ANNUAL REPORT 2007 Your Gateway to the Fight Against Corruption
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Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security
RUSSIA: ARMS CONTROL, DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY IMEMO CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE RUSSIAN EDITION OF THE SIPRI YEARBOOK 2004 Institute of World Economy and International Relations RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF WORLD ECONOMY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (IMEMO) RUSSIA: ARMS CONTROL, DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY IMEMO SUPPLEMENT TO THE RUSSIAN EDITION OF THE SIPRI YEARBOOK 2004 Compiled and edited by ALEXANDRE KALIADINE AND ALEXEI ARBATOV Moscow 2005 УДК 327 ББК 64.4 (0) Rus 95 Rus 95 Russia: arms control, disarmament and international security/ IMEMO supplement to the Russian edition of the SIPRI Yearbook 2004 / Compiled and edited by A. Kaliadine, A. Arbatov. IMEMO, 2005. – 128 p. ISBN 5-9535-0038-6 Your comments and requests for obtaining the book should be sent to: IMEMO 23, Profsoyuznaya str., Moscow GSP-7, 117997 Russian Federation Telephone: (+7 095) 128 05 13 Telefax: (+7 095) 128 65 75 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL:: http://www.imemo.ru ISBN 5-9535-0038-6 © ИМЭМО РАН, 2005 CONTENTS PREFACE........................................................................................... 5 ACRONYMS ...................................................................................... 7 PART I. ANALYSES, FORECASTS, DISCUSSIONS 1. PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS: NEW THREATS, NEW SO LUTIONS. Alexei ARBATOV ................ 13 Nuclear deterrence and terrorism: the prospect of terrorists coming into possession of nuclear weapons....................................................... 14 Synergy of proliferation -
The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) Scandal: Exploring Malaysia's 2018 General Elections and the Case for Sovereign Wealth Funds
Seattle Pacific University Digital Commons @ SPU Honors Projects University Scholars Spring 6-7-2021 The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) Scandal: Exploring Malaysia's 2018 General Elections and the Case for Sovereign Wealth Funds Chea-Mun Tan Seattle Pacific University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.spu.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Economics Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Tan, Chea-Mun, "The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) Scandal: Exploring Malaysia's 2018 General Elections and the Case for Sovereign Wealth Funds" (2021). Honors Projects. 131. https://digitalcommons.spu.edu/honorsprojects/131 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the University Scholars at Digital Commons @ SPU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ SPU. The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) Scandal: Exploring Malaysia’s 2018 General Elections and the Case for Sovereign Wealth Funds by Chea-Mun Tan First Reader, Dr. Doug Downing Second Reader, Dr. Hau Nguyen A project submitted in partial fulfillMent of the requireMents of the University Scholars Honors Project Seattle Pacific University 2021 Tan 2 Abstract In 2015, the former PriMe Minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, was accused of corruption, eMbezzleMent, and fraud of over $700 million USD. Low Taek Jho, the former financier of Malaysia, was also accused and dubbed the ‘mastermind’ of the 1MDB scandal. As one of the world’s largest financial scandals, this paper seeks to explore the political and economic iMplications of 1MDB through historical context and a critical assessMent of governance. Specifically, it will exaMine the economic and political agendas of former PriMe Ministers Najib Razak and Mahathir MohaMad. -
Corruption in ASEAN Regional Trends from the 2020 Global Corruption Barometer and Country Spotlights
Transparency International Anti-Corruption Helpdesk Answer Corruption in ASEAN Regional trends from the 2020 Global Corruption Barometer and country spotlights Author: Jennifer Schoeberlein, [email protected] Reviewers: Matthew Jenkins, Jorum Duri, Pech Pisey and Ilham Mohamed, Transparency International Date: 24 November 2020 The countries of the ASEAN region are among the fastest growing economies in the world, and recent years have seen a significant increase in foreign direct investment and regional integration. However, despite economic growth, sustainable development in the region is hampered by severe governance shortcomings, most notably in the form of autocratic governments, low levels of accountability and highly politicised public sectors. To tackle corruption, many countries have made substantial reforms of their legal frameworks in recent years, as well as an uptick in enforcement action. Results from the 2020 edition of the Global Corruption