ibabwe News ibabwe News ie Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) - ZANU(PF) 14 No. 3 lent of Information and Publicity. No. 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. lk.h K 4~4 '$1'I4 , l L,1 'N nniversary

Zimbabwe News Vo1.14 No. 3 October 1983 Contents Editorials Letters to the Editor The Party The Party's Government International Solidarity Zimbabwe's Struggle: The Road to Lancaster The Second Congress ...... 2 A zan ia ...... 3 ...... 3 ZANU Birthday: 20th Anniversary by Cde. Mugabe .... 5 The ZANU Idea - The 'Gun Idea by Cde. Zvobgo ...... 9 ZANU-PF: The Role of Party Organs by Cde. Nyagumbo ...... 11 Restructuring and Transforming ZANU-PF Manicaland Provincial Party Congress ...... :12 Masvingo Provincial Party Congress ...... 13' Matabeleland Seminar ...... 15 The Police in Independent Zimbabwe by Cde. H. Ushewokunze ...... 16 Review and Main Problems of Economic and Social Development in Mozambique ...... 20 The Balance of Power ...... 32 South Africa: Tottering on the Edge of a Political Cataclysm by Cde. M.T. Zivai Zvinhu ...... 33 The National Democratic Party (N.D.P.) (1960 - 61) by Cde. E. Zvobgo ...... 39 Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) component of the Patriotic Front and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing, No. 14 Austin Road, Wbrkington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU-PF). Pictures by National Archives, 'Ministry of Information and Jongwe Archives.

9 Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 Editorials The 2nd Congress Of ZANU The Central Committee has now decided that the historic SECOND CONGRESS of ZANU (PF) will be, held in May 1984. May is a propitious month in the history of the party. The First and only Congress in the 21 year life of the party was held at Gweru on May 21 - 23 1964. Much water has passed under the bridge since the First Congress. It is important to bear in mind that the ZANU of 1963/64 has, over the years, undergone several transformations. Before its ban in 1965, ZANU was the underdog. ZAPU was larger in numbers and the RF more powerful because it had its hands on State power. ZAPU was the favourite of the O.A.U. liberation committee until mid 70's and basked in the sunshine of massive international support. But the tables were to be turned. As a result of the resilience of ZANU in the armed struggle process - ZAPU faded into i'rrelevance and-the Rhodesia Front evaporated. ZANU conquered state power in 1980. The rest is now history. Following the historic conquest of power by ZANU (PF) in 1980,.the Central Committee resolved that the road to the Second Congress would be a long and tortuous one. First, the party would have to be reconstructed throughout the Couhtry. Second, the reconstructed party would hve to be restructured at the cell/village, branch, district and provincial levels. Third, and finally, both the Women's and Youth' leagues would have to hold their national conferences at which their national leaderships would have to be'elected. These processes have taken three years of hard work. We are now in the final phase. The Women's and Youth league conferences will be held between November and March. The stage will then 4e set for the May Congress. The Second Congress will be historic in more ways than one. The Central Committee Report will certainly be the Centrepiece of the Congress. It will present a full account of what happened to the party after May 23rd 1964 until 1980. It will spell out the problems which face the party and the country. It will, truthfully, give an account of the party's stewardship over its government since the elections. It will posit questions to the Congress for its definitive guidance. It 'is public knowledge that the party has suffered for lack of a comprehensive single Constitution. The 1964 constitution had to be supplemented -by the 1977 "Chimoio" Constitution in order to facilitate the war effort. Neither document meets the realities of independent Zimbabwe. The Second Congress will have before it a draft constitution prepared by the Central Committee. When adopted the party will have one single basic law - the new Constitution will enshrine democracy, democratic centralism and socialist legality as the basic principles. Another great leap forward will be made at the Second Congress when a revised party programme and policy statements are presented to the delegates. The Second Congress must spell-out clearly where we all go from here. The major issue will be to define our socialist road and to spell-out how we must proceed to walk that road. The highlight of the Congress will, without doubt, be the election of a new Central 'Committe. A democratic Party must be led by persons elected freely by the broad masses. It will be important that the process of, nominations, and' voting are demonstrably demouratic. The Central Committee will certainly ensure that the ground rules governing this part of the Congress proceedings are fair. The road -between the Second and Third Congress will be defined and the tasks set by the Resolutions of the Second Congress. These will be .the guiding Laws binding the whole party. They will become part of the party programme. The Central Committee has now appointed a Congress Preparation Committee. It has commenced in its work. During the months that remain'before May 1984, the party will make repeated calls upon the entire membership to make sacrifices in order to make the. Second Congress a success. The peasants, the farmers, the workers, Civil servants, the Police, the Army - everybody, can play their part in ensuring that the Second Congress Succeeds.' Long live the Second Congress!

News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 2 4a r hundreds of years of sound culture and comity living, Azania was forcibly usurped by nts of imperialism who have consistently sub. ed the people to all forms of human degreda. From their actions and attitude towards the ;k man, one comes to the conclusion that the !rs, who rule the country believe that Africans second-rate immitations of Europeans. They are ponents of the old racist and colonial belief that iricans are savages, fit for nothing else but hard our. By advancing this strange logic they have n at pains, albeit unsuccessfully, to defend their bolical actions. lmost every week we hear of arbitrary arrests unwarranted detentions without trial and rictions of movement. We hear of gun-totting cemen firing indiscriminately into crowds (killchildren as well) and of the regime's intention ierpetuate its internationally condemned policy ipartheid. It is most depressing to hear of this itinued suppression and tragedy that stalks inia. The regime, bolstered by its imperialist ntors, in its typical arrogant fashion refuses to idall international appeals to release detained Dear Editor, So the big fat "old woman is back." It Is gratifying that the Press Ignored him denying him the publicity and attention that he so much wishes for. He had hoped he would be treated to a heroe's welcome, or be apprehended by the Police when e would step down at the airport so that he would be construed as a martyr by his dwindling supporters. Alas, he was not afforded any of that. Instead he was ignored and viewed with the contempt he deserves. It Is a pity our female members of society did not organise themselves in time. They should have met him at the airport to ask hir where he had got that "massive" dress he'disguised himself in when he illegally crossed the Zimbabwe- Botswana border by night. Seriously, I believe our women-folk should have challenged him for what amounts to a mockery of their mode of dress. I am surprised that he had the shameless effrontery to say "Its marvellous to be back home," as if he had been forced or asked to leave in the first place. If he had seriously believed that somebody was after his life, he should have approached our Prime Ministei and sought his protection. Considering the many magnanimous gestures Comrade Mugabe has made to Nkomo, the Prime Minister would certainly have done something for this political renegade if they had been serious grounds for believing Nkomo's story. The truth Is either Nkomo was running away from his own massive shadow, or he was missing the comfort and luxury of London or maybe he just wanted to tarnish the Image of our government and embarass our Prime Minister. If he seriously bellev- ed that his life was threatened In Zimbabwe why has he come back? What has since happened to dispel his fears? It is apparent that Nkomo does not want to accept his complete rejection by the people who overwhelmingly turned out in support of ZANU-PF at the 1980 General Elections. That is why he organised his former Zipra militants to wage a campaign of terror in the hope of undermining and thus bring down the government. Unfortunately we cannot acqulse to the demands of his dissidents. That would amount to a betrayal of the revolutionary sacrifices that were a part of the struggle. Nkomo must accept that politicians come and go. It is now time for him to quit politics. He is now an anachronism within our midst. Its not surprising that even his most ardent supporters are abandoning the sinking ship that is ZAPU. It Is the old-guard politician - the Chinamanos, Jlrlras, the Gonakudzlngwa squad - who still support him. From his utterances It would seem that Nkomo still cherishes his old dream that of becoming "King of Zimbabwe." It is unfortunate because he has been overtaken by events. The democratically elected ZANUPF government Is here to stay because that Is the wish of the people. Basing my reasoning on this I believe that the only expedient and prudent thing for Nkomo to do is to disband his party. As far as I see it there is nothing more that he .an contribute to the well-* 3eing of Zimbabwe. In all sincerity, he is now a negative force, a force that acts contrary to development and progress. Cde. M.Sungaidzisimbe Lupane political prisoners and hand over power to the rightful owners of the nation. It is for this reason that we fully endorse the efforts of all those revolutionaries currently engaged in armed conflict with the regime. We see their struggle as an endeavour to wrestle the people from the clutches of an oppressive regime and so capture the best of Azania's past and bring it forward in a form appropriate to the modern progressive world. What is most welcome about the declarations of the Azanian revolutionaries is that they have come out loud and clear that they are not after liberating blacks only, but the Boers as well, from their mistaken belief that they are a superior God-chosen race exclusively entitled to all privileges. They have refused to see the conflict in racial terms. They rather see it as a struggle against a political system - and not a race. This is a noble objective for it recognises the homogeneity of the human race we are all equal regardless of race. Thq successful Zimbabwean reconciliation experiment supports this thesis and that different ethnic groups can live together in harmony. Because we advocate the principles of eauality. freedom and majority rule, we stand solidly behind all' progressive movements fighting to topple apartheid. Accordingly we express our solidarity with the struggling masses of Azania in our "International Struggles for Freedom" Section.

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!bwe News Voi.14 No. 3 October 1983 1 ( ANU-Birthday: 20th Anniversary eech delivered by Comrade Robert Mugabe, President of ZANU(PF) nZANU-Day, 7th August, 1983 mrades-in-the-Struggle mrades all, greet you in the name of the Central 'omittee of ZANU; I greet you in the nme of ZANU; I greet you in the name othe revolutionary and freedom-loving road masses of Zimbabwe; I greet you all in the 'ame of freedom, independence democracy; I greet you indeed in the name of liberated Zimbabwe. Yes, I greet you in the name of all our gallant revolutionary heroes and martyrs, all those who perished so we could become free and independent. I congratulate you, therefore, on dealing Imperialism, settler colonialism and racism a death blow. ZANU, our revoluionary Party which charted and sustained the correct course of our Chimurenga becomes twenty years old tomorrow. Let us, all in unison, chorus jubilantly and thunderously; Congratulations ZANU, Makorokoto ZANU, Amhlope ZANU! ZANU, our liberator, ZANU, the instrument of our mass unity, ZANU, the mass instrument for national government and direction, has over the twenty years of its existence not only grown in size, but also in those basic ideas of development which constitute its wealth of experience. The twenty years from 8th August, 1963, to 8th August 1983, are a span of planned and-goal-oriented political and military activities that, at the same time as they charted the course and direction our-national struggle was to follow, also constituted the national struggle itself, in its essence, form and dynamics. The twenty years are thus years of a planned, forward-looking dynamic movement of interlocking revolutionary actions and action programmes as they surged onward, from year to year, and from the first decade of ZANU's existence to the second, always growing, always transfor- ming, always ecompassing the enemy in its stride, and always gaining ground, until final victory was scored. It was this revolution as lead by ZANU which transformed the oppressed masses into being masters of their own destiny. But the years 1963 to 1983 also had their vicissitudes, their intermingling fortunes and misfortunes, for each revolution has its own contradictions which yield

U counter-revolutionary forces, renegades and downright reactionaries. Let us together briefly retrace the twenty-year victorious march that ZANU has completed. Why ZANU was formed When for several years the Nationalist movement had proved ineffective because of the ineptitude, lack of vision, cowardice and weakness of the leadership, it became necessary to form a more militant party. Accordingly, ZANU was formed on 8th August, 1963, in Highfield and, in May 1964, it held its inaugural Congress, its only Congress to date, at which a Constitution with the following aims and objects was adopted: 1. To wage a relentless struggle against the settler regime in Zimbabwe. 2. To establish a democratic state in Zimbabwe in which the government shall be created through one-man-one-vote and remain at all times responsible to the people. 3. To promote national consciousness .gnd the unity of all our people in pursuance of our aims and objectives. 41 To strive for the promotion of the social, educational and cultural welfare of the African people. 5. To construct Zimbabwe's economy and evolve a socialist pattern in which the country's resources are fully tapped for the common benefit of Zimbabwe in close collaboration with the rest of the African continent. Other Objectives related, firstly, to cooperation between ZANU and other progressive organisations within Zimbabwe whose policies were not in conflict with those of ZANU, secondly, to participation in the Pan-African struggle for the liquidation of imperialism and colonialism in Africa, thirdly, to cooperation with other nationalist liberation movements in Africa, and fourthly, to the pursuance of the policy of positive nonalignment in our external relations. ZANU, as you will notice from these goals, was established as a liberation movement whose most imediate function was to confront British imperialism and colonialism, and strive to achieve freedom, democracy and independence. British settler colonialism had, by both subjecting the indigenous black majority population to white minority settler rule and depriving that indigenous black majority of its land rights and ownership of its economic resources, made itself and those who were its settler agents the principal enemy of the Zimbabwean people. This principal enemy had, therefore, to be fought and annihilated with all the power and resources at ourdisposal. The 1964 Congress which elected the Central Committee of ZANU and its Executive Committee also gave the elected Central Committee a mandate to plan and prosecute the national revolutionary struggle. Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3Octo The Early Days Hardly four months had elapsed since its Congress, when ZANU became proscribed by the settler regime. And yet from the time of its formation in August 1963 to the time of its banning in August 1964, the Party had managed to send cadres for military training to China and Ghana. But, following its banning and the consequent arrest, restriction and detention of most of the leaders, it became necessary to review the situation in terms of the national struggle and possible means of continuing to organise it. Accordingly, the Central Committee members, who had since June 1965 been restricted at Sikombela, in Gokwe, met to determine tne machinery for orgamsing and prosecuting the struggle in accordance with the mandate given it by Congress. The Central Committee, accordingly, drew up a document in which it proposed the creation of a Revolutionary Council, to be externally based, whose task it would be to carry out an armed revolutionary struggle. The late Comrade Chitepo, who was in Tanzania and had been elected by Congress as Chairman of the Party, was not only appointed as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council (Dare reChimurenga) but also entrusted with the task of constituting it from ZANU leaders and prominent members abroad. It was this Revolutionary Council which now had the task, imposed upon Pamberi ne ZANUI it by the Central Committee, to chart the revolutionary path to Zimbabwe's freedom and independence. Dare did magnificent work of training military cadres in large numbers and then deploying them back to the country. We all remember those seven brave and courageous comrades who, on the 28th of April, 1966, put up a gallant fight at Chinhoi to begin a new form of national struggle - the armed struggle that was destined to continue from 1966 unt, when the enemy was finally defee We all clearly remember that aft, dying the early mistakes of our m strategy which occurred between ]A 1970, Dare decided to revise this sti and embark on a guerilla form of gle built on the people. This guerillE of struggle began in the North-en Mashonaland Central Provinc December 1972 and went on intern from year to year until the enem defeated in December 1979. Setbacks We remember, of course, that in D 1975 when the armed struggle had sified in the north-eastern zont enemy decided to eliminate Coi Chitepo by means of a bomb plan his car and which exploded killing I he was starting it. The enemy kne% Comrade Chitepo's death would witch-hunting and cause confusion, our ranks, strain relations witl Frontline States, delay the struggi grant a favourable opportunity to cc revolutionaries and reactionarii manoeuvre as willing agents of the s colonial regime. Indeed, our own I at the time, the renegade Ndab; Sitholde, became the most desp traitor to ZANU and the national when, in 1975, he openly aban ZANU and ZANLA in their ho greatest need and unashamedly ch, join the ANC band of traitoi counter-revolutionaries. The total of these events was the set-back % fered in the struggle in. 1975 as ou in the north-east were reversed enemy. Regeneration of the Parl We remember too and with great that there remained a hard core

The house where ZANU was born. Comrade Enos Nkala's house in Highfield in Harare ZANU Central Committee within Zim- ZANLA Cadres at Mgagao under the in Moca babwe and of ZANLA forces at Mgagao command of the most senior members of reaccepta who were determined to forge ahead as' the ZANLA General Staff amongst them, sure you the vanguard of ZANU now banned not decided to rekindle the struggle, albeit in 1976 and only in Zimbabwe but also in the alliance with ZIPRA cadres. Another say- struggle I Frontline States. Two very important ing feature was the presence in Lusaka, that the redeeming events occurred. First, in from 1975 to 1976, of Comrade Simon surrende March 1975, following the death of Coin- Muzenda, who, in 1964, had been elected rade Chitepo, members of the Central our Deputy Organising Secretary and who Committee met in Mushandirapamwe was able to liaise on the one hand, with ZANL Hotel and decided that the then Secretary- members of the Dare'then in prison in and th 'General, Comrade Robert Mugabe, ac- Zambia and on the other, with Comrade -companined by Comrade Edgar Tekere, Mugabe and Tekere in Mozambique. It Just befo leave the country for Mocambique and was this coordination between the central together Tanzania to reorgaiiise the Party and the Committee leaders abroad and between and, afte armed struggle. These two left for them and the ZANLA cadres which later mon fro Mpcambique in early April. Secondly, the led to the re-establishment of the Party Patriotic mbique and to its subsequent nce by the Frontline States. I am will admit that between January December 1979, the liberation took such immense proportions enemy had no option but to r. T Identity e Elections re the Geneva Conference we sat with ZAPU leaders in Maputo r discussing the need for a comnt, decided to form a front, the Front. In the Patriotic Front we Comrade Mugabe-on a tour of the country. The placards1 say it ail - a one-party- state is ideal for Zimbabwe

,e News vol. 14 No. 3 Octob never lost sight of the need to maintain our identity and the ZANU goals we had set ourselves, but we did also recognise areas of common agreement and the need for a common political strategy with ZAPU. It was this determination to preserve ZANU and preserve it for what it stood which. after the Lancaster House Agreement of December 1979, made the Central Committee in Maputo decide that we, ZANU should stand for the 1980 elections entirely on our own. The results of those elections are well-known to everyone of us. We won them and won them resoundingly. We won them because the Party and the People had been united by the Liberation Struggle. Chimurenga had been both a military and political ipstrument for the mobilisation of the Zimbabwean masses towards their liberation and attainment of the right of selfdetermination. We won them because we, more than anyone else, had made the greatest sacrifices. The masses had in recoginition of our genuine revolutionary role and performance, reposed all their hope and trust in us as their own Party. Therefore, tell those who do not understand the origins of the mystery of this great love between the People and ZANU how it all began and what it all means. Tell them too that the oneness between ZANU and the People is permanent. Tell them, therefore, that they are wasting their time by continuing to belong to those confused, goal-less, and disoriented mini-parties. Tell them, yes, that ZANU will rule forever! But continue to work hard to build ZANU, its Women's League and its Youth League. Make it a mammoth Party and prepare it for its historic one-party State role. The Future Do tell them much more about our future plans as a governing party. Tell them that we are establishing more schools for the education of all children, more hospitals and clinics for the treatment of all the sick, more and better homes in urban and rural areas, more pipe-borne water schemes, more and better roads across the whole of Zimbabwe, more agricultural, industrial, commercial and mining cooperatives, more state enterprises in all the sectors,, and more than that, better conditions of service for our workers. This is what we seek to achieve by the Transitional National Development Plan. Yes, ZANU is a people-oriented Party and will, in the future as in the past, continue to work with the People and for the People. But the People must both severally and collectively, and from the leadership down to the rank-and-file, commit themselves to the policies of ZANU, especially to the socialist goals of the Party. It was at the 1964 Congress in Gweru that we adopted socialism as the ideological modality for transforming our society and leading it from poverty to prosperity. If as members of our society, we organise ourselves properly into collective production units owning the means of production in common and producing in common or, at least by assisting or cooperating with one another, then we shall have rendered ourselves, not mere workers but workers owning resources or means of production, not mere wage earners, but also direct earners of our own profits, not mere servants but also masters of ourselves, not mere recipients of predetermined decisions, but also decision-makers themselves and initiators of progress, our own progress in the collective and individual sense. This then is the way we have designed for achieving our national progress. The Importance of Unity For us to achieve our developmental goals as set out in the Three-Year Transitional National Development Plan, it is perative that all of us continue to m for unity, greater peace and the ob vance of law and order. All of us n unite in defence of our hard-ea freedom and indepndence aga criminal bandits whether sponsored Nkomo's ZAPU or by the racist Sc African regime. The gains of our revolution must be allowed to suffer reversal becaus any dereliction of revolutionary dut, our part to defend them with as Tr courage and determination as we fol the settler regime and its puppets. ZA members and supporters, inspired by I unequalled fighting experience of the twenty years, must remain permane vigilant and ready to spring to immec action when called upon to confront enemies. But ZANU members and porters must, if theyare to be depend defenders of ZANU and its revolut be free of those contradictions ari from tribalism, regionalism and ra( which can adversly affect their own ty and inhibit their task of mass mobi tion. The more united we are in ZA the more effective we shall be in uni with others. If, as we look back over the last tN ty years, we get a sense of pride and g resulting from the victories scored by party, let us look forward to the i twenty years with full hope that they yield more pride and more glgry, remembering always that it is not years themselves which produce victc but men and women of those years. forward, therefore, into those years di mined ever to win and never to ZANU must never fail. ZANU r never lose! NU! Freedom! Independence! National Unity! ibabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 0 The ZANU Idea Following is a speech delivered by Comrat Eddison Zvobgo, Deputy Secretary for Publicity and Information, on behalf of t Central Committee of ZANU(PF), on the occasion of the 16th Anniversary of the founding of ZANVU, at a ceremony in Maputo on 8th August, 1979. The ceremo was attended by Members of the Central Committee, ZANLA militants, representatives from the O.A.U., Frelimo, members ofthe diplomatic corps and seve solidarity groups from Europe. We publis the speech in 1983 because it puts into perspective what ZANU is and what the Party's objectives are. - The Gun Idea We are assembled here today in solemn but joyous celebration of the birth of our Party, ZANU, sixteen years ago.. It was on Thursday August 8th at 10.45 a.m. that some nine of our founders gathered at Comrade Enos Nkala's house, directly opposite our late Vice President J.eopold Takawira.?s house just about 200 yards from Cyrill-Jennings Hall in Highfield, Harare, to announce to the Zimbabwe nation and to the world, the formation of the Zimbabwe African National Union. Throughout the last 16 years, as the party has gone through travails and some anguishing experiences in its revolutionary growth process. the 8th of August has come to be the sacred day of renewal, rebirth, rededication and commitment. For above all else, the ZANU idea came to fruition as it did, whenl4t did - on the 8th August 1973, becaus of the concrete circumstances prevailing in our country at that point in time. However, it must not be forgotten that the ZANU idea had always been in the hearts and minds of our people throughout the long corridors of history. The ZANU idea is summed - up in the deeper meanings of the letters that constitute this brief and short accronym. We are a Union, not a federation, not just a group, not an association, not a club, not an alliance. While the social class elements that comprise ZANU proclaim us a Front, we nevertheless remain a Union - formally, structurally and constitutionally. We are united in definite, unshakable, basic beliefs. Among these - as we proclaimed on August 8th is the commitment to establish a democratic, national, socialist, PanAfricanist Republic in Zimbabwe. We are united as a people against a common enemy, as a party against capitalist system and as a nation against colonialism everywhere - especially on the African Continent. Our forebears cherished unity throughout the ages. When challenged or threatened by external aggressors they always rose to the occasion. This is how the Monomotapas succeeded against the Portuguese imperialists. That is how the Shona and the Ndebele rose against British imperialism in 1896-97. That is how we, as a party have endured every imperialist trick in the book. We are a Union because we are pledged to submerge individual interests in favour of the interests of Zimbabweans as a whole. We shun tribe, we disregard sex, we ignore religious affiliations, we have no truck with station or birth, we abhor race. This is the ZANU idea, this is the union idea. We are National. We know not of region or district, we pay no attention to cliques, we have no minorities - racial, religious or in any other shape or manner. But what is more basic, we remain adamant in our quest for a distinct Zimbabwean nationality within our own borders, subservient to no other nation's bidding. We make no fettish of nation for we detest and oppose fascism in whatever guise but we remain forever committed to ensuring that our people, as a nation, have destiny in their hands and exercise total, unabridged dominion over all our national resources. This is the National Idea in ZANU. This is the ZANU idea. It is as old as the Zimbabwe of our fathers. We are African. Everyone knows that, or should know that. We have objective and subjective historical charateristics. Among these are our culture, our languages, our way of life. We desire no more than an African identity. Who can be justfied in denying our people the pursuit of happiness and the contentment they must derive in living in accordance with their own rules and precepts? As an African people - we have over the centuries been clear about the values of justice and fairness. We know criminal conduct, we know greed and exploitation, we know democracy and oppression. No one - and Margaret Thatcher will soon know, can succeed in creating anything but an African identity for our people. We know not of a Zimbabwe Rhodesia, we only know of Zimbabwe. The ZANU vision of the 'African' element in our nature decrees that all Africans, ;regardless of national boundary are or ought to be one in their dedication to eliminate colonial oppression from the African continent and in their struggle to improve the conditions of life on the continent. It also implies - on account of our commitment to the creation of a human society - that we will forever abhor racism consequently, Zimbabweans who happen to be not black need not worry. They are and will be as much African and as much Zimbabwean as anybody else. This is the ZANU idea. Finally, our country is Zimbabwe. There can be no adjectives or multiple additibns to that sacred name. We are simply Zimbabweans. Such then, comrades, is the ZANU idea as conceived on the 8th August, 1963. I am privileged to have been present at that first press conference announcing the birth of this party. I remember distinctly the event leading up to that day.

