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The Structure and Placement of French Clitic Pronouns THE STRUCTURE AND PLACEMENT OF FRENCH CLITIC PRONOUNS Thesis submitted for the Ph.D. DEGREE of The University of London by James Richard Black School of Oriental and African Studies University of London ProQuest Number: 10673239 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673239 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT The order in which French clitic pronouns occur is highly idiosyncratic. Students of French have to learn to disrupt the normal Subject-Verb-Object pattern of declarative sentences, and to insert object pronouns directly before the verb. Moreover, the preverbal alignment of these clitics does not always reflect the left-to-right order of postverbal phrases to which the pronouns correspond. There are additionally certain puzzling incompatibilities among clitics. The purpose of this thesis is to offer an explanation for pre­ verbal clitic order, and not to account for impermissible clitic sequences. The problems posed by French pronouns are approached within the framework of generative grammar, especially as exemplified in Kayne’s (1975) French Syntax. Certain later developments in this model have been incorporated into the arguments presented here, while certain others have been rejected as being non-explanatory when applied to the question of clitic ordering. General proposals designed to regulate the order of application of transformational rules or to delimit their domain are examined to determine their relevance to French pronouns. Proposals specific to the grammar of French are also investigated. It will be shown that none of the explanations offered to date is entirely satisfactory: supposedly universal constraints on rules fail to align clitics correctly, and language-particular claims require convoluted or otherwise improbable sets of rules, make certain dubious assumptions, or simply do not make the right predictions. The claim made here is that important differences in the under­ lying structure of French pronouns motivate their preverbal order. 2 3 Elaborate clitic ’templates’ like the one advocated by Perlmutter (1971) can therefore be rejected in favour of a single surface filter. No new mechanisms are needed, as clitic order follows from the inter­ action of a simple clitic movement rule constrained by the very general A-over—A Principle and a filter limiting the surface position of en. It has been pointed out to me that there are two remaining problems in the analysis of clitic order presented in chapter seven* My claim that the A-over A Principle can successfully distinguish underlying Pro forms to which a subject clitic is attached from those first and second person Pro forms which I argue are generated without these subject clitics is not above suspicion. Whether the Pro mentioned in the structural description of the rule of Glitic Placement operates on a syntactic category Pro, or on an NP marked with a +PRO feature, it is not clear that the structure HP ^~13P,-SGI^7of pag£ 3^6 is affected in the desired manner (i.e., MOT subject to Clitic Placement), because the higher HP containing HP* and SOL may well not itself be a Pro constituent# The second problem concerns clitic ordering in cases of non-reflexive idiomatic clitics combined with other clitics having a post-verbal source. My set of rules will not generate, for example, sequences like "XI m'en veut". further refinements of the notion "idiomatic clitic"will be required to.obviate this lacuna. CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter 1: The Problem of Ordering and Co-occurrence 11 1.1 The Preverbal Order of French Clitics 11 1.2 Co-occurrence Restrictions Among French Clitics 16 1.3 Proposed Solutions to the Problem: Perlmutter's Surface Structure Constraint 19 1.3.1 Rejection of a Phrase Structure Approach 20 1.3.2 A Transformational Approach 23 1.3.3 A Surface Filter 25 1.4 Problems with the Surface Structure Constraint 27 Chapter 2: General Proposals for the Placement of French Clitics: Preliminary Considerations 36 2.1 The ’Straightforward’ Approach 40 2.2 Interpretations of the Variable 46 2.2.1 The Abbreviatory Variable Convention 46 2.2.2 The Variable Interpretation Convention 47 2.3 The Minimal String Principle 55 2.4 The Locality Principle 59 2.5 The Superiority Condition 66 2.6 Trace Theory 68 2.7 Conclusion 73 Chapter 3: Previous Analyses of French Clitic Order 74 3.1 Emonds’ Analysis of Clitic Placement 74 3.2 Herschensohn’s