. -
Downstep and Recursive Phonological Phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43) Fatima Hamlaoui ZAS, Berlin; University of Toronto Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso ZAS, Berlin
Chapter 9 Downstep and recursive phonological phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43) Fatima Hamlaoui ZAS, Berlin; University of Toronto Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso ZAS, Berlin This paper identifies contexts in which a downstep is realized between consecu- tive H tones in absence of an intervening L tone in Bàsàá (Bantu A43, Cameroon). Based on evidence from simple sentences, we propose that this type of downstep is indicative of recursive prosodic phrasing. In particular, we propose that a down- step occurs between the phonological phrases that are immediately dominated by a maximal phonological phrase (휙max). 1 Introduction In their book on the relation between tone and intonation in African languages, Downing & Rialland (2016) describe the study of downtrends as almost being a field in itself in the field of prosody. In line with the considerable literature on the topic, they offer the following decomposition of downtrends: 1. Declination 2. Downdrift (or ‘automatic downstep’) 3. Downstep (or ‘non-automatic downstep’) 4. Final lowering 5. Register compression/expansion or register lowering/raising Fatima Hamlaoui & Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso. 2019. Downstep and recursive phonological phrases in Bàsàá (Bantu A43). In Emily Clem, Peter Jenks & Hannah Sande (eds.), Theory and description in African Linguistics: Selected papers from the47th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, 155–175. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.3367136 Fatima Hamlaoui & Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso In the present paper, which concentrates on Bàsàá, a Narrow Bantu language (A43 in Guthrie’s classification) spoken in the Centre and Littoral regions of Cameroon by approx. 300,000 speakers (Lewis et al. 2015), we will first briefly define and discuss declination and downdrift, as the language displays bothphe- nomena. -
Beyond Segments
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Studies in Second Language Acquisition , 2014, 0 , 1 – 12 . doi:10.1017/S0272263114000138 BEYOND SEGMENTS Prosody in SLA QA Ineke Mennen Bangor University Esther de Leeuw AQ1 Queen Mary , University of London Mastering the pronunciation of a second language (L2) is considered extremely diffi cult, and few individuals succeed in sounding like a native speaker when learning a L2 in adulthood (Bongaerts, Van Summeren, Planken, & Schils, 1997 ; Scovel, 2000 ). Successful L2 pronunciation involves not only learning how to authentically produce all the indi- vidual sounds of the target language but also the acquisition of the L2’s unique prosody, such as its intonation, stress, rhythm, tone, and tempo. Transfer from the fi rst language (L1) is thought to be particularly persistent in prosody; L1 prosodic infl uences can remain present even after years of experience with the L2 (Mennen, 2004 ; Pickering, 2004 ). Research suggests that nontargetlike prosody in a L2 plays an important and independent role in the perception of foreign accentedness and in native-listener judgments of comprehensibility (Jilka, 2000 ; Magen, 1998 ; Munro, 1995 ; Trofi movich & Baker, 2006 ). Some research even suggests that prosody is more important than segments in such perceptions The idea of putting together this special issue originated during a workshop on L2 prosody at Bangor University organized by the fi rst author. We would like to thank all participants of that workshop for the enthusiasm with which this idea was received. We wish to express our sincere thanks to all of the authors for their excellent contributions to this issue and to the SSLA editorial team for all their help in bringing this issue to completion. -
Prosody – Introductory
THE PHONOLOGY OF RHONDDA VALLEYS ENGLISH. (Rod Walters, University of Glamorgan, 2006) 4. PROSODY – INTRODUCTORY (Readers unfamiliar with the prosodic terms used will find explanations in the Glossary.) 4.1 Aims of RVE Research Prosody (stress, rhythm, intonation etc) contributes strongly towards the ‘melody’ of Welsh English accents. Chapter 5 will attempt to describe the main features of RVE prosody. Like t'Hart, Collier, and Cohen of the Institute for Perception Research in Eindhoven (1990: 2-6), the approach will be primarily ‘from the phonetic level of observation’.35 Comments will be made concerning the functions / meanings of the prosodic forms identified, but the researcher is very aware that the links between meaning and prosody are seldom straightforward: (1) discerning the meaning of an utterance is a matter of pragmatic interpretation in which many factors beside prosody need to be taken into account (propositional content of the lexis-grammar, full context of the situation, speakers’ body language etc) (2) several prosodic features, e.g. voice quality, loudness and intonation, may be operative at the same time and therefore difficult to disentangle (3) the same prosodic feature may be involved in ‘doing’ more than one thing at the same time – for example a given pitch movement may be simultaneously involved in accentuation and demarcation (4) nearly all prosodic features – including pitch level – are subject to gradient variation and can be used to carry signals that many analysts would consider paralinguistic rather than linguistic (cf discussion in Ladd 1996: 33-41). Due to such factors, suggestions as to the meanings of RVE prosodic forms will be tentative and restricted to discourse functions such as the segmenting, structuring and highlighting of information. -