10 Since November 1962 when ZAPU was outlawed - the national mood was desperate. The leadership had run-out of the constitutional methods with which to oppose the white minority regime. Winstone Field and after him, Ian Smith,all vowed that colonial oppression would last forever. The British Government did not want to assume their responsibilities in our favour. The National Movement was in disarray and the future was bleak. It was precisely in these circumstances that a group of leaders within the banned ZAPU leadership (Leopold Takawira, Robert Mugabe, Washington and Morton Malianga, Ndabaningi Sithole now of ignoble memory, and others) who had always advocated more action and less words, came forth with the ZANU idea. They recognized that none of the elements encompassed in the ZANU idea would be realized without armed struggle. This explains our bold battle cry of "Confrontation" and "We are our own liberators" from the very moment of our birth. The racist, minority regime dismissed our stand as puerile. "How," they asked could a small coterie of nationalists ever confront their well amred forces? Our rivals and opponents dismissed us as "splinterists" and even misrepresented us as a bunch of bourgeois intellectuals. The gun idea was simply too romantic for them to take seriously. We were few in 1963/1964. The first ZANU public meeting in Highfield was attended by 23 people. By December 1963 - we did not enjoy membership much in excess of 10,000 nationwide. It was risky to be associated with ZANU. In the urban areas.you were haunted out of buses, taxis, beer-halls pon suspicion that you might be ZANU. Homes were attacked, people were assaulted. All this was done not by the enemy but hy African opponents and rivals of thi ZANU idea the gun idea. I . Despite these detractors, we trained our first five ZANLA comrades who returned in October 1963. By May 1964 when we held our Congress, we had sent 28 for military training in Ghana. The rest is now history. ZANLA grew to 45 by 1966, a few hundred by 1970, a few thousand, by 1973, legions by 1976 and innumerable by 1979. The party grew in similar fashion. Today, ZANU has become the Zimbabwean people and the Zimbabwean people have become ZANU. Why did the ZANU idea strike slowly but surely in the Zimbabwe psyche? Why despite innumerable imperialist treacheries (the plot of detente in 1974, the murder of Chairman Chitepo in 1975, to mention only two) has the ZANU idea blosomed? I suggest ten crisp reasons. We conceived and constructed our party on democratic lines. Any liberation movement built on monarchist lines will perish. Internal democracy assures mobility of ideas, diversity of views and initiative, creativity, criticism and self criticism. Throughout our 16 year history we have frequently held elections even Zimbabwe News- Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 under the most trying time. We share the distinction with no other liberation movement of deposing and expelling a Presi-, dent. We believe that a true revolution cannot be waged in silence. All organs, institutions and individuals must speak and must be heard. We conceived d Centralist mode of operation in the conviction that ultrademocracy conduces to the evils of indiscipline, subjectivism and individualism. Once ideas are freely expressed in open debate, the agreed solutions bind each and everyone - absolutely and completely. That is the ZANU idea.. We conceived and resolutely adherred to a policy line. Our line or internal fundamental policy postulates have always been: (i) Power grows from the barrel of the gun, not the barrel of the mouth. (ii) There can be no pacific method of resolving contradictions between the oppressor and the oppressed save by armed struggle. (iii) The struggle against the Rhodesian colonialists was going to be a potracted one and that the objective circumstances facing us indicated that the transition from a war of partial resistance to a war of total resistance was going to be a very long one since it would rely mainly on peasants. (iv) The -Party must reject compromise solutions, must denounce capitulationists, must unmask reactionaries, must be vigillant against infiltrators, opportunists, tribalists and adverturists. (v) The Party must lead the struggle and must assure that once victory is attained, power vest in the broad masses not in some self-perpetuating cliques in the Government buildings. (vi) The masses - the broad masses properly led - can never lose, and that therefore, ZANLA forces must through practice transform into People's forces. (vii) Rules - once made. bind all. We created and resolutely observe a system of operational hierarchy so that no group of2 or more ZANUor ZANLA can be in doubt as to who has on-the-spot authority to get things done. We are not militarists, nor do we propose to regiment Zimbabwe society. However, we cherish order, discipline, promptitude and accountability. Right from the birth .of ZANU these tenets guaranteed our survival and relentless growth. Perfection is not here yet but it remains our most desirous goal. Dedication, preparedness to suffer or even die, willingness to assume risk these three have been and remain our ZANU way life., They account for our stubborness and survival during 1963-1964; they explain how seven youngmen could take-on the Rhodesian army and Airforce at Sinoia in 1966; they explain the rapid development of the North-Eastern war zone in 1971-73, our stubborn rejection of detente in 1974-75, our speedypenetration of the entire coun-try during 1976-78. They were the yeast behind The Year of the People and they are the propelling forces behind Theyear of the People's Storm. Comrade President Mugabe has repeatedly extolled these revolutionary virtues. He has recently said .that it is on account of our preparedness to suffer and our dedication which explain why we have beeh injured in greater numbers than others, why we have suffered greater hardship than others and why we have died in greater numbers than others. But, President Mugabe says, that also explains why we have liberated more vast areas of Zimbabwe than others. Clearly, that is why we now enjoy greater following in Zimbabwe than others. This is why ZANU will win over all others. The belief that study, training, education are integral components of any revolutionary struggle is strong in ZANU. We remain convinced that without correct theory and enlightment, practice becomes bumbling and purposeless. Human energy must be exterted and expended rationally and towards set goals. From the start, the ZANU Central Committee demanded and required study, discussions and intellectual growth. That is why attendance at formal classes was compulsory even in restriction at Whawha and Sikombela; that is why educational classes were compelled even in Salisbury Maximum Security prison during the ten year imprisonment of leadership and cadres during 1964-74. This explains too why we have aDepartment of Education .and a Department of Manpower and Development. This explains why we have sent thousands of cadres abroad to study and to acquire skills. That is why we have a National Commissariat department which compels everyone to attend political education classes. Without education, there can be no progress, certainly no scientific, socialist progress. This is why we conduct "Pungwe" or night educational classes everywhere in the liberated area now, and that is *why the broad masses have now definitely identified with ZANU. We have always conceived of our Party as leading a revolution-in-motion. We have from the start created departments and institutions within our Party that are mobile and task oriented. We visualize our struggle as a journey from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe and so it has always been our view that each and everyone share in the burdens along the way. The Zimbabwe News, Vol XI. No. I page 4 puts the roles of our Party departments as follows: "Let in this year of the People's Storm and beyond forever, The Central Committee ever articulate set-policy goals. "Let the Presidency then set and lead the pace; "And Administration ensure that every demand is cariied out as the Nation surges forward to storm and conquer power. Zimbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 11 ZANU(PF): The Role of Party Organs By Comrade Maurice Tapfumaneyi Nyagumbo, Member of the ZANU(PF) Central Committee and Minister of Mines ZANU (PF) is a mass party and from its inception has persued and displayed a democratic policy. After its first Congress of 1964, ZANU(PF) adopted a confrontation policy 'which meant that every leader or every follower of the party vowed not to compromise with the then,* Settler's regime. During the long years of our struggle, some leaders as well as other followers became disenchanted and demoralised and these were allowed to seek green pastures elsewhere. But because the party is democratic, these comrades have since been accommodated in the fold. After winning the election in 1980, ZANU(PF) found itself in a new era. Firstly, it adopted a policy of reconciliation which shocked the world, especially those who regarded us as devils of the dark age. Now that the war has ended and the party has formed the people's Government, the people's aims and objectives had to be reflected. Party Restructuring jectives can be reflected. There are six organs of the party and according to ZANU(PF) each organ plays a very important role regardless of its status. In the Cnrmrade Maurice Nvaaumbo, National It is for this reason that since June Organising Secretary 1980, the party has been engaged in restructuring which means the creation of rural areas, there are village committees the organs with which such aims and ob- and each committee is composed of 100 Continuation from page 10 "Let Defence annihilate any enemy who interposes in The People's march to Zimbabwe; "Let the Commissariat and Education put up sign-posts along ,the road of the people's journey, and nourish their minds, to .rise their sights; "Let Publicity and Information inform people of the Zimbabwe, that is the promised land, while unmasking the evil faces of the enemy; "Reconstruction and Development side by side with health assure food, clothes and wholesome bodies while Manpower and Planning anticipate our task at the journey's end; "And Transport and Welfare lighten our burdens along the long, long road; "Let the women preserve our sense of National identity in the wilderness and beyond as Comrades-in-arms; "Then, for certain, we will be home, sweet home and the scum in exile." This is the ZANU idea. We have always correctly viewed our struggle as part of a world-wide struggle by the oppressed peasants and workers. That is why we are in solidarity with so many solidarity and progressive organizations around the world. That is why the socialist and progressive states support us. That is also why we are imperialism's principal enemy in Zimbabwe. We have always cherished the unity-instruggle with all progressive and patriotic elements in Zimbabwe. We have advocated the total overthrow of the present socio-economic system in Zimbabwe and the establishment of a socialist system. This is the ZANU idea. This is why we were born. Pamberi neZANU! Pamberi naComrade President Mugabe! Pamberi nePovo yeZimbabwe! members and is headed by the Chairman, Secretary, Treasury and a Commissar. In the urban areas there are cells composed of the same number of membership and have the same number of the executive. Five of these village committees or cells, form a branch which is immediately above it. A village committee or cell is the grassroot which discusses and decides on matters that affect the local interests. When decisions or resolutions are taken at this level, they go to the branch executive. This executive is headed by the Chairman, Secretary, Treasury, Commissar, Security, Publicity, Transport and Welfare, Production and two committee members. There are deputies from the Chairman to the portifolio of Transport and Welfare. This executive discusses matters which generally arise from the five village committees or cells and decisions or resolutions are taken. These decisions are taken to the district which is headed by an ex-' ecutive with a similar membership. It is important to note that at every village committee or cell the membership includes the Women's league and Youth league. And that both the Women's league and Youth league have the same number of the executive membership. These three executives meet together at this level. These same organs appear at the branch, district, and the provincial levels. Each branch has a membership of five hundred. The District The district is composed of ten branches and therefore, the membership is five thousand. The executive at this level normally discusses matters arising from its ten branches and when decisions are taken, they are fowarded to the provincial executive. The executive of the Province has similar membership to that of the district. It is also important to note that both these wings of the party, the main, women and youth, do enlarge their executives from the branch level. But that only four from the women and youth executives aie required to attend executiv, meetings at the branch, district and provincial levels. These are the Chairman, Secretary, Treasury and the Commissar. The Central Committee and the Congress The provincial executive too, normally decides on matters brought to it by its

12 districts. The number of districts in each province is dependent on the size of the province. The party does not follow the administrative districts as these were seen to be too large for the purposes of efficient organisation. The decisions taken at this level are chanelled to the Central Committee of the party which is the fifth organ. Here, party policies as well as Government bills are decided, taking into account the views of all the party organs. Each of the Ministers who do not belong to ZANU(PF) Central Committee and whose department is affected by what could.have been decided by the Central Committee, is summoned to the Prime Minister's Office for instruction. The next organ of the party is the Congress which is the supreme body and has the final power to adopt the constitution, to dismiss and to elect members of the Central Committee. The function of the executive committee from the lowest organ of the party is very important and entails strict discipline to every member of a particular executive. Function of Executive Members For that reason, it is important here to state clearly the function of each member of the executive. The Chairman of every organ of the party presides at all the meetings of the executive of that organ and also co-ordinates the activities of every member of that organ. He may look at the records of the Secretary or examine the treasury books, but should not interfere with their normal work. For instance, the Chairman of a branch should not write letters to the district. In fact, all correspondence are done by the Secretary. The Secretary should confine himself to the function of looking after party records and all the correspondence of that organ. One other important function of the Secretary is to take minutes of all the meetings of the executive. The treasurer looks after the finances of that, organ and should never allow anyone to interfere with his work. If fact, the treasurer at every organ should be a person who commandis some dignity in a Community as this position involves public funds. The public needs to be informed, very frequently, on how their money is used. The Commissar's duty is to organise membership of the organ. He issues party membership cards and organises all the meetings or rallies of the organ. The Security Secretary, should see to the security affairs of the organ and should always be very vigilent in that area. All the information which may be required by the newspaper and radio should be given by the Secretary for publicity and no one at any level of the party organ should issue a statement, before consultation with him. Transport and Welfare deal with all Transport of the organ and also looks into the Welfare needs of the local community. The Pro- duction Secretary who has no aeputy at every level, initiates development projects at every level of the party. It is also important to note that these various positions at every organ of the party, correspond up to the Central Committee level. For instance, thF position of the Chairman of an organ, resembles that of the President of the party at tl tral Committee level. The same th plies to the Secretary whose posi similar to. the Secretary General. ZANU(PF) as a party emp discipline to every member of tho especially those who hold positioni organ. Manicaland Provincial iPart Congress The Manicaland Province of ZANU(PF) held a congress oi 27th and 28th August, 1983, at which a new Provincial Execwas elected. Following is a summary of a report by the ol ing chairman on party affairs during his term of offic The outgoing Provincial Council was elected on Sunday, January, 4 1981 with a total of 29 members. During-the life of the Council, four members ceased to be members for non-attendance at meetings, Comrade Edgar Tekere, Chairman of Manicaland Province leaving the outgoing Council members at 25. Prior to January 4, 1981, and since the general election of 1980, this province was run by a steering Committee of several members. Today's outgoing Council was the first Provincial Council to be elected in the whole country after the independence struggle ceased. Its first Administrative Secretary was appointed by the Central Committee in contradistinction to the present Administrative Secretary who, after the first Administrative Secretary became a gistrict Administrator, was appointed by the Provincial Council itself. During 'he period under review, especially ., the last part of the period, the Party was restructured so that the former 8 large (administrativel districts the Party were broken down ifto 195 n and smaller districts which a represented at this Provincial Congr today. More districts are still being a will continue to be formed, especially the resettlement areas, and as more p( pie join the Party making it necessary break some districts into mc manageable sizes. The breakdown of the present I districts is as follows: Buhera ...... Chimanimani ...... C hipinge ...... Chitepo (Mutasa) ...... M akoni ...... Mutare ...... I ..... N yanga ...... Zimunya/Marange ...... This gives an estimated total Pa membership of 975 000 in the whole P vince whose total population is estima. at 1,2 million. Percentage-wise, therefo ZANU (PF) in Manicaland enjoys 1 support of 81,25 per cent of the mass This means more organization and hi work is needed to bring all the people Manicaland under the banner of ZAI (PF) and the leadership of the Pri Minister and President of ZANU, ( R.G. Mugabe. Certainly, we cannot g way a single corner of Manicaland to rival Parties we effectively vanquishec the general elections of 1980. While the restructuring exerci already mentioned above, was in r gress, numerous meetings and rallies m held throughout the Province. The Pr defit of the Party, Comrade R Mugabe, visited all the 8 administral districts. Many Ministers, Members Parliament and members of the outgo Provincial Council addressed ral throughout the Province. In the per January 1982 to August 1983 alont total of 198 meetings and rallies were I in the various districts of the Provir At many of these meetings, reque complaints or problems were made raised. Prominent among these were adequate schools (both primary VVC Yva 17; 1, 1, Xr-

Zimbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 stwondary); clinics, hospitals; transport; dipping tanks; roads; telenhones and also dissident activities in a few districts like Buhera, Chimanimani and ,Zimunya/Marange; anti-Frelimo Movement robbing food in districts along the border with Mozambique (Chipinge, Chimanimani and Nyanga); anti-ZANU (PF) activists in such places as Chibuwe, Gazaland Secondary School, Gandafizara Mission, Nyakatoapa, Guta Ra Jehovah, Honde Valley and a Methodist Church in Mutare; drought problems in all areas of the Province; local Government problems in the City of Mutare, Maungwe District Council and Buhera; chieftainship problems connected with Chief Mutasa and Chief Zimunya; Police behaviour although now very much improved in most districts. Through the co-operation of Party leadership at' all levels, Government departments and the people themselves, these problems were and are s till being tackled vigorously and some of them have been solved to a large extent, although the Party still needs to be as vigilant as ever. Bomhoni and Chafachaipa Producers' Co-operative Societies of Takawira District of Zimunya/Marange donated 45 bags of maize towards drought relief in June of this year. Financial -difficulties which faced the Province in the'greater parts of 1981 and 1982 have now started to ease down with the end of the restructuring exercise. Praise should be given to the new district leaders who have made this possible by appealing to the people to pay their membership and subscriptions fees. As we all know, funds the Party received from other countries during the election of 1980 have long ceased flowing. What now remains for the Party is to defray its expenses and to implement the policy of self-reliance. It is gratifying to learn that the Province was able to raise $58 741,69 this year to the end of July. When the outgoing Provincial Council took office in 1981, there were 12 offices which were staffed by more than 20 ex-combatants and other members who worked for the Party at the time. ZANU (PF) Head Office owned 5 houses in Mutare where most workers of the Provincial Headquarters stayed. However, due to financial difficulties mentioned earlier in this report, all but 5 offices, 7 s.taff and I house were relinguished. Some of these comrades are staying in the house. Similary, when the outgoing Provincial Council assumed its duties in 1981, there were a number of vehicles which were later either taken to Party Headquartgrs in Harare or taken by, administrative districts after they repaired them themselves. PIhe Provincial Office has retained one Llnd Rover. The Province employs one co-ordinator and his/her assistant or receptionist in each administrative district. His or her job is to co-ordinate the new district in that old (administrative) district. The outgoing Provincial Executive would like to express its gratitude to those businessmncii in the Province who helped the Party with donations in cash and in kind. Of special mention in this connection are: Mr. Bhadella, Chairman of the Islamic Society and Mr. Genari, President of Mutare Chamber of Commerce who (both in 1981) donated such things as furniture, calculator, waste paper bins, letter trays, heavy duty punch, brooms, dust pans, hand brushes, dustors, files, stationery and cash in that most difficult period when the Council had just been elected with little or nothing to use. Two wings of the Party - the Women's League and Youth League are still behind in their restructuring exercise, with the Women's League a little bit ahead of the Youth League. In December, 1982, a 17 member Interim Provincial Women's League Committee was elected in Mutare to assist in the mobilization and organization of women in close liaison with the Provincial Council. In general, the Party is strong among the women and youth. All that the two wings need is improvement in organization, which should be the main task of the incoming Provincial Council to see that this is done as expeditiously as possible. The strength, of the Party among the Youth is demonstrated by the fact that Manica Province was represented by about 500 enthusiastic youths at their National Youth Seminar which was held in July of this year. Indeed the mere fact Comradely greetings to you Masvingo Members of the Central Committee, Prp. vincial Leaders, Members of Parliamerdt, District Leaders and all Comrades. I.wish to take a little of your time to share with you my reflections on the activities of the Party in Masvingo Province in the past year. The intention of the review is to put on record some of the more the illustrious tivities we performecd, to reflect over some of our successes as well as short comings so as to assist each member of the Party at all levels, village cell, branch, district and province in facing the Second Year of National Transformation. When your Provincial Executive took over the leadership of the Party in Masvingo, it had the fortune to find widespread but organized membership, provincial offices, as well as the misfortune of inheriting huge debts. I believe that the situation has significantly changed since the time you entrusted upon me and my colleagues the responsibility of leading the Party in this Province. Finance Initially, when we tookover leadership of the province we had problems of collecting funds and controlling our finances as some of our records were not available. But I must say that once the dust raised during the election period had settled, we were quickly able to use the experiences of some of our colleagues who had worked in these offices and charted a new course of financial controls. Subscription fees, donations for the Party Headquarter's construction and other dues started flowing in regularly - on a pattern which has continued up to this.day. The treasurer will give us details in his report. But Comrades, I must say I am not satisfied that we have done our best as there are Provinces like Midlands who do better than ourselves in fund collection when in actual fact they are not a one "Party State" like us. I want to call upon Masvingo Provincial Party Congress The Masvingo Province of ZANU(PF) held a congress on the 7th of August, 1983, at which a new Provincial Executiie was elected. Following is a review of party activities as given by comrade Nelson Mawema, the Provincial Chairman 13 that the province has been able so far to bring into the ZANU fold 81,25 per cent of Manicaland's total population is clear testimony that the Party is very much alive and kicking among our women and youth. Oer the period under review, some Manicaland women and youth have had the opportunity of attending courses locally and abroad through the assistance and initiative of 88 Manica Road. These courses range from home economics to District Literacy Co-ordinators and ComInitially, when we took over leadership of man Democratic Republic, have recently returned home and are now in the pro' cess of looking for work. Last but not least, at a meeting of all Provincial Chairmen held with the officials of the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs in Harare last week, the Ministry appealed to all political leaders and the Party in general to mobilize in their different areas all the illiterates in order to make Zimbabwe literate in the shortest possible time and to work closely with the Ministry's District Literacy Co-ordinators and Community Development Workers in each district as well as school teachers to make the literacy campaign a success. Pamberi neZANU (PF)! Pamberi naPresident Cde. Mugabe! Pamberi neGore Rekupindura Zvinhu!