Barometer (GCB), produced by Transparency International, indicate increasing levels of trust in governments and governmental institutions, as well as in their ability to tackle corruption challenges, and there is a drop of reported levels of bribes paid (with Thailand being a notable outlier). Despite these improvements, gaps remain in the insufficiently resourced and independent anti-corruption agencies, high levels of state capture and a lack of protection for whistleblowers. This Helpdesk Answer looks at regional trends from the GCB, and provides country overviews for Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. Caveat: the regional trends analysed in this Helpdesk Answer are based in part on the results of the 2020 GCB, which did not include ASEAN members such as Singapore, Brunei, and Laos. -
Mainstreaming Collective Action Establishing a Baseline
Mainstreaming Collective Action Establishing a baseline Gemma Aiolfi, Kyle Forness, Monica Guy March 2020 Basel Institute on Governance Associated Institute of Steinenring 60 | 4051 Basel, Switzerland | +41 61 205 55 11 the University of Basel [email protected] | www.baselgovernance.org BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE Table of contents 1 Executive summary 2 2 Introduction 4 3 What is anti-corruption Collective Action? 5 4 From mainstreaming to private sector implementation of Collective Action 6 4.1 Shifting the needle 7 4.2 The view from business 7 4.3 What is a “norm”? 8 5 Establishing the baseline 9 5.1 International endorsements 10 5.2 National endorsements 15 5.3 Other endorsements 20 5.4 What impact have endorsements of Collective Action had so far? 22 6 A strategy to mainstream Collective Action 23 7 Appendix I: Endorsements in NACS 24 7.1 Introduction 24 7.2 Country summaries 25 8 Appendix II: NACS country list 36 9 Appendix III: Submission to review of 2009 Recommendations by the OECD Working Group on Bribery 42 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE Acronyms and abbreviations EITI Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative EU European Union HLRM High Level Reporting Mechanisms IFBEC International Forum on Business Ethical Conduct IRM Implementation Review Mechanism (UNCAC) MACN Maritime Anti-Corruption Network NACS National Anti-Corruption Strategy NCPA Network of Corruption Prevention Agencies OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development SADC Southern African Development Community SDG Sustainable Development Goal SME Small and Medium-sized Enterprise SOE State-Owned Enterprise UN United Nations UNCAC UN Convention Against Corruption UNGC United Nations Global Compact UNIC Ukrainian Network of Integrity and Compliance UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime WCO World Customs Organization WEF World Economic Forum Acknowledgements and disclaimer This baseline report has been produced as part of a project funded by the Siemens Integrity Initiative Third Funding Round, for which the Basel Institute on Governance expresses its thanks. -
Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and Sweden by Sven Hirdman
KUNGL KRIGSVETENSKAPSAKADEMIENS HANDLINGAR OCH TIDSKRIFT DISKUSSION & DEBATT Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and Sweden by Sven Hirdman ormer Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei The relations between Sweden and the FGromyko, whose 100th birthday is Soviet Union got on to a new footing commemorated this year, had several con- when, in April 1956, Prime Minister Tage tacts with Sweden from 1948 until 1984. Erlander and his coalition partner Minister To Swedish diplomats he was a very well- for the Interior, Gunnar Hedlund, paid known figure and, I would say, a respected an official visit to the Soviet Union – the statesman. I met him on a few occasions, first ever by a Swedish Prime Minister. As as described below. First Deputy Foreign Minister, Gromyko Andrei Gromyko’s first contact with should have participated in this event. Sweden was in 1948. He was then the So- Substantial talks took place with the Soviet viet Representative to the United Nations. Government, led by Nikita Khrushchev Suddenly, he had to return to Moscow for and Nikolai Bulganin, on international is- family reasons and boarded the Swedish sues and on Swedish – Russian relations, Atlantic liner Gripsholm, being the fastest including the well-known Raoul Wallen- connection. Had he, as originally planned, berg case. A year later, in February 1957, taken the Soviet ship Pobeda, he would it was Gromyko who handed the Swedish have suffered disaster, as the Pobeda Ambassador in Moscow, Mr Rolf Sohl- caught fire in the Black Sea and many pe- man, a note saying that Wallenberg had ople died. Gromyko describes the incident died in the Lyubyanka prison in July 1947. -
The Kosovo Report
THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. -
Approaches to Fighting Corruption and Managing Integrity in Malaysia: a Critical Perspective
