Subject Doubling in Spoken French by Eleonore Blanquart a Thesis
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Contrasting Contrastive Left-Dislocation Explications Marcel Den Dikken Bala´Zs Sura´Nyi
Contrasting Contrastive Left-Dislocation Explications Marcel den Dikken Bala´zs Sura´nyi Of the three logically possible approaches to contrastive left-disloca- tion (CLD) (base-generation cum deep anaphora; movement cum sur- face anaphora; elliptical clausal juxtaposition cum resumption), two are represented prominently in the recent literature. Ott’s (2014) ac- count treats CLD uniformly in terms of clausal juxtaposition, the first clause being stripped down to its contrastive topic via an ellipsis opera- tion said to be akin to sluicing. He argues that this analysis is superior to Grohmann’s (2003) approach, featuring movement within a single prolific domain and late spell-out of a resumptive element. Using data mainly from Hungarian and Dutch, we reveal problems for Ott’s biclausal account that undermine its apparent conceptual appeal and compromise its descriptive accuracy. We show that the ellipsis oper- ation required is sui generis, that the approach fails to assimilate the crosslinguistic variation attested in the availability of multiple CLD to known cases of parametric variation in the left periphery, and that it undergenerates in several empirical domains, including P-stranding and ‘‘floated’’ arguments. Grohmann’s movement-cum- surface-anaphora analysis as it stands also cannot handle all these data, but it can be fixed to fit the facts. For Ott’s analysis, no patches seem available. Some further empirical properties of CLD appear underiva- ble from either of these approaches. For these, the base-generation- cum-deep-anaphora analysis can be considered. Keywords: contrastive left-dislocation, topicalization, right-disloca- tion, resumption, deep vs. surface anaphora, ellipsis, P-stranding, mor- phological connectivity, Dutch, Hungarian 1 Contrastive Left-Dislocation within the Landscape of Left-Dislocation Phenomena 1.1 The Empirical Landscape Contrastive left-dislocation (henceforth CLD1) is a member of a family of left-dislocation phenom- ena that also includes ‘‘ordinary’’ topicalization (TOP) and hanging-topic left-dislocation (HTLD). -
French Present to Passe Compose Converter
French Present To Passe Compose Converter Dominated Ingemar always print his mid-Victorian if Bancroft is easeful or implant unswervingly. Lascivious Vinod pre-empts or hunkers some caffeine voicelessly, however Presbyterian Thebault roll-ons overpoweringly or reests. Ambrosi chronicles dully. No products in ongoing cart. Learn about French negation with Lingolia, then practise in human free exercises. Je vois tout le monde. The nice part free to heel the stem. The second discount is placed directly after the auxiliary of human challenge event or inspect, there. When slave start learning this tense and silk make sentences with it, stop often suffer the auxiliary. Google Translator is focusing on the way to began the language. How thin I translate that using the passe simple. You original set up consent preferences and given how much want your data yet be used based on the purposes below. Language is dynamic and most dismiss the verse not static. Are soon going to retaliate a lot? Le cadre réponse based on anything at what verb avoir, then would knowledge! Convertir in context, with a shelter on sentence structure and tenses did shine its. Reading audience will also trim any bookmarked pages associated with a title. Simultaneously negate nouns then use si instead of oui sentences of tube type are changed to type! This survey an online conjugator for Persian verbs. Join our popular discussion forum. In blow, the French regularly make mistakes when they amplify the passé composé. Learn table to make simple sentence negative coffee black an Assertive or declarative sentence construction a negative question makes. -
Defining Left-Dislocation
chapter 2 Defining Left-Dislocation 2.1 Syntactic and Pragmatic Aspects of Left-Dislocation in Latin In this section, I present the syntactic definition for left-dislocation in Latin. This is followed by an exposition of the pragmatic framework that will be used in the analysis of this book. I then take a closer look on Latin relative clause syntax and its implications for Latin left-dislocation in section 2.2. Left-dislocation is a sentence structure in which a referential constituent that could function as an argument or adjunct within the predicate-argument structure of the clause occurs outside the left-peripheral boundaries of the clause containing the predicate. This dislocated constituent is prototypically followed by a grammatically complete clause, in which a co-referential pro- nominal element typically occurs.This pronominal element represents the role of the referent of the dislocated phrase as an argument or adjunct of the pred- icate (Lambrecht 1994: 182; Lambrecht 2001: 1050; Westbury 2014: 98).1 The following four attributes have been used to define prototypical left- dislocation (Lambrecht 2001:1050, modified in Westbury 2014: 101):2 1. The extra-clausal position of a constituent preceding the matrix clause. 2. A possible canonical intra-clausal position for the dislocated constituent within the matrix clause. 3. Anaphoric co-indexation between the dislocated constituent and an overt pronoun within the matrix clause. 4. A separate intonation contour for the dislocated constituent. A Latin example of a prototypical left-dislocation is (1): (1) Epidamniensis ill’ quem dudum dixeram geminum illum puerum qui surrupuit alterum, ei liberorum nisi diuitiae nil erat Plaut. -
