Reflections on the July 9 March in : In Search of a Just Equilibrium in Malaysia's Political System

*Siti Nurjanah

Arab countries are on the verge of change. It started in Tunisia, on January 14, 2011, when President Zine El Abidine ben Ali resigned after 23 years in power, and was followed in Egypt, when Hosni Mubarak resigned after a 30 year reign. Popular uprisings sparked revolutions throughout the region, from Yemen at the tip of the Saudi Peninsula, to Bahrain in the Southern Persian Gulf, to Syria in the West Mediterranean, and to Libya in North Africa. One way to look at the ground realities of the Arab Spring is – as U.S. President Barak Obama did in his May 19 speach about the uprisings – as a crystallization of the frustration felt by a citizen who was denied his basic rights, his right to a living and to dignity. Poverty and senseless treatment of government's official drove Mohamed Bouazizi to commit self-immolation. This set the revolution in motion in Tunisia and soon became contagious throughout the region.1

Frequently, when poverty and humiliation meet, it provokes outrage and revolution. People who live in poverty are especially angered when the government which they expect to be sympathetic to their misfortune acts to worsen it. Arab countries that are in motion for change, Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, share declining economic growth and high unemployment. These twin factors often become the leading ingredients in deepening and complementing political unrest. Similarly, an authoritarian government often becomes a catalyst for political uprisings. Before the incident, Mohamed Bouazizi articulated publicly his threat to immolate himself if the local authority kept refusing to receive and hear his complain over police violence and the confiscation of his vending cart. His action was a declared and premeditated act of protest to the government's degrading treatments that many have shared.

Relative to the economies of North Africa and the Middle East, Malaysia's economy is strong. But similar to the polities of North Africa and the Middle East, Malaysia's politics have been authoritarian. Malaysia has been ruled by semi-authoritarian government for more than five decades. Malaysia has the longest ruling government – a dominant political party coalition – in the "democratic world." The Bersih [Clean] 2.0 Movement of Malaysia had a similar presumption to the Arab Spring. Were there any similar circumstances that drove people of different places and environments to go to the demonstrations? Clearly, both economic and political factors were at work. But what other factors contribute to the momentum and influence whether a revolution and struggle for change change a regime? Does the Malaysian government and do the Malaysian people identify with the Arab Spring and the struggle to establish democracy through peaceful revolution. Or does the absence of the military in Malaysian politics prevent from identifying with the protesters in Arab countries?

While separated by thousands of miles, there are some similarities between Malaysia and Arab countries. Islam is the state religion of Malaysia, as in most Arab countries. Malaysia is based on a constitutional monarchy and ruled by semi-authoritarian government. The major difference between Malaysia, on the one hand, and Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, on the other, is that Malaysia is economically stabile with a sound security status, while Egypt, Libya and Tunisia have frequently experienced economic hardship. More importantly, instead of a strong military presence, Malaysia is ruled by a civilian government, controlling the country through police coercion and surveillance. Egypt, Libya and Tunisia were controlled by military figures at the head of governments who relied heavily on the military to sustain their power.

Arab Spring versus Malaysia Bersih

Some observers have drawn parallels between the Arab Spring and the Malaysian July 9, 2011 march. Wong Choon Mei, Malaysian Chronicle columnist described the July 9 incident as “Malay's own first mini-Arab Spring.”2 And the Malaysian Premier, by denying that Malaysia’s protests were parallel to those in Arab countries, also unwittingly confirmed the notion, saying, “It's not so much about electoral reform. They want to show us as though we're like the Arab Spring governments in the Middle East.”3 Arab Spring and Malaysia's Bersih 2.0 embody similar revolutionary notion and illuminate revolutionary energy after a long period of enduring poverty, poor governance, oppressive, and unjust governments.

Bersih is a coalition of non-governmental organizations that are campaigning for electoral reform. On June 19, Bersih’s chairperson, Ambiga Sreenevasan, spoke to the public and laid out the plan for the July 9 march. She declared that the group was to be non-partisan and sent invitations to all parties to join the march to “walk together with the people” to fight the current electoral system. All levels of elections in Malaysia are alleged to involve widespread electoral frauds and violations, inlcuding use of force and of “money, media, and machinery” at he behest of the National Front () coalition.