14 7imhohwp AT~we vnl IA Nn S 061 you as leaders to resolve today to improve the situation. Just to remind you of how bad our financial position was when we entered office - there was exactly (Z$71.29c) in the bank and burdened with debts of well over (Z$26.000.00.) It is this sad picture that propelled your committee to work hard. And it is true that no organisation can function satisfactority without funds. I am pleased to announce that through your co-operation, we have up to date been able to collect over (Z$120 000,00), wiped out all our debts and re-opened all our restrict offices which had been closed due to lack of funds. A solid foundation for the collection and control of funds has been created and we are now able to financially stand on our own. Such good husbandry could not have occurred without a good husbandman. Your Provincial Executive has this in the treasurer: Comrade 0. Munyaradzi. All accounts in the districts were well checked and regular visits paid to these offices: Strength of the Party On the administrative, organisational and political fronts, this Province made giant steps forward. We now have a full time administrator in the Provincial Office who runs the office with the assistance of several comrades. This is something I want to see done in every administrative district in order to ensure efficient administration of the Party at both village/cell, branch and district levels. The benefits to the Party and its members of employment of full-time Party workers are many, including systematic and continuous application to Party affairs. The many Party membqrs we have live in the certain knowledge that there are some comrades in the office to whom they can go when in need of Party intervention in their daily lives. Throughout the Province, we consolidated the support for the Party in various ways. The structural organization of district to branches to the village/cell to the grassroots achieved this. We achieved this by assigning to each of our seven administrative districts to Central Committee - Members, -. Provincial Members, Ministers and Members of Parliament. In every district where serious work was done, no one can complain of not having met at least one Party and/or government leader at sometime. We asked each leader to hold rallies and meetings in every ward so that Party and Government policies could be explained to the people. By doing so we gave the rank and file opportunities to exchange views with Party and Government leaders, to voice their wants and to learn about our Policies. Let me congratulate all those who carried out their tasks particularly Central Committee Members, Ministers, and Government Leaders who took time from their nany other national obligations to organize the Party in this Province. Let me say to you that the Party and Government are oetter known and understood in Masvingo because of your work among the rank and file of ZANU (PF). As directed by the Central Committee, our Party has undergone massive structural transformation in an attempt to make it a truly People's Party; a Party which offers clannels for the articulation of opinions from the smallest to the highest organs of the Party. When we took over the structures that existed were "war structures" which were big and cumbersome to administer, and hence no direct link between village/branch district and province. We noted these short comings. At the time we took over, there were Comrade Nelson Mawema, Chairman of Masvingo Province only 279 districts in the whole province. I am pleased to announce that at the completion of the restructuring exercise of the villages/cells to a branch; ten branches (500 members each) to a district, we now have 486 districts which are closely neated together. What we have now in Masvingo Province is a unique structure. We have up district Administrative'- or Coordinating Committees which work directly with the Provincial leadership and at the same time in direct link with the masses. In this manner it is possible for information to be transmitted from either direction expeditiously and effectively. Much more impqrtant is the fact that the district, provincial and national leadership is ate to keep its fingers on the pulse of the masses who are the source of our strength, power and authority. We have also devised a system where each of our Central Committee Members, Provincial Members, Ministers and Members of Parliament is assigned to work for sometime in any one of our seven operational units. They are expected to organise meetings at the local, branch and district levels to explain the policies of the Party and the role of the leadership. Probably because of our ability to work together we can surely claim the status of being the first and only Province which can be referred to as a One Party State. This label is only possible because of the faith, commitment and dedication of the masses in Masvingo to their party-ZANU (PF). Yes a One "Party State we are. I difinitely not One Tribe State. I h tribalism. It is evil to think or work the lines of tribalism. I urie you comrades to shun this evil 2 ribalism. I evil breads hatred. It is anti Progress Development. Once more I want to u this conference to strongly denounce detest Tribalism, Cliquism, Croupism Dunhuisimu. And now, today, comrades, we m once again to carry out that very ess tial exercise required of every respons and responsible leadership - the exer of reviewing, analysing and evaluat our past year's performance and at same time setting goals and objective! be achieved in the period ahead inacc dance with the policies and principles our Party. It is imperative that we si ject ourselves to a thorough, object and constructive self-criticism in viea the goals we had set for ourselves at t time and the manner in which we pursi the achievement of those goals. Fo is only when we compare what we ain for with what we achieved that we i properly gauge our effectiveness. it is exionatic that a leadership wl does not subject itself to or accept sell criticism is no leadership. The dynair of leadership - especially that ol popularly elected leadership require t it be encouraged, receive, analyse and sorb and utilize criticism for its contini growth from strength to strength. Equally, it is important that we k at this evaluation of ourselves with re to successes or failures in the context the reality of our situation and the c straints therein. In as much as we give credit to masses and local leadership we must press deep gratitude to our Presid Comrade Robert Mugabe and Vi President Comrade Simon Muzenda v provided us with assistanceand guidar There is no question that the clo meetings held by the President and Vi President with the local leadership d ing their visits were of tremendous li For it was there that the President'i Vice- President were able to explain di ly to your leadership the policies of Party; the role of Government and role of the leadership. Equally import were the public rallies which follov these meetings. For here again the in&were able i to show in their tens thousands the support for the Partyi the faith in the leadership of the Presid and Vice-President. The visits of the President and N President also brought them in directc tact with problems of the masses. Th continued until the last two ralies Chibi dnd Mwenezi and in Gutu wlb tle- ipasses turned out in thousands hemi their leaders, express heart-feit cern for their plight as a result of drought. Their promises of prompt act by the Government have been fulfJi and this again was more a manifestat of the responsiveness of our leadersl ZiMh-hwe News Vol 14 No 3 Ocl f

Zimbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 Matabeleland Seminar A Report from the ZANU(PF) Seminar in Matabeleland. Cde. Simon Muzenda, Vice President of ZANU-PF, and also Deputy Prime Minister, told more than 3 500 delegates at the first Matabeleland North ZANUPF seminar at Macdonald Hall, that, "the influx of people into the party from different ethnic groups in the province was a clear indication of the party's fundamental philosophy of socialism which knew no special race, tribe or sex." At this historic seminar he told delegates that ZANU-PF, popularly elected by the masses to rule free and independent Zimbabwe, was fully and currently fighting snderdevelopment and backwardness... Welcoming new members from other parties Cde. Muzenda said "The new members need all the sympathy and understanding they can get without provocatively being reminded of their past." Cde. Muzenda also urged old members to assist new members into steadily settl- ing into the party. He also emphasized that whilst ZANU enjoyed mass support, its members must ceaselessly d ive for more members. Touching the economic problems facing the country Cde. Muzenda said, "the difficulties facing the country were largely caused by drought, and world recession which were not of Zimbabwe's making." He also said, "reactionary elements Wvere actively exploiting this to create political instability in the country." The Vice President later appealed to the people to be vigilant and tirelessly and without fear steer the Government on the right course if it seemed to be copnpromising its basic principles. Cde. Muzenda also called for a oneness of ideological belief and a consistent pattern in running party affairs. "A party leader in Tsholotsho, Lupane or Mpopoma should confidently be able to explain the party policy of socialism, security, or financial administration to a member in Mutare or Karoi without causing a furore or confuSion, Cde. Muzenda said. Addressing the same seminar, Cde. Eddison Zvobgo Minister of Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and the party's Acting Publicity Secretary, said "ZANU-PF worships people so that they can have a good life here on-earth in Zimbabwe." He also tbld the thousands of enthusiastic chanting delegates that the party will never get tired of singing praises to Cde. Mugabe because a good leader is hard to find. He sternly warned those parties bent on trying to destabilise the Government that they would be banned forever. Cde. Zvobgo also advised publicity secretaries against "just giving complicated theories about ZANU-PF policies and socialism." He told them that their work shall be made easier by published Party literature, posters, uniforms and T-shirts. Cde. Zvobgo also attacked lazy, rumour mongering housewives and urged the Women's League to severely deal with such members as they are a disgrace to the party. He also lashed out at wifebeaters and drunkards and threaten-, ed them with expulsion if they continued engaging themselves in such old colonial manners. Cde. Zvobgo also told the seminar that although Zimbabwe was a black man's country, whites and other races are not excluded. The party's Acting Publicity Secretary, had people on their feet when he said "ZANU-PF was the servant of the people and thus the I Celebrations in Filabusi Voting in TslOlOtSno 15 people are its employer and since ZANUPF was overwhelmingly voted into power by the majority the party will rule forever." "Black majority only comes once and not twice," Cde. Emmerson Munangagwa, Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office responsible for Security said at the seminar. The Minister told the Youth and Women's Leagues to would-be saboteurs. "You cannot be and to make an all out effort to bring in more members to the party. Cde. Munangagwa also stressed the importance of every member being conversant with the party's policies, lines and ideology as this can also. help flush out would-be saboteurs. "You cannot be security conscious if you do not know what you are protecting. If you are clear of what you want to protect you will be clear as to who is your enemy." At the same seminar, ZANU-PF's national treasurer and Minister of National Supplies, Cde. Enos Nkala called for proper accounting of party funds. Cde. Nkala also praised the party province which had raised well over $50 000. He told delegates to leave all the financial transcations to the treasurers only. Cde. Nkala also told the seminar that the people must not vote into office those they feel are inefficient, power hungry or tribalists, as they would only end tarnishing the good image of the party.

16ZimbabweNews Vo 14No 3 The Police in Independent Zimbabwe By Comrade Herbert Musiyiwa Ushewokunze, Member of the Central Committee of ZANU(P and Minister of Home affairs' The people of Zimbabwe are expe the Police Force to produce officers wlo "do not shun the whole people, w explain to all the people the motives their actions in all their details, and wh 'willingly enlist the whole people not on in 'administering' the state, but govr ment too, and indeed in organising state" (Lenin on the Soviet State- A paratus, Progress Publishers, 1975, 15 - 16.) That is the goal at the heart of what w constantly refer to as a people's pa force. We have set on a road to achieve a people's police force, and nothing will stop the determined people of Zimbabwe from marching towards this very goal. Relevant issues on this march are discipline, ideological clarity, public accountability, the rule'of law and self criticism. The Government of ZANU (PF) that came to power in 1980 adopted two majorstrategies for moving the society from Rhodesia colonial settlerdom to independent, democratic and socialist Republic of Zimbabwe. These two strategies were:(a) the policy of reconciliation, and (b) the now accepted watch of national transfomation. The Zimbabwe Republic Police, being an important element in our society, has had to operate within this twin strategy of reconciliation and transformation. Police being "the public face of the state" has attracted a fair amount of attention from those sectors in society who wished to understand our progress in this vital area. Like elsewhere in society, these two strategies have had to be implemented within the prevailing situation in the police force, where we have tried to identify what transformation and reconciliation means for our progress into thle future. A New Beginning The colonial settler state represented the interests of colonial farmers and entrepreneurs, and the British South Afria Police (BSAP) had a duty to enforcel that operated in support of the cls whose interest were represented byth colonial settler state. With independen Comrade Ushewokunze, Member of the Central Committee and Minister of ZANU (PF) came to power ona Homemanifesto that promised a socialist at imbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 - the very antithesis of colonial settlerdor and its state. A certain amount of reconciliation in the whole society, including the police, had to be brought into play if the police force (and, indeed, all sectors in society) were not to fall flat on the back while in transition from minority capitalist rule to democratic socialist rule. African peoples of colonial Rhodesia consistently opposed the colonial state and its manifestations - including the BSAP. The forces of national liberation fought the settler state in the country in order to bring independence in 1980. On the ground, this fight was between sections of the colonial Police and the Army on the one hand, and liberation armies on the other. Again, reconciliation in all sectors of society was introduced in place of the victorious forces inflicting revenge on the vanquished. This is the significance of reconciliation in the operations of the police force in independent Zimbabwe. Reconciliation spelt the basis for an existence that had to depend on the fine balance between meeting the aspirations of those who fought for a new order and those who in the past opposed the African peoples' demand for independence, peace and justice, and who now needed transformation. The police force is acutely aware of the need to maintain this equilibrium if this force is to continue rendering services to the nation while at the same time adjusting to the demands of a new society, one that is being built everyday. With reconciliation well stated by the Government and Party leadership, transformation became the means to consolidate the gains of independent Zimbabwe. The first task was of transforming institutions that fundamentally had been run on racial lines. This was first tackled by rapid Africanisation of the State apparatus - essentially the standing army, police and the civil service. This was implemented in the police, and within the background of reconciliation, many police officers from the pre-independence period moved into senior positions overnight.Within reconciliation, it was possible for those who gained from Ian Smith's and Bishop Muzorewa's governments to do the same in independent Zimbabwe. This transformation, working within such limitations as we have had, was the absolute minimum, but it had some minor prolems caused by the loss of experienced white colonial administratorsI who found it difficult to operate under a government of African majority rule. The partial correction of past injustices was too much for the few who subscribed to absolute white racial superiority over the African people. Gladly, many former officers were not in this category and we still have.them with us today. Reconciliation and transformation had their positive effects too. Having reconciled the old warring armies followed by a demobilisation of surplus cadres, the police benefitted by recruiting many excombatants into the ranks of the police. Besides recognising that these comrades made the ultimate sacrifice in life by choosing to die fighting for Zimbabwe. these comrades were also technically good. Most of them had excellent records in the handling of weapons and they had the discipline brought over from the liberation forces. Most important of all, the ex-combatants were people who understood the socialist ideology and who could lead others in the process of understandig politics and development. The Police and National Politics The ex-combatants have been an important element in the tiansformation of the Comrade Nguruve, the first black police commissioner. police from the situation where the force saw itself as being above society and politics. What is more, the ex-combatants have taken the time to explain to their colleagues in the force that being political does not mean supporting one political party against another, but understanding class politics, and especially in the Zimbabwean context. This whole question of politics and the police has given rise to some controversy because many opponents of the concept have understood and applied it within the narrowest context of bourgeois multi-party politics. Luckily, the image has started to change and most police officers now understood what it means to be political in the context of Zimbabwe; it is the choice of being for socialism or for capitalism and not whether one is a member of this or that political party. There have been problems with old police officers finding it difficult to accept that young, relatively energetic and intelligent men and women from the liberation forces could join the police and receive promotion within a short period. Such a situation only arose because it has been not appreciated that many excombatants have much experience, admit- 17 tedly not in the BSAP, but nevertheless experience in the forces that liberated Zimbabwe. Only a narrow understanding that experience as a basis for promotion means experience in the BSAP could lead to this situation. We are confident that these are temporary problems that will be overcome as our police force replaces the old politics with a new one. Public Accountability and Efficiency Reconciliation and transformation have therefore played their role in the internal re-organization of the police force. While dealing with internal transformation for the-police force, steps have been taken to start the. process of abandoning old routines in favour of new and more rational ones. The pre-independence situation of the police feeling as though they were above law and society has given way to the situation where the police accept that they must obey the law before expecting others to do so. The police force has also become aware of its public image, which has made it possible for the force to make attempts at improving relations with the public. The desire for a new image has also made the police more responsive to society's demands, thereby creating the basis for public accountability on the part of the police. The above is only a brief statement on some of the measures that have been taken in order to carry out internal streamlining of the force and bring it into line with the other institutions in society. Nevertheless, this has only been one side of the coin. The other side has been the laying down of a foundation upon which the police force can develop new relations between it and the public. This has been tackled through various means, but only one or two will be cited now. The holding of two seminars during this year was preceded by one seminar in 1982. Seminars held this year have dealt with the problems of organising the police force into a more efficient institution for carrying out the job of policing in a free and democratic Zimbabwe. The 1982 seminar for senior police officers took the broader issues of policing and social change. The issues that received coverage during this 1982 seminar defined the framework within which a people's force could be developed. It was in the conviction that a people's state needs a people's police (to complement a people's army), to serve peoples' collective efforts in the economic sector. Issues identified at that seminar are briefly discussed below because there are issues that will determine our success in building a people's force in Zimbabwe. (a) The question of State and Power is central to the concept of a people's police force and was discussed at length. Police work must support, and be in tune with, those who have been elected to lead Zimbabwe. Police power must spring direct-

Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 Oct Z.R.P. Women Patrol Officers ly from a state that works for the legitimate aspirations of the majority of Zimbabweans. The police must understand their important position as an arm of the state and their potential in the process of socio-economic transformation. Police powers can only be those given by the people through a people's government. Any other source of power can only, become oppresive. (b) Conflict inevitably characterises all situations where social change is in progress, and the police of independent Zimbabwe must understand that the resolution of copflicts, using methods that start from a colonial premise of race superiority will be resisted by all the people of Zimbabwe, hence our need to transform urgently. The police must, of necessity, expect conflict in a society that is in transition because this means fundamental changes in the balance of power between different groups" itself a conflict-ridden situation. (c) A change in the economic mode of production implies a change in the ownership of property in society. Such changes re-define people's rights, and every police officer must be able to understand the new legality. The tenant- landlord relationships change, the farm-worker relationship with the farmer changes too and so do all property rights. The policing of such a society means that officers must be conversant with the changes in property rights and law. Private property demands different policing techiniques from those needed by those working cooperatively. (d) Law and order under socialist transformation means taking a class perspective and trie way this relates to criminals and people of status. The reclassification and definition of crimes that are against the people, as opposed to individuals, becomes an important element of law and order under socialist transformation. (e) In a society such as ours, youth is in a process of transition from a group expected to be docile under colonialism to one that is expected to be dynamic and play a vanguard role in creating the new society. New crimes connected with the youth will emerge and the causes of these crimes will need to be identified and dealt with. New and bold measures bringing youth to support police work must be thought out. There are radical proposals to engage Youth Brigades in the work of the local police station. (f) While most police work in the past dealt with the security situation and with the needs of those in formal employment, the changing situation demants new priorities and avenues for police work. The growing informal sector will, need new policing methods and these must, of necessity, be introduced with maximum care if those working in this sector are to remain sympathetic to the difficulties faced by the police. '(g) With sizeable population migrations taking place within Zimbabwe and across neighbouring countries, new criminal trends will emerge. With the international lifting of anti-UDI sanctions, the police force will have to be more vigilant in dealing with new crimes. The policing problems posed by internal migration, combined with urbanisation, are immense. (h) A problem that will become more and more difficult to handle for the police is the one of prostitution. Without the s ty taking steps to discourage prostitu the police force will only achieve porary success in reducing it. The pi force must work with communitic designing the best ways of dealing this problem. (i)Of most importance is the questic providing adequate community poll services. In the context of Zimbal people's expectations are the produ repression expsrience under colonia and the power they exercised over i own lives during the war of nati liberation. A thesis put at the seminar repeatedly restated is that commi. policing can only be meaningful i under the control of local democ political and development structur this context, the secondment of a officer to every local committee to al on security wold be a major step.o road towards the creation of a truly pie's police force. (j) The mass media is seen as a sosm constructive critiqism, information both the police and the public, and port for police efforts in the provisk policing services. While points (a) to (j) are a sum of issues raised at the seminar hel 1982, there is no doubt that these issuei that will be with us for a long to come. Every score the police m with respect to these issues will bi another brick in the building of a poe police force. In this regard, the al issues are approached and understot the context that the police must:(i) be respected and not feared b: people; (ii) gradually abandon the colt 1R babwe News vOL14 No. 3 October 1983 mtary image and become a truly civil f for assisting the population in all ( obey the law and encourage others t so by deed and word; understand that reconciliation and formation in the Zimbabwean conte ust be viewed as being different of the same coin. We cannot reconwithout carrying out the necessary formation to correct past injustices * evelop a basis for justice in the v)te force still has elements whose l t o the democratic government is s by virtue of their past positions in s While working to realise reconct the future of such elements to trm must be followed up with appr t action. (vi he Africanisation is a cornerstone Spolice in independent Zimbabwe, er allowances must be made for the p otion of young men and women. w had joined the liberation armies and whose promotion cannot be based solely on the basis of long service in the police force. These issues have been raised privately and in public, and some have been the subject for debate in the media and at public rallies. This is the spirit which the police force wishes to create: for the public to inform, criticise and support all aspects of police work. It is also within this spirit that the public must expect the police to act swiftly and effective to contain any attempts to break the law by anyone in the country. Here, we come to a possible conflict with power and status because the rich and powerful in society would wish to receive different treatment 19 Members of the Z.R.P. demonstrating at Rutaro Stadium from that meted out to the poor. Such an approach to policing would only heighten the existing class antagonisms and undermine all that has been achieved by the police so far. Corruption by anyone would, for instance, need to be dealt with harshly because this alone could undermine much of the confidence the public has in our police force's impartiality. Corruption would pose a great threat to our security because it would weaken our state apparatus. While the previous discussion highlights desirable achievements, we have had concrete achievements in reducing crime, dissident activity, car accidents and many other problems faced by our young state. This has been done inspite of the many constraints we face due to a shortage of transport facilities, old and not so effective equipment ,that needs replacement, personnel shortages in the various areas, and many others. In working for a secure base for the future of a people's police force, teaching police officers about society by way of social science courses has now commenced, and this will produce officers who are much more sensitive to the needs of a society in transition - but as stated many times before, our prospects for long-term security depend on the steps we take to link police and security-related work with the democratic structures that will have been created for socio-economic development. It is within this framework that a police force suited to a democratic and independent Zimbabwe will be created. Comrade Ushewokunze adrressing senior members of the Z.R.P.

