D-r Jane Koxaba{ija: CRKOVNOTO PEEWE vo MAKEDONIJA D-r Jane Kodjabashia: CHURCH SINGING in MACEDONIA

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Posveteno na 50 godi{ninata od obnovuvaweto na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija kako Makedonskata Pravoslavna Crkva (1958-2008)

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Jane Koxaba{ija:

CRKOVNOTO PEEWE vo MAKEDONIJA

Jane Kodjabashia: CHURCH SINGING in MACEDONIA

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SODR@INA CONTENTS

Prv del ISTORISKIOT RAZVOJ NA CRKOVNOTO PEEWE VO MAKEDONIJA Voved: ...... 13

I. Vizantiskite koreni na slovenskata kultura...... 23 II. Crkovnoto peewe na slovenski jazik...... 26 III. Crkovnoto peewe vo Ohridskata arhiepiskopija...... 30 IV. Srednovekovnite rakopisi na teritorijata na Makedonija...... 34 V. Crkovnoto peewe vo post-vizantiskiot period...... 39 VI. Crkovnoto peewe vo prerodbenskiot period...... 43 VII. Crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo XX vek...... 47 VIII. Genezata na ‘srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe’...... 55 IX. Se ispolnuva prerodbenskiot amanet...... 60

Part one HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTOF CHURCH SINGING IN MACEDONIA Prologue...... 69

I. Byzantine roots of the Slavic culture...... 72 II. Church singing in Slavic language ...... 74 III. Church singing in the Ohrid Archbishopric...... 78 IV. Church singing during the post Byzantine period...... 81 V. Church singing during the period of renaissance...... 85 VI. Church singing in Macedonia in the 20th century...... 89

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Vtor del

PRETSTAVNICI NA CRKOVNOTO PEEWE VO (OD) MAKEDONIJA I. Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski (ok.1800-1887)...... 95 Epizodi odnegoviot `ivot...... 97 Predanija...... 98 Solunskata pea~ka {kola...... 99 Muzi~koto tvore{tvo na slovenski jazik...... 101 Muzi~kiot zbornik...... 103 Trojcata anatemisani...... 106 Muzi~kiot jazik na Gradoborski...... 108 Zaklu~ok...... 112 II. Naum Miladin (1817-1897)...... 114 III. Kalistrat Zografski (ok. 1820-1913)...... 118 Pi{ani tragi za Kalistrat...... 119 Zbornikot Isto~no crkovno peewe...... 122 Muzi~koto tvore{tvo...... 126 Teoretskite postavki na Kalistrat...... 127 IV. Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890)...... 132 Zbornikot ‘Pashalija’...... 136 ‘Dostojno est’...... 140 Vla{kite napevi...... 142 Statii, nastani i odbele`uvawa...... 144 V. Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934)...... 152 VI. Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin (1840-1919)...... 155 VII. Manasij pop Todorov (1856-1936)...... 158 VIII. George Kazana (XIX-XX vek)...... 166 IX. Andon [ahpaski (ok. 1860-1928)...... 170 [kolata za psalti vo Smojmirovo...... 174 Psaltikiskiot zbornik...... 176 X. Atanas Badev (1860-1908)...... 181 XI. Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (1876-1950)...... 189 Psaltikiskiot voskresnik...... 190 Ortografijata na Vasil Ivanov...... 196

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Part two

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CHURCH SINGING IN (FROM) MACEDONIA

I. Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (ca. 1800-1887)...... 203

Slavic and Greek Sources...... 204 Gradoborski‟s Life...... 205 Music Collection...... 206 Thessalonica‟s Singing School...... 207 Conclusion...... 208

II. Naum Miladin (1817-1897)...... 210

III. Kalistrat Zografski (ca. 1820-1913)...... 213

IV. Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890)...... 218

Harmosin‟s life...... 218 The collection “Pashalia”...... 221 Worthy Is (Dostojno est)...... 224 Vlah melodies...... 226 Articles, events and notes...... 227 Conclusion...... 231

V. Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934)...... 233

VI. Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin (1840-1919)...... 236

VII. Manasij Pop-Todorov (1856-1936)...... 239

VIII. George Kazana (19th-20th century)...... 244

IX. Andon Shahpaski (ca 1860-1928)...... 248

X. Atanas Badev (1860-1908)...... 255

XI. Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev (1876-1950)...... 262

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ANEKS

TVORBI OD MAKEDONSKI AVTORI

Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ i*. Û Ni...... 269 Na Prazdn. Cestnagw Kresta. Glas¢ v*. Õ ë...... 270 Ou sl$jb$ svõ\ennonacalnika. Glas¢ i*. Û Ni...... 273

Kalistrat Zografski

Otqa i S¥na. Glas¢ e*. ß Ð...... 274 DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ a*.aÐ....... 280 DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ d*.d×.toj...... 282

Joan Harmosin – Ohridski DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ e*. ß Pa...... 284

Manasij pop Todorov OÊtqa i¯ S¥na. Glas¢ g*. [ S Ni.^ ÷ ...... 286

Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev

Poloji’,Go’spodi. Glas¢ a*.a Pa...... 289

BIBLIOGRAFIJA (BIBLIOGRAPHY)...... 294

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Prv del

ISTORISKIOT RAZVOJ NA CRKOVNOTO PEEWE VO MAKEDONIJA

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Voved

Vo po~etokot, koga hristijanstvoto se zarodi i go ponese krstot kako simbol na golemata qubov, na molitvenite sobiri vo katakombite prvite hristijanski vernici koi{to poteknuvale od redot na Evreite, niz pesna ja iska`uvaat svojata molitva.1 Na asketskiot duh, proniknat vo verata i `ivotot na starite hris- tijani, pove}e mu odgovaralo ednostavnoto i nenametlivo peewe, preku koe{to, vo prv red, }e se istaknuva porakata na religioz- nite tekstovi, otkolku samata melodija.2 Vo svojot ponatamo{en razvoj hristijanskata muzika }e po- mine niz dve razli~ni i sprotivstaveni fazi: prvata - od skrom- nite po~etoci na sozdavaweto i utvrduvaweto na bogoslu`beniot obred na s#u{te progonetata hristijanska crkva, do t.n. ‚milan- ski edikt‛ od 313 god., so koj carot Konstantin Veliki ustanovuva verska tolerancija, a so toa i sloboden razvoj na hristijanskata religija, i vtorata - vo koja{to ~ednata hristijanska bogoslu`ba prerasnuva vo sve~ena liturgija na vizantiskata crkva. So noviot status na Hristijanstvoto kako dr`avna religija na Rimskoto Carstvo, na planot na crkovnata muzika nastanuvaat zna~ajni promeni. Hristijanskiot ritual od temnite, neprovetre- ni i misti~ni katakombi se preseluva vo velelepnite hramovi, vo koi{to bogoslu`bata se izvr{uva poslobodno, so poglasno i vpe- ~atlivo peewe, i so u~estvo na profesionalni pea~i. Ovie prome- ni, nalo`uvaat crkovnite napevi da se zbogatat so novi, porazvie- ni melodiski formi i so specifi~ni na~ini na izvedba, soodvet- ni na sve~eniot ambient i na rasko{niot liturgiski ~in.

1 Bogoev , M. Mir~o, U~ebnik po crkovno penie, Sofi , 1940. p. 7. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest glazbe, vol I. Liber - Mladost, Zagreb, 1975. p. 78.

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Iako vo 395 godina Rimskata imperija ve}e e nominalno po- delena na dve carstva - isto~no i zapadno, s# do VI vek ne postojat esencijalni razliki me|u na~inot na koj{to se peelo vo nivnite prestolnini Konstantinopol i Rim, bidej}i crkovnata muzika s#u{te e vo faza na formirawe.1 Vo tekot na slednite nekolku stoletija,so prifa}aweto na hristijanstvoto, sekoj narod vnesuva vo crkovniot obred i vo peeweto niza novi elementi, karakteris- ti~ni za nivnite avtohtoni muzi~ki tradicii. Vo ovoj kontekst, od osobeno zna~ewe e upotrebata na sopstvenite jazici vo bogo- slu`bata od strana na poedini narodi, {to ovozmo`ilo da se raz- vijat i razli~ni lokalni liturgii, kako: ermenska, siriska, kopt- ska, persiska, slovenska i drugi.2 Prodlabo~uvaweto na jazot me|u Isto~noto (Vizantija) i Zapadnoto Rimsko Carstvo e vidlivo i na planot na crkovnoto peewe. Prvobitnoto formalno edinstvo, koe so te{kotii se odr- `uva na ogromniot prostor na Imperijata s# do nejzinata defini- tivna podelba vo 476 godina, zapo~na da se raspa|a po golemite re- formi na crkovnoto peewe: najprvin zapadnata na rimskiot papa Grgur I Veliki (590-604), sprovedena kon krajot na VI i po~etokot na VII vek, koga so izborot na duhovnite napevi (vo istorijata poznati kako gregorijanski korali) koj{to go napravi so svoite sorabotnici, go oslobodi crkovnoto peewe od isto~nata senzual- na hromatika i melizmatika,3 a skoro eden vek podocna i isto~- nata reforma na sv. Jovan Damaskin (650-749), so koja go defini- ra i naso~i idniot mileniumski razvoj na isto~noto crkovno pee- 4 we. Imeno, so cel da go racionalizira i unificira crkovnoto peewe na po{irokiot vizantiski prostor, sv. Jovan Damaskin pristapi kon prestruktuirawe na Osmoglasnikot (gr. , odreduvaj}i go pritoa karakterot na glasovite i vidot na muzi~- kite skali. Vo definiraweto na osmoglasniot sistem na ~etiri

1 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Cultura muzicală de tradiţie bizantină pe teritoriul României in secolul XVIII şi începutul XIX şi aportul original al culturii autohtone, Editura muzicală, Bucureşti, 1989. p. 24. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest… op. cit. p. 79, 113 3 Andreis, Josip, Povijest…ibidem. p. 80-81. 4 Popescu-Pasarea, I., Principiî de muzica bisericească-orientală, Bucureşti, 1939.

12 glavni (avtenti~ni) i ~etiri sporedni (plagalni), Damaskin se opredeli za glasovi i crkovni napevi, sozdadeni vo raniot hris- tijanski period na razni teritorii, od razni narodi. Na toj na- ~in, golemiot muzi~ki reformator postigna, Osmoglasnikot da bide blizok i prifatliv za site hristijanski narodi, koi{to ja naseluvale teritorijata na Isto~noto Rimsko Carstvo, vo nauka- ta pove}e poznata kako Vizantija. Koga stanuva zbor za muzi~kiot `ivot na narodite {to ja naseluvale teritorijata na Vizantija, mo`e da se ka`e, deka s# {to bilo pozna~ajno na ovoj plan, se slu~uvalo pod znakot na cr- kovnata muzika. So svoite lesno priemlivi sodr`ini, ovaa priv- le~na muzika ne ostanala strogo vrzana za crkovnata bogoslu`ba. Vo izvorna ili modificirana forma, crkovnoto peewe zapo~na- lo da se rasprostranuva i da se vnedruva vo drugi formi na op- {testveno i doma{no muzicirawe, vo koi{to se vklu~eni i razni vidovi na narodni muzi~ki instrumenti. Slu{aj}i go i prakticiraj}i go vo sekojdnevnite crkovni i doma{ni bogoslu`enija, crkovnoto peewe go pottiknuvaat narod- niot tvorec, da sozdava melopoetski tvorbi na povisoko kreativ- no nivo i so pogolema tematska raznovidnost. Pove}e intuitivno otkolku svesno, i tvorcite na crkovna muzika se inspiriraat od folklornata pesnopojna tradicija. Ovie vzaemni vlijanija }e pridonesat crkovnoto peewe i muzi~kata praktika kaj hristijan- skite narodi, koi{to vleguvaat vo kulturno-istoriskite i geo- politi~kite ramki na Vizantija, da imaat mnogu zaedni~ki crti. Ovie razvojni procesi na isto~nata hristijanska muzika najdoa odraz i vo muzikata na slovenskite narodi, koi vo VI i VII vek go naselija Balkanskiot Poluostrov. Vrz osnova na sopstvenite mu- zi~ki tradicii i na vizantiskoto crkovno peewe, vo tekot na slednite stoletija sekoj od ovie narodi }e si sozdade karakte- risti~en muzi~ki folklor, a vo ramkite na vizantiskite stilski relacii i svoj idiom na crkovno peewe. * * * [to se podrazbira pod poimot vizantiska muzika?

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Vo odnos na ova pra{awe vo naukata se sre}avaat razli~ni gledi{ta, koi ponekoga{ i sre}no se dopolnuvaat. Spored edni muzi~ki pisateli, pod ovoj poim se podrazbira celokupnata mu- zi~ka umetnost sozdavana vo vremeto i prostorot na Vizantis- koto Carstvo, koja si sozdala svoi karakteristi~ni formi i svoj- stva.1 Za drugi, pokraj crkovnata muzika na Vizantiskata Impe- rija, poimot vizantiska muzika ja opfa}a i svetovnata muzika ne- guvana so osobeno bogatstvo i rasko{ na carskiot dvor,2 kako i drugi vidovi muzika so svetoven karakter, na pr: teatarskata. Vsu{nost, vizantiskata svetovna muzika ne bila daleku od reli- gioznata, zaradi faktot {to crkvata se razvivala vo potpolna zavisnost od carskata vlast.3 Pod ova pra{awe srpskiot muzi~ki pisatel i teolog Petar Bingulac ja podrazbira i tretira samo crkovnata muzika. Spored nego, gledano vremenski, vizantiskata muzika bi trebalo da gi opfati celata muzika na Isto~nata crkva, od prvite po~etoci do denes. A toa zna~i, i muzikata pred osnovaweto na gradot Kons- tantinipol, a voedno i onaa po propasta na Vizantiskoto carstvo vo 1453 godina, s# do dene{noto peewe na Isto~nata crkva. A vo odnos na prostorot, ovaa definicija bi trebalo da ja opfati ne samo vizantiskata crkovna muzika peana na gr~ki jazik, tuku i celokupnata muzika na isto~nite crkvi, koi{to bile povrzani so vizantiskata crkva so mnogu vrski, dolgotrajni i slo`eni, i so silni recipro~ni vlijanija, vospriemani i davani, vo razli~ni stepeni na povrzanost, od najtesna zavisnost do pogolema samos- tojnost.4 Pod poimot vizantiska muzika, deneska naj~esto se podraz- bira isto~noto crkovno peewe, odnosno peeweto na pravoslav- nata crkva (bez ogled na koj jazik se prakticira), koe{to vo svojot mileniumski razvoj gi zadr`alo kako sto`erni slednite svoi

1 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Cultura muzicală ...op. cit. p. 14. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest glazbe, vol I. Liber - Mladost, Zagreb, 1975. p. 114. 3 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika, Muzicka enciklopedija, vol. III. Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1977. p. 686. 4 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika…ibidem. p. 683.

14 komponenti: 1. Damaskinoviot osmoglasnik – sistemot od ~etiri avtenti~ni i ~etiri plagalni glasovi, 2. trite osnovni muzi~ki skali – dijatonskata, hromatskata i enharmonskata, 3. nevmat- skoto muzi~ko pismo i 4. isklu~ivo vokalniot karakter i edno- glasniot vid na muzi~kata izvedba.

Za potekloto na vizantiskata muzika naukata poso~uva po- ve}e izvori. Najstarata traga se prepoznava vo Biblijata, preku tekstovite na napevite i religioznite formi, prezemeni od stra- na na prvite hristijani, za nivnite verski slu`bi. So vnimatelno istra`uvawe na site bibliski knigi - od prvata na Mojsievoto petokni`ie od Stariot zavet, pa, do poslednata od Noviot zavet, se otkriva izobilstvo od detalni svedo{tva za {irokata primena na muzikata vo religiozniot `ivot na evrejskiot narod. Vsu{- nost, vizantiskata muzika pretstavuva prodol`uvawe i prilago- duvawe so specifi~no pro{iruvawe na verskite slu`bi, koi{to se prakticirale vo evrejskata sinagoga.1 Od svoite razurnati hramovi, prvite hristijani koi{to po- teknuvale od redot na Evreite, gi imale vo hristijanskiot obred, zaedno so tekstovite na psalmite, i svoite evrejski melodii. Bi- dej}i hristijanstvoto, pred da se pro{iri na tloto na Evropa, se pojavilo ne samo vo Palestina, tuku i vo Egipet, vo Sirija i vo Ermenija, razbirlivo e toa {to site ovie zemji na svoj na~in }e ja zbogatat ranohristijanskata melodika. Osven toa, kon sredinata na XX vek vo naukata s# pove}e se istaknuva i muzi~kata praktika na Sredozemjeto kako va`en izvor na vlijanie na ranohristijan- skata muzika.2

Postojat mislewa, deka ve}e vo I vek vo ednoglasnata hri- stijanska muzika postoela odredena podelba na dva globalni na~i- ni na peewe: psalmodi~no (recitativno), vo koe{to zborot domi- nira nad tonot, odnosno, na eden ist ton se peat pove}e slogovi od tekstot, i melizmati~no (stil na razviena melodija), vo koe{to

1 Vasile, Vasile, Istoria muzicii bizantine şi evoluţia ei în spiritualitatea românească, Editura interprint SRL, Bucureşti, 1997. p. 5 2 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika… op. cit. p. 683.

15 tonot nadvladuva nad zborot, odnosno, na eden slog se peat pove}e tonovi, a ~esto i dolgi nizi od tonovi. Obata principi hristijan- stvoto, istotaka, gi na{lo na Istok. Dodeka psalmodiraweto e tipi~no za muzikata na evrejskoto bogoslu`enie, melizmatikata e karakteristi~na, osven za evrejskata, u{te i za siriskata, egi- petskata i za ermenskata.1

So proglasuvaweto na hristijanstvoto za dr`avna religija na Isto~noto Rimsko Carstvo, nastanaa op{testveni promeni, koi{to crkvata kako nositel na duhovnata vlast gi ispolzuva da si go zacvrsti svojot status. So cel da go pottikne religioznoto ~uvstvo kaj vernicite i da go zgolemuva svoeto vlijanie vo site sferi na `ivotot vo Imperijata, crkvata zapo~nuva s# pove}e da go sreduva i da go zbogatuva svojot religiozen obrednik. Se zboga- tuvala i hristijanskata muzika i osobeno poezijata. Kako rezul- tat na ova, vo IV vek se pojavuva himnata (gr. u1mnoj), mo{ne zna- ~aen vid na crkovni pesni so poteklo od istok, koja nabrgu sta- nuva neobi~no popularna i do`ivuva vistinski procut. Po forma strofi~na pesna, naj~esto silabi~na (na sekoj ton po eden slog, retko po dva ili pove}e), himnata so svojata ednostavnost i pevli- vost, prete`no ja izveduvale samite vernici, a poretko profesi- onalni peja~i.2 Prvata forma na vistinskata hristijanska poezija ja pret- stavuva troparot (gr. troparhon, tro1poj, troph1, koj vo po~etokot bil samo po nekoj vmetnat stih me|u stihovite na psalmite, za po- toa da narasnat na cela strofa. Razvivaj}i se i ponatamu, tro- parot stanuval porazraboten i spored sodr`inata dobival razni nazivi, kako na pr: voskresen, bogorodi~en, troi~en itn. Prvite pi{uva~i na tropari bile nare~eni melodi, bidej}i ja sozdavale i muzikata i poezijata. Me|u prvite melodi se spomenuvaat Antim i Timokle, koi `iveele vo V vek, vo vremeto na Leo I (457-474).3 Tropari sostavuval i samiot car Justinijan I (527-565), na kogo mu

1 Andreis, Josip, Povijest…ibidem. p. 77. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest… ibidem. p. 78. 3 Wellesz, Egon, A histori of Byzantine muzic and himnography, Oxford, 1962. p. 174.

16 se pripi{uva slavniot tropar od VI vek, Edinoroden, Sine (gr. @O monogenh3j, Ui2o`j  Vo sledniot period od razvojot na himnata najzna~ajna po- etska forma e kondakot (gr. konda1kionili konta1kion),poema so- stavena od 18 do 30 strofi ili tropari, koi{to se peele spored melodijata na prvata strofa. Vo pogled na brojot na slogovite i mestata na akcentite site ovie strofi imale identi~na struktu- ra so prvata strofa.2 Prvata pesna, koja{to e obrazec za sledni- te, se vika irmos (gr. ei3rmo1j, od ei2ro, ei2ra, ei2rka, ei2rmo - vrzuva, svrzuva, se ni`e, . Najpoznatiot avtor na kondakioni bil Roman Melod, pokrsten Evrein od Sirija (krajot na V - VI vek), koj{to se smeta za najgolem crkoven poet, ne samo na hristijanskata, tuku mo`ebi i na svetskata sakralna kni`evnost. Legendata zboruva za iljada negovi himni vo forma na kondakion, od koi do deneska se so~uvale osumdeset i pet.3 Posledniot period na vizantiskata himnografija zapo~nal kon krajot na VII vek so voveduvaweto na kanonot (gr. kanw`nvo utrinskata bogoslu`ba. Kanonot e slo`ena poetska forma izgra- dena od 9 odi (gr. odaiod koi sekoja sodr`i od 6 do 9 tropari.4 Zaedni~ko na pesnite im e toa {to se potpiraat na bibliski sodr`ini od Stariot i od Noviot zavet i se napraveni vrz ista ritmi~ka osnova. Prviot poet na kanonot e Andreja Kritski (okolu 660-740). Vo negovoto obemno delo se istaknuva ‚Golemiot kanon‛ so 250 strofi.5 Drug zna~aen poet od toa vreme e ve}e spomnatiot sv. Jovan Damaskin, na kogo, osven brojni kanoni, kako {to e ka`ano, mu se pripi{uva i oformuvaweto na Osmoglasnikot zaradi {to se smeta za eden od najzaslu`nite reformatori na vizantiskata

1 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika…op. cit. p. 685. 2 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Filotei Sin Agăi Jipei - Psaltichie rumânească, vol. IV, Stihirar - Pentikostar, Editura Episcopiei Buzăului, Bucureşti, 1992, p. 489. 3 Buhvald - Holveg - Princ, Re~nik gr~kih i latinskih pisaca antike i sredweg veka, Vuk Karaxi}, Beograd, 1984. p. 398. 4 Wellesz, Egon, A histori…op. cit. p. 198. 5 Buhvald - Holveg - Princ, Re~nik…op. cit. p. 47.

17 muzika.1 sv. Jovan Damaskin e avtor i na poznatiot Voskresen kanon, koj e nare~en i Zlaten kanon ili Kralica na kanonite. Koga se povlekol vo manastirot Sv. Sava kraj Mrtvo More, so nego zapo~nala dejnosta na brojniot sobir od crkovni poeti, t.n. savaiti.2 Vo IX vek, vo carigradskiot manastir Studion se sozdava nov centar na vizantiskata himnografija, pa, ottuka i poetite od toj manastir se vikaat studiti. Me|u poetite studiti najistak- nat e Teodor Studit (759-826), avtor na mnogubrojni dela, a poznat e i kako eden od najzna~ajnite teolozi na borbata za ikonite, ~ie- {to vlijanie na vizantiskata teologija bilo izvonredno silno.3 Vo plodnata produkcija na ova vreme u~estvuvaat i carevite Lav VI Mudri (886-912) i Konstantin VII Porfirogenit (912-961), ~ii pesni se peat i denes.4 Dodeka troparite i kondacite gi pi{uvale melodi, davaj- }i im naedno i poezija i muzika, kaj podocne`nite himnografi s# pove}e preovladuva obi~ajot na novata poezija da & se dade od porano ve}e postoe~ka muzika. Opravdanosta na ovaa praksa e vo postoeweto na ve}e pregolem broj melodii i vo nedovolnoto poz- navawe na nevmatskata notacija, zaradi {to peja~ite ne bile vo sostojba da nau~at novi melodii.5 Ova e period vo koj{to s# po- retko se javuvaat originalni kanoni, a vo praktikata s# pove}e se imitiraat starite i se peat spored ve}e postoe~kite melodii. Ovaa pojava kako da go navestuva opa|aweto na poetskata sila i postepenoto zamirawe na crkovnata poezija. Po nejzinoto gasne- we na Istok, taa go prodol`ila svojot razvoj vo Ju`na Italija i na Sicilija s# do XII vek.6 Me|utoa, vo XI vek kako posledica na s# porasko{niot re- ligiozen obred, a verojatno i pod vlijanie na arapskata muzika, crkovnite melodii stanuvaat s# pobogati so ukrasi i melizmi. Vo

1 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika…op. cit. p. 686. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest…op. cit. p. 114. 3 Buhvald - Holveg - Princ, Re~nik…op. cit. p. 436. 4 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika…op. cit. p. 686. 5 Bingulac, Petar, Vizantiska muzika…ibidem. p. 686. 6 Wellesz, Egon, A histori… op. cit. p. 447.