Journal of Administrative Science Vol. 8, Issue 1, 47-74, 2011 Approaches to Fighting Corruption and Managing Integrity in Malaysia: A Critical Perspective Noore Alam Siddiquee ABSTRACT The Government of Malaysia has made continuous efforts and put in place an elaborate set of strategies and institutions aimed at combating corruption and promoting integrity in the society. The nation’s anti-corruption drive received a major boost in 2003 when the new government under Abdullah Ahmad Badawi declared containing corruption as its main priority which was followed by a series of other measures. However, the governmental attempts and strategies in Malaysia appear to have met with little success, as evidenced by the current data that suggests entrenched corruption in the society. Evidence shows that despite governmental campaigns and initiatives, corruption has remained acute and widespread. This paper presents a critical overview of the anti-corruption strategies being followed in Malaysia and explores some of the problems and limitations of the current approach to fighting corruption and managing integrity in the society. Keywords: corruption, public integrity, Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, political culture, patronage, money politics. Introduction Although corruption is not a new phenomenon, lately it has become a matter of growing concern all over the world. This is partly because of the changing economic and political environment around the globe and ISSN 1675-1302 © 2011 Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM), Malaysia 47 Journal of Administrative Science partly because of the growing consensus in both academic and policy circles of the negative impacts of corruption on socio-economic development. -
Democracy in Malaysi
Reflections on the July 9 March in Malaysia: In Search of a Just Equilibrium in Malaysia's Political System *Siti Nurjanah Arab countries are on the verge of change. It started in Tunisia, on January 14, 2011, when President Zine El Abidine ben Ali resigned after 23 years in power, and was followed in Egypt, when Hosni Mubarak resigned after a 30 year reign. Popular uprisings sparked revolutions throughout the region, from Yemen at the tip of the Saudi Peninsula, to Bahrain in the Southern Persian Gulf, to Syria in the West Mediterranean, and to Libya in North Africa. One way to look at the ground realities of the Arab Spring is – as U.S. President Barak Obama did in his May 19 speach about the uprisings – as a crystallization of the frustration felt by a citizen who was denied his basic rights, his right to a living and to dignity. Poverty and senseless treatment of government's official drove Mohamed Bouazizi to commit self-immolation. This set the revolution in motion in Tunisia and soon became contagious throughout the region.1 Frequently, when poverty and humiliation meet, it provokes outrage and revolution. People who live in poverty are especially angered when the government which they expect to be sympathetic to their misfortune acts to worsen it. Arab countries that are in motion for change, Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, share declining economic growth and high unemployment. These twin factors often become the leading ingredients in deepening and complementing political unrest. Similarly, an authoritarian government often becomes a catalyst for political uprisings. -
Doing Private Equity in Russia
Doing private equity in Russia March 2008 Mint Capital at-a-glance Entirely independent Bi-cultural Long track record business in Russia approach Natural progress in capital under Small and mid- management to meet sized focus changing local mid- sized opportunities Attractive Scandinavian investor base 2 An established local private equity investor in Russia Russia's health and beauty industry is attracting foreign Verysell has got financing from Deutsche Bank and Hillside investors, with the country’s second-largest beauty salon Apex Fund SPC. Combined with the capital raised earlier in chain recently selling a major stake to Mint Capital. «Up till 2007 from Mint Capital, RP Explorer Fund, Renaissance now we grew organically. Now we expect revolutionary pre-IPO and Steep Rock Capital, the IT holding has now growth, planning to have 100 salons in various regions of the more than $65 million for further development. “We are glad country within two years», — Aleksandr Glushkov, beauty to have such a strong pool of investors”, says Verysell’s salon chain owner. As disposable incomes rise, the health President Mikhail Krasnov. “The Board has been and beauty sector promises to become not only the most strengthened with “experienced financiers” including Ulf glamorous, but also one of the fastest-growing in Russia. Persson, Paul Swigart and Zafar Zokhidov”, he adds. Russia Today, July 2007 Vedomosti, January 2008 After seven or eight years of easy growth, Ulf Persson Investing $2 million in Elecsnet, Benchmark Capital has believes that the corporate environment in Russia is started its activity in Russia. Elecsnet admits that becoming much more competitive and that for companies “friendship” between partners of Mint and Benchmark was to be successful they will have to be able to distinguish crucial in attracting such an well-known investor. -