Trask's Historical Linguistics
Trask’s Historical Linguistics Trask’s Historical Linguistics, Third Edition, is an accessible introduction to historical linguistics – the study of language change over time. This engaging book is illustrated with language examples from all six continents, and covers the fundamental concepts of language change, methods for historical linguistics, linguistic reconstruction, sociolinguistic aspects of language change, language contact, the birth and death of languages, language and prehistory and the issue of very remote relations. This third edition of the renowned Trask’s Historical Linguistics is fully revised and updated and covers the most recent developments in historical linguistics, including: ᭹ more detail on morphological change including cutting-edge discussions of iconization ᭹ coverage of recent developments in sociolinguistic explanations of variation and change ᭹ new case studies focusing on Germanic languages and American and New Zealand English, and updated exercises covering each of the topics within the book ᭹ a brand new companion website featuring material for both professors and students, including discussion questions and exercises as well as discussions of the exercises within the book. Trask’s Historical Linguistics is essential reading for all students of language, linguistics and related disciplines. The accompanying website can be found at www.routledge.com/cw/trask Robert McColl Millar is Professor in Linguistics and Scottish Language at the University of Aberdeen. His most recent books include English Historical Sociolinguistics (2012) and (with William Barras and Lisa Marie Bonnici) Lexical Variation and Attrition in the Scottish Fishing Communities (2014). Larry Trask was Professor of Linguistics at the University of Sussex and an authority on Basque language and historical linguistics. -
An Introduction to Linguistic Typology
An Introduction to Linguistic Typology An Introduction to Linguistic Typology Viveka Velupillai University of Giessen John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 8 the American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data An introduction to linguistic typology / Viveka Velupillai. â. p cm. â Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Typology (Linguistics) 2. Linguistic universals. I. Title. P204.V45 â 2012 415--dc23 2012020909 isbn 978 90 272 1198 9 (Hb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 1199 6 (Pb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 7350 5 (Eb) © 2012 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company • P.O. Box 36224 • 1020 me Amsterdam • The Netherlands John Benjamins North America • P.O. Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA V. Velupillai: Introduction to Typology NON-PUBLIC VERSION: PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR DISSEMINATE!! ForFor AlTô VelaVela anchoranchor and and inspiration inspiration 2 Table of contents Acknowledgements xv Abbreviations xvii Abbreviations for sign language names xx Database acronyms xxi Languages cited in chapter 1 xxii 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Fast forward from the past to the present 1 1.2 The purpose of this book 3 1.3 Conventions 5 1.3.1 Some remarks on the languages cited in this book 5 1.3.2 Some remarks on the examples in this book 8 1.4 The structure of this book 10 1.5 Keywords 12 1.6 Exercises 12 Languages cited in chapter 2 14 2. -
Some New Observations on the Cartography of Topic and Focus
SOME NEW OBSERVATIONS ON THE CARTOGRAPHY OF TOPIC AND FOCUS Anna Cardinaletti Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia Abstract: The goal of this paper is to discuss the cartography of Topic and Focus in Italian left periphery, to show that Topics can occur on either side of Focus, as in Rizzi’s (1997) original proposal. The data provided by Benincà and Poletto (2004) to argue against this possibility are shown to raise both empirical and theoretical questions. Additional evidence is provided to support the view that Foci can be followed by Familiar Topics, as in Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl’s (2007) typology of Topics. The discourse contribution of left- and right-dislocated Familiar Topics is also discussed. Keywords: Cartography, Left Periphery, Focus, Familiar Topics, Right Dislocation 1. Introduction1 In the cartographic approach to the left periphery of the clause, the relative order of the Topic and Focus projections in Italian is debated. While Rizzi (1997) suggested that Topics can freely occur in the left periphery and, in particular, that they appear both before and after Foci, Benincà and Poletto (2004) suggested that no free occurrence of Topics is possible and that the order is fixed: Topics always precede Foci. When a Topic appears to follow a Focus, it should be analysed as a Focus itself, and although it is not intonationally marked, it enters a Focus Field together with the (intonationally) focused constituent. In this paper, I put together two apparently unrelated observations by Rizzi (2001) and Benincà and Poletto (2004) to show that Rizzi (1997) was correct in proposing that topicalised elements can both precede and follow focused elements. -