Malaysian scholar E. T. Gomez refers to the nexus of official use of “money, media, and machinery” as “3Ms” of Malaysian electoral politics.4 The opposition parties were denied an opportunity to galvanize public opinion through the media and public fora, and the United Malays National Organization-led (UMNO) coalition also blocks opposition parties from arguing against UMNO political hegemony, except during an eight to ten day campaign period before elections. After the Bersih march, the Election Committee has shown interest of Bersih demand to extend the period of campaign.5

The struggle of Malaysian people against the ruling semi-authoritarian government for deeper democracy became more apparent before 2008 general elections, when the Bersih 1.0 movement started to kick off in November 2007. The movement had a powerful effect on the voters and granted the opposition parties a landslide political victory in 5 states in the 2008 general elections. The goal of the Bersih movement is to alter the political system and begin changing the electoral system, as opposed to hastily terminating the regime, as the Arab Spring aimed to do. Malaysia's electoral system is tightly regulated and designed to ensure the United Malays National Organization-led (UMNO) coalition of National Front (Barisan National) keeps winnings.

The Bersih movement is determined to demonstrate that it is non-violent, transparent, even engaging all parties including the coalition party members, as oppose to underground and reactionary movement as it is of Arab Spring. The Malaysia Bersih has publicly announced its plan and sent out invitations for march, including to the coalition party members. Despite 50,000 Malaysian people marched and demanded more fair and freedom, the crowd was peaceful and still the government crack down the crowd violently. The demand was heard and circulated by media, the movement also acknowledged by the King and better understood by the ruling party its political heftiness that the movement has carried.6

Racial based economic policy

Malaysia has one of the most stable economies in the region. It is one of the top 20 exporters in the world, and has an inflation rate (consumer price) at or below 3%. The only inflation surge was in 2009, which reached 5% when the other countries in the region reached above 10% on average. And Malaysia's economy saw inflation of only 1% the following year, in 2010. The unemployment rate is low, at 3.5%, much lower than the countries of the region, which reach 7% on average. In fact, the real unemployment figure is most likely much lower than 3.5%. Many women don't enter the workforce for religious reasons; and many workers, especially women, coming from Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, and Nepal, fill these jobs. Malaysia is the only country in the region with large numbers of foreign workers, to meet its domestic and export-oriented labour demand.

The troubling aspect of this fine economic figure is that Malaysia economic policy takes a sectarian appraoch. If we only pointed our attention solely to this figure, it would be rather baffling to understand why the Bersih movement was so widely supported. Malaysia's economic strategy is based on racial political segregation. This was first articulated within the National Economic Policy (NEP) and continues today within the National Vision Policy (NVP). The NVP incorporates the very essence of discriminative policies of NEP and NDP, favoring “proportion of share capital ownership and control of corporations will be increased to at least 30 per cent."7

The racially discriminatory regulations would not be so effective without a political system that has cut and diced the society into pieces based on their race and religion, from the educational system and cultural system, to prohibitions on inter-religious and inter- racial dating and marriage. Under the NEP, the Malay (Bumiputera) granted a long list of privileges to Malay from scholarship, housing, business ownership, employment, assisted saving and more, as oppose to other two ethic groups, Malaysian-Chinese and Malaysian- Indian. Malaysia's growing economy is among big factor of how the status quo can last for more 54 years.

Within Malaysian society, there are only two groups of ethnic that need to be satisfied, which is the Malay and the Chinese, at the expense of the Indian (Tamil) Malaysian. Indian approximately make about 7% of the total population, faces the utmost unjust treatment has the longest history of constant fighting for equal treatment. Score of historical protest often led by the Indian Malaysian, but without wide support and solidarity of the majority—the Bumiputera, the fight for change of political system will be difficult to achieve tangible result.