18 ovie uslovi se razviva novo muzi~ko zanimawe: melurzi, ~ija os- novna zada~a bila da gi ukrasuvaat i variraat postoe~kite na- pevi.1 Ova e po~etokot na podolgiot evolutiven proces vo koj- {to se sozdavala novata forma na prostranata crkovna melodija poznata kako papadikiska (gr. papadiko`n - popski), koja pretstavu- va najvisokiot dostrel na vizantiskata crkovna muzika. Za nejzi- niot razvoj i rasko{niot na~in na izvedba najzaslu`en e Sv. Jovan Kukuzel (XIV vek), nenadminat tvorec, psalt i reformator na isto~nata crkovna muzika, so makedonsko-slovensko poteklo. Od sredinata na XV vek, so potpa|aweto na Balkanskiot Po- luostrov pod vlasta na Turcite, }e nastapi period na opa|awe i nazaduvawe na crkovnata muzika. Brojot na onie koi{to dobro go poznavaat vizantiskoto muzi~ko pismo e s# pomal, a crkovnoto pe- ewe }e bide prepu{teno na nedovolno obrazovanite ili nepisme- nite crkovni pea~i. Ovaa sostojba }e potrae s# do XVIII vek, koga so prvite znaci na slabeewe na Osmanliskoto Carstvo, isto~noto crkovno peewe }e po~ne da za`ivuva. Toa e period vo koj{to ras- te interesiraweto za tvorbite na drevnite pesnopisci i kompo- zitori. Gri`livo ~uvanite stari rakopisi vo palestinskite i svetogorskite manastiri s# po~esto se pojavuvaat vo razni prepi- si. Kako reakcija na slo`enata i vo golema mera zaboravena Ku- kuzelova notacija, vo koja so tekot na vekovite se javilo i golemo raznoobrazie vo zapi{uvaweto na melodiite, nekoi avtori na cr- kovna muzika od ovoj period svoite tvorbi gi pi{uvaat so poed- nostaveno notno pismo.2 Na po~etokot na XIX vek trojcata u~iteli (gr. triw~n didas- ka1lwn) i ugledni duhovnici na Isto~nata crkva Hrisant Prusen- ski (Crusa1nqoj Prou1shj), Grigorij Protopsalt (Grhgori1oj Prwto- ya1ltoj) i Hurmuzij Hartofilaks (Courmouzi1ou Cartofi1lakoj), }e gi prodol`at nastojuvawata na prethodnite generacii crkovni muzi~ari i vo 1814 godina uspe{no }e ja zavr{at poslednata gole- ma reforma na vizantiskoto crkovno peewe i na negovoto muzi~-

1 Andreis, Josip, Povijest…op. cit. p. 78. 2 Bogoev , M. Mir~o, U~ebnik …op. cit. p. 9.

19 ko pismo. Na novata poednostavena notacija, koja{to za kuso vre- me }e go osvoi po{irokiot pravoslaven prostor, }e bidat sozda- deni brojni novi dela, kako u{te edno svedo{tvo za univerzal- niot duh na vizantiskata muzi~ka umetnost.

20

I.

Vizantiskite koreni na slovenskata kultura

Civilizacijata koja{to zapo~na da se sozdava na {irokiot trikontinentalen prostor na Vizantija pretstavuva avtenti~en proizvod na vrski, odnosi i vlijanija na pove}e kulturni tradi- cii, vo ~ija{to osnova le`i Hristijanstvoto - noviot kvalitet vo povrzuvaweto na razli~nite duhovni tekovi na stariot svet. Kako takva, vizantiskata civilizacija, osven za istoriskiot i kulturniot razvoj na narodite naseleni na nejzinata teritorija, odigra presudna uloga i za razvojot na evropskata civilizacija i za pojavata na niza drugi edinstveni i razvieni kulturi. Ova, vo golema mera, se odnesuva i na kulturata na slovenskite narodi, koi od Vizantija go dobija ona {to be{e su{tinsko za nivniot civilizaciski procut: hristijanskata religija i pismenosta. Prifa}aj}i go Hristijanstvoto, a preku nego i vizantiska- ta kultura, kako izvori na sopstvenite kulturni sodr`ini, slo- venskite narodi razvivaat svoi osobenosti, svoi stvarni isto- riski tipovi, no, temelite se, sepak, edinstveni, osnovnite sodr- `ini - isti, i {to e najva`no - napolno e istoveten sistemot na znaci. Eden e i edinstven jazikot na slikata i zborot so koj{to e ovozmo`eno duhovno op{tewe na Slovenite so Vizantija, a preku nea i so s# ona {to se vgradilo vo svetot na nejzinata kultura od minatite anti~ki vremiwa, i od drugite isto~ni svetovi.1 Nekoi vizantolozi duri se na mislewe, deka istorijata na slovenskite narodi mo`e da se zeme kako docno poglavje na vizantiskata isto-

1 Bogdanovi , Dimitrije, Na putevima teorijskog prou~avawa ranovizantijske kwi`evnosti, (Predgovor, Averincev, S. S., Poetika ranovizantijske kwi`evnosti). Kwi`evna misao, Beograd, 1982, r. 8.

21 rija. Spored niv, slovenskata srednovekovna umetnost, vsu{nost, e vizantiska i kako takva, tokmu vo slovenskite prostori taa go do`ivea svojot najzna~aen docen razvoj.1

Vizantiskata komponenta na slovenskata sakralna i narod- na umetnost vo najgolema mera e zastapena vo makedonskata, za{to nejzinite nositeli, kako potomci na anti~kite Makedonci i na Slovenite koi{to go naselija ju`niot del na Balkanskiot Polu- ostrov vo VI i VII vek, se polnopravni naslednici i prodol`uva~i na vizantiskata kultura, i nejzini neposredni sozdava~i. Zna~i, ovoj status Makedoncite si go obezbedile najmalku po dve osnovi: kako starosedelci, koi{to gi minale site fazi na anti~kata i na rimsko-vizantiskata epoha, i kako novonaseleni slovenski ple- miwa, najistureni kon Vizantija od site drugi Sloveni, koi pri- maj}i ja hristijanskata religija, navlegoa dlaboko vo civilizira- niot svet na Vizantija, soo~uvaj}i se so s# ona {to toa multiet- ni~ko op{testvo mo`elo da ponudi i da prifati.

Vizantiskata hristijanska kultura i umetnost, sozdadeni na teritorijata na Makedonija pretstavuvaat arhetipski znaci pro- niknati vo najdlabokite sloevi od kulturno-istoriskoto minato na makedonskiot narod, koi jasno i nedvosmisleno go potvrduvaat negoviot pridones vo razvojot na vizantiskata civilizacija. Is- tovremeno, toa se avtenti~ni svedo{tva za kreativnite potenci- jali na domorodnite Makedonci od raniot hristijanski period, a podocna i na Slovenite, koi{to go naselija ju`niot del na Bal- kanskiot Poluostrov. Ova osobeno vo periodot po nivnoto hris- tijanizirawe, vo koj{to se ostvareni prosvetitelskite misii na sv-te Kiril i Metodij, crkovno-prosvetnata dejnost na sv-te Kliment i Naum vo Ohrid, a malku podocna i Makedonskata sred- novekovna dr`ava, poznata kako Samoilovo Carstvo. Od sevo ova proizleguva, deka hristijanskata umetnost, a vo nejziniot sinkreti~ki korpus i crkovnata muzika na teritorija- ta na Makedonija, ne mo`at da se posmatraat izdvoeno i nadvor od

1 Talbot Rice, David, Mit o ‟mracnom dobu‟, Rani srednji vek, Jugoslavija, Beograd, 1976, p.11.

22 istoriskiot kontekst na vizantiskata kultura. Isto kako {to i mozaikot na vizantiskata civilizacija ne mo`e da bide celosen, ako vo nejziniot kontinuum ne se zemat predvid najzna~ajnite eta- pi vo kulturniot razvoj kaj poedini narodi, kako {to e kaj Make- doncite, na primer, zlatniot crkovno-prosvetitelski period na sv-te Kliment i Naum, vo koj{to e osnovopolo`ena prvata slo- venska eparhija, a vo nejzinite ramki i Ohridskata {kola, poz- nata kako prv evropski univerzitet. Ottuka, kulturniot razvoj na Makedoncite vo celiot period od primaweto na hristijanskata religija do sozdavaweto na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija, pretsta- vuva komplementaren proces vo razvojot na vizantiskata kultura i civilizacija.

23

II.

Crkovnoto peewe na slovenski jazik

Po~etocite na crkovnoto peewe na slovenski jazik i na slo- venskata pismenost se povrzani so gradot Solun, po Konstanti- nopol najgolemiot vizantiski kulturen centar. Nao|aj}i se na te- ritorija naselena prete`no so Sloveni, Solun mo`el da poslu`i kako prirodna vrska na vizantiskata kultura so Slovenite vo Ma- kedonija, a preku niv i so celiot slovenski svet. Ottuka, razbir- livo e {to vizantiskata dr`avna i crkovna vlast tokmu od ovaa sredina anga`ira lu|e za izvr{uvawe na prosvetitelskite misii me|u slovenskite narodi. Koga moravskiot knez Rastislav poba- ral od vizantiskiot imperator Mihail III takvi misioneri, izbo- rot padnal na solunskite bra}a Konstantin i Metodij.1 Pomladiot brat Konstantin, poznat po svojata u~enost i ge- nijalnite lingvisti~ki sposobnosti, ja sostavil prvata slovenska azbuka i zaedno so brata si Metodij gi prevele na slovenski jazik Svetoto Pismo i drugite bogoslu`beni knigi. Za `al, od ovoj period ne e so~uvan nitu eden pi{an dokument, pa, za dejnosta na sv-te Solunski Bra}a doznavame od nivnite `itija i letopisite. Vrz osnova na podatocite od ovie izvori mo`e da se zaklu~i deka sv-te Kiril i Metodij i nivnite u~enici vo Moravija, vo Pano- nija, vo Rim i na podra~jeto na dene{na Makedonija i Bugarija gi peele na slovenski jazik glavnite delovi od bogoslu`enieto.2 Nema somnenie deka prviot kontakt na vizantiskite crkov- ni melodii so slovenskite tekstovi prevedeni od gr~ki jazik od

1 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska kulturna simbioza, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966. r. 47. 2 Stefanovi}, Dimitrije, Ohridski neumski rakopisi i po~etoci na slovenskata muzi~ka kultura, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 131.

24 strana na sv-te Kiril i Metodij se odigral vo Makedonija, ozna- ~uvaj}i gi po~etocite na slovenskata crkovna muzika. Imeno, so prilagoduvaweto na tie napevi kon noviot tekst vo metroritmi~- ka smisla, se poka`ale prvite specifi~nosti na slovenskoto - po{iroko gledano - i oddelno na makedonskoto crkovno peewe.1 No, treba da se naglasi, deka vo periodot koga sv-te Solunski Bra}a gi podgotvuvaat svoite slovenski misii, s#u{te ne postojat su{tinski razliki vo crkovnoto peewe kaj poedini hristijanski narodi. Ottuka, crkovnoto peewe so koe Solunskite Bra}a trgna- le vo prosvetitelskite misii gi imalo op{tite ramki na sredno- vekovnata vizantiska muzika. Fascinantnata melodija bazirana na damaskinoviot Osmoglasnik i vpe~atliviot sakralen ritual vo koj taa melodija imala centralno mesto, kone~no i slovenskiot bogoslu`ben jazik, koj{to vo toj period e s#u{te razbirliv za si- te slovenski narodi, bile glavnite aduti na sv-te Kiril i Me- todij vo nivnata istoriska misija: da gi privle~at, pridobijat i da gi privrzat slovenskite narodi kon hristijanskata religija. Crkovnoto peewe na slovenski jazik na teritorijata na Ma- kedonija, najverojatno zapo~nalo da se prakticira okolu sredina- ta na IX vek, so bregalni~kata misija na solunskite bra}a Kon- stantin i Metodij, zna~i, pred nivnoto zaminuvawe vo Moravija.2 Svojot procut ova peewe }e go dostigne vo prosvetitelskiot pe- riod na sv-te Kliment i Naum, kon krajot na IX i po~etokot na X vek, a }e prodol`i i vo vtorata polovina na istiot vek, za vreme na makedonsko-slovenskata dr`ava, t.n. Samoilovo Carstvo, koga e sozdadena i Ohridskata arhiepiskopija kako prva avtokefalna crkovna organizacija na makedonskiot narod.3 Pri krajot na IX vek Ohrid stana najva`no sredi{te na slo- venskata kultura vo jugozapadniot del na Balkanskiot Poluos- trov. Kako crkoven centar poznat ve}e od porano, raspolo`en na

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova Macedonica, Makedonska kniga, Skopje, 1986. p. 100. 2 Aleksova,Blaga, Materijalna kultura na Slovenite vo Makedonija, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 142. 3 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija od osnovaweto do pa|aweto na Makedonija pod turska vlast, Skopje, 1997. p. 77.

25 eden od glavnite rimski pati{ta, toj grad kako da be{e predod- reden da odigra posebna uloga vo vklu~uvaweto na Slovenite vo kulturniot svet. Doa|aweto na sv-te Kliment i Naum vo Ohrid, go ozna~i re{itelniot moment vo ostvaruvaweto na taa negova uloga. Tie bea lu|e sposobni da organiziraat na {iroka osnova edna kulturna i crkovno-prosvetna misija. Od druga strana, tie tuka nao|aa ve}e razdvi`ena sredina koja mo`e{e da gi potkrepi nivnite nastojuvawa.1 Vo ovoj grad vo koj i porano zra~ela vizan- tiskatakultura, sv-te Kliment i Naum razvija {iroka crkovna i kni`evna dejnost, sozdavaj}i na toj na~in i sopstveni kadri ne sa- mo vo redot na klirot, ami i vo site drugi oblasti na op{testve- noto `iveewe.2 Osobeno golemi zaslugi vo organiziraweto na {irokata op{to-kulturna dejnost vo ovaa slovenska sredina ima sv. Kliment Ohridski, eden od najnadarenite u~enici na sv-te Kiril i Metodij. Sudej}i spored so~uvanite podatoci za negovata anga`iranost na muzi~ki plan i za negoviot golem pridones vo izgraduvaweto na makedonskoto crkovno peewe, mo`e da se ka`e, deka vo vremeto na sv. Kliment, Ohrid vo isto vreme bil i sre- di{te na crkovnata muzika.3 Vo ovoj grad e sozdadena i prvata crkovno-pea~ka {kola me|u Slovenite, koja podocna }e ima silno vlijanie vrz razvojot na crkovnoto peewe kaj ostanatite sloven- ski narodi. Vo Klimentovoto `itie se nao|a podatok, koj{to zbo- ruva deka sv. Kliment gi podu~uval svoite u~enici vo peeweto psalmi i gi snabduval so psalmopodobni penija, a vo svoite besedi za crkovnoto peewe i pesnopenijata zboruva, deka heruvimskata pesna se pee ednoglasno. Sevo ova svedo~i deka, sv. Kliment na crkovnoto peewe mu posvetuval osobeno vnimanie kako na va`en segment od negovata s#vkupna crkovno-prosvetna dejnost.4 Vo ambientot vo koj{to ve}e be{e zapo~nal procesot na sozdavawe sopstveni duhovni vrednosti i na po~va vo koja slo-

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Ohridska kni`evna {kola, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 57. 2 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska… ibidem. p. 47. 3 Golabovski Sotir, Osmoglasnik-makedonsko crkovno peewe, Kultura, Skopje, 1993, r. 15. 4 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija ... ibidem. p. 43.

26 venskata pismenost, kulturata i prosvetata ve}e bea pu{tile koreni, vo vtorata polovina na X vek, bea sozreani uslovite Samoil (976-1014) da ja sozdade svojata dr`ava, a vo ovie ramki i makedonskata crkva so centar vo Prespa, a potoa vo Ohrid. I pok- raj toa {to vo ovoj period postojano se vodat vojni, se zabele`uva zna~itelen podem na kulturno-prosvetniot `ivot.1 Brojnite ostatoci na materijalnata kultura od vremeto na samoilovoto vladeewe jasno govorat za po~etok na slovenska epoha, vo koja, vo uslovi na prekinati vrski so Carigrad i so drugite vizantiski duhovni centri, se pojavuvaat novi stilski nasoki vo umetnosta, literaturata i arhitekturata so prepoznatlivi sloveno-makedon- ski karakteristiki.2 Na planot na crkovnoto peewe vo ovoj peri- od nastanuva u{te pore{itelno svrtuvawe kon sopstvenite pesno- pojni tradicii i sozdavawe na svoj muzi~ki izraz. Navistina, vli- janieto na gr~kata kultura vo makedonskite gradovi e s#u{te sil- no, no, kako rezultat na s#vkupniot op{testven razvoj, vo Make- donija narasnuva slovenskata civilizaciska svest, a so nea i odre- deni tendencii za distancirawe na makedonskoto duhovno i kul- turno `iveewe od vizantiskoto. Se razbira, carigradskite dr- `avni i crkovni vlasti na ovie razvojni procesi vo kulturniot i prosvetniot `ivot na makedonskiot narod gledaat kako na anti- vizantisko raspolo`enie.3

1 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska… op. cit. p. 48. 2 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija ... ibidem. p. 105. 3 Velev, Ilija, Vizantisko-makedonski kni`evni vrski, Skopje, 2005.

27

III.

Crkovnoto peewe vo Ohridskata arhiepiskopija

Karakterot na makedonskoto crkovno peewe, kako {to e ve- }e ka`ano, e za~nat u{te pri prviot dopir na slovenskiot crko- ven tekst so vizantiskata melodija, vo vremeto koga solunskite bra}a Konstantin i Metodij se podgotvuvaat za svoite prosveti- telski misii. No, vistinskite streme`i da se sozdade sopstveno crkovno peewe so prepoznatlivi sloveno-makedonski karakteris- tiki mo`ele da se pojavat duri vo crkovno-prosvetitelskiot pe- riod na sv-te Kliment i Naum Ohridski. Va`en moment vo krei- raweto na posebniot karakter na makedonskoto crkovno peewe vo ovoj i vo sledniot period pretstavuva potpiraweto vrz sopstve- nite muzi~ki tradicii. Folklornite melodii vovedeni i vkore- neti vo crkovno-muzi~kiot repertoar pretstavuvaat izvonredno va`en element vo liturgiskiot ~in, so koj se obezbeduva narod- niot karakter na crkovnoto peewe, a so toa, i privlekuvawe na pogolem broj vernici vo bogoslu`bata. Vo ovoj pogled treba da se naglasi, deka psaltite, koi istovremeno se nositeli i na narod- nata muzi~ka tradicija, vo crkovnoto peewe vnesuvaat sve`i fol- klorni elementi. Tie duri i svesno go naglasuvale toj profan sloveno-makedonski prizvuk vo crkovnoto peewe kako izraz na otporot sprema gr~kiot na~in na peewe. Crkovnoto peewe na teritorijata na Makedonija }e go pro- dol`i svojot razvoj i vo deceniite pred i po sozdavaweto na Sa- moilovoto Carstvo i na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija. Ovoj proces }e prodol`i i po propasta na makedonskata dr`ava, za vreme na Jovan Debarski (1018-1037), prviot, po s# izgleda, i edinstveniot ohridski arhiepiskop vo vizantiskata epoha koj{to imal make-

28 donsko poteklo. Dejnosta na ovoj ohridski arhiepiskop – Make- donec, glavno, se sveduvala na postojana borba za za~uvuvawe na narodniot karakter na Arhiepiskopijata. Vo celiot ovoj prosve- titelski period koj trael okolu eden i polovina vek, vsu{nost, e zapo~nat i zavr{en procesot na transformirawe na makedonsko- to crkovno peewe od tipi~no vizantisko-gr~ko, vo peewe so ka- rakteristiki na `ivata pesnopojna tradicija na Makedoncite, i toa kako vo pogled na melodijata, taka i vo odnos na na~inot na nejzinata izvedba ostvarena preku specifi~nata glasovna artiku- lacija na tonot i zborot. Vo periodot po smrtta na Jovan, po s# izgleda, deka so Oh- ridskata arhiepiskopija rakovodele isklu~ivo episkopi Grci - direktno postaveni od vizantiskata vlast, koi so site sili nasto- juvale vo crkovnata praktika da go nametnat gr~kiot stil. So cel da go isfrlat od crkvite peeweto sozdadeno i izdiferencirano kako slovensko-makedonsko vo sveti-Klimentoviot prosvetitel- ski period, vo makedonskite hramovi bile doveduvani dirigenti od golemite centri na vizantiskata kultura.1 No, bidej}i psal- tite naj~esto bile Makedonci, osven gr~kiot jazik koj bil obli- gatoren, s# drugo vo peeweto si ostanuvalo izvorno: postavenosta i bojata na glasot, na~inot na ukrasuvawe na melodiskite tonovi i drugi elementi. Vtemelena vrz deloto na sv-te Kiril i Metodij i na nivni- te u~enici sv-te Kliment i Naum, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija vo tekot na svoeto osumvekovno postoewe nikoga{ sosema ne go izgu- bila slovenskiot karakter i ostana za{titnik na crkovnite i kulturnite tradicii na makedonskiot narod. Slovenskiot karak- ter na Arhiepiskopijata go {titele i nekoi arhiepiskopi - Grci,

1 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi za istorijata na makedonskiot narod Prosvetno delo, Skopje, 1959, p. 78. (Vo ovaa smisla, sosema e razbirliv o~ajot na ohridskiot arhiepiskop Teofilakt (1091- ?), koga se `ali: ‚Ohri|anite ja slu{aat pesnata moja ka- ko magareto cigulkata‛. Pritoa, o~igledno e, deka cigulkata go pretsta- vuva gr~koto crkovno peewe, a magareto - prostite i tvrdoglavi makedonski vernici i psalti, koi uporno si go podr`uvaat svoeto crkovno peewe, soz- dadeno vrz osnova na sopstvenata pesnopojna tradicija.)

29 bidej}i samo na toj na~in mo`ele da ja odbranat samostojnosta na svojata crkva, a so toa i sopstvenata pozicija. Od druga strana, tie bile svesni, deka bi bile zaludni site napori za iskorenuva- we na crkovno-prosvetnoto delo na sv. Kliment, koj{to gi pro- niknuval ne samo tradiciite na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija, tuku i na celokupniot op{testven `ivot na teritorijata na Make- donija, pa i po{iroko. Za ova govorat brojni patepisi, od koi mo- `e da se izvle~at zaklu~oci za crkovnoto peewe, za folklornite muzi~ki tradicii i, voop{to, za kulturno-prosvetniot `ivot vo Makedonija.1 Ona {to vo ovie patepisi pa|a v o~i, e otporot na Makedoncite sprema gr~ko-vizantiskiot na~in na bogoslu`ewe vo hramovite, a vrz osnova na toa i da se zaklu~i, deka crkovno- prosvetniot `ivot, a vo ovie ramki i crkovnoto peewe na teri- torijata na Makedonija, vo XIV vek s#u{te go sledat predanieto na sv. Kliment. Ovie dragoceni podatoci govorat uverlivo i za `ilavosta na narodnite tradicii, iako vo tekot na stoletijata po padot na srednovekovnoto Samoilovo Carstvo, Makedoncite `i- veat neposredno na podra~jeto na vizantiskiot dr`aven, praven, sudski i vojni~ki sistem i vo ambient na silno vlijanie na vizan- tisko-gr~kata kultura.

1 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi...ibidem. p. 122. Vo ovoj pogled, od knigata na Q. Lape najprigodni se delovite od patepisot na vizantiskiot pisatel Nikifor Gregora (XIV vek), koj vo 1326 godina na pat za Srbija se zadr`al nekolku dena vo Strumica: ‚…Utredenta po cel den patuvawe, stasavme vo eden mal grad {to se kreva, taka da se re~e, nad obla- cite, koj{to lu|eto od ovoj kraj go vikaat Strumica… Ovde go praznuvavme i svetiot Veligden, za `al, ne kako {to sme sviknale da go pravime toa kaj nas, a sepak go proslavivme. Ovde gi smetaat za gluposti seta verska praktika, seta ritmuvana i harmonizirana muzika na svetite himni… No, glasovite {to se slu{aa voop{to ne bea varvarski, tuku harmoni~ni, kako napevite miksolidiski i, ako mo`e da se re~e, miksofrigiski…‛ (se misli na glasovi od Osmoglasnikot na sv. Jovan Damaskin. Zab. m.) ‚...Nie ostanavme vo ova mesto cel den; go praznuvavme kako {to dolikuva ovoj praznik i si napra- vivme malku po~inka i zabava. Od yidovite na tvrdinata gi gledavme vo ram- ninata dolu veselbite {to se pravat pri vakvi slu~ai, a naro~no, razli~nite ora {to gi igraa mladite i starite lu|e…‛ (Na glasovite za koi{to zboruva Gregora i deneska se peat golem broj makedonski narodni pesni kako {to se: Zaplakalo e Mariovo, Ordan sedi na kulata, [esnaest-godi{en vojvoda, Po

drum odam, maj~e, i redica drugi. Z. m.)

30

No, i pokraj krajno vlo{enite uslovi, vo vekovite na vizan- tiskoto vladeewe vo Makedonija se sozdadeni golem broj rakopisi na slovenski jazik. Postojat brojni svedo{tva za raznebituvawe na makedonskoto duhovno nasledstvo od strana na gr~koto sve{- tenstvo. Pod izgovor deka gi uni{tuvaat ereti~kite knigi na bo- gomilite, tie vr{ele sistematsko i bezmilosno uni{tuvawwe na crkovnata literatura na slovenski jazik. I ona {to se so~uvalo vo makedonskite manastiri poodale~eni od golemite gradovi, vo post-vizantiskiot period }e bide razgrabuvano od strana na razni ‚istra`uva~i" na slovenskoto kulturno nasledstvo.

31

IV.

Srednovekovnite rakopisi na teritorijata na Makedonija

Sudbinata na slovenskite kulturni spomenici od site ob- lasti na hristijanskata umetnost, sozdadeni na teritorijata na Makedonija vo vizantiskiot i post-vizantiskiot period, ne seko- ga{ bila izvesna i vo duhot na kosmopolitskite principi na vi- zantiskata civilizacija. Na ova suptilno uka`uva i slavistot Vladimir Mo{in (1894-1987) vo uvodot na Opisot na Ohridskata zbirka rakopisi, kako tragi~no soznanie za raznebituvaweto na makedonskoto kulturno nasledstvo.1

Ohrid, starogr~kiot Lihnidos - gradot na Beloto Ezero - sedi{teto na starata gr~ka arhiepiskopija, `ari{teto na slo- venskata pismenost vo vremeto na sv-te Kliment i Naum, prestol- ninata na carot i na patrijarhot na Samoilovoto Carstvo, podoc- ne`niot zna~aen centar na gr~kata kultura i nejzinata ekspanzija sprema balkanskoto slovenstvo - odamna go privlekuval vnimani- eto na vizantolozite i slavistite. Vo 1845 godina Ohrid go posetil ruskiot slavist Viktor I. Grigorovi~. Vo opisot na patuvaweto niz Balkanot izvestil deka vo glavnata ohridska crkva videl 69 gr~ki i 23 slovenski rako- pisi. Od gr~kite posebno citiral 52 zaglavija, a na slovenskite im dal zaglavija na site 23, so poseben osvrt kon eden gr~ki minej so `itieto na sv. Kliment Ohridski.