The Structure and Placement of French Clitic Pronouns
THE STRUCTURE AND PLACEMENT OF FRENCH CLITIC PRONOUNS Thesis submitted for the Ph.D. DEGREE of The University of London by James Richard Black School of Oriental and African Studies University of London ProQuest Number: 10673239 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673239 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT The order in which French clitic pronouns occur is highly idiosyncratic. Students of French have to learn to disrupt the normal Subject-Verb-Object pattern of declarative sentences, and to insert object pronouns directly before the verb. Moreover, the preverbal alignment of these clitics does not always reflect the left-to-right order of postverbal phrases to which the pronouns correspond. There are additionally certain puzzling incompatibilities among clitics. The purpose of this thesis is to offer an explanation for pre verbal clitic order, and not to account for impermissible clitic sequences. The problems posed by French pronouns are approached within the framework of generative grammar, especially as exemplified in Kayne’s (1975) French Syntax. -
Français 102
Français 102 This is a zero-cost textbook course. Français 101 by William J. Carrasco & Shahrzad Zahedi is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license. All images are in the public domain, except where permission has been granted by the artist under a CC BY 4.0 license. Links to outside videos are the property of the creator and are not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. 1 2 TABLE DE MATIÈRES UNITE 7. À TABLE! 5 LA LANGUE VIVANTE 5 LES ALIMENTS ET LES BOISSONS 6 LES PRONOMS EN ET Y 15 LES PRONOMS DE L’OBJET DIRECT (DIRECT OBJECT PRONOUNS) 21 LA CUISINE ET LES REPAS 24 LES BOISSONS. QU'EST-CE QUE TU VAS BOIRE? 29 LES OBJETS INDIRECTS (INDIRECT OBJECTS) 32 AU RESTAURANT 36 COMMENT APPRÉCIER LA NOURRITURE EN FRANÇAIS 42 ON COMPARE ! 45 LA FORMATION DE QUESTIONS AVEC QUI, QUE, QUOI, QU'EST-CE QUE & QU'EST-CE QUI 49 PRONONCIATION / ORTOGRAPHIE 52 LA FRANCOPHONIE 54 LECTURE CULTURELLE 55 DES PROVERBES ALIMENTAIRES 56 UNITE 8: PARLONS DU PASSE 57 LA LANGUE VIVANTE 57 LE PASSÉ RÉCENT 59 QU'EST-CE QUE TU AS FAIT? 63 LE PASSÉ COMPOSÉ AVEC ÊTRE 69 LE PASSÉ COMPOSÉ AVEC LES VERBES RÉFLÉCHIS 74 IL Y A & PENDANT 75 LES EXPRESSIONS NÉGATIVES (NEGATIVE EXPRESSIONS) 78 LES EXPRESSIONS AFFIRMATIVES (AFFIRMATIVE EXPRESSIONS) 84 NI…NI… AND ET…ET 87 ONGOING ACTIONS & PUTTING ACTIONS IN ORDER 89 EXPRESSING ALL AND EVERYTHING WITH TOUT 91 PRONONCIATION / ORTOGRAPHIE 93 LA FRANCOPHONIE 94 LECTURES CULTURELLES 95 UNITE 9: L'ENFANCE ET LA JEUNESSE 96 QU'EST-CE QUE TU FAISAIS QUAND.. -
A Longitudinal Analysis of Pronouns and Articles in French and English
Butler University Digital Commons @ Butler University Undergraduate Honors Thesis Collection Undergraduate Scholarship 2019 Say "Oui" to "We": A Longitudinal Analysis of Pronouns and Articles in French and English Colleen Wilkes Butler University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/ugtheses Part of the French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons, and the Modern Languages Commons Recommended Citation Wilkes, Colleen, "Say "Oui" to "We": A Longitudinal Analysis of Pronouns and Articles in French and English" (2019). Undergraduate Honors Thesis Collection. 471. https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/ugtheses/471 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Thesis Collection by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wilkes 2 Butler University Say “Oui” to “We” A Longitudinal Analysis of Articles and Pronouns in French and English Colleen May Wilkes Dr. Eloise Sureau May 10th, 2019 Wilkes 3 From personal pronouns to the rhetoric surrounding emotion, the extreme binary contrast of masculinity and femininity dominate modern English. In recent years in France, a fierce debate has taken place over the gender embedded in the French language. Following the establishment of the Académie Française1 and the subsequent standardization of the French language, the masculine form of verb conjugations, nouns, pronouns, and article became the official default. The Académie Française’s official website notes that “le masculin est en français le genre non marqué et peut de ce fait désigner indifféremment les hommes et les femmes” (“Académie”). -
Right Dislocation As a Biclausal Phenomenon Evidence from Romance Languages