Wokshop on Developing an International Prosodic Alphabet (Ipra) Within the AM Framework
Wokshop on developing an International Prosodic Alphabet (IPrA) within the AM framework SunSun----AhAh JunJun, UCLA JosJosJoséJos éééIgnacio HualdeHualde, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Pilar PrietoPrieto, ICREA – Universitat Pompeu Fabra Outline 1. Introduction & the motivations for developing the IPrA (Jun, Hualde, Prieto) 2. Proposals on labels of ---Pitch accents (Prieto) ---Phrasal/Boundary tones (Jun) ---NonNon- ---f0f0 features (Hualde) Part 1 Introduction & the motivations for developing the IPrA (by Sun-Ah Jun) Transcription system of intonation and prosodic structure in AM framework • ToBI (Tones and Break Indices) is a consensus system for labelling spoken utterances to mark phonologically contrastive intonational events and prosodic structure based on the Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology (e.g., Pierrehumbert 1980, Beckman & Pierrehumbert 1986, Ladd 1996/2008). • It was originally designed for English (1994), but has become a general framework for the development of prosodic annotation systems at the phonological level Various ToBI systems/AM models of intonation • Models of intonational phonology and ToBI annotation systems have been developed independently for dozens of typologically diverse languages (e.g., edited books by Jun 2005, 2014, Frota & Prieto 2015). ToBI is language-specific, not an IPA for prosody. •The ToBI system proposed for each language is assumed to be based on a well-established body of research on intonational phonology of that language. “ToBI is not an IPA for prosody. Each ToBI is specific to a language variety and the community of researchers working on the language variety” •Prosodic systems of various languages analyzed and described in the same framework allowed us to compare the systems across languages, i.e., prosodic typology Prosodic Typology • Classification of languages based on their prosody. -
Persistence of Prosody Shigeto Kawahara & Jason A
Persistence of prosody Shigeto Kawahara & Jason A. Shaw Keio University & Yale University Preamble In October 2016, at a workshop held at the National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (NINJAL),1 Junko and Armin presented a talk in which they argued against Kubozono’s (1999; 2003) proposal that VVN sequences in Japanese are syllabified as two separate syllables (V.VN) (Ito & Mester, 2016a). One of their arguments involved the consequences for VNC sequences (e.g. /beruriNkko/ ‘people from Berlin’); more specifically, Kubozono’s proposal would require positing syllables headed by a nasal (i.e. V.NC, or [be.ru.ri.Nk.ko]). They argue that syllables headed by a nasal segment are “questionable syllable types”, at least in the context of Japanese phonology. We are happy to dedicate this paper to Junko and Armin, in which we argue that Japanese has syllables headed by a fricative, and possibly those headed by an affricate. 1 Introduction Segments or prosody, which comes first? This question has been an important topic in phonetic and phonological theories. A classic view in generative phonology is that input segments are given first, and syllables and higher prosodic structures are built over segments according to universal and language-specific algorithms (Clements & Keyser 1983; Ito 1986; Kahn 1976; Steriade 1982 and subsequent research). An almost standard assumption in this line of research is that syllabification does not exist in the underlying representation (Blevins, 1995; Clements, 1986; Hayes, 1989), and this assumption reflects the view that segments come before prosody.2 However, there are also proposals to the effect that prosodic templates are given first, and segments are “filled in” later; such is the case for patterns of prosodic morphology, such as reduplication and truncation (Ito, 1990; Levin, 1985; Marantz, 1982; McCarthy, 1981; McCarthy & Prince, 1986, 1990; Mester, 1990). -
Phonetic Encoding of Prosodic Structure