1 Mo{in, Vladimir, Manuskripti - Rakopisi na narodniot muzej vo Ohrid, Ohrid, 1961, p. 163. (Od ovoj nau~en trud, koj ugledniot slavist i istra`uva~ Vladimir Mo{in go ostavi kako svoeviden epitaf za sudbinata na makedon- skoto kulturno nasledstvo, vo sublimirana forma gi iznesuvam najkarak- teristi~nite podatoci.)

32

Vo 1865 god. vo Ohrid do{ol arhimandritot Antonin. Ovoj slavist opi{al pogolem broj slovenski rakopisi vo manastirite Slep~e, Treskavec i Bukovi~kiot Manastir i naspomnal, deka vo dolapot na crkvata Sv. Kliment izbroil 120 rakopisni crkovni knigi, site na gr~ki jazik, so eden vizantiski hronograf. Esenta, 1893 godina vo Ohrid prestojuva V. K’n~ev. Vo svo- jata statija od 1894 godina dava podatoci za zbirka od 7 novoot- krieni rakopisi, koi ne bile priklu~eni kon rakopisnata zbirka na crkvata Sv. Kliment, podocna is~eznati od Ohrid - verojatno bugarskite sve{tenici gi odnele vo Sofija vo vremeto na svoeto definitivno povlekuvawe od Ohrid, vo 1912 ili 1918 godina. Vo 1898 g. Ruskiot arheolo{ki institut od Carigrad upatil nau~na ekspedicija vo Makedonija so zada~a za prou~uvawe na starinite i registrirawe na rakopisite. Vo prviot izve{taj za rabotata na komisijata objaven vo izvestuvawata na Institutot se nao|a pregled na arheolo{ki i na epigrafski materiali. Iz- ve{taj za rakopisite za istata godina dal direktorot na Insti- tutot, vizantologot Uspenski. Vo izve{tajot e priveden op{t broj od 89 gr~ki i 17 slovenski rakopisi i spomnato e, deka vo zbirkata se nao|aat nekoi vonredno zna~ajni spomenici so kapi- talna vrednost za naukata. Po Uspenski, na po~etokot na XX vek vo Ohrid prestojuvale germanskiot vizantolog Henrih Gelcer (Henrich Gelzer), koj{to vo svoite patopisni bele{ki ‚Sliki od patuvaweto‛ dal nekoi podatoci za spomnatiot Ohridski kodeks na patrijar{ijata, i bugarskiot slavist Jordan Ivanov, koj od ohridskite gr~ki i slo- venski rakopisi sobral nekolku zapisi za svoite ‚Starini od Makedonija‛. Narodniot muzej vo Ohrid raspolaga so originalni potvrdi na bugarski voeni vlasti od 1916 godina, deka zele od manastirot Sv. Naum dve staroslovenski evangelija, i u{te edno rakopisno, a od Klimentovata zbirka dragoceniot rakopis na Hronikata na Skilica, edno staro evangelie so likot na sv. Klimenta i u{te dvaesetina stari slovenski rakopisi. Na takov na~in prvobit-

33 nata slovenska zbirka, vo koja{to Grigorovi~ vo sredinata na XIX vek na{ol 23 spomenici, a od koi{to vo vremeto na Uspenski preostanale u{te 17, ostanala samo so eden edinstven rakopis, koj po nekoja sre}a se za~uval do denes. Svojot prv provizoren i nepotpoln inventar Ohridskata zbirka go dobila duri vo 1938 godina. Taa godina H. Polenakovi} gi pregledal bibliotekite na site 14 ohridski crkvi i na pette manastiri. Od site tie biblioteki rakopisi se najdeni samo vo crkvata Sv. Kliment. Vo ovaa zbirka Polenakovi} na{ol 68 gr- ~ki spomenici i eden rakopisen slovenski Oktoih. Za vreme na Vtorata svetska vojna vo 1942 godina Upravata na Narodnata biblioteka vo Skopje prezela inventarirawe na ce- lata rakopisna zbirka vo crkvata Sv. Kliment vo Ohrid. ‚Spiso- kot na starite rakopisni knigi od crkvata na Kliment‛, koj- {to e sostaven vo taa okolnost, opfa}a 89 gr~ki rakopisi (ed- nakov broj so onoj od izve{tajot na Uspenski od 1898 godina), eden slovenski rakopisen Oktoih i edna pe~atena kniga. Vo 1961 godina, upravata na Muzejot na grad Ohrid go anga- `ira ugledniot slavist Vladimir Mo{in da izvr{i definitiven opis na ohridskata rakopisna zbirka. Seta zbirka dobi novi eti- keti so reden broj na inventarot od 1942 godina, koj{to ve}e vle- gol vo nau~nata literatura. Be{e sprovedena i identifikacija na spomenicite sprema podatocite od porane{nite pregledi na Grigorovi~a, Uspenski, Polenakovi}a i Snegarova, {to ovozmo- `ilo da se utvrdat prvobitnite signaturi za 75 rakopisi. Ovaa impozantna zbirka na dosta stari rakopisi so razli~- ni tipovi na gr~ko pismo, so raznovidna rakopisna iluminacija i so visoki dostigawa vo umetni~ki pogled, so liturgiski rakopisi so slu`ba i `itie na sv. Kliment, so mnogubrojni spomenici na omiliti~ka i hagiografska kni`evnost, so zbornici na crkovno- soborski akti vo koi{to se tretiraat sporni bogoslovski i fi- lozofski pra{awa, pa s# do brojnite tekstovi so muzi~ka nota- cija od razli~ni sistemi, po~nuvaj}i od ekfonetskite znaci vo rakopisi od X-XII, do neovizantiskite - pretstavuva dragocenost

34 ne samo za Makedonija i za sosednite balkanski dr`avi, tuku i za vizantologijata vo nejziniot {irok, svetski opseg.

Ohridskata rakopisna zbirka e zna~ajna za muzikologijata, vo prv red, zaradi faktot {to taa sodr`i i 14 rakopisi so nev- matsko pismo. Site rakopisi se na gr~ki jazik, poteknuvaat od pe- riodot me|u XI i XIV vek i vo niv se zastapeni, re~isi, site fazi vo razvojot na vizantiskata notacija. Pet rakopisi od Ohrid- skata muzi~ka zbirka sodr`at t.n. ekfonetski znaci, koi slu`ele za sve~eno ~itawe na delovi od Stariot zavet, Evangelieto i Delata apostolski. Posebno e zna~aen rakopisot br. 53 na t.n. Coislin notacija, koja pretstavuva poslednata faza vo razvojot na paleovizantiskata na preminot kon medievizantiskata notaci- ja. Edna stranica od ovoj ohridski rakopis e reproducirana u{te vo 1898 godina od strana na poznatiot francuski muzikolog @an- Baptist Tibo (1872-1938) (Jean-Baptiste Thibaut) vo studijata so nas- lov Etide de Musique Bysantine.1 Pove}eto rakopisi od ohridskata muzi~ka zbirka se so me- dievizantiska notacija, od koi{to {est sodr`at napevi vo ir- molo{kiot stil t.n. troparski, a samo vo eden rakopis tvorbite imaat razviena melodija, karakteristi~na za stihirariskiot stil na peewe. Rakopisot broj 58 e edinstveniot od ovaa zbirka napi{an so neovizantiskata notacija, poznata i kako kukuzelo- va. Za makedonskata muzikologija ovoj rakopis ima posebno zna- ~ewe zaradi faktot, {to vo nego se nao|aat i muzi~ki tvorbi od sv. Jovan Kukuzel (XIV vek), eden od najgolemite imiwa na isto~- noto crkovno peewe, koj poteknuva od Makedonija.2

1 Stefanovi}, Dimitrije, Ohridski nevmatski rakopisi i po~etoci na sloven- skata muzi~ka kultura, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 131.

2 Kako svetilnik izdignat nad celata epoha na isto~noto crkovno peewe - od XIV vek, pa, preku padot na Vizantiskata imperija, s# do krajot na XVIII vek, na sv. Jovan Kukuzel tradicijata mu pripi{uva osobeni zaslugi za razvojot na crkovnata muzi- ka, onaka kako {to vo minatoto mu se pridavale na sv. Jovan Damaskin. Spored edno narodno predanie sv. Jovan Kukuzel e roden vo s. Xermenci, - Debarsko, a edno ano- nimno `itie od XV vek za negovo rodno mesto go naveduva Dra~ vo dene{na Alba- nija. Deneska mnozinstvoto nau~nici smeta deka `iveel vo XIV vek.

35

Pokraj ovie 14 srednovekovni muzi~ki rakopisi od zbirka- ta na Narodniot muzej vo Ohrid, na teritorijata na Makedonija vo poslednive decenii se otkrieni u{te nekolku desetini muzi~- ki rakopisi me|u koi posebno zna~ajni se dvata rakopisi na gr~ki jazik pronajdeni vo Bitola, od XVI i od XVII vek i za koi, sudej}i spored kaligrafijata na tekstot i na nevmatskite znaci, kako i spored bogatata ornamentacija, mo`e da se ka`e deka se napi{ani od u~eni i opitni lu|e.1 So otkrivaweto na ovie dva crkovno- muzi~ki rakopisi, donekade se popolni prazninata od nekolku ve- kovi na postkukuzeloviot period vo Makedonija. Od preostanatite otkrieni rakopisi napi{ani so aktuel- noto muzi~ko pismo, t.n. hrisantova notacija, koi gi ima okolu pedesetina, zna~ajni se onie {to nastanale vo prvata polovina na XIX vek (vo najgolemiot broj slu~ai na gr~ki jazik), i osobeno onie od periodot na Nacionalnata prerodba, vo koi{to e vidliv streme`ot za vra}awe na slovenskiot jazik vo crkovnata bogo- slu`ba. Vo ovoj period se pojavuvaat i prvite pe~ateni knigi so nevmatsko muzi~ko pismo i na crkovno-slovenski jazik.

Na sv. Jovan Kukuzel mu se pripi{uva usovr{uvaweto na t.n. papadikiski na~in na peewe, karakteristi~en za {irokite i bogato ornamentirani melodii, a vo vrska so ova i zbogatuvaweto na neovizantiskata notacija so znaci za dinamika i ukrasuvawe. Nekoi zapadni vizantolozi se na mislewe deka sv. Jovan Kukuzel vo svoite kompozicii vnesuval i ‚varvarski‛ elementi, koi bi mo`ele da poteknuvaat od folklornata muzi~ka tradicija na makedonskite Sloveni. Napi{al golem broj crkovni tvorbi, koi po forma se poslo`eni i pobogati so melizmati~ki ukrasi od

dotoga{nite napevi na Isto~nata pravoslavna crkva. 1 Georgievski, Mihajlo, Nekolku novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od Makedonija, Makedonska muzika, br. 2, Skopje, 1979. p. 51.

36

V.

Crkovnoto peewe vo post-vizantiskiot period

Po pa|aweto na Konstantinopol pod vlasta na Osmanliite (1453), zapo~nuva da slabee vlijanieto na Isto~nata crkva, eden od doskora{nite stolbovi na Vizantiskata Imperija, a vo vakvi uslovi i crkovnoto peewe postepeno da ja gubi svojata original- nost i privle~nost. Ostaveno vo racete na sve{tenicite i psal- tite, od koi pove}eto bile nepodgotveni vo muzi~ka smisla, cr- kovnoto peewe se izveduvalo prakticisti~ki i, glavno, se prene- suvalo po usmen pat. Za crkovnoto peewe na teritorijata na Makedonija vo ovoj period nema mnogu podatoci, nitu pak se za~uvani slovenski mu- zi~ki rakopisi. Mo`e da se pretpostavi, deka na slovenski jazik se peelo samo vo nekoi pooddale~eni selski i manastirski crkvi, koi{to gr~koto sve{tenstvo ne mo`elo da gi kontrolira, a vo gradskite crkvi (onie {to ne bile pretvoreni vo xamii), glavno, se peelo na gr~ki jazik. No, i vo vakvi ograni~eni uslovi, kako {to e ve}e naglaseno, sveti-Klimentovoto predanie ostanalo `ivo vo narodot. Postojat svedo{tva deka makedonskite pravos- lavni vernici se snao|ale na razni na~ini da si ja prakticiraat bogoslu`bata na naroden jazik.1 Ovie i onaka te{ki uslovi do- polnitelno se vlo{ile po ukinuvaweto na Ohridskata arhiepis-

1 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi... op. cit. p. 200. (Pi{uvaj}i so voodu{evuvawe za Ohrid i za crkvata Sv. Sofija golemiot patopisec Evlija ^elebija (1611-1682) }e zapi{e: ‚Mnogu golema xamija e. Nejze ramni mo`at da & se najdat samo vo Solun, kraj bregovite na Crno More vo Trape- zund i vo Carigrad… Vo vreme na nevernicite (hristijanite, z. m.) taa bila crkva na koja ne & bile ramni drugi. Sega e, pak, islamska xamija. No, ponekoga{ kaurite skri{no }e im dadat na xamiskite vratari po nekoja para, }e vlezat vo xamijata, na brza raka }e otslu`at hristijanska bogoslu`ba, pa potoa }e ja napu{tat xamijata‛).

37 kopija vo 1767 god., koga nejzinite eparhii potpadnale pod juris- dikcija na Carigradskata patrijar{ija. So toa vlijanieto na gr~- koto sve{tenstvo vo makedonskite gradovi se zasililo u{te po- ve}e i gr~kiot jazik se nametnuva kako dominanten vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba i vo site sferi na op{testvenoto `iveewe. Vo celiot period na Vizantija bez Vizantija Carigradska- ta patrijar{ija pravi napori da si gi povrati vlasta i vlijanieto i da si go obnovi svojot duhoven prostor. Vo ovaa smisla - zaradi postignuvawe na pogolema kontrola vo prakticiraweto na crkov- noto peewe, kako i za negovo unificirawe na po{irokata terito- rija na isto~noto pravoslavie - taa me|u drugoto, prezema i ak- tivnosti za reformirawe na vizantiskoto muzi~ko pismo. Taka, po~nuvaj}i kon sredinata na XVIII vek, koga Osmanliskata Impe- rija poka`uva znaci na vnatre{no slabeewe, Carigradskata pa- trijar{ija napravi nekolku neuspe{ni obidi za reformirawe na slo`eniot i, vo golema mera, podzaboraven neovizantiski muzi~- ki sistem. Kone~no, taa odgovorna zada~a }e bide zavr{ena duri na po~etokot na XIX vek, vo 1814 godina, od strana na ve}e spo- menatite vizantiski duhovnici - trojcata u~iteli Hrisant Prusenski (+1843), Hurmuzij Hartofilaks (+1840) i Grigorij Pro- topsalt - Levitski (+1822). Hrisantovata notacija, kako {to vo nau~niot svet se na- rekuva ova novoreformirano muzi~ko pismo, pretstavuva sinteza na site prethodni fazi vo razvojot na vizantiskata notacija i na nekoi iskustva od teorijata na zapadnata muzi~ka notacija. Zara- di negovite neosporni predimstva vo pogled na prakti~nata pri- mena, ovoj t.n. nov sistem na nevmatskoto muzi~ko pismo naide na {iroko prifa}awe od crkovnite peja~i na po{irokiot balkan- ski prostor vo XIX vek, pa taka i na teritorijata na Makedonija. Se razbira, ovaa okolnost e iskoristena od strana na Carigrad- skata patrijar{ija, od hrisantovata notacija da si sozdade nov i poefikasen medium za u{te pozasileno vlijanie vo negr~kite crkovni prostori. No, ako se pogledne po{iroko na ovaa pojava, mo`e da se zabele`i, deka op{toto i relativno brzo prifa}awe

38 na hrisantovata muzi~ka reforma vo crkovnata praktika, pret- stavuva svoeviden izraz na zaedni~kiot otpor sprema vekovnoto ropstvo na balkanskite narodi pod Osmanliite. Taka mo`e da se objasni faktot deka hrisantovata notacija bila prifatena sa- mo vo crkovnite eparhii na onie narodi koi s#u{te se nao|ale pod turska vlast. Taka, osven vo Grcija, taa se voveduva i vo cr- kovnoto peewe vo Bugarija i vo Makedonija.1

Sudej}i spored za~uvanite muzi~ki rakopisi, voveduvaweto na noviot sistem na Hrisant vo crkovnata praktika na terito- rijata na Makedonija vo prvata polovina na XIX vek, se ostvaruva, re~isi, isklu~ivo na gr~ki jazik. Naiduvaj}i na op{to prifa}a- we od makedonskite psalti, ovoj univerzalen muzi~ki sistem kon sredinata na istiot vek }e poslu`i i kako medium za postepeno zamenuvawe na gr~kiot jazik so slovenskiot. Vo ovoj period se pojavija prvite rakopisni psaltikii so paralelna zastapenost na gr~kiot i crkovno-slovenskiot jazik: vo po~etokot so gr~ka orto- grafija, a podocna so s# poza~estena upotreba na slovenskoto pis- mo. Vsu{nost, ovaa novosozdadena okolnost kako da gi pottikna prerodbenskite streme`i na makedonskite intelektualci za vra- }awe na crkovno-slovenskiot jazik vo bogoslu`bata i na narod- niot govor vo u~ili{tata.

Najstariot poznat psaltikiski rakopis so reformiranata nevmatska notacija pronajden na teritorijata na Makedonija, oh- ridskiot Irmologion od 1818 god., se pojavil samo ~etiri godini po objavuvaweto na hrisantovata reforma. Od ova mo`e da se zak- lu~i, deka gradot Ohrid i po pet decenii od ukinuvaweto na Oh- ridskata arhiepiskopija, s#u{te pretstavuva va`en kulturen cen- tar, koj odr`uva neposredni kontakti so najrazvienite centri na hristijanskata umetnost. Kako i celokupnata crkovno-religiozna literatura so~uvana od ovoj period na teritorijata na Makedo- nija, taka i ovoj ohridski psaltikiski zbornik e napi{an na gr~- ki jazik.

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova….. op. cit. p. 106.

39

I podocne`nite crkovno-muzi~ki rakopisi i pe~ateni kni- gi so hrisantova notacija koi{to se pojavuvaat vo makedonskite crkovni prostori, se so tekstovi na gr~ki jazik. Gr~koto vlijanie e osobeno silno vo ohridskiot region, kade{to po ukinuvaweto na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija vo 1767 g., nejziniot centar bil pod permanentno vnimanie na najvisokiot patrijar{iski kler. Vak- vata situacija koja{to e karakteristi~na za prvata polovina na XIX vek - period na celosna dominacija na gr~kiot jazik - zapo~- nuva da se menuva kon sredinata na istiot vek. So nacionalnoto osoznavawe na makedonskiot narod, op{testveno-politi~kiot i kulturniot `ivot vo Makedonija s# pove}e dobiva slovenski ka- rakter. Me|u nositelite na ovie prerodbenski idei za vra}awe kon sopstvenite kulturni tradicii, kon narodniot govor i za bogoslu`ba na crkovno-slovenski jazik, sre}avame i golem broj pretstavnici na crkovniot `ivot vo Makedonija. Pove}eto od niv imaat zna~ajna uloga, kako vo razvojot na crkovnoto peewe, taka i vo ostvaruvaweto na vekovnite narodni ideali.

40

VI.

Crkovnoto peewe vo prerodbenskiot period

So napreduvaweto na slavisti~kite nauki i so zgolemenoto interesirawe za avtenti~nite vrednosti na slovenskiot duh, vo prvata polovina na XIX vek Makedonija - lulkata na slovenskata pismenost - pobuduva s# pogolemo interesirawe me|u slavistite i vizantinolozite od slovenskite zemji. Vo ovaa zemja tie gi baraat korenite na svojata kulturna nadgradba so `elba da osvetlat {to pomeritorno niza pojavi vo sopstvenite kulturni tekovi.1 Istra`uvaj}i go deloto na s#slovenskite prosvetiteli, sv- te Kiril i Metodij i na nivnite u~enici sv-te Kliment i Naum Ohridski, ovie nau~nici vo makedonskite crkvi i manastiri ot- krivaat vistinska riznica na srednovekovni rakopisi.2 Prisus- tvoto na ovie nau~ni istra`uva~i na slovenskata pismenost i kultura vo Makedonija, pridonese nekoi povidni i poobrazovani Makedonci da se zainteresiraat za sopstvenoto kulturno nasled- stvo. So ova zapo~na procesot na preorientacija na nekoi elino- filski nastroeni lu|e kon toa {to se vika{e slavjanizam.3 Patot do visokata kultura, koj za makedonskite intelektualci dotoga{ vodel preku Atina, sega s# pove}e vodi kon dale~nata Moskva. Ova e ve}e po~etokot na novoto vreme, vo koe redicata zna- ~ajni nastani i pojavi ja navestija Nacionalnata prerodba. Zasi- lenoto dvi`ewe protiv duhovnoto i ekonomskoto ropstvo, poste- peno dobiva{e karakter na organizirana borba protiv vlasta na

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 90-100. 2 Mo{in, Vladimir, Rakopisi na Narodniot muyej vo Ohrid, Zbornik na trudovi, Naroden muzej vo Ohrid, 1961. p.163. 3 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot literaturen jazik, Kultura, Skopje, 1967. p. 167.

41 gr~kata Carigradska patrijar{ija.1 Vo prviot period naso~ena protiv upotrebata na gr~kiot jazik vo crkvata i vo u~ili{tata, ovaa borba se pro{iruva i protiv obidite za nametnuvawe na bu- garskiot jazik vo u~ili{tata vo Makedonija. Pojavata na s# pogo- lem broj muzi~ki rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi so hrisantovata no- tacija na crkovno-slovenski jazik i na prvite u~ebnici na naro- den jazik, ja manifestira novata svest za samostoen nacionalen i kulturen razvitok na makedonskiot narod. Ovoj prerodbenski period go karakteriziraat i zasilenite streme`i za vozobnovuvawe na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija. Mali- ot broj makedonski intelektualci s# poglasno istaknuvaat deka, ne mo`e da se postigne uspeh vo sprotivstavuvaweto na elinizmot i na asimilatorskata politika na gr~koto duhovenstvo vo Make- donija, bez postoeweto na sopstvena crkovna institucija i bogo- slu`ba na naroden i na crkovno-slovenski jazik.2 Zaradi faktot deka ekonomskiot i politi~kiot razvoj vo Makedonija vo ovoj period be{e dosta pozaostanat nasprema onoj vo sosednite zemji, samostojniot razvitok na makedonskiot narod vo takvi uslovi ne se ostvaruva{e ramnomerno i lesno. U{te od samiot negov po~etok hegemonisti~kite krugovi na sosednite zemji razvija ogromna propagandna aktivnost i nastojuvaa so site raspolo`ivi sredstva da go zadu{at, odnosno, da go naso~at toj razvoj vo pravec na svoite interesi.3 Vo ovoj period, osobeno pri krajot na 60-tite godini na XIX vek, koga nastojuvawata na makedonskite prerodbenici za sozdavawe na u~ebnici na naroden jazik i nivno voveduvawe vo u~ili{tata, kako i za bogoslu`ba na crkovno-slovenski jazik e najsilno izrazeno, se izostruva i borbata na okolnite propagan- di, sudiraj}i se i me|usebno hegemonisti~kite sili na gr~kata, bugarskata i srpskata bur`oazija. Kakvi kobni posledici donese taa borba za makedonskiot narod, govorat ponatamo{nite stra-

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot… ibidem, p. 158. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 28. 3 Istorija na makedonskiot narod, Makedonska kniga-Kultura- Misla-Na{a kniga, Skopje, 1988. r. 135.

42 nici od negovata istorija ispolneta so stradawa, razdeluvawa, bratoubistva…1 Vo vakvi istoriski okolnosti crkovnoto peewe vo Make- donija vo tekot na XIX vek go minuva{e dramati~niot period na jazi~na transformacija. Vo ovoj proces na vra}awe na sloven- skiot jazik vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba se zabele`uvaat dve glavni fazi: prvata, od objavuvaweto na hrisantovata muzi~ka reforma vo 1814 god. do sredinata na vekot, so supremacija na gr~kiot jazik i, vtorata faza, od polovinata na XIX vek, vo koja{to, kako rezul- tat na nacionalnoto osoznavawe na makedonskiot narod, sloven- skiot jazik, postepeno i s# pove}e, go istisnuva gr~kiot jazik od crkovnoto peewe. Vo ovoj pogled, zna~aen e Kratkiot prira~nik na stru`a- necot Naum Miladin (1817-1897), napi{an na gr~ki jazik, vo 1843 godina. So ovoj zasega najstar so~uvan rakopis za izu~uvawe na hrisantovata notacija, se potvrduva faktot deka na teritori- jata na Makedonija se izu~uvalo ova muzi~ko pismo. Isto taka, so toa se objasnuva i prisustvoto na brojni crkovno-muzi~ki rakopi- si i pe~ateni knigi so ovaa notacija i nivnata {iroka primena vo crkovnata praktika na celata teritorija na Makedonija, po~- nuvaj}i od sredinata na XIX do prvite decenii na XX vek. Najstar od ovie rakopisi e Voskresnikot na Janaki Stojme- novi~ od s. Orizari, od 1849 godina. Vsu{nost, stanuva zbor za prepis koj{to sodr`i delovi od tri psaltikiski rakopisi od bibliotekata na Rilskiot manastir pod redni broevi X (inv. br. 2860), XV (inv. br. 2865) sostaveni od Kiril Rilski i XIX (inv. br. 2969).2 Ovoj dobro so~uvan rakopis, koj{to sodr`i tvorbi na slo- venski i na gr~ki jazik, e karakteristi~en za preodniot period, koga vo makedonskite crkvi gr~kiot jazik zapo~na da se zamenuva so slovenskiot.

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot… op. cit. p. 167. 2 Stojmenovi~ Janaki, Voskresnik, NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje, Ms. 161. Dinev, Pet r, Rilskata crkovno-pev~eska {kola v na~aloto na 19 vek i ne nite predstaviteli, Izvesti na instituta za muzika, kniga IV, Izdanie na BAN, Sofi , 1957. p. 19-22.