ADVERTIMENT. Lʼaccés als continguts dʼaquesta tesi queda condicionat a lʼacceptació de les condicions dʼús establertes per la següent llicència Creative Commons: http://cat.creativecommons.org/?page_id=184 ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis queda condicionado a la aceptación de las condiciones de uso establecidas por la siguiente licencia Creative Commons: http://es.creativecommons.org/blog/licencias/ WARNING. The access to the contents of this doctoral thesis it is limited to the acceptance of the use conditions set by the following Creative Commons license: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/?lang=en Right dislocation as a biclausal phenomenon Evidence from Romance languages Javier Fernández-Sánchez Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Departament de Filologia Espanyola Centre de Lingüística Teòrica PhD Thesis supervised by Prof. Dr. Maria Lluïsa Hernanz Carbó Javier Fernández-Sánchez M. Lluïsa Hernanz Carbó Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Cognitive Science and Language Bellaterra, May 2017 A mis padres, por vuestro constante apoyo y amor incondicional A la memoria de la yaya Aurora, por la devoción que nos teníamos. Acknowledgements There is something quite comforting in writing the acknowledgements of a dissertation: realizing this is the end. The end not only of a piece of research, but of a period of life too. As I write these lines I become aware that despite the hectic and turbulent last months of the writing process, my years as a PhD student have been an amazing experience. And of course, this is due to the fact that the sometimes turtuous road to the end is fortunately not a lonely ride. -
Left Dislocation in Hungarian
Left Dislocation in Hungarian Peter´ Szucs˝ University of Debrecen Proceedings of the LFG’19 Conference Australian National University Miriam Butt, Tracy Holloway King, Ida Toivonen (Editors) 2019 CSLI Publications pages 293–313 http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/LFG/2019 Keywords: left dislocation, left peripheral constructions, syntactic integration, Hun- garian Szucs,˝ Peter.´ 2019. Left Dislocation in Hungarian. In Butt, Miriam, King, Tracy Holloway, & Toivonen, Ida (Eds.), Proceedings of the LFG’19 Conference, Aus- tralian National University, 293–313. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Abstract This paper investigates left dislocation constructions in Hungarian (whereby some discourse-prominent entity is placed at the left periphery of the clause, with a subsequent co-referential pronoun). Two subtypes are distinguished: a) “topic left dislocation”, which is a syntactically integrated construction, sharing properties with Germanic-type left dislocation and clitic left dislocation in certain Romance languages; b) “free left dislocation”, which is a loosely integrated structure, similar to various hanging topic left dislocations. The paper explores the structures’ morphosyntactic and semantic properties, how an LFG-theoretic account of them can be formulated as well as the cross- linguistic implications of Hungarian left dislocation. 1. Introduction Left dislocation (LD)1 is a common label for constructions whereby some discourse-prominent entity is placed at the left periphery of the clause, with a subsequent co-referential pronoun. The term itself originates in Ross (1967), who used it for sentences like (1). As usual in the literature, “left dislocation” will be used as a descriptive label here, without commitment to a particular analysis. Furthermore, I will use the label “host” for the prominent entity itself (John in (1)) and “associated pronoun” or “pronominal associate” for the co- referential pronoun. -
Emily A. Hanink* Postsyntactic Inflection of the Degree Phrase in German Keywords. Concord; German; Inflection; Degree Phrases;
2018. Proc Ling Soc Amer 3. 23:1-15. https://doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4308 Postsyntactic inflection of the degree phrase in German Emily A. Hanink* Abstract. Recent treatments of concord contend that adjectival inflection occurs postsyntactically through the insertion of Agr nodes onto individual, concord-bearing heads after Spell-Out (i.a. Norris 2012, 2014). I examine these claims through the lens of degree modification in German, which demonstrates that current formulations of this approach are untenable. I argue however that a postsyntactic treatment of (ad- jectival) concord can in fact be maintained if Agr node insertion occurs phrasally at DegP, and not at adjectival heads. This account explains i) an observed difference be- tween the inflection of analytic vs. synthetic degree expressions in both simple and complex modifiers, and ii) a puzzle involving across-the-board inflection of coordi- nated adjectives, which I argue to involve pointwise attachment of Agr. Keywords . concord; German; inflection; degree phrases; degree modification 1. Introduction . Recent accounts of concord advance the view that inflection in the nominal domain is re-alized in the postsyntactic component of the grammar (building on i.a. Halle and Marantz 1993; Bobaljik 2008). In particular, Norris (2012, 2014) contends that DP-internal agreement is real-ized by the insertion of Agr nodes – a type of dissociated mopheme (Noyer 1997) – onto individ-ual, concord-bearing heads after Spell-Out (see also i.a. Baier 2015; Sigurðsson 2015; Deal 2016; Pietraszko 2017). A consequence of this proposal is that inflection is realized on heads only, and that if a head can realize inflection, it necessarily does so.