Review and Main Problems of Economic and Social Developmen in Mozambique In the last issue of Zimbabwe News we carried a report of the pre-ipdependence colonial situation in Mozambique as tabled by Frelimo at its Fourth Congress. In this issue we car a review of Economic and Social Development in Mozambique. Transformation of our Society Sine independence we have undertaken a wide ranging transformation of Mozambican society politically, economically, socially and culturally ensuring a new way of living, without discrimination and without oppression. Today we have the Frelimo Party, guided by Marxist-Leninist ideology, which directs and organises Mozambican society. In six years tens of thousands of militants throughout the country have joined the ranks of our Party. / Through the people's assemblies, we established the means to extend and to strengthen people's power. The people's tribunals were established and through them the people are exercising justice. We have strengthened our defensive capacity, we have built up our armed forces, and we have developed the militias and people's vigilance groups. We have set up the mass democratic organisations, 'which now reach out to hundreds of thousands of citizens. In the Organisation of Mozambican Women, the Organisation of Mozambican Youth, the Production Councils, in the Teachers' Organisation, in the National Organisation of Journalists, and in many cultural, economic, religious, recreational and sporting associations, citizens are participating in the achievement of concrete goals in the various spheres of economic and social life. We have increased the general levels of production of goods and services. We have established infrastructures that will have important effects. A major effort was made t% bring development to'new regions of the country, as part of the fight against the existing regional imbalances. We build factories in areas where there had previously been no industry. Water reached zones where previously the population had to walk for dozens of kilometres to find it. In every. pi'ovince new schools and health posts wepe build, new production units and new population centres. We extended social benefits - particular- Comrade Samora Machel, President of Frelimo and President of the Peop ly in the fields of education, health, hous- Republic of Mozambique

Zimbabwe News Voi.14 No. 3 October 1983 ing, and social assistance for workers and their families - to broader strata of the population. For hundreds of thousands of Mozambicans who under colonialism did not go to school, who had no access to hospitals or health centres, and who had no right to housing, these social benefits are an irreversiblevictory for our people's state. At independence there were virtually no Mozambicans qualified to manage and administer our economy. Today we, Mozambican workers and peasants, Party members, deputies, vanguard workers - we are the ones who direct and carry out basic economic, social, technological and other tasks in the factories, in the cooperatives, in the social services and in the state apparatus. This fact is of fundamental importance. In eight years we have done what colonialism declared to us incapable of, and denied to us for centuries. We took on and are making our own history. We are today building our future. General aspects of economic and social development since the Third'Congress From 1977 to 1981 the gross national product of our country increased by 11.6 per cent. This growth was expressed: * in an increase gross agricultural production of 8.8 per cent; e in an increase in gross industrial production of 13.7 per cent; * in an increase in the gross production in transport and communication of 15.4 per cent; * in an increase in gross building production of 25 per cent. ' These advances in material production were accompanied by distinguishing features in our revolutionary process which led to qualitative economic and social transformations. ' We introduced planning as a system to regulate and direct the whole process of economic and social development in our country. Today around 85 per cent of all production for .the market is planned. Through the planning system, Mozambican workers are beginning to participate in the management of the economy. Planned work and planned living are now beginning to be characteristics of Mozambicans. This is a maior victory for the building of socialism in our country. The state sector of the economy has grown and developed during this period. From 1975. to 1977 we had to intervene in dozens of farming, livestock, industrial, trading and other companies which had been abandoned and sabotaged by the settlers. But in the 1977-1983 period the state sector was already the product of 'nationalisations and of the reorganisation of the economy. Its growth led to it being dominant in the majority of economic syheres. Effectively, state companies are now producing about 70 per cent of marketed production. They are dominant in the agricultural and industrial sectors,' in energy, in mining, in transport and communication, and in the building industry. They hold a monopoly of foreign trade. Insurance is stateowned and banking is controlled by the state. One strategic element in the process of organising rural life is the development of communal villages the growth of the cooperative movement. Currently there are around 1,350 communal villages in our country, with 1 800 000 inhabitants. Of these, 460 villages already have people's assemblies 156 have people's tribunals and there are Party cells functioning in 515. In many communal villages, the peasants now benefit from water supply, sanitation, health services, school and postal services. In some of them there is now electricity. These facts reflect the growth of the socialisation of the countryside, particularly an organisational growth and a stronger implantation of the Party and of the people's assemblies. Advances in the field of cooperative production are slower. Support for agricultural cooperatives has been feeble and has not measured up to the peasants' enthusiasm. The cooperative movement has basically grown in the sphere of trade, particularly in the town. Currently about 20 per cent of retail trade takes place through consumer cooperatives that have a total of 500,000 members and reach about 2,300,000 people. This gain needs to be broadened and consolidated. The Long-term Plan (PPI) today provides us with the main guidelines of economic _policy in the process of eliminating underdevelopment. It has also enabled us to carry out, for the first time, an overall analysis of the process of implementing the socialisation of the countryside. The diversification of our foreign trade should also be stressed. It has opened up to new areas, specifically with the member states of Comecon, with whom we now carry out an important part of our trade. In the field of foreign trade the strengthening of trading relations with the member states of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) should be noted. The national system of education was inaugurated this year. It is the result of a broad popular discussion about our education, its problems and its perspectives. It is already a gain for the eradication of illiteracy, and for the creation of more opportunities for workers to study. Above all, it gives us a perspective for the future training of our children, those who will tomorrow form a strong and developed working class, those who will be officers, sergeants, or soldiers and ensure the country's defence, those who will tomorrow be the peasants in cooperatives, those who will be the revolutionary intellectuals, those who will continue the revolution. The creation of the Metical and and the general population census were outstanding act of sovereignty and of great Current economic problems The economic and social development since the Third Congress did not, however, take place without difficulties. We continued to be a target for military aggression after independence, which means that our country has lived continually in a state of war for the past 20 years. Confronted with our gains and the positive evolution of our economy, from 1981 onwards the enemy stepped up his destabilising activities through the armed gangs. The enemy concentrates his'attacks create dissatisfaction and insecurity means of transport and against scattered targets in order to destabilise social and economic life. This is the case with the destruction of railways, of trucks, and of around a thousand rural shops and some twenty sawmills. Acts of terrorism, destruction and sabotage are therefore directed against the production process, against the efforts of the people overcome lack of food and clothing, against advances in the process of building socialism and eliminating exploitation and discrimination. The enemy's aim is to prevent our growth and create dissatifaction and insecurity Shirichena Wholesale Cheapest In Matabeleland We deliver free also Relax In a homely atmosphere Whilst you enjoy your favourile music of the best Bands In Zimbabwe at *Shirichena Nite Club* 6th Avenue Extension, Bulawayo 21 economic significance. They -were important moments in raising the patriotic consciousness of the entire people. The launching of the Political and Organisational Offensive led to a deepening of the struggle to create a popular style of economic management. The Offensive unleashed a-battle against passivity, negligence, carelessness, against corruption. Incompetence, and sabotage within the state apparatus and in workplaces. It also led to the stimulation of habits of productivity, efficiency and respect for work. It had positive effects in improving production, in organisation of supplies, and in the service sector, particularly in education and health. The battle we are waging for the creation of a; new economy and for the building of a socialist society has led to the growth of the Mozambican man. The participation of the workers in the economic battle had been the forge, where experienced cadres have been produced, who today are continuing the struggle for increased production and productivity, the struggle for the advancement of our country. amongst the people.This phenomenon is nothing new in our revolutionary process, The colonialists used to bomb, burn and destroy fields, graneries, and livestock in the liberated areas. Experience teaches us that whenever we make advances the enemy steps up his activities, and tries to destory, sabotage, distort and hold back our conquests.In this period we are also suffering from the effect of the natural disasters which-since independence have affected large parts of the country. The catastrophic drought that is currently devastating regions in the south and centre has caused the loss of a large part of agricultural production and the death of many tens of thousands of cattle, owing to the lack of water and pastures. It has accelerated the migration of peasants to the towns. Currently about four million Mozambicans are affected by this drought. The economic crisis of capitalism, which has lasted since the years 1974 and 1975 and is linked to the rapid rise in the oil price, greatly reduced our ability to import, affecting our exports and the economy in general. From mid-1981 until now, the international capitalist economy had entered the worst recession in 50 years. This has a serious impact on the developing countries, in particular those such as Mozambique who do not produce oil. From 1981 to 1982 the average prices of our exports dropped by about 11 per cent. Part of our production was'either not sold or sold cheaply due to the contracting international market. On the other hand, the average price of our imports rose by about 3 per cent. There were increased difficulties in obtaining credits, and their terms worsened. The interest rates on the loans we have had to contract have worsened considerably. The accumulated effects of these problems are reflected with particular violence in a backward and dependent economy such as ours, which is still feeling the impatt of the collapse of the colonial capitalist economy. We are still feeling today the results of the break-up of the marketing network, particularly in the countryside. The industrial structure re- mains strongly dependent oi raw materials and spare parts of external factors has cond is limiting our development. I should, above all else, look nal causes which have contri persistence of imbalances an blems that currently face us Today we know our count diversity, the wealth of regional particularities, a resources. In the process of d and through the resolution o tions we are forging cadres stress the generosity, the w dedication of our entire peop total commitment to erad legacy of colonialism, backw dependence.We also stress th of many leaders and cadres w structures of our state and been able to put their effor telligence and their courage a -of the people's interests. However, mistakes were of them could have bee although our capacity to resp blems is conditioned by the* our economic management which have not yet accur necessary experience. State not possessed an overall un of, and have therefore not I implement correctly, th guidelines on priority to agri food production. This was -ticularly in the way in which sector was pushed to one side unbalanced dimensions gi' agricultural state companies i our administrative capabiliti The failings in prompt marketing, which is still not a complete process, have led sistence of bottle-necks which production for the market. projects and the promotion itiatives to resolve immediate the life of the people have b as secondary matters. Only we take the first steps in ex plan to the districts, and ma base for planning. The weak of workers in planning at wor ven to the n relation to ies. agricultural smooth and to the perh discourage Small-scale of local inproblems in been tre4ted recently did tending the ke them the involvement rkplace level Review of Economic and Social Development by Sector To reach a better characterisatioi economic and social development ! the Third Congress it is necessary to i plete it with an analysis of those econ and social sectors most. important fo life of the people. I .Agricultural sector. At the Third Congress agriculture defined as the basis for our developir The central objectives which had t achieved were the satisfaction of foo, Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 Octobher1 has meant that the plans are still not as a basic aspect of life in the produc units. Difficulty in allocating prioril investment in rehabilitation has ii that .today part of the equipment in industrial and transport infrastruct faces great maintainance problE Policy on prices and wages is still noi ing used to stimulate production. We have still not managed to inv sufficiently the enthusiasm and crea ty of our people in the effort to dev our economy. Decisions have been cessively centralized. In state struct there still persist methods that margin the people in the resolution of social economic problems. This complex of questions, failings mistakes shows up clearly today on balance-sheet of our development. 1 are questions wbich are emerging imports o becoming clearer and more evident a! This matrix planning process is being, rooted and litioned and tended into the various sectors However, w ' spheres of the economy. at the inter- The enemy is using these difficulti buted to the step up his criminal activities inside d to thepro- country. s. The activity of aspirants to the bc ry better- its geioisie inside the state apparatus ; our culture, state firms is becoming clearer. Spec nd existing tion, hoarding and the black market I development been transformed into a system if contradic- economic destabilisation. In 1981 to I s. We must the impact of all these factors causA ork ard the reduction in gross production in r ie, and their sectors. dicating the That is why there are now greater iardness and ficulties in our growth. The drop in e dedication duction and in imports of consu ho, in all the goods, particularly of foodstuffs, has Party, have particularly sensitive negative effect ts, their in- the life of the people. at the service This worsening of the situation made the problems of the moment str, made. Some ly felt. n avoided, The centre of gravity of the class st pond to pro- Thceteogrvtofhelass pon of o gle in our country is located increasi weakntes o in the economic field. Together with structures, defence of the country this is the m nulated the bodies have battle that we are waging in the pro derstanding of building socialism in our countr] been able. to The current difficulties can, not a] he Party's us to forget the advances and the ( cultural and quests since independence. Economic shown par- social development by sectors, shom h the family encouranging balance for the capabll ,and in the of our revolution.

Zimbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 quirements, the supply of raw materials to the nation's industries, and the organization of cooperatives and communal villages. From 1977 to 1981 gross agricultural production rose by 8.8 percent, but from 1981 to 1982 it declined by 2.4 per cent. This growth, which on average is less than the rate of population growth, is obviously insufficient. Supplies for the tpeople, for industry and for export all suffer from this. Industry in particular has not received the supplies it needs. This has therefore also been reflected in its levels of production and productivity. However, there has been a significant rise in the production of some agricultural products, particularly tea, cotton and citrus fruit. The greatest shortfalls-are in the production of cereals, vegetables and oilseeds. As for livestock, the increase in the amount of meat produced is not very significant. Imports are still required and oilseed, its participation is very convestments in the livestock industry amount to 14 per cent of investment in the agricultural sector. This effort has not -yet resulted in a corresponding improvement in organisation. The compaign ofbreeding small animals in the family and cooperative sectors has made progress, hlthough it has not produced the results required. Productive infrastructures for poultry and pig-breeding have been expanded in several of our country's provinces. But low production of animal feed has had a negative impact on the'production of chickens, rabbits and pigs. Milk production has not reached the levels planned. This has forced the industry to resort to imports. Thirty per cent of investments in agriculture were channelled to forestry. But organisation and leadership here did not keep pace. This was reflected in low production aAd defective distribution of wood and its derivatives. Apart from this, enemy action has resulted in the desturction of more than 20 sawmills, and has led to instability among the workers. One must stress the successful conclusion of the Infloma project in Manica, which is already in production. The areas of reafforestation have been extended, with the planting of a greater area than that existing at the time of independence. The state agricultural sector was set up on'the basis of intervention in small and medium-sized private companies that were in a state of collapse or abandoned. It has grown from an area of 100,000 hectares in 1978 to 140,000 hectares in 1982. This represents 70 per cent of the area occupied by the sectors figuringin the plan. In 1982 the state sector provided about 50 per cent of total marketed production in agriculture. About 70 state companies have been set. up, some of which provide services to agriculture and to agricultural marketing. Thus thousands of new jobs have beencreated, contributing to improved living conditions in the rural areas. Despite the efforts undertaken and the investments made, the Party's guidelines for the sector have not been fully carried out. The state companines have not yet reached the level or organisation desired, and the indices qf production and productivity are unsatisfactory. Incorrect use of equipment, the topheavy nature of the companies, lack of respect- for the technological discipline of production, and insufficinet training of the work froce, are reasons for the failures noted. The movement for communal villages and agricultural producer cooperatives - despite scanty and uneven support given to them - has scored some success, due mainly to the commitment of the peasants. The communal villages are a characteristic element of intergrated rural development. Their growth, however, raises considerable problems, particularly in regard to strengthening their economic base. Between 1977 and 1982 the number of producer cooperatives rose from 180 to 370. Their membership grew from 25,000 to 37,000. The meagre deveolopment of the cooperative sector reflects the low level of priority given to it in practice and inssuficient support from the state structures. . Of the investments made in agriculture from 1977 to 1981 only 2 per cent went to the cooperative sector. The family sector has been relegated to a secondary position. But the satisfaction of the food re-/ quirements of our country must take into account the fundamental role that this sector plays at the moment. The path to socialist transformation of the countryside of necessity inclides the intergration of millions of peasant families into new relations of production that are more efficient and socially more equitable. In practice, almost no support was given to the family sector, particularly in terms of factors of production. All these facts were analysed by the fourth meeting of the Central Committee: however, little was done. The family sector in agriculture provides about 36 per cent of marketed production. In certain crops, particularly cashew nuts, cotton and oilseed, its participation is very considerable. The importance of the familiy sector is not limited to the quantities it produces. In it we find millions of our citizens. Theyarethemostnumerousbaseforourpower. & The private sector has reduced the amount of its' marketed production. However, its weight in certain products is still important. Economic and financial mechanisms that will lead this sector to increase its degree of participation in agricultural production have still not be implemented. Today the agrarian question appears as one of the fundamental questions for economic and social development and for the consolidation of the Mozambican revolution. Rural development has not reached the high degree of mobilisation necessary. It 23 has still not galvanised the enthusiasm and the creativity of the peasantry and all the people of our country. Despite some achievements attained already, the green belts are still not a permanent source for the towns' self-sufficiency in foodstuffs, and for the absorption of wasted manpower. The reasons why there is no secure supply of foodstuffs to the towns lie essentially in the failure of state bodies to internalise Party guidelines on the overall nature of our development. Economic and social development rely on people as their starting and finishing point and on the human efforts that are undertaken. The more we understand the objective and subjective factors that underlie development, the better we can act on them. Only in this way can we make the most of what, at each step, sparks off the enthusiasm and creative endeavour of the entire people. When this does not happen there arise imbalances in development. The tractor and the combine harvester are both a result and a factor of the development of the productive forces, and they must be correctly operated and maintained. The transition from the hoe to the plough, and from the plough to the tractor and the combine harvester must be accompanied by a higher level of organisation of work and of production and by a rise in the skills of those who have to use them. When this does not happen, modern factors of production are not properly used, and the best results are not obtained from them. This 'means that the degree of the technological development must also rely on an objective base of the skills of those who have to use and development the technologies that are adopted. It is a question of ensuring complementarity between human and technical factors, in order to produce harmonious overall growth in the national economy. Since rural development strategy is based on the peasants, it must make sense to them. They must master this develop 'and understand their role within it. The technology of production based on imported factors is still not mastered by most of those who have to apply it. This occurs because the technology demands a high level of organisation and strict regard for extremely complex rules of agronomy. In the conception of agricultural projects, there has likewise been no perspective of integrated development aimed at solving the principal problems of the people, by ensuring partcipation of local authorities in the area affected. Small-scale projects in the agricultural sector are the answer to this crucial question of development. In the short to medium term they correspond to immediate needs of the population. They a\a aken thc people's creativity, develop the principle of self-reliance, and allow enthusiastiC participation by the masses.

24 In the period from now until the Fifth Congress, actions to promote rural development must, therefore, be based on wide-ranging support to the family, cooperative and private sectors and on reorganisation and consolidation of the state agricultural sector. We must mobilise our potential properly. We must always keep in mind the landownership systems prevailing in our country, and the contribution that each of them can and should make. The state must continue to organise, develop and consolidate our state companies. It must provide them with the human and financial resources necessary to carry out the agreed projects. At this stage the central task of the state firms is to achieve higher output and lower costs, so as to make the most of what has been invested, and turn the sector into a source of accumulation. The scope of responsibility of each company must be defined by its managerial capacity. Special attention must be given to the cooperatives. Cooperative property must be supported and stimulated through commercial and financial mechanisms, and through the creation of the material conditions for its development. The Party must step up its mobilising activity around the formation of cooperatives, and the state apparatus must create the appropriate conditions for their development. The private agricultural sector has an important role to play in increasing agricultural production. Private farmers who demonstrate capacities for work, leadership and initiative should be duly supported. The state shouk, make it easier for them to obtain, through credits, what they need for the products they have contracted to supply. If we are to stimulate the agricultural production of millions of peasants in our country, we must mobilise resources that provide effective support to the peasants, and encourage them to take an interest in increasing their production, including production for the market. The peasants can not be isolated from organisation of food, raw m'aterials and export crop production. It is important to ensure the involvement of local authorities and peasants in the production planning and development. The Frelimo Party salutes the efforts undertaken by the peasants of our country, and encourages their active, dynamic and enthusiastic participation in national reconstruction and economic development. Industry, Energy and Fisheries Industry . rom 1977 to 1981 there was an increase gross industrial production of 13,7 per cent. However, in 1982 the value of industrial production was 2,2 per cent less than that attained in 1977. Thissituation reflects the fact that installed capacity in the industrial sector is Comrade" Samora Machel addressing Frelimo's vigilante groups not being fully used, particularly in those industries which depend on the import of metals and chemicals. In several industries the production of consumer goods has now reached or surpassed the levels of the colonial period. The production of printed cotton, poplin and serge has tripled and is now 15 million square metres. The production of radios and ballpoint pens likewise has tripled. The production of paste, biscuits, salt, matches and-toilet soap is about double what it was during the colonial period. The production of maize meal, laundry soap, batteries and ready-made clothes has now reached or even surpassed the levels previously attained. In the food industry a new pasta production line was installed, as well as a new maize mill. The network of small flour mills has been extended. In the textile industry two new factories came into production, one in Marracuene using synthetic fibres, and the other in Nampula using cotton. The capacity of the cotton textile factory in Maputo was doubled. A blanket factory in Pemaba, and another for socks in Maputo and a spinning mill in Marracuene for synthetic fibres are nearing completion. Also under construction is a new cotton textile factory in Mocuba. However, this growth has not been sufficient, and has not permitted complete import substitution for many of these products. The production of cooking oil, kitchen utensils and footwear has been irregular, and sugar and drinks production has declined. This is due to faulty maintainance of equipment, to a lack of investment in rehabilitation, and to inadequate supply of raw materials. These factors, together with weak management and deficiencies iv the skills of workers in several industries contribute to the unsatisfactory quality of the goods produced. In manufacture of producer goods,. despite the growth in the engineering and heavy engineering industries, in ship repair and in the electrical industry, the levels reached do not correspond to the installed capacity, owing to dependence on imported raw materials, notably metals and chemicals. As for liquid fuels, a rationing system was brought in, in order to reduce the import of crude oil. This system must continue and be strengthened. In 1979 a tyre factory began production. This has substituted most tyre imports and part of its production is exported. A ship repair unit in Maputo began operations,- and a bus assembly plant in Beira is nearing completion. Currently the preparatory work is underway for building of an electric steel plant in Maputo, aimed at reducing the import of metal products. The building of a factory for agricultural tools is in preparation in Sofala. in the short and medium term, the priorities in industry are to increase the amount of installed capacity in use, to develop small industries based on local resources and skills, and to increase national repair capacities and spare parts production. At the same time, tasks that fall within the framework of the major projects should be continued. At each stage appropriate measures must be taken to ensure that ?he necessary tasks are carried out. Mining should be increased, both for export and to provide raw materials to industry. In the field of geological surveying and prospecting, aerial land surveys have been undertaken over an area of 400 000 square kilometres. A survey for geological mapping has been carried out over an area of 104 000 square kilometres, and there have been 140 000 metres of drillings. On the basis of what has been done in cartography and geological prosl ecting, programmes of detailed research have begun. This will shortly allow a move to the extrative 25 phase in the most favourable mineralbearing areas, so as to provide raw materials to the nation's industry, and increase export earnings. Mining production is under way. The levels of the colonial period have already been reached in some minerals. In other cases peak colonial production has already been surpassed. Undqr this heading it should be stressed that, despite the serious social and economic condition that the Moatize coal mines were in before they were nationalised, there have been important improvements in the miners' living conditions, improved organisation, and investment. Over the past five years we have doubled the productive capacity installed at Moatize. Transport bottlenecks and enemy action against the railway have prevented us from reaching an immediate fivefold increase in coal production. During this period, the state industrial sector was created, and already represents around 65 per cent of total production. The extension of socialist planning to the main industries has meant that today 80 per cent of industrial production is subject to planning. Despite the efforts undertaken, and the results achieved, there remain problems in the industrial sector which it is important to solve. Inadequate management in most companies, delays in or complete absence of bookkeeping, and the lack of definition of the companies' legal status, are reflected in the way the production process works and in the index of productivity achieved. The quality of production has been deteriorating, particularly in products that supply the people. Investments have not always been properly planned or based on a deep understanding of reality. In some cases this has delayed the ,introduction of new capacity, or its utilisation. Such, for example, is the case in the sugar industry, where production has been steadily declining. Our industry's basic concerns in the short term must be the most appropriate use of the available labour time, increase in labour productivity, better organisation of companies and a greater autonomy of management. The production of energy for national consumption has been on the increase since 1977 and has surpassed the levels of the colonial period. The principal effort in this sector has been put into the creation of the national electricity grid, particularly through the use of the Cabora Bassa dam. A thousand kilometres of high-tension lines have been erected, notably the first stage of the Centre-North power line. The second stage is now under way. Also under construction are the Nacala-MonapoNampula and Limpopo Valley lines. The city of Tete, and the town and coal mines at Moatize are already supplied from Cabora Bassa. Eight hundred kilometres of mediumtension lines have also been erected in rural areas, urban centres and economic