Analysis of Clitic Placement 79 3.3 Fiengo and Gitterman's Approach to Clitic Ordering 83 3.3.1 Second Position and A-before-A 84 3.3.2 Rules Required for Cliticisation 87 3.3.3 Problems for Fiengo and Gitterman’s Analysis 96 3.3.3.1 The Category Status and Position of ne 97 3.3.3.2 The Determination of Second Position 101 3.3.3.3 The Intervention of Adverbs Between Verb and Objects 103 3.3.3.4 The Derived Constituent Structure of Clitics 105 3.3.3.5 The Category Status and Bar Specification of en 114 3.3.3.6 Pro PPs and Feature Assignment 117 3.3.3.7 Ethical Datives in Three-Clitic Sequences 119 3.3.3.8 The Deep Structure Position of y_ and the Derived Constituent Structure Rules 121 3.3.3.9 The Feature [±STRONG] 124 3.3.3.10 A False Prediction of the ’A-before-A’ Principle 125 3.3.3.11 Summary 126 Chapter 4: 4.1 The Pronoun En 128 4.2 En and the Internal Structure of Noun Phrases in French 128 4.2.1 En as a Pro-PP 128 4.2.2 Sources of en within the NP 129 4.2.3 The Internal Structure of Indefinite and Quanti­ fied NPs: The Hidden Partitive Hypothesis 132 4 5 A.2.4 The Empty-N Hypothesis 136 4.2.5 Evidence for the Hidden Partitive Hypothesis 141 4.3 The Simple Noun Phrase Hypothesis 142 4.3.1 Syntactic Category Differences Between ’Simple1 and ’Partitive-like’ NPs 142 4.3.2 The Inaccessibility of Constituents of PPs 148 4.3.3 Agreement and the Hidden-Partitive Hypothesis 149 4.3.4 Rightward Detachment and the Ubiquitous-De Hypothesis 154 4.3.5 The Underlying De-Hypothesis: Summary 163 4.4 The Three ens of Erench 165 4.4.1 The Underlying Disunity of en 165 4.4.2 A Further Source for en 168 4.4.3 The Internal Structure of NP Antecedents of en 171 4.4.4 De + noun Sequences Corresponding to jen 174 4.4.5 De + noun Sequences Which Do Not Correspond to en 187 4.4.6 A Potential Counter-example 199 4.4.7 Summary 204 Chapter 5: The Structure of Quantified and Partitive NPs in French 206 5.1 Partitive-Like Constructions in the Analyses Proposed by Selkirk and Milner 206 5.2 Selkirk’s Measure Phrases 207 5.2.1 Argument One: The Structure of ’Pseudopartitives’ 207 5.2.2 Argument Two: Constraints on Recursion in Partitives 211 5.2.3 Argument Three: Leftward Extraposition in French 213 5.2.4 Argument Four: The Upward Boundedness Constraint on Extraposition from NP 217 5.2.5 Argument Five: Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses 223 5.2.6 Argument Six: Presence or Absence of the Preposition 226 5.3 Selkirk’s Measure Nouns, Full Partitives and Noun Complement Constructions 228 5.3.1 Argument Seven: Agreement Phenomena 229 5.3..2 Argument Eight: True Partitives and Noun Complement Constructions 238 5.4"'"Milner’s Tours Partitifs and Tours Quantitatifs 241 5.4.1 En from a Subject NP 243 5.4.2 En and Left-Dislocated Phrases 247 5.4.3 Extraposition of PPs from ’Partitifs’ and ’Quantitatifs’ 252 5.5 Some Implications of this Analysis 254 Chapter 6: The Problem of JSe: Lexical and Transformational Approaches 256 6.1 Lexical Rules 256 6.1.1 Form and Functioning of Lexical Rules 256 6.1.2 Motivation for Lexical Rules 264 6.2 Non-Reflexive Clitics: Lexical or Transformational Treatment 270 6.2.1 Application of these Arguments to Reflexive Clitics 277 6.3 Reflexive Clitics: Lexical or Transformational Treatment 280 6.3.1 The Criterion of Unsystematic Exceptions 282 6.3.2 The Criterion of Structure Preservation 297 6.3.3 The Criterion of Category Changes 299 6.3.4 The Criteria of Rule Ordering and the ’Local' Nature of Lexical Rules 301 6.4 Conclusion 318 6 Chapter 7: The Preverbal Order of French Clitic Pronouns 322 7.1 Reflexive Clitics 324 7.2 The Necessity of Two Cliticisation Rules 329 7.3 Non-Reflexive Personal Pronouns 343 7.3.1 The Non-Uniformity of the Pronoun System ' 344 7.3.2 Morphological, Distributional and Semantic Differences 346 7.3.3 Syntactic Similarities 349 7.4 A Single Clitic Placement Rule, without Positive Output Constraints 352 7.4.1 The Deep Structure of Personal Object Pronouns 352 7.4.2 An Account of Clitic Ordering 359 7.5 The Preverbal Position of En 369 7.5.1 Pro PP en Dominated by VP 370 7.5.2 Pro PP en Dominated by NP, and Pro N en 372 7.5.3 The Placement of Y 378 7.5.4 The Placement of Ethical Datives 379 7.5.5 The Order of Clitics in Affirmative Imperatives 380 Bibliography 382 INTRODUCTION I remember quite distinctly the first time it ever occurred to me that another language was something more than a set of new labels which simply replaced English words in translation exercises.
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