43

Od pe~atenite knigi napi{ani na hrisantovata nevmatska notacija, koi{to se izdadeni od pretstavnici na isto~noto cr- kovno peewe od Makedonija, najgolemo vnimanie privlekuvaat zbornikot Pashalija od Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890), pe- ~aten vo 1869 godina,1 ~etiritomniot zbornik Isto~no crkovno peewe od Kalistrat Zografski (ok. 1821-1913) i monasite na zo- grafskiot manastir, izdaden vo 1905 godina2 i neodamna otkri- eniot zbornik na Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (ok. 1800-1887), pe~aten vo Solun vo 1886 godina. Ova, vo prv red, zaradi faktot {to sodr`at i nivni li~ni tvorbi, koi{to pretstavuvaat zna~a- en moment i nesomnen pridones vo razvojot na crkovnata muzika vo Makedonija. Koga stanuva zbor za crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija i na po{irokiot pravoslaven prostor od sredinata na XIX i premi- not vo XX vek i za okolnostite {to vlijaea vrz negoviot razvoj, treba da se odbele`i silnoto vlijanie na evropskata muzika i prodiraweto na ve}e evropeiziranata ruska svetovna i crkovna muzika, preku voveduvaweto na ~etiriglasni horski ansambli vo bogoslu`bata. Ovoj muzi~ki izraz vo crkovnoto peewe vo Make- donija ima{e i svoi privrzenici, od koi najzna~aen e Atanas Badev (1860-1908), prviot profesionalen muzi~ar, obrazovan vo duhot na evropskata muzika. No, i pokraj ovie vlijanija na evropskata svetovna i duhovna muzika, koi vo Makedonija bea najsilno izrazeni vo poslednata ~etvrtina na XIX vek, blagodarenie na dlabokite koreni na cr- kovnoto peewe, kako i na brojnite rakopisni i pe~ateni psal- tikii sozdavani od makedonskite crkovno-muzi~ki tvorci vo pe- riodot na Nacionalnata prerodba, crkovnoto peewe na terito- rijata na Makedonija }e go za~uva duhot na sveti-Klimentovoto predanie s# do nejzinoto raspar~uvawe po Balkanskite vojni i Prvata svetska vojna.

1 Harmosin-Ohridski , Ioann , Pashali , Carigrad , 1869. Predgovor, r. 4. 2 Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, FFF-a casty, Liturgf , Solun , 1905.

44

VII.

Crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo XX vek

Borbata na makedonskiot narod za nacionalno i socijalno osloboduvawe i sozdavawe na sopstvena dr`ava, koja{to ja zapo~- na vo poslednata ~etvrtina na XIX, a kulminira{e so Ilinden- skoto vostanie na po~etokot na XX vek, e mnoguslojna i delikat- na: osven protiv Osmanliskata vlast, borbata se vode{e i protiv {ovinisti~kite propagandi na sosednite dr`avi, koi{to so site sili i sredstva go spre~uvaa makedonskoto nacionalno dvi`ewe. Naj~uvstvitelna i najte{ka be{e, sekako, borbata protiv ekspan- zionisti~kata politika na bugarskata dr`ava i Egzarhijata, kako nositel na bugarskata duhovna i kulturno-obrazovna propaganda vo Makedonija.1

Ilindenskoto vostanie i Desette dena Kru{evska Republi- ka – najslavnata epopeja vo ponovata istorija na makedonskiot narod, be{e istovremeno i kobno navestuvawe na slednite drama- ti~ni nastani: Balkanskite vojni (1912/1913) i Prvata svetska vojna (1914-1918), koi Makedonija ja pretvorija vo arena na uni{- tuvawe na nacionalnite bogatstva na makedonskiot narod. Osven toa, kako epilog na kalkulantskite mirovni dogovori na golemi- te evropski sili na krajot na ovie vojni, namesto avtonomija, be- {e sankcionirana tragi~nata podelba na makedonskiot narod i na negovata etni~ka teritorija. Bez sopstvena dr`ava i crkva, makedonskiot narod vo celi- ot ovoj period na vojni postojano }e gi menuva tu|inskite poli-

1 Katarxiev, Ivan, Za Ilindenskoto vostanie i sto godini po nego, Prilozi za Ilinden IX. Nau~no-kulturni sredbi ‚Deset dena Kru{evska republika‛, Kru{evo, 2003. p. 9-20.

45 ti~ki i crkovni vlasti. Kako i pri sekoja podelba na Makedonija, i ovojpat prodol`i politikata na denacionalizacija i asimila- cija na makedonskiot narod i bezskrupulozno ograbuvawe na nego- voto kulturno nasledstvo. Taka, vo delot koj po Prvata svetska vojna, & pripadna na Srbija, a toa e, glavno, dene{nata teritorija na Republika Makedonija, tie celi zapo~naa da se ostvaruvaat, vo prv red, preku crkvite i u~ili{tata. Politikata na novosozdadenoto Kralstvo na Srbite, Hrva- tite i Slovencite, se izrazi so strogite zabrani na upotrebata na makedonskiot jazik i na pe~ateweto na knigi ili kakvi i da bilo publikacii na makedonski jazik.1 Vo u~ili{tata be{e vove- den srpskiot jazik, a vo crkvite, tradicionalnoto crkovno peewe be{e zameneto so srpsko narodno crkveno pojawe, popoznato kako mokraw~evo peewe.2 So ovoj ~in bea isfrleni od upotreba broj- nite rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi na crkovno peewe od slovensko- vizantiskata tradicija, dotoga{ izobilno zastapeni na po{i- rokiot makedonski prostor, so tekot na vremeto se upotrebuvaa s# poretko i so s# poslabo poznavawe na nevmatskoto muzi~ko pismo od strana na zate~enite psalti i duhovnici.3 Vo ova svojstvo Srpskata crkva }e upravuva so eparhiite vo vardarskiot del na Makedonija s# do po~etokot na Vtorata svet- ska vojna, vo 1941 godina, koga so bugarskata okupacija, ovie epar- hii }e potpadnat pod jurisdikcija na Bugarskata egzarhija. Vo ovoj period makedonskiot narod ja zapo~na svojata borba za naci- onalna sloboda, а во овие рамки i za sozdavawe na avtokefalna Makedonska pravoslavna crkva.4

1 Istorija na makedonskiot narod, Makedonska kniga-Kultura-Misla -Na{a kniga, p. 218, Skopje, 1988. 2 Za istoriskiot razvojot na srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe t.n. mokraw~evo peewe }e stane zbor vo slednata VIII glava od ovaa kniga. 3 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p.115. 4 Ova e jasno izrazeno na Sve{teni~koto sobranie vo Izdeglavje, Debarca, vo 1943 godina. Pred samiot kraj na vojnata ovaa opredelba povtorno e potencirana na Prviot crkovno-naroden sobor vo Skopje vo 1945 godina, koga e donesena i Odluka za obnovuvawe na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija. Srpskata crkva insis- tira na povtorno vra}awe na srpskite vladici vo Makedonija. Po dolgi i neuspe{ni pregovori, na Arhiepiskopskiot crkovno-naroden sobor odr`an vo Ohrid, 1958 godina, vozobnovena e Ohridskata arhiepiskopija so ime Ma-

46

Na krajot na Vtorata svetska vojna, po ~etirigodi{nata Na- rodno-osloboditelna borba, vo ramkite na jugoslovenskata fede- racija be{e sozdadena makedonskata dr`ava - Narodna Republika Makedonija. Zaradi toga{nite op{testveno-politi~ki okolnos- ti, srpskoto crkovno peewe ostana vo oficijalna upotreba vo Makedonija i po osamostojuvaweto na Makedonskata Pravoslavna Crkva. Iako vo makedonskite crkvi se praktikuva s# do na{evo vreme, ova nametnato crkovno peewe ne be{e prifateno od pravo- slavnite vernici vo Makedonija i ne za`ivea vistinski. Toa ne im pre~e{e na nekoi pretstavnici na Srpskata crkva, me|u teri- toriite vo koi se upotrebuva srpskoto crkovno peewe da ja vbro- juvaat i Republika Makedonija, aludiraj}i na nejziniot ‚srpski karakter‛. Pritoa, ne se spomenuva, deka srpskoto crkovno peewe vo makedonskite hramovi e nametnato na po~etokot na XX vek, so potpa|aweto na vardarskiot del od Makedonija pod srpska vlast, i deka vo prethodnite vekovi na ovoj del od teritorijata na Make- donija se prakticiralo crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizan- tiskata tradicija.

Kakva e i kolkava e razlikata pome|u slovensko-vizantisko- to crkovno peewe, koe so vekovi se prakticiralo vo makedonskite crkvi i novovovedenoto srpsko crkovno peewe najdobro zboruvaat nastanite od ponovata istorija na makedonskiot narod. Za vreme i vo periodot neposredno po gra|anskata vojna vo Grcija, kon sredi- nata na XX vek, Makedoncite od egejskiot del na Makedonija bea prinudeni vo begalski koloni od stotici iljadi da gi napu{tat svoite ogni{ta i da baraat pribe`i{te vo sosednite balkanski,

kedonska pravoslavna crkva. Toga{ e izbran i prviot poglavar vo liceto na arhiepiskopot Dositej. Nedoslednosta na Srpskata crkva kon sopstvenite odluki i stavovi, kako i nejzinite aspiracii sprema Makedonskata crkva, bea pri~ina Svetiot arhierejski sinod na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva da donese Odluka za vozobnovuvawe na avtokefalniot status na Crkvata, a Arhiepiskopskiot crkovno-naroden sobor odr`an vo Ohrid, na 17 juli 1967 g., ja potvrdi Odlukata i proglasi celosna avtokefalnost na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva so arhiepiskopsko dostoinstvo. Po proglasenata avtoke- falnost Srpskata crkva go prekina bogoslu`benoto i kanonsko op{tewe so sve{tenstvoto na Makedonskata crkva.

47 vo zemjite od Sredna i Isto~na Evropa, pa i po{iroko. Golemiot broj begalci koi{to bea zgri`eni vo gradovite na novosozdadena- ta makedonska dr`ava, dolgo vreme imaa otpor sprema srpskoto crkovno peewe, zaradi {to v crkva odea retko i bez voobi~aenata duhovna satisfakcija. Vo toj period svoite potrebi da slu{aat crkovno peewe gi zadovoluvaa slu{aj}i direktni radio-prenosi od nedelnite bogoslu`bi vo gr~kite crkvi. Voobi~aena pojava be- {e, od retkite radio-aparati postaveni na otvorenite prozorci na ku}ite da tre{ti ulicata vo koja{to `iveea egejskite begalci. Na pra{aweto zo{to slu{aat gr~ko crkovno peewe?, tie odgova- raa deka, iako popovite peat na gr~ki jazik, toa peewe bilo blis- ko do nivnoto tradicionalno crkovno peewe. Ovaa nostalgija na begalcite od Egejska Makedonija za svo- jata crkovna muzika mo`ea da ja razberat samo povozrasnite lu|e, koi se se}avaa na crkovnoto peewe, {to bilo vo upotreba vo var- darskiot del na Makedonija, pred doa|aweto na Srbite. Za aktu- elnoto crkovno peewe tie velea deka toa ne e na{e, tuku srpsko crkovno peewe. Pritoa, nekoi od niv ka`uvaa deka samo u{te vo mal broj crkvi vo ovoj del na Makedonija mo`elo da se slu{ne tradicionalnoto crkovno peewe. Podocne`nite istra`uvawa poka`aa deka vo poedini sel- ski crkvi, vo koi{to kontrolata na srpskite crkovni vlasti ne dopirala, ‚staroto peewe‛ nikoga{ ne zamolknalo. Blagodarenie na posvetenosta na nekoi od psaltite, crkovnoto peewe od slo- vensko-vizantiskata tradicija mo`elo da se slu{ne do pred sami- ot kraj na XX vek. Mo`e da se pretpostavi kakva bila sudbinata na tie posledni ~uvari na tradicionalnoto crkovno peewe vo de- ceniite po Vtorata svetska vojna, koga, pokraj crkovno-srpskiot {ovinizam, protiv sebe go imaa i noviot op{testveno-politi~ki poredok vo Makedonija. Zaradi sistemot na nejzinoto politi~ko ureduvawe, vo nova- ta makedonska dr`ava crkovnoto i s# ona {to ima{e religiozno- verski karakter be{e potisnuvano na marginite na op{testve- noto `iveewe. So ogled na toa {to najzna~ajnite pretstavnici od

48 podale~noto muzi~ko minato se isklu~ivo li~nosti od crkovniot `ivot, tie ne mo`ea lesno i bez otpori da vlezat vo redovna na- u~na procedura ili da bidat zastapeni vo obrazovniot sistem. Patem, vo muzi~kite u~ebnici od toj period za isto~noto crkovno peewe ne mo`e{e da se sretne nitu edna re~enica. Ova kulturno nasledstvo, koe{to e smetano za ~isto crkovna rabota, be{e vo sostojba na ideolo{ka hibernacija. Vo muzi~ko-obrazovnite ins- titucii se izu~uva{e evropskata svetovna i duhovna muzika, a na- cionalnata muzika vo nastavno-obrazovnite planovi i programi be{e zastapena so skromnoto muzi~ko tvore{tvo, glavno, horska muzika na prvata generacija muzi~ari koi deluvaa vo triesettite i ~etiriesettite godini na XX vek. Crkovnata muzika od sloven- sko-vizantiskata tradicija ne se izu~uva{e, nitu za nea postoe{e kvalifikuvan kadar. Nositelite na kulturata vo mladoto make- donsko op{testvo ne bea vo sostojba da go sogledaat i da go raz- berat zna~eweto na ova tvore{tvo za nacionalnata kultura i so- odvetno da gi tretiraat negovite brojni pretstavnici od poblis- koto i od podale~noto minato. Zapostavenosta na crkovno-religioznoto tvore{tvo i na ne- govite brojni pretstavnici be{e posledica i na zakoravenite sva}awa vo nekoi nau~ni krugovi, deka vizantiskata civilizacija i kultura & pripa|aat na Grcija. Ottuka, i muzi~kite rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi na vizantiskoto crkovno peewe (~esto napi{ani i na gr~ki jazik), spored ovie sva}awa bea tu|o kulturno nasled- stvo. Ovoj otpor sprema sekakva ideja za vizantiskite koreni na makedonskata religiozna umetnost pretstavuva{e seriozna pre~- ka za pravilniot priod kon na{eto kulturno-istorisko nasled- stvo, a vo ovie ramki i kon crkovnoto peewe. Vo dadeniov slu~aj, toa be{e i osnovnata pri~ina za nesoodvetniot tretman na muzi~- kite dejci od periodot na nacionalnata prerodba, i voop{to, za crkovnata muzika na teritorijata na Makedonija. Makar neka bide i povtoreno, treba da se ka`e, deka vizan- tiskata hristijanska umetnost vo celina, a vo tie ramki i crkov- nata muzika, ne e gr~ka umetnost, kako {to mislat onie, koi, ne go

49 poznavaat nejziniot istoriski razvoj. Se znae, deka hristijan- skata religija ja prifatile za svoja razni narodi. Hristijanstvo- to, koe{to ne pravelo razlika me|u narodite {to vleguvaat vo Crkvata, dopu{talo peeweto da bide spored nivnite narodni me- lodii. Na toj na~in, vo op{tata muzi~ka riznica na Isto~nata crkva site hristijanski narodi davale po ne{to svoe. Najubavite crkovni napevi od ovaa riznica, bez ogled na toa od koj narod po- teknuvaat, stanuvale svoina na celiot pravoslaven svet. Vakvoto sva}awe na univerzalniot karakter na isto~noto crkovno peewe go prepoznavame i vo brojnite rakopisi i pe~ate- ni knigi so nevmatsko muzi~ko pismo, nastanati na teritorijata na Makedonija, koi sodr`at i tvorbi od avtori {to im pripa|aat na razni narodi. Univerzalniot karakter na isto~noto crkovno peewe taka go razbiraat i golem broj gr~ki vizantolozi, nare~u- vaj}i go ova peewe isto~no crkovno peewe (3Anatolikh` o3rqo1doxoj e3kklhsiastikh` mousikh`Na toj na~in tie jasno uka`uvat, deka vi- zantiskoto crkovno peewe ne e samo gr~ko,1 tuku toa im pripa|a i na site pravoslavni narodi.

So osamostojuvaweto na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva vo 1967 godina, koe vremenski se sovpa|a so konstituiraweto na Makedonskata akademija na naukite i umetnostite i so Visokata muzi~ka {kola (podocna Fakultet za muzi~ka umetnost), zapo~naa prvite muzikolo{ki istra`uvawata na crkovnoto peewe na teri- torijata na Republika Makedonija. Svoeto interesirawe muziko- lozite s# pove}e go naso~uvaa kon podale~noto muzi~ko minato, posebno kon periodot na Prerodbata. Kako rezultat na ovie is- tra`uvawa, bea otkrieni dotoga{ nepoznati avtori na crkovni tvorbi, so {to se otvori novo, zna~ajno poglavje na nacionalnata muzika. Ovie otkritija pridonesoa da se zgolemi interesiraweto na makedonskata kulturna i nau~na javnost za crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija. Vo ovoj period, za prvpat vo ponovata kulturna istorija na Makedonija, Horot na makedon-

1 Bogoev , Mir~o, U~ebnik …op. cit. p. 13.

50 skata radio-televizija pod dirigentstvoto na Dragan [uplevski koncertno izvede delovi od Liturgijata po sv. Jovan Zlatoust od Atanas Badev. Podocna, so istite izveduva~i vo studijata na Makedonskata radio-televizija bea realizirani tonski i video snimki na ovaa horska kompozicija, koi bea izdadeni na gramo- fonski plo~i i na audio i video kaseti. Vo slednata decenija bea otkrieni i pretstaveni pred kul- turnata javnost redica nevmatski rakopisi i pe~atenite knigi nastanati na teritorijata na Makedonija. Vo ovaa istra`uva~ka faza najzna~ajno be{e otkrivaweto na Psaltikiskiot voskres- nik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (1876-1950).1 Ovaa rakopisna psal- tikija be{e dotolku pozna~ajna, {to vo nea, me|u drugoto, be{e otkriena i edna kompozicija na Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (okolu 1800-1887), ~ie{to tvore{tvo dotoga{ se smeta{e za zagu- beno. Ovoj rakopis e zna~aen i zaradi faktot {to sodr`i cela niza tvorbi od Manasij pop Todorov (1856-1936),2 muzi~ki deec roden vo egejskiot del na Makedonija, vo seloto Sabatkoj, Sersko, koj eden period prestojuva{e vo Bitola, a vtoriot del od `ivo- tot go pominal vo Bugarija kako psalt, u~itel po crkovno peewe i izdava~ na golem broj psaltikii.3 Interesirawe vo nau~nite krugovi pobudi i otkrivaweto na Psaltikiskiot zbornik, napi{an vo 1907 godina vo Braila, Ro- manija, od rakata na sestraniot prerodbenik od s. Lazaropole, Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934).4 Pokraj tvorbi od Joan Harmosin- Ohridski , ovoj prekrasen muzi~ki rakopis sodr`i i tri dosega nepoznati kompozicii na malku poznatiot kulturno-prosveten deec i crkoven peja~ od periodot na Nacionalnata prorodba, Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin (1840-1919).5

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, ‚Nekolku...‛ op. cit. Skopje, 1979, r. 51. 2 Bojaxiev, Ivanov, Vasil, Psaltikien¢ v¢zkresnik¢. M. IV 1862 (fotokopija) NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ – Skopje. 3 Dinev, Pet r, Muzikou~itel t Manasi Poptodorov, C rkoven vestnik br. 11, stp. 8, Sofi , 19 mart 1960 g. 4 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934) Institut za nacionalna istorija, Skopje, 1985. p. 126-127. 5 Zavoev , Pet r , Grad ip , Sofi , 1928, r. 25-28.

51

Vo1997 godina za vreme na moite postdiplomski studii vo Bukure{t, otkriv eden muzi~ki rakopis na romanski jazik od cr- koven peja~ i kompozitor od Makedonija. Vrz osnova na podato- cite od naslovnata strana na rakopisot, kako i od nekoi drugi izvori, zaklu~iv, deka stanuva zbor za George Kazana, Vlav, roden okolu 1860 godina vo Bajasa, dene{na Grcija, koj{to na po~etokot na XX vek bil protopsalt vo Carigrad i Bitola, a podocna se pre- selil vo Bukure{t, kade{to se upokoil.1 Neodamna otkriv u{te eden dragocen nevmatski rakopis na dosega nepoznat pretstavnik na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija. Stanuva zbor za Psaltikiskiot zbornik pi{uvan od 1882 do 1884 godina od Andon [ahpaski (okolu 1860-1928) od s. Smojmirovo – Male{evsko.2 Zbornikot sodr`i Kratok voskresnik i po{irok izbor na prostrani liturgiski tvorbi od poznati vizantiski i makedonski avtori.

Pokraj ovie pretstavnici na crkovnata muzika vo Makedo- nija, za koi{to makedonskata muzikologija s#u{te ne go ka`ala svojot posleden zbor, postoi u{te cela niza nedovolno poznati avtori na rakopisni psaltikii od prerodbenskiot i od podoc- ne`niot period, koi sozdavale vrz osnova na hrisantovata gra- matika, kako {to se: Dionosij Popovski, Ilija Haxi Dimzov, Vasilij Mladenov, Ivan Stojkov, Aleksa P. Georgiev, Miletij Hilendarec, Hristo pop Stojanov, Spiro Stojanov, K. Najdenov, Hristo [aldev i redica drugi. Na makedonskata muzi~ka nauka & pretstojat ponatamo{ni istra`uva~ki napori za rasvetluvawe na ovie li~nosti, a so toa i prodlabo~uvawe na soznanijata za crkovnata muzika - onaa neophodna alka koja{to gi povrzuva XIX i prvite decenii na XX vek so najnoviot period od razvojot na nacionalnata muzi~ka kultura.

1 Cazana, Gheorghe, Musa bisericească, Bucureşti, 1922. (Rakopis)

2 %axpaski, Andon, Psaltikiski zbornik, 1884 g. (Rakopis, svoina na semejstvoto [ahpaski). Izdaden od Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii vo dva dela: Kratok voskresnik i Liturgiski zbornik – redaktor Jane Koxaba{ija.

52

VIII.

Genezata na ‘srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe’

Srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe spored svoite osobini steknati vo tekot na istoriskiot razvoj, pretstavuva tvorba nas- tanata so vkrstuvawe na vlijanijata na crkvata i na narodot. Dol- gotrajnoto vlijanie na narodnite pevci vo dolgite istoriski eta- pi e mnogu posilno od dejstvoto na povremenite crkovni merki za regulirawe na crkovnoto peewe.1 Dene{noto srpsko crkovno pe- ewe ne e rezultat na dolgotrajni studii na muzi~kite rakopisi (od koi na teritorijata na Srbija nema mnogu so~uvani, a verojat- no ne gi ni imalo mnogu), tuku e proizlezeno od zapisite na posto- e~koto `ivo peewe vo narodot, zaradi {to negova glavna osobina ostanala folklornata crta.2 Primaj}i ja hristijanskata religija, kon krajot na IX vek, Srbite, kako i drugite novopokrsteni narodi, zaedno so obredot i so crkovnite knigi ja primile i vizantiskata muzika, koe{to se doka`uva so sli~nosta na nekoi napevi i muzi~ki skali vo narod- noto crkovno peewe, inaku sosema tu|i za srpskiot folklor. A kako se ostvaruvalo toa osamostojuvawe i izdvojuvawe na srpsko- to crkovno peewe od vizantiskoto, ne mo`e da se odredi to~no, od pri~ini {to za toa nema nitu podatoci, nitu so~uvani rakopisi. Kako {to izgleda, pri Srpskata arhiepiskopija (od 1219 g.) i pri podocne`nata Pe}ka patrijar{ija (od 1346 g.) ne postoel nekoj centar koj{to bi mo`el postojano da go kontrolira izvedu- vaweto na crkovnoto peewe. Vo takvi uslovi, ve}e toga{ rastelo

1 Bingulac, Petar, Crkvena muzika u Jugoslavii, Srbija, Muzicka enciklopedija,vol. I. Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1974.p. 370. 2 Bingulac, Petar, Crkvena muzika u Jugoslaviji – Srbija,… ibidem. p. 370, 371.

53 vlijanieto na samite peja~i i peeweto dobivalo novi varijanti, oddale~uvaj}i se od vizantiskata tradicija. ‚…A po propasta na srpskata dr`ava i ukinuvaweto na Pe}kata patrijar{ija, koga os- labele vrskite na narodot i na sve{tenicite so episkopot (koj- {to naj~esto bil Grk), srpskoto crkovno peewe moralo da trgne po svoj samostoen pat‛.1 So osnovaweto na Bogoslovijata vo Sremski Karlovac, vo 1794 god., a ne{to podocna i postavuvaweto na Dionizije ^upi} (1775-1845) za u~itel po peewe, bil sozdaden centar za odr`uvawe na izvesno edinstvo vo dotoga{ sosema slobodnoto crkovno pee- we. Vo situacija koga ne postoel drug na~in da se dojde do {kolu- van kadar, a ‚vizantijcite‛ ve}e odamna ne mo`ele da se snajdat vo novosozdadenoto narodno crkovno peewe, za nastavnik po crkovno peewe doa|al samo peja~, koj{to ve}e imal steknato ugled kako najdobar i toj od u~ili{teto gi {irel svojata verzija i svoite varijanti kako oficijalni.2 Kako osnova~i na dene{noto srpsko narodno crkovno peewe se spomenuvaat trojca istaknati peja~i: Najstariot od niv, Dio- nizije Krsti}, roden okolu 1762 godina, koj{to u~el peewe kaj nekoj ‚gr~ki daskal‛, potoa ve}e spomenatiot Dionizije ^upi} i Jerotej Mutibari} (1799-1858), koj{to go skratil ^upi}evoto pe- ewe kako premnogu razvle~eno. So izvesni, ne sekoga{ mali izme- ni, srpskoto crkovno peewe ostanalo takvo, kakvo {to go {irele u~enicite na ^upi} i Mutibari}.3

Zaradi odamna prekinatiot `iv dopir na srpskoto crkovno peewe so vizantiskata muzi~ka tradicija, kako {to e ve}e ka`a- no, toa s# pove}e se razvivalo pod vlijanie na folklornata muzi- ka. Razvivaj}i se nekontrolirano vo mnogubrojni razli~ni vari- janti i prenesuvaj}i se isklu~ivo po usten pat, toa peewe so tekot na vremeto zagubilo mnogu od karakteristikite na vizantiskoto peewe i dobilo tipi~ni folklorni osobenosti. Prv koj{to go za-

1 Bingulac, Petar, Crkvena muzika u Jugoslaviji – Srbija,… ibidem. p. 370.

2 Bingulac, Petar, Crkvena muzika u Jugoslaviji – Srbija,… ibidem. p. 370. 3 Bingulac, Petar, Crkvena muzika u Jugoslaviji – Srbija,… ibidem. p. 371.