Keating: Phonetic encoding of prosody PHONETIC ENCODING OF PROSODIC STRUCTURE Patricia A. Keating Dept. of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles ABSTRACT: Speech production is highly sensitive to the prosodic organization of utterances. This paper reviews some of the ways in which articulation varies according to prosodic prominences and boundaries. INTRODUCTION Prosody is the organization of speech into a hierarchy of units or domains, some of which are more prominent than others. That is, prosody serves both a grouping function and a prominence marking function in speech. Prosody includes (1) phrasing, which refers to the various size groupings of smaller domains into larger ones, such as segments into syllables, syllables into words, or words into phrases; (2) stress, which refers to prominence of syllables at the word level; (3) accent, which refers to prominence at the phrase level; and distributions of tones (pitch events) associated with any of these, such as (4) lexical tones associated with syllables; or (5) intonational tones associated with phrases or accents. These various aspects of prosody together define and reflect the prosodic structure of an utterance. For the purposes of this paper, we can consider any one interval of speech that is grouped into a single prosodic domain and ask, At what level of prosodic structure does this domain occur? What speech events occur at the beginning and end of this domain? What is in the domains before and after this one? How prominent is this domain relative to those neighbours? All of this information will be relevant phonetically. The phonetic dimensions that are most obviously involved in realizing prosody are pitch, duration, and loudness, which are generally thought of as the suprasegmental dimensions. -
Morphological Sources of Phonological Length
Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha B.A. (Brown University) 1993 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 2004 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Sharon Inkelas (chair) Professor Larry Hyman Professor Keith Johnson Professor Johanna Nichols Spring 2008 Abstract Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Sharon Inkelas, Chair This study presents and defends Resizing Theory, whose claim is that the overall size of a morpheme can serve as a basic unit of analysis for phonological alternations. Morphemes can increase their size by any number of strategies -- epenthesizing new segments, for example, or devoicing an existing segment (and thereby increasing its phonetic duration) -- but it is the fact of an increase, and not the particular strategy used to implement it, which is linguistically significant. Resizing Theory has some overlap with theories of fortition and lenition, but differs in that it uses the independently- verifiable parameter of size in place of an ad-hoc concept of “strength” and thereby encompasses a much greater range of phonological alternations. The theory makes three major predictions, each of which is supported with cross-linguistic evidence. First, seemingly disparate phonological alternations can achieve identical morphological effects, but only if they trigger the same direction of change in a morpheme’s size. Second, morpheme interactions can take complete control over phonological outputs, determining surface outputs when traditional features and segments fail to do so. -
49 Stress-Timed Vs. Syllable- Timed Languages
TBC_049.qxd 7/13/10 19:21 Page 1 49 Stress-timed vs. Syllable- timed Languages Marina Nespor Mohinish Shukla Jacques Mehler 1Introduction Rhythm characterizes most natural phenomena: heartbeats have a rhythmic organization, and so do the waves of the sea, the alternation of day and night, and bird songs. Language is yet another natural phenomenon that is charac- terized by rhythm. What is rhythm? Is it possible to give a general enough definition of rhythm to include all the phenomena we just mentioned? The origin of the word rhythm is the Greek word osh[óp, derived from the verb oeí, which means ‘to flow’. We could say that rhythm determines the flow of different phenomena. Plato (The Laws, book II: 93) gave a very general – and in our opinion the most beautiful – definition of rhythm: “rhythm is order in movement.” In order to under- stand how rhythm is instantiated in different natural phenomena, including language, it is necessary to discover the elements responsible for it in each single case. Thus the question we address is: which elements establish order in linguistic rhythm, i.e. in the flow of speech? 2The rhythmic hierarchy: Rhythm as alternation Rhythm is hierarchical in nature in language, as it is in music. According to the metrical grid theory, i.e. the representation of linguistic rhythm within Generative Grammar (cf., amongst others, Liberman & Prince 1977; Prince 1983; Nespor & Vogel 1989; chapter 43: representations of word stress), the element that “establishes order” in the flow of speech is stress: universally, stressed and unstressed positions alternate at different levels of the hierarchy (see chapter 40: stress: phonotactic and phonetic evidence). -
Contour Tones and Prosodic Structure in Medʉmba