Defence Alliances – a Future Necessity
Article by former UN Legal Counsel Hans Corell in Bevara alliansfriheten Nej till Nato- medlemskap! Ed. Anders Björnsson & Sven Hirdman. Lund: Celanders förlag (2014) Translation from the Swedish by the author Defence Alliances – A Future Necessity by Hans Corell Lately, the defence debate has suddenly taken off. The reason is of course the tragic development in the eastern part of our region. One example is the article by the four leaders of the Alliance in the Dagens Nyheter on 22 April 2014. 1 In that context, the issue of a Swedish NATO accession has also arisen. As is clear from the report of the Defence Commission, The Defence of Sweden – A Stronger Defence for An Uncertain Time (Ds 2014: 20), there are widely differing opinions among the political parties in the Riksdag (The Swedish Parliament). During my years in the courts and in the government offices, 1962-1994 and thus mostly during the Cold War, I followed the defence issue with great interest. Later, during my ten years in the United Nations and then elsewhere, I lost touch with the issue until, through the debate on the "one week defence", it became clear to me how bad things were. This made me deeply worried. Not least the recent events in Europe demonstrate how important it is that a country has a strong defence. But the defence debate must be conducted in a much broader and longer-term perspective than that which apparently occurred in our country after the end of the Cold War. In the following, I will in a few short sections explain how I view this question in the light of my experiences from my years in the courts, in the government offices, in the United Nations and then in the international arena, including as legal adviser for six years to Kofi Annan in his capacity as Chairman of the Panel of Eminent African Personalities mandated by the African Union to assist in restoring order in Kenya after the violence in connection with the 2007 elections in the country. -
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School August 2021
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ August 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aalberts, R. J., & Jennings, M. M. (1999). The Ethics of Slotting: Is this Bribery, Facilitation Marketing or Just Plain Competition? Journal of Business Ethics, 20(3), 207–215. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1006081311334 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Ab Lo, A. (2019). Actors, networks and assemblages: Local content, corruption and the politics of SME’s participation in Ghana’s oil and gas industry. International Development Planning Review, 41(2), 193–214. https://doi.org/10.3828/idpr.2018.33 Abada, I., & Ngwu, E. (2019). Corruption, governance, and Nigeria’s uncivil society, 1999-2016. Análise Social, 54(231), 386–408. https://doi.org/10.31447/AS00032573.2019231.07 Abadi, A. -
Nord Stream: Not Just a Pipeline
FNI Report 15/2008 Nord Stream: Not Just a Pipeline An analysis of the political debates in the Baltic Sea region regarding the planned gas pipeline from Russia to Germany Bendik Solum Whist Nord Stream: Not Just a Pipeline An analysis of the political debates in the Baltic Sea Region regarding the planned gas pipeline from Russia to Germany Bendik Solum Whist [email protected] November 2008 Copyright © Fridtjof Nansen Institute 2008 Title: Nord Stream: Not Just a Pipeline. An analysis of the political debates in the Baltic Sea region regarding the planned gas pipeline from Russia to Germany Publication Type and Number Pages FNI Report 15/2008 79 Author ISBN Bendik Solum Whist 978-82-7613-546-6-print version 978-82-7613-547-3-online version Project ISSN 1504-9744 Abstract This report is an analysis of the planned gas pipeline from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea known as Nord Stream. Although not yet realised, the project has, since its birth, been the subject of harsh criticism and opposition by a significant number of states that consider themselves affected by the pipeline. Whereas the Baltic States and Poland have interpreted the pipeline as a political- ly motivated strategy that will increase Russia’s leverage on them and threaten their energy security, the debate in Sweden was at first mostly concerned with the prospect of increased Russian military presence in the Swedish Exclusive Economic Zone. The potential environmental impact of the pipeline has been, and continues to be, an overarching concern shared by all the littoral states of the Baltic Sea.