26. units. An extensive plan of surveying our hydro-electrical resources has been under way. As a result of this, and in order to reduce the coniumption of liquid fuels, the first of the small-scale hydro-electric power stations projected for Niassa has been built. Three new power stations have also been built in Lichinga, Nacala and Quilimane, and the Inhambane power station has been extended. These efforts have already led to the electrification of towns, communal villages and urban neighbourhoods, and to possibilities for the development of small-scale industries and irrigation schemes. The establishment of this national grid based on hydro-electric power is one of our srategic investments that must be continued. Its effects are both immediate and medium term. Fisheries Evolution of the fisheries sector has also been positive. In 1981 the recorded catch of prawns was 9 100 tonnes. This was twice the highest level recorded under colonialism, and 2,3 times the level of 1977. The recorded catch of fish in 1981 was 30,000 tonnes, or around 2.7 times the highest level recorded under colonialism. Since 1980 industrial and semi- industrial fishing has developed, and in comparison 'with 1977, shows about a threefold increase. Despite this increase in domestic production, the overall supply of fish to the population has not improved significantly since 1977, because fish imports have been halved. During this period, the production of tinned fish, and the industrial processing of dried fish were begun. Investments were made in restoring and developing support infrastructures on land. The 1981 start to industrial production of smallscale fishing vessels should be stressed, as should improvements in the supply of .nets and other fishing gear for small-scale and semi-industrial fishing. These activities must be continued, to increase local supplies of fish. The small- scale sector covers about 50 per cent of the total gross fishing production. The state and cooperative sectors account for about 13 per cent of production, the joint companies for 33 per cent, and the private sector for about 5 per cent. Support for small-scale fishermen should be given by the fishing combines, particularly in terms of marketing technical assistance, and the provision of boats and fishing gear. Transport and Communications From 1977 to 1981, production in transport and communications increased by 15.4 per cent. In 1982 there was a decline of around 6.7 per cent compared to the previous year. This meant that the value of 1982 production was only 8 per cent higher. than that of 1977. Freight and passenger traffic has increased. Domestically, 70 Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 million passengers were carried in 1977, and the total rose to 140 million in 1981. The overall volume of investment in the sector since 1977 has reached 6,000 million meticais. The investment made, particularly in road transport, have not been accompanied by efficient organisation of maintenance, nor by adequate supplies of spare parts. This explains to a large extent why a significant part of the bus fleet is off the roads, despite being in use for fewer than five years. Particular attention has been paid to the railways and ports. Since 1977 investments of the order of 4,000 million meticais have been made in this sector. These investments have allowed the rehabilitation of rail lines, the purchase of 77 locomotives and of passenger carriages and freight wagons, and the improvement of infrastructures and port facilities. There has been an increase in production in maritime transport, resulting from the organisation and investment undertaken particularly in 1982. The number of coastal cargo.ships has increased from 9 in 1977 to 15 today. The growth we have referred to, and the results achieved, do not, however, mean that the sector is responding yet to the demands placed on it either by the national economy, or by the neighbouring countries. There are still major delays and losses in 'the distribution of marketed agricultural produce, and in the transport of goods that are indispensable for production and for supplying the people. There has been practically no advance in river transport. The rich experience of the freight information centres has not been consolidated. Simple methods of transport, such as bicycles and carts, are not being sufficiently promoted and encouraged, as the fourth session of the Central Committee urged. In the ports there remain organisational problems, which are reflected in levels of productivity that are still unsatisfactory. These facts and failings result principally from insufficient application of the spirit of the Political and Organisation Offensive, which initially had a profound impact on the sector. As for national air traffic, the number of passengers and the amount of freight carried has'grown significantly. Today this has surpassed the levels reached in the final years of the colonial period. Regionally, the number of flying hours within the framework of the SADCC countries has increased. Intercontinental links have been increased with the opening of new routes and the introduction of new seating capacity. In air transport, the launching of the Political and Organisational Offen-. sive had very positive effects in improving the quality of work. Services provided to passengers on our aircraft were improved, and schedules better kept. It is important to continue our organisational activities, so as to render our -ir fleet profitable, particularly on interna,.inal flights. .mprovements in our infrastructures were planned and are now under way, particularly in improv. ed signalling system., in seven of the country's airliorts, air traffic control systems, and aeronautical communications. Our crop and pest spraying planes expanded their activity, and today also pro. vide services to neighbouring countries. The investments and organisational efforts made in postal and telecommunication services were directed to development of the national network. Some restoration and improvements have also been made to the telecommunications networks at provincial and district level. The communications position is still unsatisfactory with adverse effects on socto-economic activities throughout the country, and on the life of the people. Under this heading, one must' stress the installation of a stamp factory guaranteeing quality and security in the production of Mozambican stamps. In the field of meteorology, the enormous exodus of skilled personnel was compensated for by contracting specialists and by professional training. These actions also enabled us to raise the level of service to air navigation and to agriculture. Some 4,000 workers have received professional training in the transport and communications sector. The foundation of the Nautical School and the National Aeronautical School has already enabled us to achieve relative independence in the field of professional training. Examples of this are the implementing of important projects in this field, particularly the rehabilitation of the Limpopo line, and the rehabilitation of. the infrastructures and development of the port of Beira, particularly in regard to its coal, sugar and oil terminals. Here one should also mention the building of the Moatize terminal, the installation of the container terminal at Nacala, and the rehabilitation of the nor. them railway. Transport and communications occupy an outstanding place in the economic and social development of our country. It is therefore important to continue with the organisational and coordination measures which are allowing us, in this sector, to ensure the better functioning of the means of communication, to guarantee normal and efficient movement of people and goods. Fuel saving, reducing the physical wear and tear on equipment, and the appropriate use of the existing infrastructures are also key guidelines for this sector. It is important that the state stimulates the production and distribution of simple means of transport built from local resources, in this way enhancing local transport capabilities. It is also important to guarantee priority for the development of a coastal shipping network at local and national level. The Building Industry Between 1977 and 1981, there was a 25 per cent growth in the volume of building carried out. The positive tendency begun in 1977 is being maintained, with a 4.4 per existing road network. In this field, the construction levels reached in 1981 and 1982 were higher than those attained in the colonial, period. The state sector covers. about 90 per cent of the total building work in our country. From 1977 to 1982 there was a doubling in the production of marble, glass mosaics, gravel and asbestos-cement tubes for building. The quarrying of tone quadrupled. Lime production increased seven-fold, and production of prefabricated components quadrupled. From 1979 brick production tripled. In Comrade Samora Machel - loved by his people panded and new buildings have been constructed in such a way as to expand the network of education, health, and service centres, and increase the production capacity in the agricultural and industrial fields. It should be noted that in the last six years, we have made available more than 100,000 square metres of school buildings and classrooms. About 40,000 square metres of health posts and centres and 145,000 square metres of buildings and storage facilities for agriculture and livestock production were constructed. In the period from 1977 to 1982, more than 3,450 new conventional housing units were made available. This represents approximately 270,000 square metres of covered area. The total excludes those that 'were built through initiatives of production and service units outside the state building sector. In the sphere of road works, 550 kilometres of paved road, 450 kiometresof dirt road and more than 50 important neibridges were added to the each provincial capital there now exists at least one new workshop for light prefabrication. Great shortages and gaps in the production of building materials are still, however, to be noted, particularly in materials for finishing and roofing. In the field of urban water supply, some 70 per cent of the existing standpipes in peri-urban population centres were installed after 1975. This has made it possible to provide the benefits of water supply relatively close to home for approximately a million Mozambicans. Since independence five times more standpipes were installed in the peri-urban areas of the city of Maputo than throughout the entire colonial period. An additional 300,000 residents of the city are supplied from these sources of water. Building work began on improvements in the Maputo city water system. In this period, major water supply systems were improved or strengthened in the cities and towns throughout the country. As for the for collecting water were dug in communal villages and urban neighbourhoods and in production units. The carrying out of inventory studies substantially improved our knowledge of hydrological potential. This knowledge, formerly unavailable, has opened up significant prospects for putting the country's water resources at the disposal of our people for development. In the spheres of irrigation and drainage, the schemes to be noted include the construction of irrigation systems in the Limpopo Valley, the construction of an irrigation scheme at N'guri, the programme of small-scale irrigation schemes in the provinces of Cabo Delgado, Niassa and Tete, and the drainage system for greater Maputo. From 1977 to 1982, irrigation systems were constructed and totally restored over 9,000. hectares of the country. In the field of hydraulics, the conclusion of the second phase of the Massingir 27' rural water supply, the completion of the first phase of the water supply system for the Mueda plateau is of outstanding importance. This means that for the first time in the region's history, some 90,000 peasants are enjoying a steady water supply. Water supply systems became available to some 400,000 people in communal villages mainly through wells opened from 1977 to 1982. In addition to the construction of wells, 50 water supply systems were built or improved in communal villages. 551 new deep boreholes

'28 dam, the final phase of the Chipembe dam and the start of construction on the Corumane and Pequenos Libombos dams stand out. During this period, 2,645 workers were involved in professional training programmes. Significant efforts were made to popularise techniques for the production of building clay and lime for peasants throughout the country, through training programmes for monitors and peasants. Despite the efforts made in the building industry, there are still problems. The planning and control of investments in construction still has shortcomings. Companies have not made the building programme a fundamental element of their work. There are difficulties in supplying technical equipment and there are shortages of building materials., Difficulties continue in making beneficial use of equipment because of operational and maintenance problems. Prices charged by some building companies are high. They reflect a tendency to compensate for weaknesses in management. The accumulation of these problems has adverse effects on building and leads to delays to large-scale works. The centralisation at state level of the existing building capacity in the country was necessary. However the organisational consolidation of these enterprises must pursue a perspective, of giving them greater autonomy to carry out small-scale works. It is likewise necessary to improve the organisation and control of building investment and at the same time encourage in a programmed fashion local Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No 3 October 1983 small-scale and self-help building. This will decentralise building and building capacity. ., The production of building materials must be stimulated, particularly those that enable effective maintenance of the existing means of production and infrastructure. Here it is primarily important to develop the production of paint and fittings. Finance, Banking and Insurance In finance, banking and insurance intense organisational effort has been made, particularly in the field of training and preparation of Mozambicans for technical and management tasks. The normal operations of this sector are today almost entirely staffed by national cadres. In the period after the Third Congress, the state budge was reorganised, with'the establishment of provincial budgets. These already provide a significant instrument to guide economic management at territorial level. It is now necessary to move to decentralise budgets at district level. In fiscal policy a new tax system was introduced under which we achieve a better distribution of national income and channelling of funds for the budget. We must now move on to actions that offer greater use of the fiscal system as an instrument of economic policy. In this field, the central features to consider are incentives to locate economic activities in the countryside. ,The banking system was structured, so that the high number of institutions was changed to the two state institutions and one private one that now operate in our country. The state thus commands an indispensable instrument of direction over economic and financial activity, with consequent improvement in its ability to intervene in the national economy. In the period from 1977 to 1982 the banking network was developed. The number of branch banks of the People's Development Bank rose from 108 to 133, of which 71 are in the rural areas. Today banking is already present in some communal villages. With the creation of a national curren. cy, the Metical, an entirely Mozambican means of exchange was introduced. The Metical reduced the possibilities of forgery and currency rackets. This action struck a heavy blow against the enemy, who held large amounts of currency outside the country and was deploying it for economic destabilisation. The state bank must now raise the quality and efficiency of its services, particularly those related to its function as an -instrument for direction and control of the economy. Insurance was nationalised and is today state-owned. Conditions were thus established for the protection of citizens; economic interests, property and person. The insurance field must go on with its organisation, and must study and promote new forms of insurance, in particular those that provide protection to workers, and social security. ~)1 ,~ aL. ~LJ PHONE: 66234 CRASTER CRESCENT Southerton. /"It is not what you know, it's PANELBEATERS who you We remove DENTS from ACCIDENTS! know" 'REAL ESTATE & INVESTMENT CO. (PVT.) LTD. " Valuations for all purposes 0 Specialists in industrial & Phone 704811 or 700805 " Property investment commercial properties After hours: 37937 ..consultants * Farm sales Or call at: " Property management & 0 Businesses bought and sold 17 Samora Machel Ave, development 6 Home sales Harare tZimbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 Education Our education policy, forged in the armed struggle for national liberation, was already brought into effect in the Transitional Government. We broke definitively with the colonial school syllabus and established democratic structures in our schools. Nationalisation of education eliminated the selective and discriminatory criteria of colonial schooling, which served to keep our people in illiteracy and ignorance. Literacy and adult education, defined as a priority task by the Third Congress, was directed primarily to the working class, to veterans of the liberation struggle, to cadres of the Party and mass democratic organisations, to the defence and security forces, to deputies and to workers in the socialised sectors in the countryside. The first national literacy campaign was held in 1978. By 1982 four literacy campaigns and four adult education campaigns had already been held. The other face of the eradication of illiteracy is ensuring to every citizen the .right to an education. Education at all levels ceased to be a privilege and became a right. Our people took up the principle and significance of study, which soon meant that our schools ran out of space. Enrolment in primary school rose from 672,00 in 1975 to 1,330,000 in 1982. Since 1975, 430,000 pupils have passed-the fourth year, a total that was never reached in the years of foreign domination of our country. Enrolement in general secondary education rose from 23,000 pupils in 1975 to 94,400 in 1982. Since 1975, 88,000 pupils have passed sixth year. At ninth year level, 7,400 pupils have passed, and since resumption of the tenth and eleventh year in 1981, 1,100 pupils' Planning of the school network for primary education ensures today a better use of availabe human and material resources, particularly in the rural areas, where the school network now gives to covering communal villages. In general secondary education the school network has expanded from 33 schools in 1975 to 121 in 1982. The eipansion has come mainly in the first two years (fifth and sixth year)'and has above all benefited the rural areas. The shortage of skilled workers at the time of independence brought a concentration of effort on developing technical and professional education. Since 1975, seven agricultural schools have been opened, essentially from the starting point of agricultural elementary schools, and the Chokwe agricultural school has been established to train in the branches of mechanics, electricity and chemistry and an industrial school in Tete to specialise in energy and mining. A shortage of intermediate technicians demanded likewise a reorganisation of courses in intermediate institutes. In 1982, 1,450 students attended intermediate day courses and more than 800 workers attended night courses. In the agrarian, industrial and commercial branches three levels of education are available in forty two subjects. These efforts in technical education sought essentially to match the syllabus of courses to the needs of our social and economic development and the aims 'of each sector of activity. In higher education the student population already comprises young people from the regular system of schooling as a result of the democratisation of education. The majority group, about 50 per cent, come into teacher training in the education faculty. Worker students are also attending university courses and in 1981 they comprised 66 per cent of university students. One of the great victories we achieved at this level of education was the launching of courses for workers who passed the sixth year and were chosen from among veterans and vanguard workers. This experience was the basis for establishing a faculty for combatants and vanguard workers which opened in March 1983. It enabled us to put into better effect class criteria for access to higher education, and thus to contribute to ensuring mastery over science and technology by the working class. The overall result of this effort means that since independence we have reduced the illiteracy level by 20 per cent. When we nationalised education and opened the doors of the schools to all our people, we did not have sufficient teachers or sufficiently trained teachers. In the main the primary teachers were teaching assistants whose eduction varied between second and fourth year. Between 1979 and 1981, 10,200 primary teachers, with a qualification level corresponding to sixth year, were trained to teach in the first to fourth year. By 1979 we had retrained 11,100 teaching assistants. In 1977 the teacher-pupil ratio in primary education was one to eighty four, and in 1982 the ratio was one to fifty three. In 1982 the first intermediate technical teachers were trained, 139 in all. To implement the directives of the Third Congress the national education system was approved. It represents the putting into effect of Frefimo Party directives in respect of education appropriate for the current stage of our society and directed towards our development. Its implementation is a precondition'for the training of the New Man. Implementation of the national educa*tion system is an intergral part of the strategy of building socialism. It is essential to advance and widen the struggle against illiteracy, continuing to give priority to Party members, deputies, soldiers, production workers and peasants in cooperatives and communal villages.. Priority for teacher training is a precondition for extending schooling to all, guaranteeing its class character and raising its quality. The close tie between development of Health In the field of health, the law on socialisation of medicine, passed in 1977, allowed consolidation of one of our people's most important conquests, the nationalisation of medicine. Treatment for patients in health centres is practically free. Only consultations are paid for at a symbolic price of 7,5 meticais. Spreading health care to the rural areas was one of the priorities for the health sector. From 1977 to 1981, an additional 333 health posts, 28 health centres and one rural hospital came into being. Where each health unit of the kind had served 16 200 inhabitants, it now serves 11 600 inhabitants. A patient has now fewer kilometres to go to reach the nearest health unit. Particular attention was paid to border areas, priority socio-economic develoment areas and communal villages. Considerable improvements were made in the standard of equipment for hospitals and other health, units. The network of laboratories increased, between 1977 and 1981, from 32 to 122 laboratories, mainly in health centres. Since 1975, 3 250 nurses and other health workers have been trained in all. By 1981, every district in the country had at least one health worker with the ability to diagnose and provide treatment. Whereas in 1977 there were 35 doctors in the districts, in 1981 this total increased to 47. The overall number of doctors also rose from 284 to 404. The process of training Mozambican doctors in various specialties also began; currently 16 doctors are specialising and three have already completed their speciality. Preventive medicine and the fight against the main epidemic diseases were also developed in the period. One of the main achievements was the national vaccinations campaign. The targets set by the Third Congress were exceeded. Between 1976 and 1979 about 20 million vaccinations were carried out against measles, tuberculosis, tetanus and smallpox. The overall figures represent coverage at national level of the order of 95,7 per cent. The national vaccinations compaign was the last step before smallpox was declared eradicated from the People's Republic of Mozambique in 1978. When the national vaccinations campaign ended, an extended vaccinations programme was launched with the main purpose of,/ bringing a swift drop in infant mortalit through vaccinations against such fq diseases as measles, tetaV / 29 the economy and of the education system requires raising the level of knowledge of the working class, in both schools and workplaces. Training and preparation of the labour force, of skilled workers, engineers, economists, and intermediate technicians, must be continued. It'is a precondition for growth of the economy and the socialist country.

Zimbabwe News VoL 14 No. 30ctot Comrade Semora Machel and comrade Robert Mugabe - an expression of the solidarity that exists between Moze bique and Zimbabwe poliomyelitis, diptheria, whooping cough of care for the people. Health is essential the urban centres and made it possibl and tuberclosis. to ensure the social and economic reorganise the suburban areas. The Thanks to work in educating and development we aim to achieve. Par- tlement pattern of the population in mobilising for enviromental hygiene and ticular attention should be given to reduc- countryside took the form of devel health in the rural areas, latrines and ing the hazards of diseases and death to ment of communal villages. This f rubbish-dumps have become a routine mothers in pregnancy, childbirth and the - alone constitutes an importa feature in villages and communal villages, post-natal phase and to children in the mechanism for improving housing c To improve food hygiene special legisla- early years of life. It is also a fundamen- ditions in the countryside. tion was passed and the National tal aim to reduce mortality from endemic The 1980 Census shows us that 47 Laboratory for Food and Water Hygiene diseases, particularly malaria and cent of Mozambican families already was founded. In regard to mother and tuberclosis. joy a minimum of sanitary condition: child health there was success in extending The extension of health services must their homes, in contrast to the meagr and improving ante-natal, delivery, and continue, with constant involvement of per cent Yso possessed this at the beg post-natal care. the people in measures to prevent and ning of the 1970s. Communal villa In 1981, 49 per cent of pregnant women fight disease. Health education and en- enabled hundreds of thousands of p in the country received ante-natal care. viromental health must be continued. The pie to have a water supply, and brou Fewer children die in our country now range of work in rural, provincial and technological improvements in ho and they have better conditions to grow central hospitals must be further diver- building and in the making of build up strong and healthy. Infant mortality sified and at the same time there must be materials. By 1982 a number in the towns fell from 150 per thousand improvement in the quality of the atten- reorganisation schemes had been cart in 1975 to 80 per thousand in 1982. With tion and services proviled. out in the suburban neighbourhoods the purpose of making the most of the cities and towns throughout the coun positive aspects of traditional medicine These actions resulted in the rearrar and doing away with obscurantist prac- Housing and ment of urban space, and in the stak tices, research was begun into the Pout and handing over to the people medicinal plants of our country. Population Centres about 13 000 housing plots. This pert In the framework of a drugs policy a The abolition of private ownership of ted the coherent introduction of wa Drugs Centre was founded and a national land eliminated one of the main factors power supplies and social infrastructu drug list drawn up. These achievements in the uneq,'al development of population in these areas. Operations of this kind in the health field brought health care to centres that occured in the colonial fected altogether about 50 000 peop the whole country and raised the standard period. We eradicated land speculation in The nationalisation of rented hou 'to et the op act ant on per ens in e 3 linges co ght use ing of ied of try. igeing of nitter, ires afle. iiog