54 pi{al srpskoto crkovno peewe i go prerabotil za me{an hor bil Kornelie Stankovi} (1831-1865). Ovoj temelno obrazovan muzi~ar od Srbija pogolemiot del od svoeto tvore{tvo & go posvetil na crkovnata muzika. Komponiral duri tri liturgii, a posebna zas- luga mu e zapi{uvaweto na t.n. ‚karlova~ko pojawe‛, koe{to do- toga{ se so~uvalo i odr`uvalo samo po pat na usmeno predanie. Delovi od toa peewe objavil vo Viena, vo tri knigi, vo periodot od 1862 do 1864, pod naslov Pravoslavno crkveno pojawe u srpsko- ga naroda.1 ^etiriesettina godini podocna t.n. ‚belgradska varijanta‛ na peeweto vo srpsko-pravoslavnata crkva2 ja zapi{al od razni narodni peja~i srpskiot kompozitor i horski dirigent Stevan St. Mokrawac (1856-1914) i ja sistematiziral vo dve knigi (Osmo- glasnik i Op{to peewe). Ottoga{ vo Srpskata crkva se upotre- buva peeweto spored ovie negovi zapisi, zaradi {to se narekuva u{te i mokraw~evo peewe. Sporedbata na ovie zapisi so onie na Kornelie Stankovi}, otkriva me|u niv dosta golemi razliki. Do- deka vo belgradskata varijanta (spored zapisite na Stevan St. Mokrawac) folklornata crta ostanala glavna osobina na ova cr- kovno peewe, karlova~koto peewe (spored zapisite na Kornelie Stankovi}), zaradi prisustvoto i vlijanieto na ‚gr~kite daska- li‛, zadr`alo nekoi osobenosti na vizantiskoto crkovno peewe. Od druga strana, dvajcata evropski orientirani muzi~ari koi srpskoto crkovno peewe go zapi{ale i obrabotile individualno, ne bile upateni vo vizantiskoto crkovno peewe. Za karakterot i na~inot na koj{to se sozdavalo srpskoto crkovno peewe indirektno mo`e da se zaklu~i i od predgovorot na Stevan Mokrawac za negoviot Osmoglasnik od 1908 godina.3 ‚…U{te vo svoeto detstvo gi znaev i gi peev crkovnite pesni, ka- ko {to se peele toga{ so mnogu {ari i melizmi. /…/ Vo ona vre-

1 Andreis, Josip, Istorija glazbe, vol. III , Liber - Mladost, Zagreb, 1975. p. 617. 2 Djuric-Klajn, Stana, Stevan St. Mocranjac, Muzicka enciklopedija, vol. II, Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1974. p. 600. 3 Mokrawac, St. Stevan, Srpsko narodno crkveno pojawe - Osmoglasnik, Beograd, 1908. p. 3.

55 me, re~isi, nitu eden ton ne se pee{e ~ist po svojata vrednost, ami sekoja ~etvrtina, pa i sekoja osmina na svojot po~etok imala razni treperewa na glasot, predudari… /…/ Vremeto gi izbri{a- lo site tie efekti, i denes takov na~in na peewe navistina bi predizvikal nedopa|awe, a mo`ebi i odvratnost‛.1 O~igledno e deka vo svojot predgovor Mokrawac govori za poslednite ostato- ci na vizantiskoto crkovno peewe vo srpskoto, koi{to ‚vremeto gi izbri{alo‛ vo golema mera, a toj samiot pri nivnoto zapi{u- vawe go izvr{il poslednoto pre~istuvawe na srpskoto crkovno peewe, odale~uvaj}i go na toj na~in u{te pove}e od vizantiskiot izvor, koj{to sega odvaj se nasetuva.

Se nametnuva vpe~atokot deka Stevan Mokrawac ne gi poz- naval nitu crkovnoto peewe od vizantiskata tradicija, nitu nego- vata teorija. Za toa zboruva i faktot, deka negovata muzi~ka ter- minologija e isklu~ivo evropska, duri i toga{ koga za odreden ‚vizantiski‚ termin nema najsoodvetna ‚evropska‛ zamena. Taka, koga zboruva za napevite na {esti glas, toj veli: ‚Melodiskite stavovi ne se dvi`at pravilno nitu spored edna priznata molska skala vo teorijata... /.../ Toa ~udno dvi`ewe so ~udni rastojanija me|u poedini stapala im dava na ovie melodii posebna oriental- na boja‛.2 Neznaej}i deka takva skala postoi vo vizantiskata mu- zika, Mokrawac objasnuva deka ‚…mo`ebi, vo ona vreme, pred pe- deset i pove}e godini taka i se peele, ili, {to e pove}e za veru- vawe, se peele neartikulirano, t.e. bez pravilen odnos me|u po- edini stapala, pribli`no kako melodiite na na{ite gusli‛.3 Ne poznavaj}i ja su{tinata na damaskinoviot osmoglasnik i na negovite skali, pri zapi{uvaweto na napevite Mokrawac na- pravi u{te eden previd. Imeno, za da mo`e polesno da se solfe- `iraat i da se nau~at ovie melodii, kako {to pi{uva vo predgo- vorot na knigata, gi napi{al vo eden tonalitet – F,4 so {to pove}eto glasovi od srpskoto crkovno peewe, re~isi, se izedna-

1 Mokrawac, St. Stevan, Srpsko… ibidem. p. 3. 2 Mokrawac, St. Stevan, Srpsko… ibidem. p. 7. 3 Mokrawac, St. Stevan, Srpsko… ibidem. p. 8. 4 Mokrawac, St. Stevan, Srpsko… ibidem. p. 5.

56

~ija. So toa podelbata vo damaskinoviot osmoglasnik na niski i visoki glasovi, kako nivna va`na karakteristika vo izvedbata, za srpskoto crkovno peewe, prakti~no e izgubena. I kone~no, ovaa psaltikija na Mokrawac so naslov Osmoglasnik, te{ko mo`e da go opravda svojot naslov, bidej}i pove}eto glasovi gi izgubija me|usebnite razliki.1

1 Ona {to Stevan St. Mokrawac objektivno ne mo`e{e da go ostvari na podra~jeto na crkovnata muzika, zaradi nepoznavaweto na nejzinata teorija, i pokraj seta predadenost na ovaa rabota, uspea na najdobar na~in da go kompenzira vo oblasta na umetni~kata muzika i horskoto dirigirawe. So svojata muzi~ka nadarenost i so odli~noto evropsko obrazovanie Mokrawac sozdade muzi~ki dela koi{to mu obezbedija mo{ne istaknato mesto ne samo vo srpskata muzika, tuku i vo po{iroki ramki.

57

IX.

Se ispolnuva prerodbenskiot amanet

Eufori~nata obnova na zemjata i organiziraweto na mlado- to makedonsko op{testvo kulminiraa vo {eesetite godini so krupni postigawa vo site sferi na op{testvenoto `iveewe. Vo oblasta na kulturata i naukata, bea sozdadeni brojni nau~ni, literaturni i umetni~ki dela od kapitalno zna~ewe za makedon- skata kultura. Vo nizata nastani koi go obele`aa ovoj period, osamostojuvaweto na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva i konsti- tuiraweto na Makedonskata akademija na naukite i umetnostite, vo 1967 godina, pretstavuvaa ostvaruvawe na vekovnite ideali na makedonskiot narod i presuden ~ekor vo idniot sestran razvoj na makedonskoto op{testvo. No, i pokraj ovaa op{ta razdvi`enost vo op{testvoto, vo ovoj period Crkvata i s# ona {to ima{e religiozno-crkoven krakter, kako {to be{e, na pr., problemot so na{eto tradicio- nalno crkovno peewe, ostanaa na marginite na op{testvenoto `i- veewe. Iako pra{aweto za restavrirawe na makedonskoto crkov- no peewe be{e postavuvano i vo periodot pred osamostojuvaweto na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva, se poka`a deka za reali- zacija na ovaa kompleksna zada~a toga{, a i podocna, kaj nas ne postoe{e soodveten kadar. Od druga strana, vo istiot period vo na{ava Republika s#u{te ne bea sozdadeni povolni op{testveno- politi~ki uslovi za tretirawe na pra{awa, koi zavleguvaat vo ~uvstvitelni me|unacionalni odnosi. Od ovie pri~ini srpskoto crkovno peewe t.n. mokraw~evo peewe prodol`i da se praktikuva vo makedonskite hramovi i da se izu~uva vo novoformiranata Ma- kedonska pravoslavna bogoslovija ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ vo

58

1967 godina, a deset godini podocna i na istoimeniot Pravosla- ven bogoslovski fakultet. Podocna, so osamostojuvaweto na Re- publika Makedonija i so po~etokot na demokratskiot proces vo op{testvoto vo poslednata decenija na XX vek, koga za`ivea i mona{tvoto vo makedonskite manastiri, crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija be{e povtorno aktuelizirano. Reafirmacijata na tradicionalnoto crkovno peewe zapo~na po dolgiot preoden period, vo koj od strana na makedonskite mu- zikolozi bea otkrieni dotoga{ malku ili sosema nepoznati av- tori na crkovno-muzi~ki rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi sozdadeni na teritorijata na Makedonija. So formiraweto na manifestacija- ta Stru{ka muzi~ka esen, vo 1975 godina, zapo~na kontinuirano- to prezentirawe na rezultatite od ovie istra`uvawa. Brojnite referati na slavistite, muzikolozite i vizantolozite od Repub- likava i od stranstvo, podneseni na ovaa muzi~ka tribina gi pre- zentiraa novite soznanija za makedonskata crkovna muzika i za nejzinite brojni pretstavnici od minatoto. Ovie otkritija, a so niv i novite soznanija za sopstvenoto bogato muzi~ko minato, pridonesoa vo Makedonija da se formi- raat pove}e horski ansambli, koi programski s# pove}e se ori- entiraa kon duhovnata i crkovnata muzika. Vo ovoj domen zabe- le`livi rezultati postignaa: Me{aniot hor od Skopje Sv. Kli- ment Ohridski so dirigentot Pan~e Josifovski i @enskiot kameren hor Sveta Zlata Meglenska so dirigentkata Letka Di- movska-Polizova, potoa @enskiot hor od Bitola pod dirigent- stvoto na Qubo Trifunovski, @enskiot hor Menada od Tetovo so dirigentot Ivica Zori}. Vo ponovo vreme vo R. Makedonija bea formirani pove}e horovi na crkovno peewe od slovensko- vizantiskata tradicija, od koi zabele`livi rezultati postignaa: Horot Kalistrat Zografski od Struga so dirigentot Dimitri Kumbaroski, Horot Joan Harmosin-Ohridski pod rakovodstvoto na Risto Solun~ev i Horot Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, pri Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii - Skopje, rakovoden od Jane Koxaba{ija.

59

Za podemot na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija govorat i muzi~kite izdanija koi se pojavija vo ovoj preoden period: izdanieto na Lajons klubot Sv. Pantelejmon od Skopje, na Otec Partenij i Bigorskite monasi, na Sestrinskiot hor od manastirot Eleusa, na Horot Kalistrat Zografski od Struga i onie na psaltite Goce Sekuloski od Prilep i Igor Gulevski od Bitola.

Vo 1997 godina grupa intelektualci, privrzenici na idejata za restavracija na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija go formira{e Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii – Skopje. Prioritetni zada~i na Centarot bea podgotvuvawe na prira~nici i organizirawe na seminari za izu~uvawe na crkov- noto peewe od starata tradicija. Blagodarenie na materijalnata podr{ka od Ministerstvoto za kultura na Republika Makedonija, kako i od nekoi stopanski organizacii i zdru`enija (FIDKO- Bor~e DOEL, Lajons klubot Sv. Pantelejmon od Skopje, Fonko, Pe~atnicata ‚Kiro Dandaro‛ - Bitola, Komercijalna banka i Fundament-Skopje), vo sledniot period Centarot za vizanto- lo{ki studii izdade pove}e crkovno-muzi~ki knigi i organizi- ra{e niza uspe{ni seminari po crkovno peewe. Za zgolemenoto interesirawe za crkovnoto peewe od slo- vensko-vizantiskata tradicija, svedo~at i za~estenite nastani i manifestacii. Vo ovoj kontekst }e gi spomeneme pova`nite, od koi prva be{e 170-godi{ninata od ra|aweto na Joan Harmosin- Ohridski (1829-1890) i 130-godi{ninata od pojavuvaweto na nego- viot zbornik Pashalija (1869). Po ovoj povod be{e pe~ateno no- voto izdanie na ovaa psaltikija, ovojpat na dvete muzi~ki nota- cii - isto~nata i zapadnata, vo redakcija na Jane Koxaba{ija.1 So promocijata na spomenatoto novo izdanie na zbornikot Pas- halija, koja{to se odr`a vo ramkite na manifestacijata Denovi na makedonskata muzika ‘2000 vo Soborniot hram ‚Sv. Kliment

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, ‚Joan Harmosin - Ohridski: Pashalija‛, Unija za kultura na Vlasite,Skopje, 1999.

60

Ohridski‛ vo Skopje, be{e odbele`an i jubilejot sto i deset godini od smrtta na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1890). Crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija se najde vo centarot na vnimanieto i na me|unarodniot simpozi- umot na tema Kulturata i umetnosta na Ohrid i hristijan- stvoto, odr`an po povod 2000-godi{ninata od hristijanstvoto vo Ohrid. Avtorot na ovie redovi po toj povod nastapi so refe- ratot Hrisantovata muzi~ka reforma i deloto na Joan Harmo- sin-Ohridski. Po istiot povod se odr`a i me|unarodniot nau~en sobir vo Strumica na tema Hristijanstvoto vo kulturata i umetnosta na strumi~kata eparhija, na koj{to avtorot na ovoj tekst nastapi so referatot Isku{enijata na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija – tendencija za vra}awe kon peeweto od vizan- tiskata tradicija.1 Ovie referati, kako i drugite so koi{to avtorot na hronikava nastapi na jubilejnite nau~no-kulturni sredbi Deset dena Kru{evska Republika (Crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo XX vek)2, i na vozobnovenata Stru{ka muzi~ka esen 2007 (‚Crkovnoto peewe vo Ohridskata arhiepiskopija‛) se dobra ilustracija za aktuelnosta na crkovnoto peewe vo na{ata kulturna sredina na pragot na noviot milenium.

Vtora manifestacija od prvostepeno zna~ewe za makedon- skoto crkovno peewe, koja vo 2005 godina vleze vo kalendarot na zna~ajni godi{nini na Sobranieto na Republika Makedonja, be{e 100-godi{ninata od prvoto izdanie na zbornikot Isto~no crkov- no peewe vo ~etiri tomovi od Kalistrat Zografski. Vo ~est na ovoj jubilej Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii so podr{ka na Ministerstvoto za kultura na Republika Makedonija, Makedon- skata pravoslavna crkva i Sojuzot na kompozitorite na Makedo-

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, Isku{enijata na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija – tendencija za vra}awe kon peeweto od vizantiskata tradicija. Hristijanstvoto vo kulturata i umetnosta na Strumi~kata eparhija, Zavod za za{tita na spome- nicite na kulturata, prirodnite retkosti i Muzej,Strumica, 2002, p. 81. 2 Koxaba{ija, Jane, Crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonja vo XX vek,Prilozi za Ilinden – IX, Nau~no-kulturni sredbi ‚Deset dena Kru{evska Republika‛, Kru{evo, 2003, p. 193.

61 nija organizira{e trimese~en seminar po crkovno peewe, so d-r Jane Koxaba{ija kako predava~. Vo organizacija na Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii se oddr`a i Sve~ena akademija za Kalistrat Zografski, na koja{to be{e promovirano novoto izdanie na negoviot zbornik Isto~no crkovno peewe.1 Za `ivotot i deloto na golemiot prerodbenik i muzi~ki deec govorea episkop veli~ki g. Metodij i kompozitorot Stojan Stojkov. Na ovoj sve~en sobir so prigodna programa nas- tapi i Seminarskiot hor na Centarot za vizantolo{ki studii, a bea prika`ani i likovniot portret na Kalistrat Zografski izraboten od akademskiot slikar Stavre Dimitrov-Stadim i do- kumentarnoto video za Kalistrat Zografski, izraboteno od Di- mitrije Bu`arovski, vo koe za golemiot makedonski prerodbenik, kako i za negovite potomci govori otec Stefan Sanxakovski.

Vo ovoj period Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva, u~estvu- va{e i gi koordinira{e aktivnostite za restavracija na staroto crkovno peewe vo makedonskite hramovi. Taa opredelba be{e krunisana so odlukata na Svetiot arhierejski sinod vo 2003 godi- na: vo dvete obrazovni institucii na Makedonskata pravoslavna crkva da se vovede predmet po teorija i praktika na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-viszantiskata tradicija. Istata godina, vo u~ebnata 2003/2004, bea sozdadeni uslovi za organizirawe nastava po crkovno peewe vo Makedonskata pravoslavna bogoslovija Sv. Kliment Ohridski, a ~etiri godini podocna, vo 2007, po povod jubileite 40-godini od osamostojuvaweto na Makedonskata pravo- slavna crkva i 30-godi{ninata od formiraweto na Pravoslav- niot bogoslovski fakultet Sv. Kliment Ohridski vo Skopje, vo u~ebnata 2007/2008 godina zapo~naa studiite po crkovno peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija i na ovaa visokoobrazovna in- stitucija.

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, Kalistrat Zografski: Isto~no crkovno peewe – Liturgija i Voskresnik,Centar za vizantolo{ki studii, Skopje, 2005. Koxaba{ija, Jane, Kalistrat Zografski: Isto~no crkovno peewe –Ve~erwa i Utrewa, Centar za vizantolo{ki studii, Skopje, 2005.

62

* * * Site ovie nastani i aktivnosti nedvosmisleno govorat deka vo Republika Makedonija ve}e e zapo~nat procesot na vra}awe na staroto crkovno peewe. S# pogolem e brojot na hramovite vo koi- {to proli~uva crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tra- dicija. Raste i brojot na psaltite, koi so radost i so s# pogolema ume{nost go prezentiraat ova prepoznatlivo peewe, prenesuvano od edna generacija na druga kako amanet. So toa, kone~no se ispra- va u{te edna istoriska nepravda sprema pravoslavniot makedon- ski narod: namesto srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe, vovedeno prisilno na po~etokot na XX vek, vo svoite pravoslavni hramovi da si go praktikuva crkovnoto peewe od sveti-klimentovoto pre- danie.

63

64

Part one

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH SINGING IN MACEDONIA

65

66

Prologue

In the beginning, when Christianity was conceived and took the cross as a sign of great love at prayer gatherings in catacombs, first Christian believers - who were of Jewish origin - expressed their prays1 through chants. Simple and un-intrusive singing suited better their ascetic spirit rooted in the faith and life of ancient Christians, through which – primarily – the message of religions texts would be emphasized instead the very melody2.

In its further development Christian music would go through two different and contradicting phases: the first – from the humble beginnings of creation and establishment of religious service of still oppressed Christian church to the so called “Edict of Milan” of 313 A.D. with which the emperor Constantine the Great established religious tolerance, and with that free development of Christian religion, and the second – when the chaste Christian religious service grew into solemn liturgy of the Byzantine church.

With the newly acquired status of Christianity as a state religion of the Roman Empire significant changes occurred in the area of church music. From the dark, stuffy and mystic catacombs Christian ritual moved to gorgeous temples where religious services were freely conducted, with louder and impressive singing, with the participation of professional singers. Those changes commanded that church chants become richer with more developed melodic forms and specific ways of performance, adequate to the solemn ambient of the splendid liturgy act.

Although the Roman Empire was nominally divided into two empires (Eastern and Western) in 395, there were not essential differences in the way

1 Bogoev , M. Mir~o, U~ebnik po crkovno penie, Sofi , 1940. p. 7. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest glazbe, vol I. Liber - Mladost, Zagreb, 1975. p. 78.

67 of singing in their capitals Constantinople and Rome up to the 6th century, since the church music was still in its shaping phase.1 In the course of the next several centuries, with the adoption of Christianity, each nation introduced new elements in the church ritual and a number of new elements in singing, characteristic for their autochthon music traditions. In that context, the use of own languages in religious services by different nations was of particular importance, something which enabled development of different local types of liturgy, like Armenian, Syrian, Copt, Persian, Slavic and others.2

The growing gap between the Eastern (Byzantine) and Western Roman Empire is also evident in the field of church singing. The initial formal unity that was difficult to keep across the large space of the Empire until its final separation in 476 started to dissolve after the big reformations of the church singing: firstly the western of the Roman pope Gregory I the Great (560-640), conducted towards the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century, when with the choice of spiritual chants (known in history as Gregorian chorals) that he made with his collaborators released the church singing from the eastern sensual chromatic and melismatic traits3, and almost one century later the eastern reform of St. John Damaskin (650-749) that defined and directed the future millennium development of the east church singing. Namely, in order to rationalize and unify the church singing at the wider Byzantine region St. John Damaskin undertook the restructuring of the octoehos (gr. o3ktw` h`coj) defining than the character of voices and the kind of music scales. By restructuring the system of eight voices into four major (authentic) and four minor (plagal), Damaskin decided on voices and church chants that had been created in the early Christian period on different territories by different peoples. That is how the great reformer succeeded for the octoehos to become familiar and acceptable to all Christian peoples living on the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire, scientifically better known as Byzantium.

1 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Cultura muzicală de tradiţie bizantină pe teritoriul României in secolul XVIII şi începutul XIX şi aportul original al culturii autohtone, Editura muzicală, Bucureşti, 1989. p. 24. 2 Andreis, Josip, Povijest… op. cit. p. 79, 113 3 Andreis, Josip, Povijest…ibidem. p. 80-81.

68

Speaking about the musical life of the peoples living on the territory of Byzantium one can say that everything that is of importance happened under the sign of church music. With its easily acceptable contents that attractive music did not remain strictly connected with religious service. Church singing started to spread in its original or modified form and entered other forms of social and home music that also involved different kinds of folk musical instruments. Listening to and using it in everyday church and home religious services church singing incited the people to create melopoetic works at higher inventive level and of wider thematic variety. More intuitively then conscious creators of church music ware also inspired by the singing tradition. These mutual influences contributed to church singing and music practice among Christian peoples that were within the cultural, historical and geo-political frames of Byzantium, to have many common features. Those development processes of the Eastern Christian music also found their expression in the music of Slavic people that inhabited the Balkan Peninsula in the 6th and 7th century. Upon their own musical tradition and the Byzantine church singing during the following centuries each of those peoples created characteristic music folklore, and their own idiom of church singing in the frames of the Byzantine style relations.

69

I.

Byzantine roots of the Slavic culture

The tradition that started to be created at the wide area of Byzantium on three continents represents an authentic product of connections, relations and influences of more cultural traditions, with the Christianity as its base – the new quality of connecting different spiritual streams of the ancient world. As such, the Byzantine civilisation, beside the historical and cultural development of peoples settled on its territory, played a decisive role also for the development of European civilisation and the appearance of other unique and developed cultures. This is particularly relevant to the culture of Slavic peoples that got from Byzantium what was crucial for the bloom of their civilisation: Christian religion and literacy. Accepting Christianity, and through it the Byzantine culture as sources for their own cultural contents, Slavic peoples developed their particularities, their very historical types, but however the foundations are unique and the basic contents are the same, and what is most important the system of signs is entirely the same. Also, the language of picture and word that enabled spiritual communication of the Slavs with Byzantium is unique, and through it everything that was built in the worlds of their culture from past ancient times and other eastern worlds.1 Some byzantologists even believe that the history of Slavic peoples could be treated as a late chapter of the Byzantine culture. According them, Slavic medieval art is actually Byzantine and as such it experienced its most important late development at Slavic areas.2

1 Bogdanovi , Dimitrije, (Predgovor, Averincev, S. S., Poetika ranovizantijske kwi`evnosti). Kwi`evna misao, Beograd, 1982, r. 8. 2 Talbot Rice, David, Mit o ‟mracnom dobu‟, Rani srednji vek, Jugoslavija, Beograd, 1976, p.11.

70

The Byzantine component of the Slavic sacral and folk art is mostly present in Macedonian art, since its carriers, as descendents of ancient Macedonians and Slavs that settled at the southern part of the Balkan peninsula in the 6th and 7th century are fully righteous successors who continued the Byzantine culture, and immediate creators. It means Macedonians have secured that status by at least two grounds: as natives who went though all phases of the ancient and Roman-Byzantine epoch and as newly settled Slavic tribes, mostly extended towards Byzantium of all other Slavs, who accepting Christian religion entered deep into the Byzantine world of civilisation, facing everything that a multicultural society can offer and accept. Byzantine Christian art and culture, created on the territory of Macedonia represent archetypal signs deeply rooted in the basic layers of cultural and historical past of the Macedonian people, which undoubtedly confirm their contribution to the development of Byzantine civilizations. In the same time, these are authentic certificates for the creative potentials of the indigenous Macedonians from the early Christian period, and later the Slavs who settled in the southern part of the Balkan Peninsula. That, particularly during the period of their Christianisation when the education missions of Ss. Cyril and Methodius, the church education activities of Ss. Clement and Naum in Ohrid, and later the Macedonian medieval state, known as Samuil’s Empire were conducted. All this demonstrates that Christian art, and the church music in its syncretic corpus on the territory of Macedonia, can not be regarded separately and out of the historic context of the Byzantine culture. As the mosaic of Byzantine civilization can not be complete unless the important stages of cultural development among certain peoples - like Macedonians - are taken into account. For instance, the golden church-education period of Ss. Clement and Naum when the first Slavic eparchy was established, and within its boundaries the Ohrid school, known as the first European university. Hence, the cultural development of Macedonians in the whole period from the acceptance of Christian religion to the establishment of the Ohrid archbishopric represents a complementary process in the development of the Byzantine culture and civilisation.

