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Freedom House
7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Slovakia 88 FREE /100 Political Rights 36 /40 Civil Liberties 52 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 88 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. TOP https://freedomhouse.org/country/slovakia/freedom-world/2020 1/15 7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House Overview Slovakia’s parliamentary system features regular multiparty elections and peaceful transfers of power between rival parties. While civil liberties are generally protected, democratic institutions are hampered by political corruption, entrenched discrimination against Roma, and growing political hostility toward migrants and refugees. Key Developments in 2019 In March, controversial businessman Marian Kočner was charged with ordering the 2018 murder of investigative reporter Ján Kuciak and his fiancée. After phone records from Kočner’s cell phone were leaked by Slovak news outlet Aktuality.sk, an array of public officials, politicians, judges, and public prosecutors were implicated in corrupt dealings with Kočner. Also in March, environmental activist and lawyer Zuzana Čaputová of Progressive Slovakia, a newcomer to national politics, won the presidential election, defeating Smer–SD candidate Maroš Šefčovič. Čaputová is the first woman elected as president in the history of the country. Political Rights A. Electoral Process A1 0-4 pts Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 TOP Slovakia is a parliamentary republic whose prime minister leads the government. There is also a directly elected president with important but limited executive powers. In March 2018, an ultimatum from Direction–Social Democracy (Smer–SD), a https://freedomhouse.org/country/slovakia/freedom-world/2020 2/15 7/14/2020 Slovakia | Freedom House junior coalition partner, and center-right party Most-Híd, led to the resignation of former prime minister Robert Fico. -
Unter Europäischen Sozialdemokraten – Wer Weist Den Weg Aus Der Krise? | Von Klaus Prömpers Von Der Partie
DER HAUPTSTADTBRIEF 23. WOCHE AM SONNTAG 09.JUNI 2019 DIE KOLUMNE Rückkehr zu außenpolitischen Fundamenten AM SONNTAG Die Reise des Bundespräsidenten nach Usbekistan zeigt, wie wichtig die Schnittstelle zwischen Europa und Asien ist | Von Manfred Grund und Dirk Wiese Sonstige Vereinigung ie wichtig Zentralasien für Mirziyoyev ermutigen, „auf diesem Weg Europa ist, hat Frank-Walter entschlossen weiterzugehen“. Steinmeier WSteinmeier früh erkannt. Im und Mirziyoyev kannten sich bereits vom November 2006 bereiste er als erster Au- Berlin-Besuch des usbekischen Präsidenten GÜNTER ßenminister aus einem EU-Mitgliedsland im Januar 2019 – dem ersten eines usbeki- BANNAS BERND VON JUTRCZENKA/DPABERND VON alle fünf zentralasiatischen Staaten. Er schen Staatsoberhaupts seit 18 Jahren. PRIVAT wollte damals ergründen, wie die Euro- Die Bedeutung Zentralasiens für Europa päische Union mit der Region zusammen- hat seit 2007 weiter zugenommen. Zugleich ist Kolumnist des HAUPTSTADTBRIEFS. Bis März 2018 war er Leiter der Berliner arbeiten könne, die – so war ihm schon hat sich die geopolitische Schlüsselregion – Redaktion der Frankfurter Allgemeinen damals klar – „einfach zu wichtig ist, als Usbekistan zeigt es – grundlegend verändert. Zeitung. Hier erinnert er an die politisch dass wir sie an den Rand unseres Wahr- Die EU-Kommission und die Hohe Vertrete- vielgestaltige Gründungsphase der nehmungsspektrums verdrängen.“ Ein rin der EU für Außen- und Sicherheitspoli- Grünen vor 40 Jahren. halbes Jahr später nahm die EU auf Initi- tik haben diesen Entwicklungen Rechnung ative der deutschen Ratspräsidentschaft getragen und am 15. Mai eine überarbeitete die Strategie „EU und Zentralasien – eine Zentralasienstrategie vorgestellt. Unter dem nfang kommenden Jahres wer- Partnerschaft für die Zukunft“ (kurz: EU- Titel „New Opportunities for a Stronger Part- Aden die Grünen ihrer Grün- Zentralasienstrategie) an. -
Strengthening Social Democracy in the Visegrad Countries Limits and Challenges Faced by Smer-SD Darina Malová January 2017
Strengthening Social Democracy in the Visegrad Countries Limits and Challenges Faced by Smer-SD Darina Malová January 2017 Smer-Sociálna Demokracia (Smer-SD) was founded in December 1999 as a result of the defection from the post-communist Party of the Democratic Left (SDĽ) by Robert Fico, the party’s most popular politician at that time. Smer-SD is the largest mainstream party in Slovakia, with stable support. Its mixed, mostly traditional left- -wing (bread-and-butter) appeals and selected social policies have proven popular with the electorate. Robert Fico has remained the key person in Smer-SD. He is the uncontested leader, exercising a large amount of control over the party organisation, including territorial party units, selection of candidates for public elections and many key party decisions. Smer-SD is, in terms of its rhetoric, a traditional socialist party, speaking to the poorer strata, advocating a welfare state, but in reality the party pursues fairly strict austerity policies with occasional ‘social packages’. Unlike Western social democratic parties the leaders of Smer-SD are prone to using national and populist appeals. In terms of ideology (like many other parties in Slovakia) Smer-SD is a typical catch-all party with centrist and partly inconsistent party programmes, appeals to ever wider audiences, and the pursuit of votes at the expense of ideology. The weakest points in the public perception of the party are Smer-SD’s murky relations with oligarchs and high levels of corruption. Strengthening Social Democracy in the Visegrad Countries Limits and Challenges Faced by Smer-SD Darina Malová January 2017 ISBN 978-80-87748-32-9 (online) Contents 1. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Supplementary File