Llmbabwe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 meant that, from 1976 onwards, about 250 000 Mozambicans benefited from the right to live in houses with mains services in the .'cement' neighbourhoods, previously reserved exclusively, for the bourgeois and primarily foreign minority. In the city of Maputo alone more than 150 000 residents benefited from the nationalisation of rented property, moving to live in houses with mains services. State subsidies currently cover about 50 per cent of the total depreciation costs of the state housing sector, which the income from rent does not cover. The reduction and stabilisation of rents made possible by the subsidy is a striking contribution to improving living standards. The face of the towns has changed radically. 'The old colonial demarcation of residential areas by race or degree of wealth has almost faded from our memories. In spite of this "victory, the existing supply'of fully-equipped housing satisfies pnly one fifth of the urban population's housing needs. Nothwithstanding improvements in the management of the state housing sector spurred on as from 1980 by the Political and Organisational Offensive, there remain serious weaknesses. Coordinated and constant work between the administration of the state housing stock (APIE), the dynamising groups and the mass democratic organisations has not taken shape. The workers in the sector still lack a strong political and civic consience and a sense of vigilance.. It is necessary to continue taking energetic measures to correct this situation. Though housing is such an important problem in the lives of citizens, simple machinery to. involve people in the solution to their own housing problems has still to be found. The campaigns to stimulate local production of building materials, despite some advance, did not have the results that should have been possible. The relevant bodies must, through improved coordination, establish a housing and house-building policy with clearly defined machinery that will make it easier for the people to build houses with their own resources. Information, Culture and Sport Information In the sphere of social communication, radio has substantially increased its news, cultural and entertainment output, both in Portuguese language and vernacular language services. The greatest effort was made in the news services, which have doubled the number of daily bulletins since 1977. The external service of Radio Mozambique was created, with news and features in English. New newspapers and journals were founded, in particular those linked with the armed forces, education, justice and other structures in the state apparatus; The Mozambique News Agency was in this phase mainly concerned with foreign news. The social communication project was started in 1977 and has been extended to 40 communal. villages and 4 urban neighbourhoods. It aims to equip rural communities. with local centres for the gathering, production and diffussion of information. The production of film documentaries achieved an annual output of 20 hours of film.,Eighteen cinemas were rehablitated. Mobile cinema was expanded and reached in this period 'an average of a million spectators a year. Experimental television began in 198 1. It is essentially a training centre for the cadres who will be necessary for the future establishment of television. In the field of publishing, 500 000 books were printed, in addition to the production of 2 500 000 school books. The Printing Training and Production Centre was established as a pilot unit that supervises the training of technicians for the industry. The building up of our information media is based on developing local means of gathering and circulating information. The gathering process advances through the training of people's correspondents and gradual spreading of social communication centres. To Radio Mozambique and the Mozambique News Agency falls the task of collecting the news produced locally and organising its diffusion at provincial, national, and international levels. Development of our media demands also systematic political and cultural work among journalists in the light of their social origin. Culture Liberation is an act of culture. The armed struggle for national liberation, the conquest of independence, the struggle against the legacy of colonialism and domination, the foundation of our peoples state, the consolidation of the revolution and the building of socialism already represent fundamental victories in the process of raising the cultural level of the Mozambiquan. The Mozambiquan people as they broaden their liberation rediscover and enrich their personality. Cultural expression, which was formerly the exaltation of sacrifice and a cry of revolt, is transformed by freedom into innovative imagination and willingness to build. The country was shaken by a huge creative upsurge which expresses its new revolutionary values, the experience and vigour of workers and peasants. Cultural manifestations of all kinds have become numerous in our country, in factories, businesses, neighbourhoods, communal villages, localities and districts. More than six thousand amateur groups are known to exist. Music, dance and theatre came together to hymn our achievements, festive days, great national 31 events and internationalists solidarity. Sculpture, arts and crafts and painting have gained new thematic scope and have grown richer in 'form. The spate of literacy manuscripts that reach the publishers shows a deep desire to communicate, to express new experience, and the discovery of the world that is made with revolution. The cultural synthesis that began and took shape in the liberated areas is spreading through the whole country. ! The people's national dance festival, the cultural offensive of the labouring classes, the national campaign for cultural preservation and promotion and the national festival of traditional music and song are examples that show our range, our sharing of experiences, our synthesis of the immense cultural wealth of the country. The hundreds of thousands of people's artists from all points of the country made these achievements high points of national unity. The memory of the sacrifice and hroism of the freedom fighters and the population in the liberiated areas was preserved in the guerilla bases and in the historic sites we conserved. The Museum of the Revolution, founded in this period, sums up centuries of struggle by the Mozambican people. Paintings, murals and monuments erected are its extensions to the whole country. The Currency Museum was opened and existing museums were renovated* Exhibitions of sculpture, painting and arts and crafts have taken place regularly, in the country and abroad. The promotion of books and the taste for and habit of reading have spread and find expression in the extension of the national library network. Through various cultural and artistic manifestations we made our country known and gained better knowledge of other peoples. We took to various coun. tries the Mozambican songs and dances that express the joy and talent of our peoole. We highlight narticularlv the arts exhibition that was shown abroad and gave prestige to our culture. It is the task of the state to incorporate, guide and support this whole popular movement, by establishing the necessary machinery. It is essential to pursue a systematic survey of the nation's cultural heritage as a precondition for a deep knowledge of the diversities and particularities of the Mozambican people. We must support and encourage the most talented artists1 asd promote the training of Mozambicans in thiis domain. Recreational opportunities for peopie should be enlarged with shows, festivals, fairs, competitions and other forms of entertainment. Cultural formation through conferences, lectures and debates should be encouraged. The state should encourage initiatives for cultural and arts exchange with African countries, socialist countries and others. The decision of the eleventh session of the C~ntral Committee on the study 'of i Mozambican languages and on the creation of a

32 specialised body is a far reaching cultural measure. The decision deepens the debate on culture and opens significant perspec-fives for social communication, education and professional training. The process of development itself must feel the effects of this decision. Sport Physical education and sport constitute an area of activity with great popular appeal. The main advances come at school level. The national, festivals of school games were the most important achievements in this period. The practice of physical education and sport among workers begins to take on a national dimension and to involve thousands of Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 citizens. it-is necessary to pursue and encourage mass gymnastics in workplaces, because of their effect on the physical and mental health of, the labouring classes. Direct action by the Party has already allowed the launching of an effective process to advance sport activities and to fight .club fanaticism. Sport takes on an increasingly popular aspect. From 1981 integration of clubs in state enterprises and institutions began. This brought a strengthening of the liason between federated sport and sport in the workplace. , Encouraging results in international competitions were gained in such sports as basketball, athletics, swimming and football. But only wider partipation can raise our sport to the standard that all Mozambicans desire and transform it into a means of bringing further dignity to the country. New Sports were introduced 'The national Olympic Committee was founded in this period and our country was, represented in the great festival of world sport, the Moscow Olympic Games. Various international competitions were held in our country, among which we highlight the African junior basketball championship where our young people emerged as continental vicechampions. In sport priority must be given to juvenile sport, especially in the schools. Competitive sport must be encouraged and exemplary athletes supl orted. Clubsmust pay special attentionto training for young people and to pro. viding sporting facilities for worker associates. The Balance of Power Following are answers of Marshall Dimitri Ustinov, the USSR Defence Minister, to questions of a rTass correspondent Question: Statesmen of the NA TO coun- western representatives, following in his tries, above all of the USA, are spreading footsteps, are speaking much and at the allegation that the USSR continues length about the USSR "superarmabuilding up its military might, which goes ment." But in reality up to the early far beyond the limits of its defence needs. seventies the USA had superiority in the Is that so? field of strategic nuclear weapons. There Answer: The Soviet Union and its allies are fields, where it has advantags to this 'are maintaining their defence-potential at day. Look at some figures: the USA has a level necessary for the defence of the at present more than 13,000 nuclear Warsaw treaty member-states. The warheads in its strategic nuclear force, essence of our military policy is effective whereas the USSR has less; the strength defence and nothing above that. The of the NATO armed forces is 5.5 million USSR has never initiated the arms race men, while the Warsaw treaty has, even and it not going to do so in the future, according to official western sources, 4.9 If we compare the military potential of million men. The USA has 13 aircraft carthe USA and the defence potential of the ries with 520 nuclear-capable aircraft on Soviet Union, they are roughly equal. Our board, which are in service off the Soviet military might is not greater than that of Union's coasts. The USSR has no aircraft the United States. We do not strive for carriers. This list could be further conmilitary superiority. . tinued. The claims about Soviet military The question, however, arises: what superiority, about the Soviet Union's limits of the USSR defence needs are the, superarmament are a fabricated malicious NATO leaders speaking of? Proceeding lie, which is being constantly dissefrom that, what do they determine the minated. necessary, in their view, volume of our But if we are to speak about superardefence potential'? They proceed from the mament, it is the objective of the counpremise that the defence might of the try, which has set up more than 1,500 oviet Union aid the Warsaw treaty military bases and installations in the tershould be inferior to the military might ritories of other countries; of the counof the USA and NATO. The Soviet try which has created very big groupings Union will not accept the limits which the' of permanently ready armed forces and USA is trying to impose on us. keeps 'in full readiness means for their We are for equality in nuclear and delivery to most distant areas of the other weapons, for a renunciation of world; the country which instead of military superiority, not by words, but in limiting and reducing nuclear weapons is deeds, as well as for talks without diktat building up strategic offensive forces on and power pressure. an enormous scale over and above its There exists a rough equality of needs, is deploying medium-range missiles military forces between the West and the in Europe and is thus creating a potenEast. It is a reality. This was recognised tial for launchingthe first nuclear strike; by three American Presidents Nixon, is heading into outer space in order to Ford and Carter. take the globe into the §ights of its nuclear This is also recognised now by many strike weapons, laser and bay weapons; prominent American figures. Only Presi- is now spending trillions of dollar' on dent Reagan and, recently, some other military preparations, is turning down all proposal for reaching agreement on normalising the international situation. The name of that country is the United States of America. Question: In connection with the talks on the- limitation of nuclear weapons in Europe, western propaganda continues accusing the Soviet to ensure unilateral advantages for itself. It is even claimed that the USSR has a monopoly on medium-range missiles. Are there grounds for such claims? Answer: There are no grounds for such claims. Everyone at talks naturally, presses for more advantages conditions for himself. But if the subject of the talks are problems of fundamental interest for states, they can be conducted only with due regard for each others legitimate interests. This is precisely how the Soviet side is conducting things in Geneva. Our constructive proposals in'Geneva are known. The USSR is for no nuclear weapons either medium-range or tactical ones in Europe. This is the real way to nuclearfree Europe, and it is acceptable to the US, as the Soviet Union has no aggressive plans. The USA and NATO remain silent so far and do not give any answer to our initiative, although almost two years have passed since it was put forward., The USSR has put forward yet another plan, according to which both sides should reduce their nedium-range weapons in the European zone by more than two- thirds. In so doing, the Soviet Union is ready to preserve itself the same number of missiles as Britain and France have. We expressed readiness to reach agreement on equality in each mutually stipulated period of time, of nuclear potentials in Europe not only by the number of delivery vehicles(missiles and aircraft), but also' by the number of warheads for them. As a resulit the Soviet Union, would have in the European zone far less medium- range missiles and warheads on them than prior to 1976, when we had no SS-20 missiles at all.

South Africa: Tottering on the Edge of a Political Cataclysm Article written by Comrade M. T. Zivai Zvinhu in solidarity with the oppressed masses of Azbnia Unless the Botha Regime relents and becomes aware of the vital necessity and urgency of handing over power to the Black majority, a bloody revolution is imminent in South Africa, if it has not already started. For decades the Black people have suffered under the yoke of institutionalised racial discrimination the so called policy of separate development or apartheid as it is commonly known. The Regime is committed to the preservation of minority white priviliges and is utterly insensitive to the welfare and aspirations of. the Blacks. Racial discrimination is sanctified in the country and remains the rationale from which all government policies are formulated. It is for this reason that South Africa is commonly regarded as the pariah of the civilised world. The history of the creation of the Boer Republic is so well known to need detailed recounting here. Britain, in typical imperialist fashion, granted an Anglo-Boer minority "independence" in 1910 in defiance of the interests and wishes of the Black majority. Since that time the history of the country has been one of repression, racial discrimination, mass genocide, mass detentions etc, etc. The Black man in South Africa suffered the misfortunate that so many other Africans suffered, that of having his land "discovered" (to use the all too common imperialist term) by the European while the later was in a colonising mood. Because of technological disadvantages the Black man could only offer token resistance to the superior power of the invader. After his subjugation he was victimised and made to suffer dany degredations and deprivations. However, with time, the Black man realised that he could not take apartheid with his "tail between his legs" so to speak. By the end of the Second World War he had had enough of apartheid, and was ready to agitate for the restoration of his rights. For the next twenty years after World War II, it was the African National Congress (ANC) which was at the forefront of this struggle. The Congress had been formed in 1913 and had used methods of persuation and appeal to fair play. It was not until World War 1I that it braced itself for sterner action. In 1949 the ANC formulated a programme of action which was in essence a defiance campaign. Pass laws, curfew regulations and restrictions of movement were deliberately ignored. There were strikes, demonstrations and riots by the people which were countered by harsh, and repressive measures by the Regime's police. The ANC Freedom Charter, an, historic declaration, was promulgated in 1955. In 1957 there was the famous Treason Trial, in which the Regime openly flouted the ethics of justice. In that same year there was a prolonged bus boycott in and around Johannesburg. In 1958 the Pan African Congress (PAC) was born, emphasising a certain Africanist separateness. Women, determined not to be left behind, and conscious of the fact that in its viciousness, apartheid made no distinction between black man and black woman, joined the forefront of the campaign of demonstrations and anti-beerhall activities. In 1959, nine policemen raiding illicit liquor outlets were killed in a shanty township near Durban but the events of the following year will take a special place in the an-

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Zimbabwe News Vo1.14 No. 3 0 nals of history. Before outlining the mcident, perhaps a brief background is necessary. H.F. Verwoed, as the Prime Minister of South Africa had commissioned a survey of South Africa's Blacks by Professor F.R. Tomlinson, to provide a factual basis for future "Native policy". As a result of the survey, Verwoed made the decision that Blacks were to be permanently excluded from the political institutions of the Whites. They were to be forced to accept the "traditional authority" of their tribal chiefs in the "Bantu homelands". The "Bantu homelands" would eventually occupy about 13 per cent of South Africa's total land area. No progressive black person could be found to champion this policy. Faced with bitter opposition from the Black Majority the Regime took harsh measures. Attempts by Black leaders to mobilise resistance and harness it to a formal political movement were countered with severe repression by Verwoed, the architect of apartheid. General unrest culminated with the massacre at Sharpeville, a black township near Johannesburg, on March 21, 1960. The occasion was a pass-burning ceremony organised by the Pan African Congress (PAC) as part of a nationwide resistance campaign against apartheid. A police deiachment fired into the crowd leaving 69 unarmed black civilians dead, making the place an unforgetable symbol of the struggle against apartheid. The incident shook the progressive world. South Africa was vehemently condemned at international forumns, but the Regime ignored these condemnations. It was only concerned by the economic consequences of the incident. The Sharpeville incident provoked a financial panic. Investment capital fled the country in large amounts and there were predictions of an imminent and bloody revolution. To check this tide of events the Pretoria Regime banned the ANC and PAC as well as their armedresistance wings. After this a superficial peace descended and it, seemed as if suppression had succeeded. There were strikes and demonstrations now and then but they were not as effective as before the banning of the ANC and PAC. The National Union of South African Students went fairly radical but the Regime's repressive arm checked every political move. There were many other important and historical political events in many parts of the country but not of the proportion of Sharpeville. There were successful strikes by Black workers in Durban in 1973 but political action seemed to have been effectively squashed until Soweto erupted on 15 June 1976. It started as an exvlosion of Black Student Inspection of a black mine worker

36 frustration against the Regime's educational policies (particularly the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction) but rapidly developed into an expression of widespread resentiment against the moral outrage that is apartheid. There were riots, begun and sustained by high school children, vigorously supported by University students and willingly joined by the workers. The people and the Regime were at daggers drawn. In response, the brutal atrocities the Regime unleashed on the Black communities must even have made Satan shudder in horror. The Police fired indiscriminately at the crowds in an effort to quell the riots. As a result '00 Blacks, most of them school children died at the hands of the Police, and the riots stopped. Despite the large number left dead, Soweto had been an eloquent expression by the people of their aversion to apartheid. This has been a short outline of the major landmarks in the development of nationalist politics. The outline has left a lot to be desired - the Mandela trial, the mass detentions and the deaths in political prisons that have come to be a common feature of the Regime's campaign to suppress nationalist activity. Outlining these events would take hundreds of pages since atrocities and travesties of justice have been and are still a daily occurence in South Africa. In the light of all these atrocities one is made to ask what really is apartheid? Where does the Regime get the confidence that it can sustain the system? What is our position in Zimbabwe towards the plight of our brothers. in South Africa? How can our brothers draw from our own experience in their struggle for justice and selfdetermintion? The destruction of this racial oligarchy remains the cardinal issue in the politics of Southern Africa since South Africa is the last bastion (apart from Namibia) of white supremacy in Africa south of the Sahara. It is a hard core citadel of colonialism and racism at their worst. Condemnatory resolutions have been passed at regional as well as international platforms and the Regime has been flooded with many international overtures to institute reforms and hand over power to the rightful custodians of the land: At best it has turned a deaf ear. Race and colour remain the main criteria for distinguishing citizens. It really is an obnoxious system. What really is apartheid? Apartheid is a vile form of legislated racial discrimination. It is a system that ensures that the Black population is barred from equal access to housing, schooling, job opportunities etc, etc. It also sees to it that the Black man is kept from asserting his rights by repressive laws and by a notorious and unscrupulous security police force, and most importantly by denying him voting rights. Discrimination abounds in almost every aspect of life, be it in sport, entertainment, public transport, hotels health facilities, public amenities to name a few. The policy of Zimbabwe News vol. 14 No. 3 Oct Black mine workers are forced to wear a pendant for recognition around their wrists. Their passes are kept by the Company. apartheid aims to conquer the mind, to make Black people forget themselves, enslave themselves and to make them docile to oppression. It is an outrage against humanity. It is most distuibing that in a land of plenty, a land flowing with milk and honey, a land noted for its rich mineral deposits, many black children are born to inevitable and abject poverty and hunger. In South Africa every child is classified at birth according to the colour of his skin. This racial classification determines everything about his life until he dies. In a recent medical report, more than one hundred thousand children in one o1 South Africa's ten tribal bantustans, Lebowa, are said to be suffering from acute malnutrition and kwashiokor and there are indications that thousands will die from these diseases in the next few months. This is the stark reality in South Africa. The Regime is not even bothered by these developments. In fact as far as it is concerned, this is just one method of curtailing "Bantu" population growth. What makes this gross negligence and disregard for the sanctity of human life the more abbhorent is that the Regime prefers to make the nation an economic garden of abundance for western capitalist and imperialist states who defy in broad daylight the international arms emlbargo (Security Council Resolution 418) that was imposed on South Africa. Many western states have supplied South Africa with sophisticated military equipment which the illegal and racist regime employs in its campaign of terror and genocide against the Black population. Britain and the U.S.A. in collusion with their sister imperialist powers not only continue heavily arming and strengthening the apartheid regime, but -have also granted it a licence for the reproduction of the mirage and have provided it with nuclear know-how. It therefore stands to reason that they are willingly aiding and

?babwe News Vo1.14 No. 3 October 1983 so-called hostel in a mine workers compound abetting the regime. Indeed it makes them accomplices in human torture and mass repression. Their connivance through financial investments, military assistance and use of veto power'at the U.N. sustains the illegal and odious regime. Their economic integration with South Africa presents substantial obstacles to the effective destruction of apartheid. Their so called policy of "constructive engagement' is just a way of perpetrating the illegal occupation of Azania and inquitous racial policy of apartheid. They cannot pull the wool over our faces. It is obvious to any clear minded person that these states are motivated by nothing other than their avaricious desire to satisfy their own self-seeking ends. Their inhumanity is an added weight crushing down upon our brothers and sisters in South Africa. Indeed it is a flagrant pervesion of our moral obligation and bounden duty as human beings to do everything possible to help rescue the people of Azania from the evil clutches of an outrightly inhumane and racist regime. Where is their conscience? As mentioned earlier, in racist South Africa, unemployment, precarious incomes, low living standards, chronically inadequate schooling facilities are the lot of the Black man. Cheap black labour is the foundation upon which white business ventures prosper. For the Boer, South Africa is a picnic world of luxury, comfort and unlimited potential for amassing wealth. It is a white heaven on earth. Racism has never been so rigid, brutal and so comprehensive as it is in South Africa. The disparities between the educational, economic and social systems defy all feats of the imagination. In an endeavour to preserve white minority privilleges the Regime has resorted to various supressive tactics which are an affront to the conscience of mankind. Mass genocide as happened during the June 76 Soweto Uprising (during which the cry of dying children and agony of mourning mothers shocked the world), the refusal to acknowledge captured guerillas as "prisoners of war", the muzzling of the Press etc. etc.1are among the astronomical arsenal of diabolical tactics employed by the Regime to suppress the people. But what the Regime fails to recognise is that its tear-gas policy, the brutal interrogations of its truculent police force and the detentions without trial etc. etc., far from dampening the people's spirit or inspiring fear, will instead intensify their resolve to achieve independence. History seems to indicate that a reactionary tendency inevitably invokes a revolutionary tendency from the people. Therefore the clovenhoof policy and reactionary tendencies of the Regime are only adding fuel to the already raging flame. The Botha Regime determined to remain arrogant, but at the same time sensing that it is hovering dangerously on the edge of a political precipice, is now engaged in the politics of desperation. The Regime has established an efficient network of intelligence organisations and has armed the courts and law-enforcement agencies with stringent powers in an attempt to suppress Black nationalism. Free speech is limited and Press and University student activity in politics is constantly checked in an attempt to deter the release of information that would reveal the inner workings of apartheid to the outside world. Influential Black leaders are always kept under police surveillance or their movements are restricted. If they make any move that the Regime considers indiscreet, they are immediately incarcerated. Such is the reality in South Africa. Sensing the ever increasing sense of injustice that pervades the Black communities, the Regime has deceitfully come up with some "reforms", but the snags and duplicity in all these reforms are apparent. What would it profit a Black man to institute legislation that would allow him to patronize formerly whites-only hotels when the apartheid system ensures that he can never afford it? Coloureds and Asians are being granted "special 37 concessions" which are in essence meaningless. In fact the granting of these sc called "special concessions" is an attempt to wean them away from unity with Blacks. Behind these apparent reforms and concessions lies increased repression against the Black population. The main purpose is to create the delusion of a representative government and in that way preserve and effectively strengthen the basic power structure of minority white rule, consolidate the vested interests of the white minority and divide and weaken the united front of the freedom fighters. The creation of Bantustins must be seen against a similar background. The successful implementation of the Bantustan policy would mean that whites would remain paramount in 87 per cent of the country, which includes all cities, natural resources and industry. According to Verwoed's strange logic, this would mean that the two races would remain "separate but equal"! Blacks are being domiciled in the remaining 13 per cent, in overcrowded slums, providing cheap migratory labour to boost the white economy. The aim of the Regime in creating Bantustans is to castrate the liberation struggle in two ways: one, the creation of Bantustans would facilitate the setting up of tribal armies that would act as buffers against liberation movements and two, it would fool the people by giving them useless, illusory power, the power to enslave themselves mentally, physically, socially, politically and economically. It is part of a calculated grand master plan to coerce the Black population and corrupt enough o its leadership into accepting homelane crumbs instead of competing for the whole loaf. Given illusory power the homeland leaders would develop their own vested interests and would therefore be relied upon to act on their own initiative to suppress the tide of genuine Black nationalism. We had an almost similar case in Zimbabwe. Through a concerted campaign of black bourgeoisification, Smith managed to-corrupt Chirau, Ndiweni (both tribal leaders) and people like Muzorewa, Sithole etc. etc. into organising movements against ZANLA, the genuine Zimbabwean freedom fighters. But through courage, resilience and determination and above all through unity in the face of ever increasing machinations by the Regime, the Black South Africans can forestall this development that aims at overtaking the movement towards independence. Events in the last few years show that the Regime has commited itself to wage a campaign of terror without and within its borders. In South Africa itself there has been an increase in incidents of brutal interrogations and deaths in detention. In recent years we have witnessed the murder in detention of Comrade Steve Biko, whose inquest revealed full and horrifying details of how political detainees are treated; of Neil Aggett, a veteran trade unionist who fought for justice. Many