71

II.

Church singing in Slavic language

The beginnings of the Church singing in a Slavic language and generally the Slavic literacy are connected with the city of Thessalonica, the greatest Byzantine cultural centre after Constantinople (more known among Slavs as Tzarigrad). Being situated on a territory mainly inhabited by Slavs, Thessalonica could serve as a natural connection between the Byzantine culture and the Slavs in Macedonia, and through them with the entire Slavic world. Hence, it can bee understood that the Byzantine state and church government engaged people exactly from that area to conduct the educational missions among Slavic peoples. When the Moravian prince Rastislav demanded such missioners form the Byzantine Emperor Michael 3rd the brothers Constantine and Methodius from Thessalonica was the choice.1 The younger of the brothers Constantine, known by his knowledge and genius linguistic abilities, devised the first Slavic alphabet and together with his brother Methodius translated the Holly Script and other books for religious service into Slavic language. Unfortunately, not a single written document is kept for that period, so we can learn about their activities from their hagiographies and chronicles. Based upon data from these sources one can conclude that Ss Cyril and Methodius and their disciples in Moravia, Pannonia, Rome and the region of today’s Macedonia and Bulgaria used to sing major parts of their church religious service2 in Slavic language.

1 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska kulturna simbioza, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966. r. 47. 2 Stefanovi}, Dimitrije, Ohridski neumski rakopisi i po~etoci na slovenskata muzi~ka kultura, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 131.

72

There is no doubt that the first contact of Byzantine church melodies with Slavic texts translated from Greek by Ss Cyril and Methodius happened in Macedonia, marking the beginnings of the Slavic church music. Namely, adapting those chants to the new text in metro-rhythmic terms the first specifics of the Slavic - and broadly seen - Macedonian church singing were demonstrated.1 But, it must be stressed that in the period when the Brothers from Thessalonica prepared their Slavic missions there were not any crucial differences in church singing among particular Slavic peoples. Therefore, the church singing that the Brothers used setting off for their education missions possessed the general frames of the medieval Byzantine music. The fascinating melody based upon Damascene’s Octoehos and the impressive sacral ritual - where that melody had the central place, finally also happened in the Slavic liturgy language that was then still understood by all Slavic peoples - were doubtless the trumps Ss Cyril and Methodius played in their historic mission: to attract, gain and tie Slavic peoples with the Christian religion. Church singing in a Slavic language on the territory of Macedonia probably started to be practiced around the middle of the 9th century, with the Bregalnica mission of the brothers Constantine and Methodius, which means before their leaving for Moravia.2 That singing reached its blooming period during the education period of St. Clement and St. Naum, towards the end of the 9th and the beginning of the 10th century, and continued also in the second half of that century, during the Macedonian-Slavic state, the so called Samuel’s Empire, when the Ohrid Archbishopric was established as a first auto-cephalic church organization of the Macedonian people.3 About the end of the 9th century Ohrid became the most important centre of the Slavic culture in the south-west part of the Balkan Peninsula. As already known religious centre, situated at one of the main Roman pathways, that city was a kind of predetermined to play a special role regarding the inclusion of the Slavs in the world of culture. The arrival of Ss

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova Macedonica, Makedonska kniga, Skopje, 1986. p. 100. 2 Aleksova,Blaga, Materijalna kultura na Slovenite vo Makedonija, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 142. 3 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija od osnovaweto do pa|aweto na Makedonija pod turska vlast, Pravoslaven bogoslovski fakultet ‚Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje, 1997. p. 77.

73

Clement and Naum in Ohrid marked the decisive point in the fulfilment of their role. They were persons capable of organizing a cultural and church – educational mission on a broad base. On the other hand they found there busy environment that could support their endeavours.1 That city, from where Byzantine culture had been radiating even earlier, was a suitable place for Ss. Clement and Naum to develop intensive church and literary activities, creating their followers not only from the clergy but also from other fields of the social living.2 St. Clement from Ohrid, one of the most gifted disciples of Ss. Cyril and Methodius, had particularly remarkable merits in the organization of wide-spread social and cultural activities in that Slavic environment. According preserved data regarding his engagements in the field of music and his huge contribution to the development of Macedonian church singing it can be noted that Ohrid was the centre of church music during the time of St. Clement.3 The first church singing school among the Slavs was established in that city, and it had powerful influence upon the church singing of the other Slavic peoples. There is a note in his Hagiography that states St. Clement taught his disciples psalm singing, provided chants and preaching church singing used to explain that heruvim chants are to be sung in one voice. It all confirms that St. Clement dedicated special attention to church singing as an important segment of his overall church education activities. 4 In the environment where the process of creating own spiritual values had already commenced and on the ground where Slavic literacy, culture and education had already been rooted – in the second half of the 10th century – there were favourable conditions for Samuel (976-1014) to establish his state and within those frames Macedonian church, based in Prespa and later in Ohrid. In spite of continuous wars being waged around there was noticeable improvement of cultural and educational living.5 Numerous remains of material culture dating from the period of Samuel’s reign clearly speak about

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Ohridska kni`evna {kola, Slovenska pismenost, Naroden muzej Ohrid, 1966, r. 57. 2 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska… ibidem. p. 47. 3 Golabovski Sotir, Osmoglasnik-makedonsko crkovno peewe, Kultura, Skopje, 1993, r. 15. 4 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija ... op. cit. p. 43. 5 Ilievski, Hr. Petar, Gr~ko-slovenska… op. cit. p. 48.

74 the beginning of a Slavic epoch, where, under conditions of interrupted connections with Constantinople and other Byzantine spiritual centres, new artistic directions in style emerged in literature and architecture with distinguished Slavic-Macedonian features.1 That period is also marked by more decisive turning towards own singing traditions and creation of own music expression in the field of music singing. Indeed, the influence of the Greek culture in Macedonian cities was still strong, but – as a result of the overall social development – the Slavic civilization awareness in Macedonia was raised, and with it certain tendencies for division of Macedonian spiritual and cultural living from the Byzantine. Of course, state and church authorities in Constantinople regarded such development processes in the cultural and education living of the Macedonian people as counter-Byzantine attitudes.2

1 Bel~ovski, Jovan, Ohridskata arhiepiskopija ... op. cit. p. 105. 2 Velev, Ilija, Vizantisko-makedonski kni`evni vrski, Skopje, 2005.

75

III.

Church singing in the Ohrid Archbishopric

The character of Macedonian church singing, as already mentioned, was conceived with the first contact of the Slavic church text with Byzantine melody, in the times when the brothers Constantine and Methodius were preparing their educational missions. However, the real aspirations to create own church singing with recognisable Slavic-Macedonian features could not emerge until the church-educational stage of Ss. Clement and Methodius. An important aspect in the creation of the particular character of Macedonian church singing during that period and somewhat later was the support of own musical tradition. Folk melodies that were introduced in the roots of the church music repertoire represent a crucially important element of the liturgical act, which provided natural character of the church singing, and with it attracted more believers to the religious service. It should be stressed that psalmists, who were also carriers of the folk music tradition, introduced fresh folklore elements into church singing. They even deliberately emphasised that profane Slavic-Macedonian sound in the church singing as an expression of the resistance towards the Greek way of singing. Church singing on the territory of Macedonia would also continue its development before and after the creation of Samuel’s Empire and the Ohrid Archbishopric. That process also continued after the collapse of the Macedonian Empire, during Jovan Debarski (1018-1037), the first – as it seems – and the only Ohrid archbishop during the Byzantine epoch who was of Macedonian origin. The activities of that Ohrid archbishop – a Macedonian – was characterised by continuous fight to preserve the people’s character of the archbishopric. During that educational period which lasted

76 around a century and a half, the process of transforming of Macedonian church singing from typically Byzantine-Greek into singing with features of the live singing tradition of Macedonians was started and finished, and it happened regarding music and also the way of its performance, which was accomplished through specific voiced articulation of the sound and word. It seems that only Greek bishops governed the Ohrid Archbishopric during the period after Jovan’s death, and they were directly appointed by the Byzantine government, which persisted with all their forces to impose the Greek style in church practice. In order to discard the singing of Macedonian psalmists from churches (that was created and differentiated as Slavic during the educational period of St. Clement) conductors from big centres of the Byzantine culture were brought. However, psalmists were Macedonians and, apart the Greek language that was imposed as obligatory, they kept all the rest original: the setting and the colour of voice, the way of ornamenting melodic tunes etc.1 Based upon the work of Ss. Cyril and Methodius and their disciples Ss. Clement and Naum, the Ohrid Archbishopric never lost its Slavic character during its eight century’s existence and remained protector of the church and cultural traditions of Macedonian people. Even some archbishops, ethnic Greeks, protected the Slavic character of the Archbishopric because only that way they could defend the independence of their church, and with it their own position. On the other side, they were aware that the efforts to eradicate the church-educational work of St. Clement were futile, because it contained not only traditions of the Ohrid archbishopric, but the overall social living on the territory of Macedonia and wider. Many accounts of travels do confirm it, and can be used for conclusion regarding the church singing and the cultural and educational living in Macedonia.2 What is remarkable in those travellers’ accounts is the

1 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi za istorijata na makedonskiot narod Prosvetno delo, Skopje, 1959, p. 78. (In connection with this, one can understand that the Ohrid archbishop Teofilakt /1091-?/ was desperate complaining `People in Ohrid listen to music as the donkey does the cigulka `. Evidently the cigulka (a kind of string instrument) is the Greek Church singing and the donkey – lay and stubborn Macedonian believers and psalmists, that are persistent in their support of their church singing, created upon their own singing tradition. ) 2 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi...ibidem. p. 122.

77 resistance of the Macedonians towards the Greek-Byzantine way of religious services - and as one could conclude – that church and educational life, and church singing on the territory of Macedonia, still followed St. Clements attitudes. Those valuable data convincingly speak of the toughness of folk traditions, although during centuries after the fall of Samuel’s Empire, Macedonians lived immediately under Byzantine state, legal, juridical and military system in the environment strongly influenced by the Byzantine- Greek culture. However, despite the extremely worsened conditions during centuries of Byzantine government in Macedonia a large number of manuscripts were created in Slavic language. There are many evidences of destruction of Macedonian spiritual inheritance by the Greek clergy. Under pretext of destroying heretic books written by Bogumils they mercilessly razed church literature written in Slavic language. And, what remained preserved in Macedonian monasteries that were far from big cities was looted during the post-Byzantine period by many so-called `researchers` of the Slavic cultural heritage.

78

IV.

Church singing during the post Byzantine period

After the fall of Constantinople under the reign of the Osman Turks (1453) the influence of the Eastern Church, one of the pillars of the Byzantine Empire, started to decrease, and under such circumstances church singing was also gradually losing its originality and attractiveness. Left to priests and psalmists, the majority of whom were not well prepared in musical terms, church singing was performed practically and was mainly orally transmitted. There are not many data about the church singing on the territory of Macedonia in that period, nor are Slavic music transcripts kept. One can suppose that singing in Slavic language was practised only in some remote village and monastery churches where the Greek clergy was not in position to control it, while in towns, in churches that had not been transformed into mosques, the singing was mainly conducted in Greek language. However, even under such unfavourable conditions - as already mentioned – the tradition of St. Clement remained live among the population. There is evidence that Macedonian orthodox believers found different (sometimes incredible) ways to practice the religious service in native and church-Slavic language.1 Such unfavourable and hard conditions were additionally

1 Lape, Quben, Odbrani tekstovi... op. cit. p. 200. (Writing enthusiastically about Ohrid and the church St. Sofia the well-known traveller and writer Evlija Chelebija (1611-1682) wrote: `It is a very big mosque. Similar can only be found in Thessaloniki, along the coast of the Black Sea in Trapezund and in Istanbul… During the time of non-believers /Christians/ it was a church that had no equal. However, now it is a mosque. But, sometimes gaurs would secretly give some money to mosque guards, would enter the mosque, quickly conduct a Christian religious service, and then leave the mosque.` ).

79 worsened after the abolishment of the Ohrid Archbishopric in 1767, when its eparchies fell under the jurisdiction of the Constantinople Patriarchate. That gave additional force to the Greek clergy in towns on the territory of Macedonia and the Greek language was imposed as dominant in all spheres of the social living, and also in church religious service. During the whole period of Byzantium without Byzantium the Constantinople Patriarchate was putting efforts to regain governance and influence and renew its spiritual area. In that terms – aimed at gaining better control of the church singing practice, as well as it unification at the wider territory of Eastern Orthodox practice – among other - different aspects activities regarding reforms of the Byzantine music transcription were undertaken. So, starting around the mid 18th century, when the Ottoman Empire demonstrated signs of internal weakness, the Constantinople Patriarchate made several unsuccessful attempts to reform the complex – and largely – forgotten neo-Byzantine music system. That responsible task was finally completed in the beginning of the 19th century (1814) by the Byzantine spiritual actors, known as The Three Teachers (Greek Treij Daska1loj) Hrisantos Prusis (†1843), Gregorios Protopsaltis (†1822) and Humurazios Hartofilaks (†1840). The Hrisant‟s notation, as this newly reformed music script is called in the world of science, represents a synthesis of all previous phases of the development of the Byzantine notation and some experiences from the theory of the western musical notation. Due to its undisputable advantages regarding its application, that so called new system of neumathic music signature came across widespread acceptance by the church singers at the broader Balkan region in the 19th century, and also on the territory of Macedonia. Understandably, that novelty was used by the Constantinople Patriarchate as a new and more efficient medium for emphasised influence in those non-Greek church areas. But, looking broadly at that event, one can notice that the general and relatively quick acceptance of the Hrisant’s music reform in the church practice can be seen as a kind of expression of common resistance towards the century-old slavery of Balkan people under the Turks. It can be an explanation of the fact that the Hrisant's notation was accepted

80 only in church eparchies that were still under Turk governance. So, beside Greece, it was introduced in the church singing in Bulgaria and Macedonia.1 Judging according kept music manuscripts, the introduction of the new Hrisant`s system on the territory of Macedonia during the first half of the 19th century the church practice was conducted almost exclusively in Greek language. Being generally accepted by Macedonian psalmists that common music system served as a medium for gradual replacement of the Greek language by Slavic towards the middle of that century. The first psaltics with parallel scripts in Greek and church-Slavic language appeared then, initially with Greek orthography and later with more often use of Slavic letters. Actually, that newly created environment was a kind of incentive for renaissance intentions of the Macedonian intellectuals for the return of the church Slavic language in the religious service and the public speech in schools. The oldest known psalm manuscript containing reformed neumatic notation found on the territory of Macedonia, the Ohrid Irmologion of 1818 appeared only four years after the publishing of the Hrisant’s reform. It can serve as a ground for conclusion that the town of Ohrid was still an important cultural centre five decades after the abolishment of the Ohrid Archbishopric, which kept immediate contacts with most developed centres of Christian art. Like the whole church-religious literature kept from that period on the territory of Macedonia the collection of psalms was written in Greek language. Later church-music manuscripts and printed books containing Hrisant`s notation that appeared on Macedonian church territories were with texts in Greek. Greek influence was particularly strong in the Ohrid region, where after the abolishment of the Ohrid Archbishopric in 1767, its centre remained under permanent attention of the highest patriarchate clergy. That situation, which was characteristic for the first half of the 19th century – a period of total domination of the Greek language – commenced to be changing towards the middle of that century. Along with the raise of national awareness among Macedonian people the social, politic and cultural living in Macedonia was gradually acquiring more and more Slavic traits. There is a

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova….. op. cit. p. 106.

81 large number of representatives of the church living in Macedonia among the carriers of those renaissance ideas for returning to own cultural traditions, to the native speech and religious service in church-Slavic language. The majority of them have had significant roles in the development of the church singing as well as the accomplishment of people’s long-held ideals.

82

V.

Church singing during the period of renaissance

With the advancement of the Slavic sciences and raised interest for authentic values of the Slavic spirit higher level of interest was roused among slavists and byzantologists from Slavic countries during the first half of the 19th century in Macedonia, the cradle of Slavic literacy. They were searching for the roots of their cultural upgrade in the country with the aim to relevantly enlighten many manifestations in their own cultural flows.1 Researching the work of the pan-Slavic educators Ss. Cyril and Methodius and their disciples Ss. Clement and Naum Ohridski, those scientists discovered real treasure of medieval manuscripts in Macedonian churches and monasteries.2 The presence of these scientific researchers of the Slavic literacy and culture in Macedonia contributed for some respectable and more educated Macedonians to become interested in their own cultural heritage. That was the beginning point for new orientation of some hellenophilic oriented persons to what was named slavjanism.3 The road to high culture, that had led through Athens for Macedonian intellectuals, began to divert towards the far away Moscow. That was the beginning of the new era, with a sequence of significant events that announced the National renaissance. The strengthened movement against the spiritual and economic slavery gradually obtained the character of organised fight against the governance of the Greek Constantinople

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 90-100. 2 Mo{in, Vladimir, Rakopisi na Narodniot muyej vo Ohrid, Zbornik na trudovi, Naroden muzej vo Ohrid, 1961. p.163. 3 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot literaturen jazik, Kultura, Skopje, 1967. p. 167.

83

Patriarchy.1 Initially intended against the use of the Greek language in churches and schools that fight broadened also against the trials of imposing Bulgarian language in schools in Macedonia. The new awareness for independent national and cultural development of the Macedonian people was manifested by the growing number of music handwritings and printed books in Hrisant`s notation in church-Slavic language and the first schoolbooks in people’s language. That period of renaissance was characterised by strengthened attempts for reestablishment of the Ohrid Archbishopric. A few Macedonian intellectuals were boldly emphasising that Hellenism and the policy of assimilation could not be efficiently counterbalanced without the existing of own church institution and religious service in peoples’ and church-Slavic language.2 Due to the fact that economic and political development in Macedonia in that period was rather lagging behind neighbouring countries, the independent development of the Macedonian people under such conditions could not be uniformly and easily achieved. The hegemony circles of neighbouring countries developed vast propaganda activities from the very beginning, and they put all their efforts to suppress such developments and divert them towards their interests.3 At that time, and especially about the end of the sixties of the 19th century, when the efforts for introduction of schoolbooks written in native language in schools and religious service in church-Slavic language was strongly stressed the fights of surrounding propaganda by the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian bourgeoisie became severe. The nature of fatal consequences brought to the Macedonian people with those fights is confirmed by many pages of its history full of sufferings, separations, brother-killing…4 Under such historical conditions church singing in Macedonia during the 19th century was going through its dramatic period of language

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot… ibidem, p. 158. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 28. 3 Istorija na makedonskiot narod, Makedonska kniga-Kultura- Misla-Na{a kniga, Skopje, 1988. r. 135. 4 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot… op. cit. p. 167.

84 transformation. In that process of returning the Slavic language in religious service two main phases are noticed: the first, from the announcement of the Hrisant’s musical reform in 1814 to the middle of the century, with the supremacy of the Greek language, and the second from the middle of the 19th century when, as a result of the national awareness of the Macedonian people, the Greek language was gradually suppressed by the Slavic language in church singing. In that regard, the Short manual (1843) by Naum Miladin from Struga (1817-1897), written in Greek, is important. That oldest kept manuscript regarding the study of the Hrisant‟s notation confirms that this music script was learned on the territory of Macedonia. It also explains the presence of many church-music manuscripts and printed books which contain that notation and their widespread use in the church practice on the whole territory of Macedonia, starting in the middle of the 19th century and until the first decades of the 20th century. The oldest of these manuscripts is the Voskresnik (Anastasimatar) by Janaki Stojmenovich from the village Orizari, 1849. In fact, it is a transcript containing parts of three psalm manuscripts from the library of the Rila Monastery under numbers X (inv. No. 2860), XV (inv. No. 2865) composed by Cyril from Rila and XIX (inv. No. 2969)1. This well preserved manuscript, containing works written in Slavic and Greek language, is characteristic for the transitional period, when the Greek language started to be replaced by Slavic in Macedonian churches. Of printed books that are written with Hrisant`s neumatic notation, published by representatives of the Eastern church singing in Macedonia, most attractive is the collection Pashalia by Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829- 1890), printed in 1860, the collection of East Church singing by Kalistrat Zografski (around 1821-1913) and the monks from the Zograf Monastery in four volumes, published in 1905 and the recently found collection of Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (around 1800-1887), printed in Thessalonica in 1886. This, primarily, because of the fact that they also contain their own works,

1 Stojmenovi~ Janaki, Voskresnik, NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje, Ms. 161. Dinev, Pet r, Rilskata crkovno-pev~eska {kola v na~aloto na 19 vek i ne nite predstaviteli, Izvesti na instituta za muzika, kniga IV, Izdanie na BAN, Sofi , 1957. p. 19-22.

85 which is an important moment and undeniable contribution to the development of the church-music in Macedonia. When talking about the church singing in Macedonia and the broader orthodox region during the second half of the 19th and towards the 20th century and circumstances that influenced its development the strong influence of the European music should be noted, and the penetration of the Russian secular and spiritual music already influenced by Europe, manifested through the introduction of the four-voiced choir ensembles in religious ceremonies. But, despite these influences of the European secular and church music, that were mostly emphasized in Macedonia during the last quarter of the 19th century, the church singing on the territory of Macedonia - thanks to the deep roots of the church singing, and the numerous manuscripts and printed psalms created by Macedonian church music authors during the period of the National renaissance - preserved the spirit of St. Clement`s heritage until its division after the Balkan Wars and the World War I.

86

VI.

Church singing in Macedonia in the 20th century

The struggle of Macedonia people for national and social liberation and creation of own state, that started in the last quarter of the 19th and culminated with the Ilinden uprising at the beginning of the 20th century is delicate and of multy-layer nature: apart the fight against the Turkish governance, it was also against the chauvinistic propaganda of the neighbouring countries, that put obstacles to the Macedonian national movement with all forces and means. The fight against the expansionistic policy of the Bulgarian state and the Exarchate, as a carrier of the Bulgarian spiritual, cultural and educational propaganda in Macedonia was most sensitive and hard.1 The Ilinden uprising and the Ten days of the Krushevo republic – the most famous épopée in the history of Macedonian people was simultaneously the fatal omen of the dramatic events to follow: The Balkan wars (1912-13) and the World War I (1914-1918) that turned Macedonia into an arena of destruction of national treasures of the Macedonian people. Beside that, as an epilogue of calculating peace negotiations of the great European powers – instead of autonomy – at the end of these wars the tragic separation of the Macedonian people and its ethnical territory was sanctioned. Without their own state and church, during that period Macedonian people were under changing foreign political and religious governments. As with every partition of Macedonia, this time the policy of denationalization

1 Katarxiev, Ivan, Za Ilindenskoto vostanie i sto godini po nego, Prilozi za Ilinden IX. Nau~no-kulturni sredbi ‚Deset dena Kru{evska republika‛, Kru{evo, 2003. p. 9-20.

87 and assimilation of the Macedonian people and unscrupulous looting of their cultural inheritance continued. So, in the part that after the World War I was given to , and is mainly the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia, those aims began to be accomplished primarily through churches and schools. The politics of the newly created Yugoslav state, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was expressed by strict ban of use of the Macedonian language and printing of any publications in Macedonian1. was introduced in schools, and in churches traditional church singing was replaced by Serbian folk church singing, better known as Mokranjac singing. With it, numerous manuscripts and printed books containing church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition were put out of use. Until then, they had been abundantly used at the wider Macedonian church region and with time their usage became rare with weak knowledge of the neumatic musical script by the existing psalmists and spiritual actors.2 The Serbian church used to rule eparchies in the Vardar part of Macedonia up to the beginning of the World War Two, in 1941 when with the occupation by Bulgarians these eparchies fell under jurisdiction of the Bulgarian Exarchy. In that period Macedonian people commenced their fight for national freedom, and within those frames was the creation of the autocephalous Macedonian Orthodox Church. At the end of the World War Two, after the People’s liberation war, the Macedonian state Peoples Republic of Macedonia was established. Because of the social and political factors Serbian church singing remained in official use in Macedonia even after the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church. However, it should be mentioned that, the imposed church singing was not fully accepted by orthodox believers in Macedonia. Later research has shown that in some village churches, where the control of Serbian church government did not reach, the `old singing` has never been silenced. Thanks to the dedication of Macedonian psalmists church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition could be heard until the very end of the 20th century.

1 Istorija na makedonskiot narod, Makedonska kniga-Kultura-Misla -Na{a kniga, p. 218, Skopje, 1988. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p.115.

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Because of the system of its political establishment, everything of church and religious character was suppressed at the margins of the social living in the newly created Macedonian state. Having in view that most important representatives of older musical past were exclusively persons from the church living they could not easily and without resistance enter in regular educational procedures and be represented in the educational system. By the way, not a single line could be found in music schoolbooks of that period about the Eastern Church singing. That cultural heritage, being considered as solely church matter, was in the condition of ideological hibernation. European secular and spiritual music was taught in music educational institutions, and the national music was modestly present with mainly choral music by the first generation of musicians that were active during the thirties and the forties of the 20th century. Church music of Slavic- Byzantine tradition was not taught nor was qualified staff available. Carriers of the culture in the young Macedonian society were not able to see and understand the significance of those creations for the national culture. With the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in 1976, which coincided with the constitution of the Macedonian Academy of Science and Arts and the High Musical School (later Faculty for Musical Art) the first musicological researches of the church singing on the territory of the Republic of Macedonia started. Musicologists directed their growing interest towards the further past, and especially to the period of the Renaissance. As a result of those researches some until then unknown authors of church works were found, which opened a new, important chapter of the national music. Such findings contributed to raised interest of the Macedonian culture and scientific community for the church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition. Although the question of restoration of Macedonian church singing was posed also in the period before the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, in that period within the Yugoslav federation social and political conditions were not established to consider that question, as they penetrated sensitive inter-ethnical relations. Because of those reasons the Serbian church singing, so called Mokranjac singing continued to be practiced in Macedonian temples.