Online-Appendix for the paper: Electoral behavior in a European Union under stress Table A1: Eurosceptic Parties in the 2014 European Parliament election Country Parties Austria EU Stop, Europe Different, Austrian Freedom Party Belgium Workers Party of Belgium, Flemish Interest Bulgaria Bulgaria Without Censorship, National Front, Attack Croatia Croatian Party of Rights Cyprus Progressive Party of the Working People, National Popular Front Czech Dawn of Direct Democracy, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, Party of Republic Free Citizens Denmark Danish People’s Party, People’s Movement against the EU Estonia Conservative People’s Party of Estonia Finland True Finns France Left Front, Arise the Republic, National Front Germany National Democratic Party of Germany, The Left, Alternative for Germany Greece Communist Party of Greece, Coalition of the Radical Left, Independent Greeks, Popular Orthodox Rally, Golden Dawn Hungary FIDESZ-KDNP Alliance, Jobbik Ireland Ourselves Alone Italy Left Ecology Movement, Northern League, Five Star Movement Latvia Green and Farmers’ Union, National Independence Movement of Latvia Lithuania Order and Justice, Election Action of Lithuania’s Poles Luxembourg Alternative Democratic Reform Party Malta none applicable Netherlands Socialist Party, Coalition CU—SGP, Party of Freedom Poland Congress of the New Right, United Poland, Law and Justice Portugal Left Bloc, Unified Democratic Coalition Romania Greater Romania Party, People’s Party—Dan Dianconescu Freedom and Solidarity, Ordinary People and Independent -
Election Observation Table of Contents
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 25 AND 26 SEPTEMBER 1998 ODIHR ELECTION OBSERVATION TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS III THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK III.1 General III.2 The Electoral System III.3 Some Legal Issues IV THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION V VOTER AND CIVIC EDUCATION VI VOTER REGISTRATION VII CANDIDATE REGISTRATION VIII THE PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IX THE MEDIA X OBSERVATION ON POLLING DAY XI OBSERVATION OF COUNTING XII AGGREGATION AND VERIFICATION OF RESULTS XIII RECOMMENDATIONS 2 I. INTRODUCTION Upon invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic of 18 August 1998, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe=s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) established an Election Observation Mission in Slovakia for the 25 and 26 September Parliamentary elections. Ms. Helle Degn, President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Danish Parliament, was designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as his Representative for the Election in Slovakia. Mr. Kåre Vollan was appointed by the ODIHR as the OSCE On-site Co-ordinator and Head of the ODIHR Election Observation Mission, and Ms Siri Skåre as Deputy Head upon being seconded by the Government of Norway. The OSCE was involved at an early stage in the pre-election process including a visit by the ODIHR Director, Ambassador Stoudmann, on February 6 and May 5-6, and a visit by the former President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Mr. Javier Ruperez on May 4-5. -
Discussion Paper
Zentrum für Europäische Integrationsforschung Center for European Integration Studies Rheinische Friedrich Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Discussion Paper Eva Slivková Slovakia’s Response on the Regular report form the European Commission on Progress towards Accession C 57 1999 Eva Slivková, Born 1971, works for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, division of chief negotiations. After receiving a degree in Translation (German and English), she worked as a journalist for the Slovak newspa- per Slovensky Dennik in 1990/91. As a member of the Slovak Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), she worked in the field of Public Relations within the KDH from 1992 to 1994. In 1993 she started working as a Public Relations Assistant of the Iowa-State- University-Foundation until 1996. 1996 she completed an in- ternship at the German parliament in the office of Rudolf Seiters (MP CDU). In 1997/98 Ms. Slivková was a Project Manager at the Centre for European politics and worked as a freelance Translator. Eva Slivkova Slovakia’s Response on the Regular Report from the European Commission on Progress towards Accession Introduction Looking at today’s Slovakia one can get the feeling of being in the Phoe- nix fairy-tale. It seems as if Slovakia needed to go through a purifying fire in order to shine in the full beauty of the Phoenix. The result of the last four years is a country, where the lie was a working method, human dignity was trampled, and citizens played only a minor role in issues that influenced their lives. Constantly-repeated statements about freedom, hu- man rights, democracy and a flourishing economy became untrustworthy and empty phrases. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek
www.ssoar.info Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Rybář, M. (2006). Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia. Politics in Central Europe, 2(1), 84-98. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-64427 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie -
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Slovak Republic
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights SLOVAK REPUBLIC PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 16 March 2019 ODIHR NEEDS ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT 3-5 December 2018 Warsaw 22 January 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................... 1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................ 1 III. FINDINGS .................................................................................................................................................. 3 A. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT .................................................................................................. 3 B. LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTORAL SYSTEM ........................................................................................ 4 C. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ..................................................................................................................... 4 D. VOTER REGISTRATION............................................................................................................................... 5 E. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ....................................................................................................................... 5 F. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ................................................................................................................................ 6 G. CAMPAIGN FINANCE .................................................................................................................................