38 others were murdered while under interrogation and many have been sent to the gallows. To the Regime, any Black man who regards himself with a modicum of self-respect is a terrorist and has to be hanged. Recently the world was shocked by the execution of Simon Mogoerane, Jerry Mosololi and Marcus Motaung, all ANC revolutionary fighters. Their trial was a travesty of justice. Even before the trial began, it was a foregone conclusion that they would be hanged. We could not expect any other judgement from a regime that is notorious for its insatiable appetite for human blood. We hope that their deaths will inspire the people and regenerate in them a confidence in their ability to fight apartheid. Outside its borders, the Regime has launched a campaign of destabilisation and military aggression in neighbouring independent states. Refugee camps have been bombed in Mozambique, Angola and Lesotho. In Zimbabwe the Regime has sent agents to inflitrate the security network. It has also sponsored and given training to former ZIPRA members and to former U.A.N.C. auxilliary forces with the intention of sabotaging the Zimbabwean economy as well as strategic military bases. All these roves are aimed at intimidating the frohtline States against giving support to\ Liberation movements fighting to end injustice in South Africa. They are also designed to make the frontline states perpetually dependent on South Africa economically, but they are doomed to failure. It is in the context of these ravages upon the fundamental rights of the people within and without South Africa that all progressive forces the world over have come to believe that Azanian leaders should turn their backs on' reformist politics. The people's declared objective in view of the Regime's arrogance, should not be the amelioration of the effects of apartheid, but the total annihilation of the Boer Government. The time for remedial politics is gone. It is now time for the politics of confrontation, the type of politics ZANU consistently pursued since 1964 when it realised that the settler regime was intent on being perpetually intransigent. The great Lenin believed that the replacement of a bourgeosie state by a proletariat state cannot be achieved without violent confrontation. He could not have been more precise. Our Zimbabwean case, and ,experiences elsewhere in the world justify this belief. The oppressed masses in Azania must brace themselves for violent confrontation on a larger scale than has been happening. They must become an action people. Resolutions which do not live the paper they are written on cannot guarantee the successful prosecution of a revolution. It is one thing to shout slogans and say we want an equitable distribution of wealth and the right to chart our destiny, but it is another to institute the means to -that end. In our case, Smith was not forced to accept change by slogahs but by ZANLA bullets singing the lyrics of freedom. In the kind of situation they find themselves in, the Azanians, only insurance policy for success is the use of well- directed violence backed by a proper vanguard political movement. The people have to brace themselves for an arduous struggle during twhich they will inevitably be victims of savagery. They must not be cowered by atrocities perpetrated by the enemy as they are a characteristic of all just wars against imperialists. There will be ruthlessness with ever increasing intensity from Botha's Nazi bandits but that is to be expected. The Japanese did the same in China, the Americans in Vietnam, the French in Algeria, -the Portuguese in Angola and Mozambique and the Rhodesians in Zimbabwe. All the same, the people must take to arms, sticks or whatever and strike apartheid where it hurts most. They must defy all the repressive mechanisms and laws of the Regime, for, only a government that subjects itself to the democratic and popular will has any moral right to demand of its citizens obedience to the rule of law. It is common experience that imperialists, sensing the growing menace to themselves because of the growth of revolutionary pressure, embark on a series of desperate manouevres designed to achieve bogpis settlements which would in fact perpetuate foreign and minority domination in various guises. This accounts for the Kissinger-Vorster Detente exercise and the so called SmithMuzorewa-Sithole- Chirau Internal Settlement before Zimbabwe attained Independence. In South Africa the im- perialists have an equally sell-outi peaceful settlement which inclut balkanisation of the nation irit( tustans involving the persuasion c weak tribal leaders or pseudo- po1 into the deal. But the legitimacy nuineness of Black nationalist aspi must remain untainted. There mw deals. In their quest for self-rule A must never be hood-winked into ting anything other than a cc transfer of power. The pitfalls of ting deals that are in reality a pe tion of colonialism (neo-colonialb be adequately seen in the Zinm Rhodesia experiment in which Mu regaled in illusory power. He I cepted an arrangement in which my remained under the firm cor reactionary white army officers which all the white civil servants ed their influential posts. All the! instruments of government in Zim Rhodesia were under the control racists and all the vested interest! whites were protected at the exp Black aspirations. Muzorewa wa figure-head with no useful pow( whose sole duty was to write his si endorsing the decisions of the nc Rhodesian Front (RF). What the did not know or chose to ignore Y the whole idea of Independenc allow the majority of the people t mine their own .social, politic economic development. Genu dependence cannot come i. measures. When one talk~s dependence, one is talking of-the transfer of power to the rightful of the nation.

Ah

Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 The National Democratic Party (ND By Comrade E.,J.M. Zvobgo, Member of the Central Committee of ZANU(PF) and Mi of Legal and Parliamentary Affairs " White Sentiments following the ban of Congress The banning of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress on February, 26th, 1959, and the arrest and detention of its leaders was intended to banish African Nationalism from the land once and for all. The Whitehead regime mounted a propaganda campaign to discredit the banned Congress. Although it had accused the Congress of falsifying and misrepresenting facts it did not shrink from doing so in its campaign. Writing of Congress at'the end of 1959, the Secretary for Native Affairs and Chief Native Commissioner crowed that the "Artificial enthusiasms (caused by Congress) evaporated as quickly as they were aroused when firm action was taken to stop defiance of law and order." Discrediting the organization, he stated: "But it would be quite wrong and politically most misleading to regard this crude movement as "African Nationalism' and to view the emergency as the answer." Looking back to 1957 and 1958, he saw "deeper significance" to the Congress's crusade, He mused as follows: Whatever difficulties there may be in identifying and defining African Nationalism, in recognizing its many hues and facets, its potentials for good and evil and its present stirrings in the minds of educated Africans rather than the mass, it is supremely important that we try to appreciate this new psychological vitality. But one is tempted to pose the question: "is it "African Nationalism" or is it the aspirations and ambitions which flow from the 'light' we have supplied: or is it just the antics of a few people, hungry of publicity, power and personal aggrandisement at any cost, even to the people for whom they profess to sneak and lead?" He did not need to answer his question; there was no doubt which of the two kinds African Nationalism was to him. Propaganda against African Nationalism reached a crescendo during the Parliamentary debates on new security legislation during 1959 and 1960. It was claimed that "the relief among the African people, both in the rural and urban areas, following the removal of Congress, was plainly evident in a marked cooperation with the authorities in certain progressive measures, particularly in the Agricultural field, even in those districts which had been most affected by the machinations of Congress. Similarly, in the urban areas, life turned to normal. Industry and commerce proceeded on their even courses with good relations between employer and employee. In these happier circumstances, the country moved into the new year with some confidence and hopeful prospects." To the regime's Prime Minister the Congress movement had been "A canker in our body politic," which had been cut out completely. Dr. Palley of the Dominion Party urged the Government to "Crack the sjambok" on anything that might resemble the Congress in the near future. Other members of Parliament voiced the fears of their Comrade Eddisor constituents in more eloquent terms. Dr. Alexander made it known that "communism had a great influence on the African National Congress Movement." He was convinced that, "Moscow-trained-Africans are today exerting a powerful influence in Nyasaland," but, as he allowed, it was "not necessary for an African to go behind the iron-curtain to be taught methods of sabotage." He pointed out that "Already communist tactics are demonstrated in the Federation by the throwing of petrol bombs." Dr. Walter Alexander urged the country "to acknowledge communism for what it is - an abominable evil - and recognize at the same time the spurious offspring to which it gives rise." He was convinced that "all Congress leaders can hope fklr are jobs as political commissars in a bla k Soviet state while the rest of the people will languish as slaves of a tyranical oligarchy." Mr. Douglas Dillion - a Minister in Ian Smith's Cabinet but then of the opposition in Parliament took on the churcheA for criticizing the severity of the Unlawful Organisation Act. "I wonder if those dignitaries have given this matter as much thought at it deserves." He said, adding that "had President Hindenburg introduced a bill similar' to this, Hitler Zvobgo would never have come to power world war would have been avoided his view, it Was important for all col ed "to realise that the Government c country is in decent and civilized ha Mr. Van Heerden, M.P., spoke f( right wing white farmers when he s Parliament "I am whole-heartedly African National Congress beca know how many of our loyal and si Africans have been intimidated and walked in fear of their lives. They a people whom I class also as gentle people who know how to behave have just had 70 years of peace ii country with no intimidation andi feeling bqtween the races. Tl something which has developed in tl few years, and I feel it is no way to gratitude by the African people o country." It was even Aggested that the n of some of the principal members of gress were subversive, namely Chikc (which means "Dangerous Persi Mushonga which means ("Medicini "Charm") and Nyandoro (or '"C Prince.") Mr. Van Heerdgn suggested something drastic ought to be done these names. Mr. Aitken-Cade, an member of Parliament, argued 40 lumoaowe News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 Africans ought not to be educated, otherwise they would become nationalists. In hil opinion, only such education as "will direct the minds of people into useful and productive occupations rather than lead them to a stage where they are dissatisfied with everything they see on account of what they have learned, should be encouraged." This compaign of discrediting African Nationalism was accompanied by a coarse and harsh legislative programme to-ensure that the Minister of Justice would be able to deal, arbitrarily and without due process, with any future contingency. The general tone of white politics became decidedly more hostile to Africans generally tmd to any organized African political movement in particular. After all, the forces of law and order had "smashed" Congress with elegant precision. Sir Edgar Whitehead explained how his Government had prepared a list of all 500 or more people they wanted to detain around Christmas, 1957. "1 gave instructions that I wanted them all detained and nobody hurt," he said., "We have not had anybody hurt and in the first 12 hours more than 88 per cent of those on the list had been detained. Of the remaining number, something like 12 per cent, we now know some have left Southern Rhodesia and are not likely to return and the remainder I am pretty confident we will have located within the next 12 hours." He boasted that '"that expresses a standard which I do not believe for a moment will be bettered anywhere else in the world." African Reac~tion to the Ban There was a deep sense of hurt and grievance among the African population - urban and rural at the ban of Congress. The leaders were flown to Khami Prison in Bulawayo were they were all interned together with the Congressmen from Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia when those parties were also banned. For .the first time, the African leaders from the three territories of the federation had an opportunity to know each other in the tranquility of prison walls. The only exceptions were the Presidents of the three Congresses. Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda had been jailed in Gwelo Prison soon upon his arrival from Blantyre. Kenneth Kaunda with a handful of his top lieutenanis were incarcerated in Salisbury Maximum Security Prison. Joshua Nkomo announced from London that he had no intention of returning to Rhodesia to "just rot in jail." He decided to set up an International Propaganda Office in Golders Green, London, designating himself, "Director for International and Exterrial Affairs." He travelled widely until his return to Zimbabwe in October, 1960. Origins of the National Democratic Party . During November-December 1959,"a small, group of young then comprising Michael Mawema, Moton Malianga, Aristone Chambati, Willie Musarurwa, Mark Nziramasanga, Eddison Zvobgo, Nazario Marondera, Esau Nyandoro, beorge Silulsdika, Sketchly Samkange, Christopher Mushonga, Zabediah Gamanya Mapfumo, held secret meetings at Sketchly Samkange's House at 99 Engineering Section, Highfield, Salisbury. In aIlI sixteen preparatory meetings were held between November 28 and December 22, 1939. During these meetings, the political situation om the country since the ban of the Congress was analyzed in great detail., Early in the discussions, a consensus began to emerge regarding what has to be done. Six fundamental principles were broadly accepted: (1) The good work begun by the Congress had to be continued through the medium of a new, lawful, Nationalist Party; (2) European settlers had hardened their attitudes towards the African. Any '*future programs must take into account that talking alone was not going to impress Europeans. They would need to be hit some place where it hurts; (3) It was vital to consult with the banned and detained Congress leaders at every stage to ensure continuity and make it easier to mobilize the masses but the new organisation would have in the light of certain provisions of the Unlawful Organisations Act, to be its own master. (4) No deliberate attempt was to be made to "Hunt" for a university graduate' to head the new party. It was felt.that time for such things had passed. It was quite clear that the academics were scared to take the plunge. They were to flock into the party soon after the launching; (5) The policy stitement had to be terse and brief but clear-cut. There would be no pandering to white settlers' fears. and prejudices. The only consideration was the interests of the African people. The Constitution had to be "different" from that of the ANC otherwise the party would be banned as a continuation of an unlawful organization. (6) The new organization was to be called the National Democratic Party. The name was suggested by Michael Mawema' and won over Sketchly Samkange's suggestion that it be called the People's Socialist Party. It was to be national in the sense of being open to all people black and white. It was to be 'democratic' both in its own internal processes and in its conception of a future state which it would establish after victory. The first ana sixth principles wert fulfilled with the launching of the National Democratic Party on 1st January 1960. In pursuance of the third principle, emissaries were sent to Selukwe Prison were James Chikerema, George Nyan- 41 doro, Paul Mushonga, Edison Sithole and other leaders had been transfered from Khami Prison.The Congress leaders were enthusiastic in their endorsement of the N.D.P. They contributed to its formation by drafting a Constitution for our guidance in prison. It was conveyed to the outside worldby throwing it over the prison walls tied to a stone. It reached us in Salisbury within a day. Although the final "Provisional Constitution" bore no .resemblance to the Selukwe Prison Constitution, the detainees had the satisfaction of knowing that their ideas where valued. The second principle was a recognition of the facts. There was not one single University graduate among the founders of the NDP: Michael Mawema, born in the Gutu District, attended primary school at Gutu Mission and trained as a teacher at the Morgenster Dutch Reformed Church Mission, twenty miles. from Masvingo. After many years as a teacher he quit to join the Rhodesian African Railways Workers Union as Organizing Secretary in its Social Welfare Department. His work involved travelling widely along the line of rail throughout the two Rhodesias and Bechunaland. When Congress launched a scholarship program in 1957, Michael Mawema was among the first to be sent to Israel to study Agricultural Cooperatives. He returned in 1957 to continue his work with R.A.W.U. He was elected President of the National Democratic Party by the Interim Committee 'and chaired the meetings at Samkange's house. He had wide political experience - havitig been active in the old Congress (Bulawayo Branch) and in African Advisory Board politics in the Townships. Christopher Mushonga, brother of Paul Munemo Mushonga, the Congress Deputy Treasurer, had been exposed to Congress politics from within. Although he was a University student at Pius XII' University College, Roma, Basutoland, he still had a year to gain his B.Sc. degree. With the author, also a university student at Roma, the two returned to Rhodesia for the Christmas vacation and found themselves at the centre of spearheading the movement to found the NDP. Christopher was later to go to America to enter medical school at. Howard University. I had been exposed to radical political views when I was young, largely from my father. My father, Rev. Jonas Zvobgo, rebelled from the Dutch Reformed Church's theology of Apartheid to found his own African Reformed Church and his own Shonganiso Mission in 1953. Upon Matriculation from Tegwani Secondary School in 1956, 1 attempted to train as a teacher at two schools, but had to leave because the principals found me disputatious and disrespectful of authorities. I finally became a teacher for two years before going to Roma, Basutoland. At Roma, Christopher Mushonga, Nicholas Chitsiga, Henry

I ...... ews. Vo.1N. 3 Joshua Nkomo addressing a meeting at Cold Comfort. With him is Joseph Musika Pote, Simbi Mubako, James Chitauro and I, all students from Zimbabwe, adiinistered oaths upon each other to fight the white settlers upon our return. The oath used was borrowed from Nkurumah's "The Circle." While in Basutoland, they became involved in the politics of the Basutoland Congress Party led by Ntsu Mokhehle. As a result, Mubako, Pote, Mushonga and the author were refused transit permits by the Verwoed, Government in order to return to Roma in 1961. Sketchly Siyangapi Samkange was the youngest son of the Rev. T.D. Samkange, one time President of the Bantu Congress and brother to Stanlake, sometime Secretary of the organization. He only went as far as Junior Certificate, i.e. three years of Secondary School. He was to become Organizing Secretary of the NDP until his untimely death at the age of 24, by drowning in Malawi. Esau Nyandoro did not go beyond grade three in school. Although not related to George Nyandoro directly, he nevertheless belonged to the rebellious Nyandoro clan. His contribution did not go beyond attending the clandestine strategy meeting prior to the formation of the NDP. The entire Executive found it necessary to suspend and then expel him from the Organization before February for various indiscretions including his habit of giving private press Conferences. But perhaps the most colourful and flamboyant character in the Executive was Enos Mzombi Nkala, who was coopted into the leadership in March 1960, althohgh he had not attended the preparatory meetings. Born near Gwanda in Matabeleland in 1932, he had quit school after Grade 5 and moved to Harare, where he worked in various jobs. For a brief period, Nkala had worked as insurance agent in the Joshua NkomoOnyimo insurance business. By 1959, he had become involved in a Sindebele Cultural and Social Club in Salisbury. In October 1959, he wrote a "Letter to the Editor," in the Rhodesia Herald critical of Sir Edgar Whitehead's regime, and so attracted the attention of the 'Preparatory Committee.' Within a few months of his joining the party, he had become the maverick of Zimbabwean Politics on account of his fearless, blunt and on occasions, blood-curdling speeches. George Tarsicius Silundika, later popularly known jusi as "T.G." by youth fans, had had the most checkered career among the planners of the N.D.P. He was born near Plumtree in 1931. He attended Rhodesian Primary schools before going to South Africa where he matriculated. He entered Fort Hare University College where he became seriously involved with Youth League politics and campus activities. He was among the leaders who o-ganized the student boycott of the South African Governor-General when he visited Fort Hare in 1952. He failed his second year examinations and was barred from returning. Since other "flunkees" were invariably allowed to return and repeat, George Silundika felt discriminated against on account of his political activities. I retained ar attorney in Alice to challenge the exclusion. It was all in vain. However, as a Catholic he easily got* himself admitted to Pius XII Unbi College at Roma, Basutoland. entering Roma, Silundika thre weight behind those students who A conflict-with the Oblates of Mar, maculate who ran the College, parti ly on such matters as 'Divine Auth dictatorial procedures, etc. He evei ly became so involved that he neg] his studies and failed his examina as he had done at Fort Hare. Cons= ly, he was promptly barred repeating and had to return to Zimt without graduating. In these cumstances, he taught for a few yea quit~to take a position as a Laboi Assistant at the University Colie Harare. He held this job until he j the NDP. He was to prove to be, with Ndabaningi Sithole and F Mugabe, one of the most eloquent o in the Nationalist movement. Moton Dizzy Malianga was born, Umtali Mission in 1912. After Pr School education at Old Umtali, hc to South Africa's Ohlange Instituti Durban where he matriculated. H wanted to become an accountari could not find a firm to article him count of the racist laws in that coi Disappointed, Malianga settled for as a bookkeeper for a transport con He met with similar job disappoint when he returned to Rhodesia ur entered politics. Aristone Chambati was a s teacher at the time, having complet ly three years of High School. H later to work for the United States mation Service in Harare, before to America as a Fulbright Scho study at Princeton University. Musarurwa was a journalist worki the African Daily News at the tii trained teacher, Musarurwa did noi full-time politics until much later. T two, Mark Nziramasanga and N Marondera were both Trade Uni who had not even completed Pr School. Despite the fact that thirteen] had worked together to launch th ty, only few could accept leadershi National Executive positions. Ar Chambati, a schogl-teacher; Musarurwa, a journalist, workinE white-owned paper; Eddison Zvobl Christopher Mushonga, college stui and George Silundika, employee Urfiversity of Rhodesia and Nyas all made it known that they cou stand for election onto the "Pro' Executive." In the end, the National Ext presented to the press by N1 Mawema on January 1, 1960 follows: President: Michael A.N Vice President: Moton Mlia Secretary-General Sketchly Sam and Treasurer Publicity Secretary: Nazario Man Organizing " Esau Nyando A Zimhahwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 04

News Vol.14 No. 3 October 1983 Ilie Musarurwa, Mark NziramasaAristone Chambati and Zebediah anya were designated "National kcil Advisors." The Executive reed small for a few months but was ,ialy expanded as more interested le came forward during the course 60. In this way, Enos Nkala became -tary-General, Leopold Takawira, ,cutive Member, without Portfolio" Robert Mugabe, (who had just rned from three years of teaching in na) Publicity Secretary. This process .option and reshuffle continued until first NDP Congress held in October, , when a more permanent executive elected. icy of the N.D.P. policy statement of the NDP was the rest ever issued by a nationalist party imbabwe. was the first major document the ior had helped to draw up. Although ad completed only his second year at SXII University College, Members of Committee were excited about the fact the was a "Political Science Major." third and final draft which was pted was to remain unchanged until NDP was outlawed. he policy statement proclaimed that National Democratic Party pledged itself, tq serve as a vigorous nolitical vanguard for removing all forms of oppression, and for the establishment of a democratic government in Southern Rhodesia; to work for a speedy constitutional reconstruction in Southern Rhodesia with the object of having a government elected on the principle of "One man, One Vote," to work for the educational, political, social and economic emancipation of the people, especially the underprivileged; to work with other democratic movements in Africa and the rest of the world, with a view to abolishing colonialism, racialism, tribalism and all forms of national or racial oppression and economic inequalities among nations, races and people, and to promote world peace. On the Pan-African level, the NI5P pledged to "support the demand for all African freedom and Pan-Africanism by promoting unity of Action among the people of Africa." Two reasons were profered for making the statement as short as possible. First, it was felt that a short statement had the advantage of vagueness and therefore of flexibility. Second, it was felt that the Congress' elaborate policy -had been a drawback because it was difficult and tedious to read, let alone to comprehend. However, the whole committee accepted Michael Mawema's view that there could be no ambiguity about the demand for "One man. One Vote." Police uprighting a vehicle that had been overturned by rioting crowds 43 The phrase, "to work for the speedy constitutional reconstruction in Southern Rhodesia" was understood by the NDP founders as ecompassing all types of methods imaginable, including the use of violence, arson, sabotage, demonstrations, and the elimination of stooges, informers and collaborators. In short, it was to cover for all means necessary to bring about a transfer of power from the settlers to the African majority. On the other hand, it was ptointed out during one of the meetings, this phrase could also be relied upon as evidence that the N.D.P. was determined to use constitutional and peaceful means to achieve its goals. It was naively hoped that the regime would hesitate before banning the party for this reason. The Constitutional Structures of the N.D.P. The supreme governing body of the NDP was the Congress which was to meet at least once a year, but could be convoked into Spedial or Extraordinary Sessions whenever necessary. Representatives to the Party Congress included executive members of branches, districts and provinces. Members of the National Executive and national Councillors were automatically members of the Congress. The Annual General Congress enjoyed plenary powers. to repeal or