89

With the initiation of the democratic process in the Republic of Macedonia during the last decade of the 20th century, and the revival of monasticism in Macedonian monasteries, the church singing of Slavic- Byzantine tradition was effectuated again. The Macedonian Orthodox Church coordinated a number of activities in view of restoring the old church singing in Macedonian temples. That was officially confirmed by the decision of the Holly Archbishops’ Synod in 2003: in both educational institutions of the Macedonian Orthodox Church the subject theory and practice of the church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition was introduced. That school year (2003-2004) conditions for organized teaching were created for organisation of teaching church singing in the Macedonian Orthodox Seminary Sv. Kliment Ohridski, and in 2007, related to the 40-year jubilee of the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church and 30 years of establishment of the Orthodox Theological Faculty Sv. Kliment Ohridski the studies of church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition commenced in that institution. With those events and activities in the Republic of Macedonia the process of restoring old church singing was started. There is a growing number of churches were singing of Slavic-Byzantine traditions can be heard. There are also more and more psalmists that present this kind of singing joyfully and with greater skills, the singing that has been transmitted as testament by generations. With it, finally one more historical wrongdoing towards the orthodox Macedonian people has been corrected: instead of the Serbian church singing, that was forcefully imposed in the beginning of the 20th century, church singing of St. Clement’s traditions is being practiced now in orthodox temples.

90

Vtor del

PRETSTAVNICI NA CRKOVNOTO PEEWE VO (OD) MAKEDONIJA

91

92

I.

Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (ok. 1800-1887)

Podatocite za `ivotot i dejnosta na Dimitar Zlatanov se s#u{te mo{ne skudni. Vo literaturata od prerodbenskiot peri- od se sre}avaat malku podatoci za nego. Citiraj}i eden napis od solunskiot dopisnik na vesnikot Pravo od 1873 godina, bugar- skiot vizantolog od makedonsko poteklo Ivan Snegarov vo svo- jata kniga Solunъ vo bъlgarskata duhovna kultura, od 1937 god., go spomenuva i solunskiot protopsalt Dimitrij ‚Bulgara- ki‛.1 Zasega, toa e prvata pi{ana traga vo edna slovenska kniga za Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski. Prviot poop{iren tekst koj dosega pretstavuva{e i osnoven izvor na podatoci za site podoc- ne`ni navra}awa na bugarskite i na makedonskite muzikolozi na Gradoborski e statijata na Hristo [aldev - Dimitar Zlata- nov Gradobor~eto, objavena vo 1939 god. vo spisanieto Narodenъ Stra`ъ.2 Vo slednata 1940 godina, koristej}i go ovoj izvor, vo svojot U~ebnik po източno пeene, plovdivskiot u~itel Mir~o M. Bogoev dava osnovni podatoci za `ivotot i muzi~kata dejnost na Gradoborski.3 Dvaesetina godini podocna bugarskiot vizanto- log so poteklo od Makedonija Petar Dinev, ja napi{a studijata Pro~uтi cъrkovni пeвцi-bълgari vo koja soodveten prostor mu posvetuva i na Dimitar Zlatanov.4 Vo makedonskata muzi~ka nauka tekst za Gradoborski prv objavi muzikologot i kompozi-

1 Snegarovъ, I(van), Solunъ vo bъlgarskata duhovna kultura, Pridvorna pe~atnica, Sofiя, 1937. p. 85. 2 [aldevъ, Hristo, Dimitar Zlatanov Gradobor~eto, sp. Narodenъ Stra`ъ, br. 3, Sofiя, 1939. 3 Bogoevъ, M. Mir~o, U~ebnik op. cit. p. 101. 4 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi cъrkovni пeвцi-bълgari, s. Bълgarska muzika, br.1. Sofiя, 1963. p. 29-33.

93 tor Dragoslav Ortakov (1927-2007) vo spisanieto Makedonska muzika broj 3, vo 1981 godina. Istiot tekst avtorot go objavi i vo 2001 g. vo svojata kniga Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija .1 Ne se pobrojni i gr~kite izvori na podatoci za `ivotot i muzi~kata dejnost na Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski. Iako sta- nuva zbor za sosema kratki informacii, tie sodr`at va`ni poda- toci za Gradoborski, so koi donekade se rasvetluva negoviot `i- voten pat i muzi~kata dejnost. Najstar izvor pretstavuva knigata na carigradskiot istori~ar Georgios Papadopulos Prilozi kon istorijata na crkovnata muzika (Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an par# h2mi~n e3kklhsiastikh~j mousikh~j) od 1890 godina,2 koi go citiraat sovremenite gr~ki vizantolozi: Antonios E. Aligizakis,3 Olim- pija N. Tolika,4 i Georgios I. Hayiteodoros.5 So pronao|aaweto na negoviot muzi~ki zbornik na gr~ki ja- zik Prira~nik za psalt (#Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou), vo 2003 godina vo koj{to se nao|aat pove}e desetici negovi tvorbi, kako i adap- tirani, skrateni i tolkuvani kompozicii od drugi avtori,6 a vo slednata 2004 godina i pe~ateweto na del od zbornikot na Grado- borski so naslov Liturgija, prepeana na slovenski jazik od stra- na avtorot na knigava Jane Koxaba{ija, definitivno Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski se potvrdi kako eden od zna~ajnite pret- stavnici na isto~noto crkovno peewe od XIX vek.

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, s. Makedonska muzika / 3‚Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski‛, Skopje, 1981. p. 15. Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija Vorldbuk, Skopje, 2001. 2 Papado1pouloj, G., Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an par 3 h2mi~n e3kklhsiastikh~j mousikh~j, #En 3Aqh1naij, 1890, p. 486. 3 3Aligiza1ikhj, E. 3Antw1nioj, Melodh1mata a3skhsewn leitourgikh~j, Ekdo1seij: G. Dedou1sh, Qessaloni1kh, 1992. p. 33. 4 Tolika, N. Olumpia, Epitomo Egkuklopediko lexiko thj buzantinhj mouzikhj Eurwpai_ko kentro tecnhj, Aqh1na, 1993. 5 Catzhqeodw1rou, I. Gew1rgioj, Bibliografi1a th~j buzantinh~j e`kklhsiastikh~j mousikh~j, Per. A’ (1820-1899) Patriarciko`n i7druma paterikw~n meletw~n Qessaloni1kh, 1998. p. 177-178. 6 Boulgara1kh, Dhmh1trioj, 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou, tupogr. Makedoni1a, Qessaloni1kh, 1886.

94

Epizodi od negoviot `ivot

Dimitar Zlatanov e roden vo makedonskoto selo Gradobor (gr. Penta1lofoj), Solunsko, kon krajot na XVIII, ili na samiot po- ~etok na XIX vek. Osnovno obrazovanie na gr~ki jazik zavr{il vo svoeto rodno mesto. Od najrana vozrast zapo~nal da pee vo lokal- nata crkva, kade {to, blagodarenie na muzikalnosta i na neobi~- no ubaviot glas, odli~no go sovladal crkovnoto peewe. Podocna zaminal za Solun, kade bil pea~ vo crkvite Sv. Nikola, Sv. Ata- nas i vo Sv. Mina, koja{to eden podolg period bila poznata kako crkva na solunskite Makedonci. Vernicite se voshituvale od ne- goviot glas, a qubitelite na ubavoto peewe doa|ale od site stra- ni na gradot za da go slu{aat. Nabrgu stanal poznat i nadvor od Solun i ~esto bil kanet i vo drugi gradovi, da u~estvuva vo arhi- erejski crkovni slu`bi. Negovata slava na golem psalt se pro- {irila na po{irokiot balkanski prostor.1 Svesen za svoite nesekojdnevni muzi~ki i glasovni poten- cijali, Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski zapo~nal i samiot da si pi{uva muzi~ki tvorbi, vo koi{to }e mo`at da dojdat do izraz neobi~no golemiot dijapazon na negoviot glas i ubavite tonovi vo visokiot registar. No, nabrgu uvidel deka za toa mu se potre- bni po{iroki teoretski znaewa. Spored nekoi podatoci, svoeto muzi~ko obrazovanie Dimitar Zlatanov }e go prodol`i vo Cari- grad, najgolemiot centar na isto~noto crkovno peewe. Spored Olimpija N. Tolika, gr~ka pisatelka i vizantolog, Dimitrios Vulgarakis (imeto pod koe{to e poznat Dimitar Zla- tanov - Gradoborski vo gr~kata istoriografija i vo isto~nata crkovna muzika) bil u~enik na trojcata u~iteli - Hrisant, Gri- gorij i Hurmuzij, tvorcite na noviot sistem na isto~noto crkov- no peewe.2 Poa|aj}i od ovoj podatok, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka Vulgarakis (Dimitar Zlatanov) isto~no crkovno peewe u~el vo

1 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi cъrkovni пeвцi-bълgari, s. Bълgarska muzika, br.1. Sofiя, 1963. p. 29-33. 2 Tolika, N. Olumpia, Epitomo Egkuklopediko lexiko … op. cit.

95

Patrijar{iskoto u~ili{te vo Carigrad, vo periodot pome|u 1815, koga e formirano, i 1821 godina,1 koga, zaradi vostanieto vo Grcija protiv turskoto ropstvo, prekinalo so rabota. Vo ova u~ili{te, koe bilo najpresti`no vo celiot isto~nopravoslaven svet, Vulgarakis muzi~ka teorija u~el kaj Hrisanta, dodeka prak- tikata na isto~noto crkovno peewe ja usovr{uval kaj Grigorija i Hurmuzija. Po koj pat prodol`il `ivotot na Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) po zavr{uvaweto na Patrijar{iskoto u~ili{te vo Carigrad? Mo`e samo da se pretpostavi, deka mladiot psalt so dooformeni muzi~ki studii kaj trojcata u~iteli - Hrisant, Grigorij i Hurmuzij, sekako deka imal hrabrost i odva`nost da go izbere maestralniot pat, koj vodel do najgolemite metropoli na crkovnata umetnost od vizantiskata tradicija. Eden od centrite za koj{to }e ostane svrzan vo tekot na celiot svoj `ivot e Solun.

Predanija

Postoi predanie, spored koe, slavata na Dimitar Zlatanov (Vulgarakis) kako golem psalt se pronesla niz celata Otomanska Imperija. Nekoj smirnenski psalt naro~no do{ol vo Solun za da go slu{ne. Otkako gi prosledil voskresnata ve~erna, utrenata i sv. liturgija, toj mu predlo`il na Vulgarakisa (Gradoborski) na negov tro{ok zaedno da zaminat za Smirna, za da se natprevaruva so drugi istaknati psalti. Gradoborski go prifatil ovoj prediz- vik. Katedralnata crkva vo Smirna ne mo`ela da go sobere siot narod, koj{to do{ol da go slu{ne slavniot psalt. Voodu{evenite slu{ateli ostanaa bez zdiv od zvu~nosta i od prijatnata boja na negoviot glas, kako i od neobi~no visokite tonovi, kakvi {to nitu eden od drugite peja~i ne mo`el da ispee. Dimitar Zlatanov peel i vo drugi smirnenski crkvi, nasekade `neej}i samo uspesi, zaradi {to bil i bogato daruvan.

1 Blagodarenie na ovoj podatok mo`e da se odredi deka vo periodot od 1815 do 1821 godina, koga bil u~enik na Patrijar{iskoto u~ili{te, Dimitar Zlatanov imal najmalku 15 godini, odnosno deka e roden pred 1805 god.

96

Spored drugo predanie Vulgarakis i smirnenskiot psalt od Smirna zaedno zaminale za Atina, za da go poka`e i tamu svo- eto majstorstvo. Spored predanieto, vo ovoj grad `iveela nekoja `ena, koja{to se proslavila so svoite ubavi izvedbi na crkovni pesnopenija. Za da se poka`at glasovnite kvaliteti i neverojatno visokite tonovi so koi{to raspolagal Vulgarakis (Gradoborski), bil organiziran natprevar so atinskata pevica. Napregaj}i se da dostigne nekoi, duri i za nego visoki tonovi, do{lo do izlevawe krv od grloto na golemiot psalt. No, ovoj neprijaten slu~aj ne ostavil posledici po negovata kariera. Po kuso lekuvawe, glasot napolno mu se vozobnovil i slavniot protopsalt mo`el povtorno da zastane na crkovnata pevnica.1 Ovie predanija za slavniot Vulgarakis mo{ne ~esto se sre- }avaat vo pisanijata za nego i sekoga{ so ponekoi novi detali, a neretko i vo razli~ni varijanti.2 No, site tie napisi imaat ne{to zaedni~ko: govorat za golem psalt so fenomenalni glasov- ni mo`nosti, so raspon na glasot od celi tri oktavi, za nenad- minat pea~ ~ija{to slava se pronesla niz celata Imperija itn. Od sevo ova mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka Gradoborski nesomneno bil golem psalt, koj{to so svoeto peewe gi voodu{evuval vernicite vo golem broj hramovi na po{irokiot balkanski prostor.

Solunskata pea~ka {kola

Procesot na vra}awe na slovenskiot jazik vo crkovnata bo- goslu`ba na teritorijata na Makedonija, zapo~nat kon sredinata na XIX vek najdobro e vidliv preku `ivotot i muzi~kata dejnost na Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski. ^uvstvuvaj}i go otporot vo narodot sprema gr~kiot jazik vo slovenskite crkvi i u~ili{tata, kako i sprema dolgotrajnoto duhovno ropstvo i asimilatorskata politika na Carigradskata patrijar{ija, vo periodot me|u 1840 i 1860 godina, koga se nao|al vo zenitot na slavata, Gradoborski svojata muzi~ka dejnost ja prodol`il i na slovenski jazik.

1 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi … op. cit. p. 30-31. 2 Bogoevъ, M. Mir~o, U~ebnik op. cit. p. 101.

97

So cel da go pottikne i zabrza ovoj proces na vra}awe na crkovno-slovenskiot jazik vo bogoslu`bata, toj zapo~nal da gi preveduva na slovenski jazik svoite mnogubrojni crkovni tvorbi, otporano sozdadeni na gr~ki jazik. Za istata cel, toj sobral oko- lu sebe mladi crkovni pea~i od slovensko poteklo i zapo~nal da gi u~i isto~no-pravoslavno peewe na slovenski jazik. So toa se postaveni temelite na Solunskata pea~ka {kola, od koja{to }e proizlezat brojni odli~no podgotveni psalti i nositeli na na- cionalna prerodba. Eden od u~enicite na Gradoborski e Hristo pop Mitrev, dolgogodi{en psalt na starata crkva vo Gumenxe, koj{to prv za- po~nal da gi pee negovite kompozicii vo prevod na crkovnoslo- venski jazik. Podocna na pop Mitrev mu se pridru`ija i nekoi drugi u~enici na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski, koi prodol`i- ja da gi preveduvat i ispolnuvaat tvorbite na svojot omilen u~i- tel. Vo vrska so ovie aktivnosti se spomenuvaat i bra}ata Petar i Ivan Dimitrovi od solunskoto selo Zerovo (gr. Niko1polh, epar- hija Lagkada1), poznati kako dolgogodi{ni psalti vo katedral- nata crkva Sv. Nedela vo Sofija.1 Me|u u~enicite na Gradoborski od gr~ka proveniencija, se spomenuvaat Dimitrios Papadopulos, roden vo Solun, koj{to e poznat po toa {to me|u prvite vo Grcija napi{al crkovni kompo- zicii so evropskata notacija i Teoharis Hrist. Jerojanis, poznat kako Lekarot od Atina (gr.I3atrou~ #Aqhnw~n), inaku, golem protiv- nik na voveduvaweto na horski ansambli od evropskiot vid vo atinskite crkvi.2 Vo zbornikot na Dimitar Zlatanov T. Jerojanis e zastapen so tri crkovni kompozicii. Pop Petar Dimitrov od seloto Zerovo se spomenuva i kako biv{ gr~ki sve{tenik vo Ser, koj{to vo periodot neposredno po formiraweto na Egzarhijata, stanal centralna figura vo prerod- benskite procesi na Solunskata op{tina.3 Bez ogled na toa, dali

1 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi…op. cit. p. 30-31. 2 So1malhj, M. Panagio1thj, Dhmh1trioj Boulgara1khj (statija vo rakopis) 3 Snegarovъ, Iv(an), Solunъ vo … op. cit. p. 85.

98 stanuva zbor za istata li~nost, koja{to pogore e spomenata kako u~enik na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski, vo vrska so ovoj pop Petar, bugarskiot vizantolog Ivan Snegarov vo svojata kniga Solunъ vo bъlgarskata duhovna kultura, od 1937 god. go spomenu- va i solunskiot protopsalt Dimitrij ‚Bulgaraki‛. Imeno, po povod proslavata na denot na Sv. Kiril i Metodij, na 11 maj 1873 godina vo Solun, dvajcata zaedno peele utrena slu`ba na sloven- ski jazik i crkovnite zidovi odeknuvale od nivnoto nepovtorli- vo peewe.1 Nema somnenie deka Solunskiot protopsalt, koj{to go spomnuva Ivan Snegarov e Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski. Zasega, toa e prvata informacija vo edna slovenska kniga za ne- govata muzi~ka dejnost. Nekoga{nite u~enici na Gradoborski: Hristo pop Mitrev, bra}ata Petar i Ivan Dimitrovi i redica drugi, na pragot na 70- tite godini se ve}e glavni nositeli na prerodbenskite aktivnos- ti vo Solun, Gumenxe i vo drugi gradovi od egejskiot del na Make- donija. Od ova mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka Dimitar Zlatanov na svo- ite u~enici ne im go prenesuval samo muzi~koto znaewe i ve{ti- nata na psaltikiskoto peewe, tuku go pottiknuval i nivnoto na- cionalno osoznavawe.

Muzi~koto tvore{tvo na slovenski jazik

Za muzi~koto tvore{tvo na Gradoborski, koe{to samiot toj i negovite u~enici go preveduvale od gr~ki na crkovno-slovenski jazik, nema soznanija deka bilo pe~ateno. Najverojatno, toa se prenesuvalo od edna generacija psalti na druga po pat na razni prepisi, naj~esto i bez oznaka za imeto na avtorot ili na pre- veduva~ot. Vo prilog na ova govori pronajdenata kompozicija O tebe raduetsja na VIII glas od Sinesij Ivirit (gr~ki psalt i kompo- zitor od XVIII-XIX vek) vo Stojakovo, napi{ana na praznite stra- nici na krajot od zbornikot Liturgija na Kalistrat Zografski i

1 Snegarovъ, Iv(an), Solunъ vo … ibidem. p. 88.

99 na monasite na svetogorskiot manastir Sv. Jovan Zograf (pe~aten vo Solun, vo 1905 godina). Na po~etokot e zapi{ano deka tvorbata od gr~ki na slovenski jazik e prevedena od Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski. Vo ovoj prepis ima odredeni muzi~ko-ortografski nedoslednosti i nekoi nesovpa|awa na muzi~kite so tekstualnite akcenti, koi verojatno, nastanale pri ~estoto prepi{uvawe na tvorbata od strana na psaltite. Ova otkritie e od izvonredna va`nost, bidej}i ja potvrduva tezata, deka Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski svoite crkovni tvorbi na gr~ki liturgiski tekstovi, kako i onie od drugite avtori, gi preveduval i peel na slovenski jazik. S# do pronao|aweto na rakopisniot Psaltikiski voskres- nik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (1876-1950) od Kratovo, vo 1978 g.,1 edinstvenata poznata tvorba na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski be{e Dostojno est na osmi glas, koja{to se nao|a vo zbornikot Liturgija od spomenatata antologija Isto~no crkovno peewe na Kalistrat Zografski i na monasite od Zografskiot manastir. Vo rakopisot na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev se nao|a u{te edna kompozicija na Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski: Veliko slavoslo- vie na {esto-sedmi glas.2 Zasega ostanuva nepoznato, dali ovaa kompozicija prvobitno e napi{ana na gr~ki jazik, a podocna prevedena na slovenski od nejziniot avtor Gradoborski, ili e komponirana na slovenski jazik. Ne e isklu~eno, prevodot na ovaa tvorba od gr~ki na slovenski jazik da go napravil i Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev. Vo ovie dve kompozicii na Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski, kako i vo brojnite drugi otkrieni vo ponovo vreme, nao|ame svoe- vidna potvrda za ona {to go zabele`al Hristo [aldev, deka ima mesta koi od aspekt na izvedbata im sozdavale te{kotii i na najiskusnite psalti.3

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika / 2, Nekolku novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od Makedonija, Skopje, 1979. p. 51. 2 Bojaxiev, Ivanov, Vasil, Psaltikien voskresnik, M. IV 1862 (kopija). Narodna i univerzitetska biblioteka ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje. p. 295. 3 [aldevъ, Hristo, Dimitar Zlatanov … op. cit. Sofiя, 1939.

100

Muzi~kiot zbornik

So pronao|aweto na eden o{teten i necelosen pe~aten zbor- nik na Dimitrios Vulgaraki (Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski), vo 2003 godina, vo koj{to se nao|aat pove}e desetici negovi kom- pozicii na gr~ki jazik i adaptirani i tolkuvani tvorbi od drugi avtori,1 egzoteri~no-romanti~kite predanija za nenadminatiot psalt se preto~ija vo fakt za negovoto nedvosmisleno umetni~ko postoewe. So ova otkritie, se potvrdija i pretpostavkite na ma- kedonskite i na bugarskite muzikolozi-vizantolozi za obemot i karakterot na negovoto tvore{tvo. Osven toa, izlegoa na vide- lina i okolnostite, pod koi{to Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) is~ez- na od vizantiskata crkovna muzika. Potragata po zbornikot na Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, zapo~na so otkrivaweto na dvete kratki informacii vo knigite na ve}e spomenatite gr~ki vizantolozi Antonios E. Aligizakis i Georgios I. Hayiteodoros, spored koi, zbornikot na Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski) nosi naslov ‚Pri- ra~nik za psalt‛ ( 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou) i deka sodr`i redo- sled na crkovnata slu`ba preku celata godina: za ve~erna, utrena i liturgija. Prvoto izdanie na Prira~nikot za psalt e finan- siran od N. Vikopulos i kompanija. Spored ovie dva izvora, zbor- nikot e pe~aten so odobrenie na Sovetot za prosveta, vo pe~at- nicata Makedonija, vo Solun, vo 1886 godina. Vo svojot trud, Hayiteodoros go iznesuva i podatokot, deka vo zbornikot se sobrani dotoga{ neobjaveni kompozicii od Di- mitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski). Toj dava i kratok opis na glavnite delovi na Prira~nikot za psalt, spored koj, knigata ima 798 muzi~ki stranici i 30-tina koi sodr`at razni tekstualni prilozi. Na po~etokot ima posveta na toga{niot mitropolit na Solun, vladikata Grigorios Kalidis i predgovor. Od strana 1 do 196 se nao|aat napevite za ve~ernata, od 197 - 488 za utrenata i od 489 - 792 e redosledot na liturgijata. Na krajot na zbornikot,

1 Boulgara1kij, Dhmh1trioj, #Egko1lpion ….op. cit. Qessaloni1kh, 1886.

101 od stranata 805 - 820 se nao|a i spisokot na pretplatnici i spoma- gateli. Vo zabele{kata, koja{to Hayiteodoros ja dava na krajot od ovaa informacija, stoi, deka zbornikot na Vulgarakis ne bil odobren od Carigradskata patrijar{ija. Po toj povod, na solun- skiot mitropolit Grigorios Kalidis mu bilo nalo`eno da preze- me s# {to e neophodno za otstranuvawe na knigata, odnosno, za spre~uvawe na nejzinata upotreba vo crkvite i u~ili{tata.1 Na vladikata Kalidis ova, sekako, ne mu se dopadnalo, bidej}i svojot zbornik Gradoborski mu go posvetil nemu, kako na ~ovek koj{to iskreno go saka i za{tituva isto~noto crkovno peewe.2 Antonios E. Aligizakis, gi potvrduva podatocite za zabra- nata na Prira~nikot za psalt, kako i toa deka toj sodr`i mnogu- brojni tvorbi od Dimitrios Vulgaraki (Dimitar Zlatanov – Gra- doborski). Kako pri~ina za zabranata na ovoj crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik od strana na Patrijar{ijata, Aligizakis go naveduva ka- rakterot na tie kompozicii: nekoga{ evropski, nekoga{ vo sti- lot na arapsko-persiskite makami,3 kako {to navodno si go pretstavuval i samiot avtor – Vulgarakis.4 Pritoa, ne naveduva, dali e toa oficijalnoto obrazlo`enie na Patrijar{ijata ili e negov li~en stav. No, i vo dvata slu~ai, toa zna~i, deka muzi~koto tvore{tvo na Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Dimitar Zlatanov) ne e vo duhot na vizantiskata tradicija, odnosno, deka toa crkovno peewe ne e gr~ko. Site ovie informacii od knigite na Aligizakis i Hayite- odoros se izvonredno va`ni, bidej}i sodr`at podatoci za `ivo- tot i muzi~kata dejnost na Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Dimitar Zla- tanov – Gradoborski). Osven podatokot deka e zabranet zbornikot na Vulgarakis (Gradoborski), Hasiteodoros go naveduva i tekstot na nalogot za negovata zabrana, koj{to po toj povod mu e vra~en na solunskiot mitropolit od strana na Patrijar{ijata, a Aligiza-

1 Catzhqeodw1rou, I. Gew1rgioj, Bibliografi1a … op. cit. p. 177-178. 2 Somalhj, M. Panagiothj, Dhmhtrioj Boulgarakhj … op. cit. 3 Na semanti~ki plan makam korespondira so glas od isto~noto crkovno peewe. i so harmonija i tonos (kaj Starite Grci). 4 3Aligiza1ikhj, E. 3Antw1nioj, Melodh1mata … op. cit. p. 33.