Contour Tones and Prosodic Structure in Med0mba Kathryn H. Franich University of Chicago∗ 1 Introduction This paper investigates the phonetics and phonology of contour tones in Med0mba, a Grass- fields Bantoid language of Cameroon. Not only are contoured syllables shown to be longer in duration than level syllables of all shapes, but the distributions of phonological processes such as High Tone Anticipation (HTA) and sentence initial downdrift are sensitive to the relative positions in which contoured and level syllables appear. Evidence reveals that varia- tion in the application of HTA and downdrift can be attributed to differences in the prosodic positions in which contoured and level syllables occur. Specifically, contoured syllables are preferred in prominent positions over their level-toned counterparts both at the level of the foot and at the level of the intonational phrase. Two possible explanations are considered for the above facts. The first is a tonal promi- nence account similar to de Lacy (2002) whereby contour tones associate to strong positions due to the inherent prominence associated with their tonal properties. The second is a weight-based account whereby contour tones associate to heavy syllables, which are in turn attracted to prominent positions. Though Med0mba does not display a general distinction in vowel length, evidence from some loanwords which can be produced with variable vowel length (and which display concomitant variation in prosodic behavior) supports a weight- based account. An analysis of prominence asymmetries between contoured (heavy) and level (light) syllables is provided within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993). 2 Overview of Tone and Contour Formation in Med0mba Med0mba has been analyzed as a 2-level tone system with underlying H and L tones (Voorho- eve 1971). -
The Phonology of Tone and Intonation
This page intentionally left blank The Phonology of Tone and Intonation Tone and Intonation are two types of pitch variation, which are used by speak- ers of many languages in order to give shape to utterances. More specifically, tone encodes morphemes, and intonation gives utterances a further discoursal meaning that is independent of the meanings of the words themselves. In this comprehensive survey, Carlos Gussenhoven provides an up-to-date overview of research into tone and intonation, discussing why speakers vary their pitch, what pitch variations mean, and how they are integrated into our grammars. He also explains why intonation in part appears to be universally understood, while at other times it is language-specific and can lead to misunderstandings. The first eight chapters concern general topics: phonetic aspects of pitch mod- ulation; typological notions (stress, accent, tone, and intonation); the distinction between phonetic implementation and phonological representation; the paralin- guistic meaning of pitch variation; the phonology and phonetics of downtrends; developments from the Pierrehumbert–Beckman model; and tone and intona- tion in Optimality Theory. In chapters 9–15, the book’s central arguments are illustrated with comprehensive phonological descriptions – partly in OT – of the tonal and intonational systems of six languages, including Japanese, French, and English. Accompanying sound files can be found on the author’s web site: http://www.let.kun.nl/pti Carlos Gussenhoven is Professor and Chair of General and Experimental Phonology at the University of Nijmegen. He has previously published On the Grammar and Semantics of Sentence Accents (1994), English Pronunciation for Student Teachers (co-authored with A. -
BOLE INTONATION Russell G. Schuh (University of California, Los Angeles)
UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, No. 108, pp. 226-248 BOLE INTONATION Russell G. Schuh (University of California, Los Angeles), Alhaji Maina Gimba (University of Maiduguri, Nigeria), Amanda Ritchart (University of California, Los Angeles) [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Abstract: Bole is a Chadic language spoken in Yobe and Gombe States in northeastern Nigeria. The Bole tone system has two contrasting level tones, high (H) and low (L), which may be combined on heavy syllables to produce phonetic rising and falling tones. The prosody of intonation refers to lexical tones and the overall function of the utterance. Bole does not have lexical or phrasal stress, and intonation does not play a pragmatic role typical of stress languages, such as pitch raising to signal focus. The paper discusses intonation patterns of several phrasal types: declarative statements, yes/no questions of two types, WH- questions, vocatives, pleas, and lists. Certain interactions of intonation with tone apply to most of these phrase types: downdrift (esp. of H following L) across a phrase, phrase final tone lowering (extra lowering of phrase final L and plateauing of phrase final H after L), and boosting of H in the first HL sequence of a phrase. Special phrase final pitch phenomena in yes/no questions and pleas are described as appending extra-high (XH) and HL tones respectively. The last section discusses XH associated with ideophonic words, arguing that such words have lexical H tone which is intonationally altered to XH phrase finally. 0. Background Bole is a Chadic language spoken in Yobe and Gombe States in northeastern Nigeria.1 According to the classification of Newman (1977), Bole is a West Chadic language of the “A” subbranch.