/'14 Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 -r-T amend the party Constitution and policy; to suspend or expel members from the party; to elect or appoint officers including members of the National Executive and to depose them at will. The National Executive was the governing body of the NDP during the time when the Annual General Congress was not in session. It administered -the party, implemented the resolutions of the Congress and created "Branches," Districts and "Provinces" of the party. The officers who comprised the National Executive were the President and Deputy President, Secretary General and Deputy Secretary-General; National Chairman; Treasurer General and Financial Secretary; National Organizing Secretary, Secretary for Women; Publicity Secretary and Deputy Publicity Secretary, and Secretary for External Affairs and International Affairs. Although it was not apparent from the Constitution, the Presidency, Secretariat and the Organizing Department, in that order, soon assumed primary power over the other departments. "The National Councillors" were individuals elected by the Annual General Congress to advise the Executive. In theory; their "wisdom" was to weigh heavily with members of the National Executive. In practice, however, they were ignored. Their role corresponded to that of "sponsors" in some organizations who do no more than lend their names to a particular cause. Some, like Herbert Chitepo, a Barrister-at-law, were valued while others like Aaron Mundangepfupfu of Rusape were simply ignored. Operational Strategy: Regime v N.D.P. General: Immediately following the New Year's Day launching of the NDP, members of the National Executive scattered throughout the country to set up branches of the party. By the end of February, branches had been established in every prban area and in most rural districts where Congress had been active and had branches. The speed with which the peasants joined the new organization told the lie to the regime's claim that Congress had no support among the African population. This more than anything else worried the regime during the first five months. Understandably, the NDP executive was buoyed into other areas of activity. The principal strategies of the NDP remained basically those of the Congress. However, there were twvo main shifts in emphasis. Firstly, the party made a bold and determined campaign- to exert pressure upon the regime and the British Government in order to compel both to agree to the holding of a Constitutional Conference. Such a Conference, According to the NDP, had to be held in London, for the purpose of hammering out a brand new Constitution which was acceptable to the African people. While the battle-cry would, forever remain "One man, One Vote," it was clear that the NDP's understanding of an "acceptable constitution" was something that was negotiable. Second, the N.D.P. was, unlike its predeccessor, going to take "action" to ensure that white settlers would make the desired constitutional changes. Events in Africa in 1960-61 and the NDP Evironment Before examining the patterns of conflict between the NDP and the Rhodesian regime in detail, it is important to take note of some of the salient events that occured in Affica during 1960-61, to the extent that some of those events had an impact upon the mood of the struggle between the Africans and settlers in Rhodesia and may be regarded as relevant contextual factors in the domestic arena. The National Democratic Party appeared on the African political landscape at a crucial time, when 1960 was in many ways Africa's year of destiny because by December 1959, there were nine independent African states. By December 1st, 1960 there were twenty six countries which had been liberated from the colonial status. During January, the first month of the NDP's life, and in March, the last two of the All - African People's Conferences were held in Tunis and in Cairo respectively. Harold Macmillan, the British Prime Minister had to tour Africa during the first three weeks 'of January, 1960. That is why he had proclaimed that "the wind of change" was blowing over Africa. He had also told the South African Parliament in Cape Town that neither traditional friendship nor trade relations would make the British Government and other nations approve of apartheid. The Monckton Commission, was set up to review the ten years of the Federation and to make recommendations regarding its future, as well as recommend at the end of 1960, that the parties (Nyasaland, Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia) should have an opportunity to withdraw from the Association if that should be their expressed desires. This would as it did, doom the federation and the result was the creation of the Independent states of Malawi and Zambia. On March 26, there was Sharpeville which shook the entire Southern Africa and sent waves across the world and before the year was out, the Congo burst into a bloody independence and the United Nations had to adopt a resolution 1514 (XX) for the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. It was in this international climate that the NDP was prepared Jo do battle with the Rhodesian regime. Whitehead - the Premier being a shrewd reader of international Affairs, and former Oxford don concluded that he owed a duty to the settlers to move quickly ahead of African Nationalism. All of a sudden he flewto London in April 1960 to negotiatf for to termination of the Constitutional resid powers (properly called the "Reserv Clauses") that still vested in Britain's co' onial veto rights against certain types of Rhodesian legislation. Although the 1923 Constitution Letters Patent (Rhodesia's self-governing Constitution) made it very. clear that Britain could exercise suchi powers, for certain reasons'she had in practice rarely done so. Whitehead co tended that soffie 'mad' future Britis government might disregard the exis convention and actually legislate f Rhodesia. In short, Whitehead w bargaining for 'white' independence i order to stop and shut-out MacMillan'i winds of change at the Zambezi River: The Operational Patterns of the N.D.P. - It was in this context that the NDP had to devise its strategies. Basically, the National Executive came to the conclusion fairly early that a "double-pronged' strategy was the best. It had to operate+ on two levels, first, above -ground, as a constitutional (i.e. legal or lawful) party; and second, "underground," as a subversive organization. We shall examine the patterns of operation at both levels and, then turn to the regime's "response." The 'open' Operational Patterns of the NDPr As a lawful political party, the NDP had to ,obey the laws while reserving to itself the Constitutional right to advocate change. In this connection, the evidence suggests that the party must have adopted three broad methods; namely, * The Campaign for the Convening of a Constitutional Conference; * The Campaign against "White minority rule." * The Combined use of "peaceful"demonstrations, strikes, and other modes of protest. How these methods could be utilized and applied within the law as it stood'in 1960 was, of course, the major problem for the NDP. Invaribly, the use of the last mentioned method quickly degenerated into riots that culminated in violent confrontation with the authorities. The NDP's effort at forcing a Constitutional Conference: As stated above, Prime Minister Whitehead had taken the initiative in seeking a new Constitutional order but one which would transform Rhodesia into a white-ruled dominion within the Commonwealth with all that would have implied to African Nationalist aspirations. The NDP becamp alarmed at Whitehead's diplomatic thrust. To forestall it, a high-powered delegation comprising Mawema and Malianga was dispatched to London to confFr with Lord Home (now Sir Alex Douglas

Home), then Commonwealth Relations Secretary. They submitted a lengthy' memorandum which ,said, in part, "we hold it to be the sacred duty and moral obligation of H.M's Government to retain intact, all the reserved powers - as long as the majority of the people of the colony do not have the requisite power to elect and control the Government of their country." The memorundum warned that "thepolitical hazards are difficult to overestimate, and must undermine the whole basis of African confidence and racial amity in Central Africa." At the conclusion of the talks the NDP was assured that Africans would be consulted before any new changes were brought about. The campaign for a ConstitutionalConference was intensified as 1960 wore on. Ultimately, as a result of an agreement between Whitehead and H.M. Government, a Constitutional Conference was summoned in London at the endof the year. Despite the fact that the N.D.P. was not invited to attend they sent representatives who gate-crashed. Con'fronted with such a situation, Cucan Sandys, then Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs, prevailed upon Sir Edgar Whitehead to let the NDP leaders attend. The Conference adjourned to Salisbury in the new year (1961). To it, we shall return. The Campaign against "Minority Rule:" The National Democratic party's Campaign against white "minority rule" was much broader than that mounted by the Congress. It was broader in the sense that is reached more people. The total membership of the party was established in all the 50 magisterial districts. The actual tactics remained the same. The political rally remained the central mode of organizing popular support, and the platform from which the 'sins' of minority rule could be exposed and denounced for all concerned to hear. Sedition, slander, exaggeration, misrepresentation, pillory - these and more were used with greater finesse side by side with a rational, objective analysis of the nature and character of 'minority rule.' Sedition and the Engenderment of Hostility If Congress invented the sedition speech as a legitimate weapon in the struggle with the settlers, the NDP shaperned and perfected it. African National identity was emphasized, the "slogan" came of age, the polarization of hate along racial lines was espoused. With regard to this last, the NDP set out to accentuate the sense of injury among Africans. The inevitability of African victory over settlers was preached, the pejorative epithet became standard fare in most nationalist speeches. Frequently, the jeer, the insult and the pillory and the traditional war song punctuated the speeches by senior executive members. It was a craftly designed and skillfully executed campaign of mass mobilization. Following the Sharpeville massacres of March 1960, the NDP publicly stated that "The European has made guns and prisons the foundation of his Government, but one wonders whether in the near future these weapons shall not be used against them. We do not want the European to reap what he sows but it looks as if he demands it. Dr. Hendrik Verwoed massacred Africans and he was himself shot: "Those who live by the sword shall die by the sword." In blunt language the Publicity Secretary, stated the case against the settlers in June 1960 as follows: "The white settler looked closely into the life of an African to find out those aspects of African life which stabilize him and give him a sense of confidence and independence of decision. He came to the conclusion that land and cattle were the roots of an African and if he were to break the will of an African and impose his dominion status he had to remove these roots and leave an African as loose as a leaf that can be blown about without resistance. " Marondera suggested that the settlers had been inspired by malice and bad faith, a crime under the Sedition Act, Chapter 42 as amended. Embellishing his case against settlers, Marondera had witten in a widely circulated paper:* He chased you from your lands and grouped you and your cattle in small areas called reserves. By this, he was driving you, a human being, to provide the same land to his cattle-animals; * After crowding you and your cattle in the small reserve lands, he began to em-

46 phasize crowdedness - a visible excuse to destock your cattle so that you remain with nearly no cattle. 0 Over-populated as the reserves are, he has introduced a land tenure system (Land Husbandry Act) which under the circumstances will compel you to possess 4 to 6 acres (of land). * The net result of all these measures are that you have so little land and so few cattle to depend upon that you are forced by the threat of hunger and poverty to go and be a servant in town. Concluding, Marondera observed that "the settler has created a Lord of himself who must be begged only or else!" Aware that the above statement, appearing in the Party's journal, would be read widely, Marondera rhetorically ask: ed: "Is this Government by consent? adding - "As long as it means ensuring the continued domination of the white settler, the white settler government will not hesitate to take advantage of the chiefs." It is clear 'that the above statements were aimed at Africans in the rural areas. However, the urban literate elites were not forgotten in each and every issue of 'he "Democratic Voice." In the'same issue dated June 4, 1960, for example, the elites were treated to "sedition in poetry." The first, headed "The Sharpeville Ghost Speaks for May Day," caused an outcry among the clergy on account of its blasphemous character and among the 'settlers for its sedition. It constituted one of the counts against Marondera during his trial in the Rhodesian High Court. He wrote: They do talk of their blonde Jesus on the Cross and whip us merry Halleuiahs; and praise the Lord for my black skin and the white saints promising Hell on Earth. But I don't sing no more not since Sharpeville I quit singing when I saw women with bleeding breasts and dead children and old people and young people screaming and wailing and tears falling in the blood and the dust and the smell of carnqge making them Boss Jackals braver. And 'this weren't hell - this is Africa I am a blackman maybe I'm not fit to live with Boss whites but I ain't asking to Idon 't want your blonde Nietzscheplacing his hand on my head and.blessing me for my ignorance I have quit begging. I've got a hand and a brain and I can make my'ownphilosophies.. am changing my ideas so, you've got to change I ain't letting my skin frighten your children No more - and Iain 't going to let you kill anymore of mine just give me a little room to breathe - In Africa one can't move for white! boss shackles. And I ain 't bluffed either I could be a jew and get the Swastika Treatment instead of apartheid, but I'm not a minority they are scared because I'm a majority - I am a working man I quit being stupid I can identify'myself with all people I know my nemy and I know my brother the Klan lon't need to hide their faces - I know Zimbabwe News Vol. 14 No. 3 October 1983 who they are. They can scream their lunatic race hatred but in Africa, I know it's class. A witness. haunts the inhumanity of Sharpeville. So, go to tyrants! and with feet of clay in marital time, treated on the grapes that make the sweetest wine, but fear the terrible potency that is born, freedom is the cry of Africa - and a black Joshua blows the horn." Whatever poetic genius was ascribed to the author, the settlers and their regime did not recognize this kind of poetic license. Lewis found these verses "were intended to arouse it). the minds of the readers of "The Democratic Voice" a distrust and strong dislike of, and enmity against the government (amounting to "dissatisfaction" in its ordinary grammatical meaning)', and that they were also intended to engender feelings of hostility towards or contempt of the Europeans as 'representing the race which goverds this country." Equally subversive and seditious was the poem, possibly written by Robert Mugabe headed: Onward Charted Soldiers which was understood to refer to the Charted Company and its settler. It cried. Onward Charted soldiers onto the heathen lands Prayer books in your pockets, rifles in your hands. Take the glorious tidings where trade can be done spread the peaceful Gospel with a Maxim gun onward the chartered soldiers on to the he heathen lands Prayer books in your pockets, rifles in you hands. Tell the wretched natives, sinful are their hearts turn their heathen temples into ipirit marts. And if to your teaching they will not succumb give them another sermon with a Maxim gun. Tell them they are pagans in black error sunk. Make them Christians - that is make them drunk and if the Bible still they dare to frown you must do your duty: take and shoot them down when the ten commandents they quite understand, you, their chief, must hocus and annex their land and if they are misguided, call you to account give them another sermon with a Maxim from the mount. Such articles as tnese, in The Democratic Voice, do not reflect the aberrant behaviour of a Department. They properly reflect a concerted campaign by the entire executive. In fact, every senior executive member was at one time or another arrested and prosecuted for making subversive statements at public meetings. Enos Nkalsa's principal themes were "blood" and "Europeans as devils." He racked up criminal prosecutions within 16 months for contraventions of the Sedition Act, The Public Order Act, and the Law and Order (Maintenance Act). Some examples are instructive in our study of interracial conflict. Addressing a major rally at Sinoia on September 4 1960, in the rresence of several m ,bers of tht Police who took notes of what was said, Nkala opened up by telling the crowd that "there' is a Chinese pnrase: "The tea of independence must be watered by blood." He went on to vow: "We shall water by blood because our forefathers were but. chered. In Bulawayo my friends were killed by this government. In. Salisbury a woman with a child was shot. Is this proper government? We are considered as traitors and are shot." This statement was held by Justice Hathorn to be in contravention of Section 20 of the Public Order Act. He was sentenced to three months imprisonment with hard labour. In October 1960, Nkala addressed another rally at Sinoia while he was on bail pending appeal for. the speech he had made in that town the previous month. The meeting was attended by 600 people. On this oceassion he focused attention on events in the Congo and their implications for the future race relations in an independent Zimbabwe. Speaking in a highpitched voice he said, "nter alia." You saw Europeans from Congo without Jackets because of Lumumba. I will make Europeans run from this country, so will Nziramasanga. All those who will not cooperate. Some Europeans we will not chase out because we want to arrest them and make them suffer; they have committed high treason. After a brief but menacing pause, Nkala continued: "These are the Europeans we shall never give mercy to.... There is no mercy to the devil. God will work with us Po crush what is wrong." Although Nkala was finally acquitted by the Federal Supreme Court, Rhodesian settlers could not ignore the fact that their 'territorial courts had convicted him for making this statement contrary to the provisions of Section 20 of the Public Order Act. In April 1960 Nkala spoke at a special public meeting at Chatsworth, near Fort Victoria in the Southern Province. The author acted as interpreter (English into Shona.) The rally was special because it had been staged to protest the expulsion of blind African Students from the Capota School for the Blind, near Fort Victoria. The author had transported the expelled blind students to the rally. The Principal of the school, Miss MArgaretta Hugo, had taken this drastic step because the blind students had complained of bad food and poor bedding facilities, particularly for married couples. Nkala delivered his most bitter attack at Margaretta Hugo and through her, the government. His opening sentences were articulated as he pointedly looked at the expellees. Then as if in a trance. Nkala looked up to heaven and said, "We stand (here) -ven before the representatives of devil telling them we want freedom." Turning his fire on Miss Hugo, he called her a "political devil," "and angel of devil." "the devil under a sheep's skin," one of the "people who call themselVes represen-. tatives of God," etc. The author could see, as interpreter, that the crowd was getting excited, angry and restive. One young mbabwe News nleaning on a tree staried brandishing knife as tears streamed down his cks. Craftly tying Miss Hugo, an Akaans speaking missionary, to Native C missioners and the regime, he call'the entire group "Boers," and ' olitical murderers." All these and my other insults he paraded before his aience. He also repeatedly referred to e police as "those boys." He asserted that "a policeman shall never touch us" ecause "we pay them, they are our serants," which was in itself not an acurate statement. But then, he suddenly lunched an attack on the police using hose present as examples of whites who would be chased out of the country when Africans came to power. Pointing at one white policeman directly, he told the audience: "imagine a small policeman like that - coming to deal with my father, holding him like an animal." Turning to the crowd, he asserted: "these are the policemen who think they are above me, who think they are above you, who think they must do what they like over you, who think they must arrest you any time they feel like, who think you must be shoved in prison at any time they feel like..." At this point, an elderly man burst into a war song. The author implored him to keep his temper under control. The faces of the white policemen were red with anger and embarrassment. But Nkala was not through with them. Everyone present saw the senior policeman holding an impromptu conference with his juniors - clearly con sidering making an arrest there and then. A junior police officer pointed to many stones scattered all over the village, presumably suggesting that it would be suic de to arrest Nkala'at the meeting. There was no way anyone could draw Nkala's attention to what was being planned. He was too preoccupied with working-up the crowd. He assessed that the crowd was not sufficiently angry at the police and continued. "Now today they (the police) are used to oppress the African, to oppress the people who need them, to oppress the people who need the security from them. Instead of them maintaining the security of the state, they are oppressing the security of the state and they have engendered the feeling of hostility among the people." After a short pause, he looked at the crowd and asked: "Now, do we hate the police genuinely'? Do we hate our soldiers? What do we hate? Where do these methods that you hate come from?" Then turning to face the police and raising his hand at them he said, "These people are nothing; they are just nothing, they are tools of oppression; they are tools of a vicious Government...." Somewhat relaxed, and facing the crowd he lectured: "Today, if you look at those two policemen (pointing to the senior officer and one junior who were closest to the crowd) you will find their The troubled early 1960s. Riot police at the ready faces are very ugly. What is the reason that they are so shrinking when they look at us? It is because they have been taught to hate a native. Who teaches thepolicemen to hate a native? It is a corrupted Government." As interpreter for Nkala at this meeting the author was free to be as subversive in his separate speech as he liked. None of the police could speak Shona. But he could also advise the crowd, as helid, not to stone the police, as they were armed. A week after the meeting, Nkala was arrested and charged with 19 counts of contravening Sections 34 and 39 of the Law and Order Maintenance Act, 1960. He was found guilty on four counts drawing three years hard labour on each count all sentences to run concurrently. The president of the NDP, Michael Mawema had been equally blunt and reckless as to whether what he said infringed the law or not. The idea was to whip up national consciousness among the masses and prepare their minds for any eventuality, including the use of violence. On May 22, 1960, he made a speech at Gwelo before an audience of 400 people which recalled the 1896 - 97 revolution, the'first time a nationalist had done so from a political platform. But it also had other sinister implications. After recounting the history of Southern Rhodesia from the time wherr Europeans first came to the country, he treated the crowd to descriptions of various battles their forefathers had been engaged in against Europeans. Then, speaking of the struggle in the Mazoe Valley in 1897 he said, "At Mazoe Dam, one thousand Mashonas were killed when they refused to say to Europeans "Nkosi." Now today, there is a plantation of oranges which we eat. We eat our forefathers' blood." The reaction of the crowd was electric. Everyone present knew that all the oranges eaten in the country were grown in the Mazoe Valley. It was also a matter of public record that whites had carried out a massacre of Africans in the Mazoe Valley. The suggestion that Africans ought to boycott oranges was clearly implied. It was of course a criminal offenok to urge any person to participate in a boycott of anything whatsoever. This is apart from the fact that the statement was in possible contravention of Section 22(l)(A) of the Public Order Act which made it a crime for any person to utter any "words"...with intent to promote any feeling of hostility between one or more sections of the community on the one hand and any other section or sections of the commuhity on the other hand." The Crown was later to contend that telling the crowd of such historical events, even if true, was likely to promote hostility in terms of the Act. Although Chief Justice Clayden allowed Mawema's appeal on both conviction and sentence, he did find that the words were likely to promote feelings of hostility "Between the races." He allowed the'appeal on a legal technicality in that the Crown had not proved that Mawema's principal object in making the speech was to engender such hostility. On the contrary, said the judge, it was quite possible that Mawema's principal object "was to gain support for the National Democratic Party," a lawful and legitimate end. The regime was aghast at the acquital. The "shorthand" or the slogan: As stated elsewhere, the slogan was a tactic of political mobilization. The regime had a hard time trying to outlaw slogans as the courts were apparently unwilling or reluctant to go along. A leading case in this regard was R. V. Mutinzi. In that case, it was alleged that Mutinzi, Chairman of the Gwelo Youth Council of the NDP had, in the presence of 800 Africans stood up and shouted "Kwacha" and stuck his thumbs up, fist clenched. "Kwacha" is a Nyanja word which means "Freedom." During the trial of Mutinzi. the Crown maintained that it was criminal to shout "Freedom," Because that slogan was a slogan of an unlawful organization, namely, the Nyasaland African National Congress. Despite the fact that Section 9 of the Unlawful Organization Act clearly made it a crime for any persons who "carries or displays anything whatsoever or shouts or utters any slogan or make any sign indicating that he is or was.a office bearer or member of or in any wa associated with any unlawful organi tion, and despite that in the present cas it was established that the accused utter the slogans in question, the High Cort refused to convict on the grounds that the Crown had not established that thos slogans were of the S.R. African Nation Congress. The result of the R. V. Mutinzi case was to leave the Nationalists free to use slogans to their hearts' contsnt until 1962 when the courts started to be firmer and more willing to convict. FOUNDATION TECHNICAL COLLEGE P.O. Box: 2257: 114 Fort street, 9th/10th Avenues. Bulawayo Telephone 61110 (Registered under Vocational Education and Training Act) Vacancies are available for the following courses: Pre O-levels: Available to ex J.C. Students who have set for their J.C. Examinations. Secretarial: Shorthand, Typing, Bookkeeping and Office Practice N am e ...... address ...... Standard Passed ...... Coursq(s) Required ...... Please fill and cut this advert, post it to: FOUNDATION TECHNICAL C E OLLEGE

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But this time the Party leadership decided to widen its scop of operation to include the printing of non-Party material Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company was therefore bo in 1981. (Jongwe or cock is the official Party symbol of ZAN PF). It was to function as a self-supporting printing an publishing company operating within a socialist framewor Rather than be supported financially by the Party, Jongwe wa instead, supposed to be a viable commercial concern, whi would give financial aid to the Party. This was to be the Co pany's objective as set by the Party President, Comrade Robe Mugabe, at the time it was launched. To this end, the Compa has not failed the Party. Like all fledgelings the Company was beset by some proble in the early days. Unlike with other Party printing presses in othe countries, Jongwe started off without any state aid, financial or otherwise. With an initial workforce of workers who were not adequately trained and with rather outdated machinery coupled with the lack of capital, the Company inevitably experienced difficulties in setting off the ground. But through the determination and tenacity of purpose of the workers and the efforts of both the Management and the Worker's Committee (which is involved in all decision making) the Company managed to surmount most of its problems. The quality of work improv'ed significantly so that the Company now prints Hansard (the official report of proceedings in Parliament), political and fictional novels, school and other educational books, the Zimbabwe National Army Magazine, posters, invitation rrds etc, etc. Last but not least it publishes and prints ZIMBABWE NEWS. Most of the workers are former freedom fighters and they appreciate and do everything possible to advance the Company's socialist ideals. Just as they played a key role in the prosecution of the liberation struggle, the comrades at Jongwe are committed to improve the company so that the Party can depend upon it much more, not only for financial aid, but also for the production of ideological material that will make our march towards the creation of a socialist state easier. Because of the confidence and experience that the workers have acquired, tht Company is expanding by leaps and bounds. Plans to extend the buildings and acquire * new machinery have been approved. Training programmes are under way. At the pace at which things are moving, Jongwe is poised for greater success. f.Al'YUmk;c ZANUwC(