The long-standing segregated Malaysian society has been supported by members of the minority groups, the community, organized through the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), and the Malaysian Indian Malaysian, organized through the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). Although their existence is small in percentage it is enough to legitimate a pseudo-democracy and to create a deceiving portrait of the democratic Malaysian government. To simplify, as Praba Ganesan, a Malaysian columnist said, the status quo is sustained by three groups; those who benefit immensely from it; those who have learned to prosper in it; and those whose lives are not yet destroyed by it.8

To add to the people frustration, although Malaysia is stable upper-middle-income country, but it is among on the top list of upper-middle-income countries with a high level of corruption.9 Combating corruption in Malaysia is as challenging as in any developing countries. The Malaysia Anti-Corruption Committee (MACC) is often perceived as syndicate of villains alike, infamous for the death of Teoh Beng Hock and Ahmad Sarbini Mohamed, while they were both in MACC's custody. A legitimate fundamental violation to human rights and dignity promote by the government have generated sense of disgust even among the Malays people. The Malaysian people have not willingly exchanged civil liberties, clean government, and respect for fundamental human dignity with a healthy economy. Even more so the Arab countries, poverty and authoritarian government that bring them to the point of humiliation, push the common sentiment to come alive.

Controlling civilian government as oppose to military government

The Bersih 2.0 movement was attacked by police mercilessly. Baharuddin Ahmad, a member of the People Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat—PKR) died because he was denied medical treatment. It looks as if the Prime Minister has strategically dissociated himself with any form of government violence toward the crowd, a strategy that many Arab governments do not use during the Arab Spring. The Prime Minister refused to acknowledge that Baharuddin Ahmad’s death was caused by police brutality. The Prime Minister instead ascribed his death to “ill health."10

Malaysia's internal security falls under the jurisdiction area of the Home Minister who clearly wanted a more robust response to the marchers than the Premier. The Home Minister, Hishamuddin Hussein Onn declared that the Bersih group was an illegal organization, and that compelled the police to act according to their standard operational procedures for criminal groups. Under the Internal Security Act (ISA), the Home Minister has the power to determine and define threats to “national security.” Later, the King intervened by meeting with Bersih organizers and calling upon both Bersih and the government to negotiate their differences amicably.

The conflicting commands within the government on how to response to the marchers was presumably influenced by the fact that the people who showed up on the street was their own “son” (Bumiputera). The July 9 march was peaceful, but the police responded with brutality and managed to force to end the march within one day. Human Rights Watch released a statement that the police force was excessive; police arrested and detained 1,670 people and attacking marchers without provocation. The arrest and detention without trial was one type of application of the ISA. The government accused the marchers of attempting to wage war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (The King).

The ISA is a colonial legacy, was enacted in 1960 at the end of the communist insurgency, but its robust application was believed to be Mahathir's legacy. After Mahathir scored a narrow victory against Razaleigh Hamzah’s faction within UMNO in 1987, the strengthening of the ISA became “defining moment in Malaysian politics”, as Mahathir moved to consolidate his position within UMNO. He arrested government critics and journalists, and members of the judiciary were removed from office.11 According to Centre of Public Policy Studies (CPPS), in the past 48 years more than 10,000 citizens have been deprived of their civil liberty and have been mentally and physically tortured under ISA.12 Those detained are often political activists, rather than militants, who crime is to threaten the nation by criticizing UMNO.

Comparatively speaking, Malaysia's military expenditure is lower, as a percentage of GDP, than Malaysia's neighboring countries, including Indonesia, Vietnam, even Cambodia. Malaysia’s military expenditure is 2% of GDP, while Indonesia's military expenditure reaches to 3% of GDP, Cambodia 3% of GDP, and Vietnam 2.5% of GDP. But the most effective instrument of social order in Malaysia is not the military. The most effective measure of control by UMNO power is rooted deep into the society, from openly targeting teachers, backing up vigilante groups, such as , and Malay supremacist group, and strict enforcement of the ISA, using government machinery, enterprises, and put police up front to build up element of fear within the society and sense of hopelessness to initiate change.

Before the July 9 march, Perkasa’s leader, Ibrahim Ali, youth of UMNO issued a warning to Chinese people against taking part in the march, as the Chinese community had more to lose than the Indian community if any disruption occurred.13 Aside from guarding UMNO political interest, a group like Perkasa also serve as a moral and religious police force, ready to discourage inter-ethnic harmony. For example, Perkasa prevents religious conversion and inter-religious dating or marriage. While conversion of Muslims is clearly illegal, Perkasa would also makes it impossible for Muslim women to convert.

Looking ahead

One similar factor that triggered the passion for political change in Malaysia and Arab countries, is rampant corruption and authoritarian government. Malaysia's policy of fostering a race-based society and political system, leading minority groups to be treated as second-class citizens is an equally significant factor contributing to the will power to uprisings. Both factors prompted a revolutionary notion to induce a rapid change of political system and civil liberty. Continued institutionalization of privilege given to Bumiputera through the NVP is a form of fundamental violation to human rights and human dignity. Malaysia's affirmative action through the NEP or NVP is clearly legalizing form of or . Within policy's context, an affirmative action should be understood as a temporary support to the minority groups, because its deterrence in the past proportionally have unable them to compete with the larger mass, therefore the NVP should be carefully reviewed.

Forming new post-revolution governments will require another set of struggles. However the process of change has begun. Post revolution power consolidation, as in Egypt, remains uncertain. A number of Egyptian political figures in exile remain too concerned about their safety to return to their homeland. In Libya there are hopes of political development, but the power transfer and security remains unsettled, and the risk of prolonged violence and human rights abuse remains high. The process of forming new governments is a struggle to reconfigure the pre-revolution concentration of power while those who welded the power remain potent.

Malaysia is among a few countries in the world with a voter turnout reached upt to 76% but without compulsory voting.14 While Malaysian people still widely believe in political process through elections, the non-violent Bersih campaign for electoral reform is the most effective approach for changing the political system of Malaysia. The movement should continue to engage the Bumiputera as a crucial component of the cause because developing a greater sense of intra-revolution would be better received than "an attack" from "an outsider." As we have seen, after decades of stagnant political profile, was the icon of the most successful revolution that revived from within the ruling party and supported by one of the most influential party of the previous Barisan Nasional coalition, Pan- (PAS).

Malaysia is a well-run police state in which the capacity to control the population can be done in a more penetrating way through the police and civilian authorities than through the military, as is done in many Arab countries. In a peaceful and relatively sound legal enforcement, a modern country like Malaysia should not see the rational of adopting the ISA. Advocacy to abolish the ISA should be strengthened as it clearly poses a threat to greater democracy.

* Siti Nurjanah is the Director of Women and Youth Development Institute of Indonesia (WYDII) and Visiting Scholar at The Project 2049 Institute.

1 Notes

1 Time Magazine World, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2044723,00.html, January 21, 2011 2 Malaysia Chronicle, http://www.malaysiachronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=16528:be rsih-may-have-been-malaysias-first-arab-spring-further-clampdown-possible&Itemid=2, July 26, 2011 3 Malaysia Today, http://malaysia-today.net/mtcolumns/newscommentaries/42254- najib-says-bersih-a-bid-to-topple-his-government, July 22, 2011 4 Gomez, Edmund Terence and Jomo Kwame Sundaram, (1999), “Malaysia,” in Ian Marsh et al. (eds.), Democracy, Governance and Economic Performance: East and Southeast Asia), United Nations University Press, Tokyo, pp. 230-257 5 The Malaysia Insider, http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/ec- very-seriously-mulling-longer-campaign-period, July 29, 2011 4 5 6 Today online, http://www.todayonline.com/World/EDC110817-0000271/Najib- softens-approach-with-promises-to-review-electoral,-censorship-laws, August 17, 2011 7 Madeline Berma, http://web.usm.my/km/KM%2021,2003/21-9.pdf, Kajian Malaysia volume xxi, Nos, 1&2, 2003. 8 The Insider, Prabha Ganesan, http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/print/opinion/walk-your-way/, July 7, 2011 9 Transparency International webstie, Corruption Perception Index 2010 Result, http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010/results 1 0 Malaysia Today, http://www.malaysia- today.net/mtcolumns/newscommentaries/41899-family-say-police-responsible-for-bersih- death, July 10, 2011. 1 1 The Malaysian Bar, http://www.malaysianbar.org.my/echoes_of_the_past/splits_in_umno_and_opposition_un ity.html, August 16, 2007. 1 2Center for Public Studies Policies website, Memorandum Demanding the

Abolition of the Internal Security Act 1960, http://www.cpps.org.my/sub_page.aspx?catID=498&ddlID=490 1 3 Free Malaysia Today, http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/2011/06/20/khairy- ibrahim-ali-a-dangerous-racist/, June 20, 2011. 1 4 Idea website, Voter turnout data for Malaysia, http://www.idea.int/vt/country_view.cfm?CountryCode=MY voter turns out is 76%