102 kis, kako {to e navedeno pogore, gi iznesuva i pri~inite za taa zabrana. O~igledno e deka, dvajcata gr~ki vizantolozi koristat ist izvor, no, ne e isklu~eno, sekoj od niv da koristi i nekoj drug, dopolnitelen izvor, koj{to ne go naveduvaat. Vtoriot va`en moment vo informaciite na dvajcata gr~ki vizantolozi se odnesuva na tvorbite na Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) zastapeni vo negoviot zbornik Prira~nik za psalt. Dodeka A. Aligizakis samo konstatira deka zbornikot sodr`i brojni tvor- bi od Vulgarakis (Gradoborski), Hayiteodoros e poodreden i veli, deka vo zbornikot se sobrani dotoga{ neobjaveni tvorbi od Di- mitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski). Ova naveduva na zaklu~ok, de- ka pokraj ovie tvorbi, koi{to za prvpat se objavuvaat vo Prira~- nikot za psalt, postojat i drugi, porano objaveni vo nekoi drugi zbornici na Vulgarakis. Vnimanie zaslu`uva i podatokot, koj{to vo svojata kniga go naveduva Hayiteodoros, spored koj, na samiot kraj na zbornikot, e prilo`en katalog na pretplatnici i spomagateli od 15 stranici, {to e nevoobi~aeno mnogu. Ova nedvosmisleno govori vo prilog na toa, deka zbornikot na Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) pobudil ogromno interesirawe me|u crkovnite lu|e i deka neko- ga{niot golem protopsalt s#u{te ne bil zaboraven. Vo kontekst na nevoobi~aeno golemiot broj na pretplatnici i spomagateli za zbornikot na Vulgarakis, treba da se ka`e, deka ovaa preobemna psaltikiska kniga, koja{to go sodr`i redosledot na crkovnata slu`ba preku celata godina: za ve~erna, utrena i liturgija i ima 830 stranici, sekako, deka ne bila eftina. Na prv pogled, se ~ini deka Vulgarakis (Dimitar Zlatanov), so prihodot od proda`bata na ovaa kniga mo`el da razre{i nekoi materijalni problemi, koi{to ~esto gi pridru`uvaat ostarenite psalti, a {to bi mo`elo da bide i osnovnata pri~ina za izdava- weto na zbornikot na gr~ki jazik. No, po s# izgleda, deka ne e taka. Golemiot broj pretplatnici i spomagateli, sekako deka ne mo`ele da bidat obezbedeni od ostareniot psalt, koj{to vo ovoj period ima preku 80 godini, tuku od finansierot N. Vikopulos i

103 kompanija. Ne e te{ko da se pretpostavi, deka Dimitar Zlatanov mo`ebi dobil nekoj pau{alen avtorski nadomestok pred pe~ate- weto na Prira~nikot za psalt, dodeka celiot profit od izda- nieto bi mu ostanal za finansierot. O~igledno e, deka N. Vikopulos i kompanija gi obezbedile site pretpostavki, zbornikot na Vulgaraki da donese dobar pri- hod. Za taa cel, pokraj dozvolata za pe~atewe od Sovetot za pro- sveta, ne pomalku e va`na i posvetata na Prira~nikot za psalt na solunskiot mitropolit Kalidis, sekako so negova soglasnost. Po s# izgleda, deka izdavaweto na zbornikot na Dimitrios Vul- garakis (Dimitar Zlatanov) pobudil golemo interesirawe ne sa- mo me|u psaltite i crkovnite lu|e vo solunskata mitropolija, tuku i po{iroko. Ova ve}e mo`elo da gi zagrozi interesite na nekoi izdava~i i avtori od krugovite bliski na Patrijar{ijata. Od strav knigata na Vulgarakis da ne se nametne poseriozno vo crkvite i vo u~ili{tata na po{irokiot pravoslaven prostor, od strana na Carigradskata patrijar{ijata donesena e odluka za nej- zinoto zabranuvawe.

Trojcata anatemisani

Od ona {to dosega e ka`ano, stanuva jasno, deka vistinskata pri~ina za neprifa}aweto na negoviot zbornik od strana na Pa- trijar{ijata ne se stilskite karakteristiki na negovoto tvore{- tvoto, tuku voodu{evenoto opredeluvawe na golemiot protopsalt za frontot na slovenskata prerodba i vr{eweto na crkovno- muzi~kata dejnost na slovenski jazik i na makedonski naroden govor. Carigradskata patrijar{ija nikoga{ nema da mu go prosti ovoj ‚grev‛ na ‚odmetnikot‛ Vulgarakis (Gradoborski). Pove}e od verojatno e, deka zabranata na ovaa kniga, neposredno po nejzino- to pe~atewe vo 1886 godina, e samo posledica na otporano frlena- ta anatema vrz nejziniot avtor. Koga stanuva zbor za anatemite, ne e nebitno da se ka`e, de- ka vo XIX vek Patrijar{ijata zabranila tri psaltikii. Pokraj spomenatiot zbornik na Dimitrios Vulgaraki (Gradoborski), za-

104 braneti se i knigite na Nikolaos Georgios od Kavala, isto taka u~enik na trojcata u~iteli, protopsalt vo soborniot hram ‚Sv. Fotini‛ vo Smirna, poznat avtor na crkovni kompozicii, koj vo slovenskite psaltikii se javuva kako Nikola Protopsalt Smir- nenski (po s# izgleda, istiot smirnenski psalt, koj go pokanil Vulgarakisa da pee vo Smirna i vo Atina) i na Simonos Avajanos, kompozitor, za koj vo ovoj moment se znae samo toa, deka e roden na ostrovot Lezbos i deka vo 1885 godina bil protopsalt na sobor- niot hram vo Atina. Postojat indikacii za me|usebnata povrzanost na ovie troj- ca psalti i kompozitori. Za Vulgarakis i za Nikola Protopsalt Smirnenski se znae deka bile u~enici na trojcata u~iteli, a ne e isklu~eno toa da bil i Simonos Avajanos, bidej}i & pripa|aat na istata generacija psalti. Sekako ne e slu~ajno i toa, {to vo svojot zbornik D. Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) stavil pogolem broj kompozicii od Smirnenski i Avajanos i pokraj toa, {to znael deka se zabraneti. Bezdrugo, i ovaa negova postapka Patrijar{i- jata ja protolkuvala kako provokacija i izraz na nepo~ituvawe na nejzinite odluki. O~igledno e, deka Vulgarakis sakal vo svojata posledna kniga - Prira~nikot za psalt, pokraj svoite tvorbi, da gi ima i tvorbite na svoite stari dobri prijateli, so koi, osven istite muzi~ki gledi{ta, go povrzala i samata sudbina: Vulga- rakis (Gradoborski) i Nikola Protopsalt Smirnenski umiraat istata 1887 godina. Imaj}i gi predvid ovie okolnosti, se nametnuva zaklu~okot deka u~enicite na trojcata u~iteli i nivnite istomislenici, kako pretstavnici na novoto vreme, bile protivnici na strogiot tradicionalizam vo Isto~nata crkva. Ednostavno, tie ne sakale da ja prifatat ulogata na pasivni prosleduva~i i metafrasti na isto~noto crkovno peewe, tuku na negovi aktivni sozdava~i. No- viot sistem, koj{to go promoviraa nivnite legendarni u~iteli Hrisant, Grigorij i Hurmuzij, ne go razbiraat kako kolekcija od gramati~ki pravila za novata hrisantova notacija, tuku kako otvoren horizont za novi idei i tvore~ki odnos kon crkovnata

105 muzika od vizantiskata tradicija. So takvite nivni gledi{ta na crkovnata muzika, sudirot na ovaa reformatorski orientirana generacija na psalti i muzi~ki tvorci so Patrijar{ijata bil neminoven. So tekot na vremeto, zabranata od psaltikiite na Nikola Protopsalt Smirnenski i Simonos Avajanos, postepeno i so pre- mol~uvawe e simnata i na nivnata upotreba vo sekojdnevnata cr- kovna praktika ve}e ne se gledalo tolku strogo. No, zabranata od zbornikot na Gradoborski nikoga{ ne e simnata. Od 1886 godina, koga e izdaden Prira~nikot za psalt, pa, s# do deneska, od strana na gr~kite vizantolozi, vo nekolku navrati }e bidat izneseni samo kusi informacii za zabranetiot zbornik i za negoviot av- tor. Na toj na~in, Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) ostana edinstveniot zabranet tvorec vo Isto~nata crkva. So toa, ve}e definitivno stanuva jasno, koja e vistinskata pri~ina za zabranata na negoviot muzi~ki zbornik.

Muzi~kiot jazik na Gradoborski

Kako {to e istaknato ponapred, vo prvata polovina na XIX vek Dimitar Zlatanov komponiral crkovni tvorbi i peel isklu- ~ivo na gr~ki jazik. Vo vtorata polovina na istiot vek, kako rezultat na nacionalnoto osoznavawe, zapo~nal da preveduva svoi gr~ki tvorbi, a mo`ebi i da sozdava novi na slovenski jazik. No, vo celiot ovoj preoden, a verojatno i vo podocne`niot period, Gradoborski ne peel samo na slovenski jazik. Vo Solun (kade{to uslovi za bogoslu`ewe na crkovno-slovenski jazik se sozdadeni duri na pragot na sedumdesetite godini),1 kako i vo drugite gra- dovi, pred svoite mnogubrojni po~ituva~i, Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski prete`no peel na gr~ki jazik. Vo toj period toa bi- lo slu~aj i so drugite poznati psalti, kako od slovenska, taka i od romanska proveniencija, koi{to bivale pokanuvani da peat vo gr~kite pravoslavni hramovi.

1 Snegarovъ, Iv(an), Solunъ vo … op. cit. p. 82.

106

Ottuka, stavot na nekoi vizantolozi, deka vo vtoriot del od karierata Gradoborski, prodol`il da pee isklu~ivo na crkovno- slovenski jazik i deka, za taa cel, zna~itelno go promenil i svo- jot stil na komponirawe i peewe, se bez osnova. Vo razjasnuvawe- to na ovaa dilema, treba da se naglasi, deka univerzalniot karak- ter na isto~no-pravoslavnoto peewe vo najgolema mera proizle- guva od muzi~kite skali zastapeni vo osmoglasnikot na sv. Jovan Damaskin, a vo pomala od jazikot na koj se pee. Ottuka, koga golemiot psalt po~nal da komponira i da pee tvorbi i na sloven- ski jazik, nitu imal potreba, nitu, pak, bilo mo`no ne{to bitno da menuva vo svojot ve}e izgraden i prepoznatliv stil vo duhot na isto~no-pravoslavnata muzi~ka tradicija. Ova, dotolku pove}e, {to Gradoborski toa go pravi kako ve}e oformena li~nost, vo periodot koga imal dostignato tvore~ka i interpretatorska zre- lost vo psaltikiskata umetnost. Ona {to edinstveno sakal i mo- `el da go napravi e, vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba, povtorno da se vospostavi jazikot na sv-te Kliment i Naum. Sakal, - bidej}i ~uvstvuval dolg sprema svojot slovenski rod, i mo`el, - bidej}i bil golem psalt, muzi~ki tvorec i avtoritativna li~nost so presudno vlijanie vrz nastanite vo periodot na Prerodbata. Koga stanuva zbor za preveduvaweto na crkovni napevi od vizantiskata tradicija od eden jazik na drug, ne mo`e sosema da se prenebregne faktot, deka jazikot do izvesen stepen ima vlijanie vrz artikulacijata na nekoi melodiski segmenti, no, toa nema presudno zna~ewe za op{tiot karakter na melodijata. Se razbira, soobrazuvaj}i gi melodiskite linii od pesnopenijata, koi{to prvobitno se napi{ani na gr~ki jazik, na soodvetnite kanonski crkovno-slovenski tekstovi, osobeno onie koi{to se ispolnuvaat vo pobrzo tempo (irmolo{kite), neophodni se odredeni interven- cii vo melodijata (nejzino prodol`uvawe ili skratuvawe). No, i na ovoj na~in dobieni, ‚prekroenite‛ melodii ostanuvaat vo du- hot na vizantiskata tradicija. Ova dotolku pove}e, {to ovie dej- stvija gi sintetizira edna li~nost: Vulgarakis (Gradoborski), ka-

107 ko avtor na originalnata tvorba na gr~ki jazik, na slovenskiot prevod i niven simultan interpretator. [to se odnesuva do samoto muzi~ko tvore{tvo na Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, barem do ona {to dosega be{e poznato i delot koj{to se nao|a vo negoviot neodamna otkrien Prira~nik za psalt, vo nikoj slu~aj ne mo`e da se ka`e, deka toa e sozdavano pod vlijanie na evropskata muzika ili na arapsko-persiskite makami. Navistina, toj vo svoite kompozicii vnesuva nekoi nevo- obi~aeni i poslobodni meloritmi~ki strukturi, no, ne so cel da go promeni duhot na crkovnoto peewe od vizantiskata tradicija, tuku, sprotivnoto: da go razotkrie i reafirmira negoviot neu- ni{tiv univerzalen karakter. Vo ovoj kontekst, interesno e misleweto na Konstantin Sakelaridis, atinski psalt od XIX vek, koj reagiraj}i na evro- peiziranoto crkovno-muzi~ko tvore{tvo na negoviot sovremenik Joanis Sakelaridis (prezimeto slu~ajno im se sovpa|a), vo svojot napis od 1888 godina, go spomenuva i Vulgarakisa (Gradoborski), za kogo veli deka bil dobar kompozitor, no, vo negoviot muzi~ki zbornik ima i nekoi kompozicii vo posloboden stil. Govorej}i za crkovnite tvorbi na Joanis Sakelaridis (napevi vo duhot na gr~kata religiozno-folklorna tradicija, harmonizirani za dvo- glasen ili triglasen hor vo duhot na evropskata muzika), atin- skiot psalt dodava, deka, ako Patrijar{ijata bila tolku stroga sprema kompoziciite na Vulgarakis, toga{ Atinskata arhiepis- kopija morala da bide postroga so Joanis Sakelaridis.1 Od ova mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka zabranata na Prira~nikot za psalt od Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski) ne ostanala bez soodvetni odglasi vo po{irokata gr~ka javnost. Reakcijata na atinskiot psalt Konstantin Sakelaridis, poka`uva deka zabra- netiot Vulgarakis ne ostanal samo ‚solunski slu~aj,‛ tuku pre- rasnal vo nastan od po{iroki razmeri, koj{to go podelil i javno- to mnenie. Se razbira, komentarite okolu zabranata na zbornik- ot na Gradoborski naj~esto ja sledele linijata na oficijalniot

1 Papado1pouloj, G., Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an... op. cit. p. 486.

108 patrijar{iski stav, a toa e: tu|iot karakter na negovoto muzi~ko tvore{tvo. Iako deneska vo Grcija e poznata zadninata na ovaa zabrana, verojatno od strav, ili od la`en patriotizam, retko koj gi ka`uva glasno vistinskite pri~ini za frlenata anatema vrz Vulgarakis (Gradoborski). [to se odnesuva do kompoziciite na koi im staval oznaki: evropski (eu`rwpai_ko1n), sozunak (sozouna1k), buselik (mpouseli1k), axem (a3tze1m) i sl., so toa Gradoborski samo go ozna~uva (odreduva) vidot na skalata vo koja{to se pee napevot, odnosno, karakteris- ti~nite alteracii na poedini nejzini stapala. No, so postavuva- weto na oznakata ‚evropski‛ nad edno Dostojno est na osmiot glas vo svojot zbornik, Gradoborski kako da sakal da go odbele`i ‚novoto vreme‛ i nadoa|aweto na branot na evropskata romanti- ~arska muzika. Ovaa tvorba treba da se razbere kako kultiviran gest sprema umetnosta na modernata evropska civilizacija, i du- hovit obid da se vospostavi odredena relacija so nea. Kako eden od najobrazovanite psalti na svoeto vreme, Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski, sekako, deka imal poznavawa i od evropskata muzi- ka. Dobro gi znael osnovnite karakteristiki na isto~nata i na zapadnata muzika i imal oset za kriti~nata granica do koja{to tie mo`at da se dobli`at. Vo spomenatoto ‚evropsko‛ Dostojno est na osmi glas, Vul- garakis (Gradoborski) vo dva navrati upotrebuva sni`eno VI-to stapalo, koe{to e pove}e karakteristi~no za evropskata durska melodija (molska subdominanta), no, toa ne & e tu|o i na vizan- tiskata muzika. Vo ovoj slu~aj, oznakata ‚evropski‛ e upotrebena kako sinkreti~ka formula za osmi glas i za evropskata Ce-dur skala, koja{to ne go odreduva nitu karakterot na crkovnata tvor- ba nad koja{to e postavena, nitu na~inot na nejzinata izvedba. Duri, bi mo`elo da se ka`e, deka voveduvaweto na oznakata ‚evropski‛ pretstavuva zbogatuvawe na muzi~kata terminologija na isto~nata crkovna muzika od strana na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski. Spored sovremeniot gr~ki protopsalt Panajotis M. Somalis, vo periodot na nezapirlivoto {irewe na evropskata

109 muzika, vakvite kompromisi se pravele so cel da se bide vo trend, a so toa da se privle~at pove}e pravoslavni vernici na crkovnite bogoslu`bi.1 A, {to se odnesuva do drugite navedeni oznaki, od koi{to nekoi imaat arapsko-persiski etimon, vo teorijata na crkovnata muzika od vizantiskata tradicija so niv se ozna~uva transponi- raweto na edna melodija od dijatonska vo enharmonska. Vo isto~- nata crkovna muzika oznakite kako {to se axem, sozunak, buselik i sl., iako poretko, se upotrebuvaat i deneska so istoto zna~ewe, koe {to go imaat i vo muzi~kiot zbornik na Gradoborski.

Zaklu~ok

I pokraj ovie novi soznanija do koi{to dojde muzi~kata na- uka, `ivotot i deloto na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski i pona- tamu ostanuvaat nedovolno razjasneti. Na vizantolozite im pres- tojat novi istra`uva~ki napori za rasvetluvawe i na ulogata na ovoj golem pretstavnik na isto~noto crkovno peewe vo procesot na nacionalnoto osoznavawe na makedonskiot narod. Dotoga{ }e ostanat otvoreni cela niza pra{awa, na koi{to vo ovoj moment ne mo`e da se dadat zadovolitelni odgovori: - Koi se vistinskite motivi na Dimitar Zlatanov, pred kra- jot na `ivotot da go izdade svojot monumentalen zbornik na gr~ki jazik: da se rehabilitira pred Gr~kata crkva, da si ja podobri ma- terijalnata polo`ba ili ne{to treto? - Dali se iznevereni negovite o~ekuvawa od Egzarhijata? - Postojat li pri~ini zaradi koi{to vo brojnite rakopisni i pe~ateni bugarski psaltikii XIX i od XX vek, nema nitu edna tvorba na Gradoborski? - Dali e slu~ajno toa, {to negovi kompozicii na slovenski jazik se pojavile samo vo zbornikot na Kalistrat Zografski i vo rakopisnata psaltikija na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev od Kratovo (pretstavnici na crkovnoto peewe od Makedonija)?

1 Somalhj, M. Panagiothj, Dhmhtrioj Boulgarakhj … op. cit.

110

Iako crkovno-muzi~koto tvore{tvo na Gradoborski ne e ce- losno otkrieno, i ona {to do ovoj moment ni e poznato, ima im- presivni razmeri. Sosema e izvesno deka Gradoborski zad sebe os- tavi muzi~ko delo, koe{to vo isto~noto crkovno peewe od vizan- tiskata tradicija, mu obezbedi mesto me|u najgolemite muzi~ki tvorci na epohata. Rasvetluvaweto na `ivotot i muzi~kata dejnost na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski i na redicata drugi zna~ajni pretstavni- ci na crkovnoto peewe od periodot na Prerodbata, vsu{nost, pretstavuva prodol`uvawe na nivnata potraga po sopstveniot identitet, sjajno zapo~nata kon sredinata na XIX vek. Kako svoe- vidno priglasuvawe (iso) i paralelno so ovie istra`uva~ki na- pori, deneska vo cela redica makedonski manastiri i crkvi se manifestira opredelbata za vra}awe kon crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija. So ovie inicijativi kako da o`ivea veli~estvenata borba na prerodbenicite za vra}awe kon vekovnoto sveti-klimentovo predanie.

111

II.

Naum Miladin (1817-1897)

So usvojuvaweto na noviot sistem na nevmatska notacija koj{to na po~etokot na XIX-ot vek go promoviraa Hrisant, Hur- muzij i Grigorij, vo makedonskite duhovni prostori zapo~na cir- kulacijata na muzi~ki rakopisi so ovaa notacija na gr~ki jazik. Ovaa okolnost sama po sebe ja nametnuva{e potrebata od izu~u- vawe na novata, poednostavena muzi~ka notacija. Povedeni i od prakti~nata strana na rabotite, poima{livite semejstva so cel u{te pove}e da si ja zacvrstat pozicijata vo mladoto gra|ansko op{testvo, smetaat deka e korisno svoite sinovi da gi ispra}aat na {koluvawe vo poznatite centri na crkovna muzika. Eden od prvite, malkumina od Makedonija vo toj period koi{to imale i materijalni mo`nosti, no, i muzi~ka darba za da se zafatat so izu~uvaweto na isto~noto crkovno e Naum Miladin (sredniot brat na Dimitrija i Konstantin Miladinovci). Izvori na podatoci za `ivotot i muzi~kata dejnost na Naum Miladin pretstavuvaat negovata Avtobiografija i tekstot na Petar ^akar pod naslov ‚Nepoznatata dejnost na muzikologot Naum Miladin‛, objaven vo vesnikot ‘Nova Makedonija’ vo 1972 godina. Od ovie materijali doznavame, deka u{te kako dete Naum projavil neobi~na muzikalnost. Interesen e podatokot deka za vreme na negoviot prestoj vo Durus (Dra~, dene{na Albanija), kade{to rabotel vo nekoja italijanska firma, negoviot muzi~ki talent bil zabele`an od grupa italijanski muzi~ari, so ~ija po- mo{ za kuso vreme uspeal da ja sovlada zapadnata muzi~ka nota- cija. Muzi~kata darba i ubaviot glas na Naum Miladin bile zabe- le`ani i od strana na mitropolitot vo Janina (na eden koncert

112 odr`an vo negova ~est), koj na direktorot na janinskata gimnazija mu prepora~al, da go isprati Nauma na Visokata duhovna akade- mija na ostrovot Halki, vo blizinata na Carigrad. Na ovaa crkovna visoko-obrazovna institucija na koja{to od odredeni pri~ini se zapi{al nekolku godini podocna (vo 1841 godina), Naum Miladin imal mo`nost temelno da ja sovlada teo- rijata na isto~noto crkovno peewe. Po ugled na kusite gramatiki na isto~no crkovno peewe, kakvi {to ~esto se sre}avaat vo psal- tikiskite zbornici, Naum napi{a kratok prira~nik po crkovno peewe. Mo`e da se pretpostavi, deka prira~nikot go napi{al neposredno po vra}aweto vo Ohrid, kade po~nal da raboti kako u~itel po gr~ki jazik i formiral {kola za izu~uvawe na crkov- noto peewe spored noviot sistem na Hrisant. Od ovaa {kola na Naum Miladin, najstara poznata od takov vid na teritorijata na Makedonija, izlegoa niza crkovni pevci i poznava~i na nevmat- skoto pismo, koi{to ja prodol`ija ovaa dejnost niz Makedonija. Na toj na~in, po zasluga na stru{kiot muzi~ki deec, vo vtorata polovina na vekot, vo makedonskite crkvi se najdoa golem broj {koluvani pevci i avtori na ednoglasni duhovni tvorbi.1 Kako {to e ve}e istaknato, Prira~nikot po crkovno peewe na Naum Miladin e napi{an na gr~ki jazik vo 1843 godina i zasega e najstariot so~uvan rakopis, koj{to slu`el za izu~uvawe na hri- santovata muzi~ka notacija na teritorijata na Makedonija. Od ovoj prira~nik pred javnosta dosega se prezentirani samo dve strani~ki, {to zna~i deka rakopisot s#u{te nema nau~na verifi- kacija. No, i pokraj toa, negovata vrednost e nesporna, bidej}i, kako {to e ka`ano malku ponapred, go potvrduva faktot za posto- eweto na {koli na teritorijata na Makedonija, vo koi{to se iz- u~uvala novata notacija na isto~noto crkovno peewe. Za odbele`uvawe e i melografskata dejnost na Naum Mila- din. Postojat brojni indicii deka toj e prviot melograf vo Ma- kedonija. Podatocite govorat, deka po sovet na poznatiot ruski slavist Viktor I. Grigorovi~, koj{to vo 1845 godina prestojuval

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 112.

113 vo Struga, se zafatil so sobirawe i melografirawe na narodni pesni. Se pretpostavuva deka pe~ateweto na pesnite melografi- rani od Naum Miladin vo Zbornikot od narodni pesni na nego- vite bra}a Dimitrija i Konstantin, izostanalo po nastojuvawe na biskupot Jurij [trosmaer (zaradi antiunijatskoto dr`ewe na me- lografot), pod izgovor deka tie bi mo`ele da se izdadat vo oddel- na publikacija.1 Iako melografskata dejnost na Naum Miladin ne e potkre- pena so nekoj za~uvan muzi~ki rakopis ili pe~atena kniga, nema somnevawe deka svojata stru~na podgotvenost za edna takva muzi~- ka aktivnost toj ja prenesuval na brojnite u~enici, koi{to pomi- nale niz negovata muzi~ka {kola. Spored raspolo`ivite podato- ci, od {kolata na Naum Miladin se proizlezeni golem broj na poznati muzi~ki imiwa, me|u koi Krstan Sanxak, podocne`niot golem pretstavnik na makedonskoto crkovno peewe, pove}e poz- nat pod mona{koto ime Kalistrat Zografski i Georgi Hristidis (Georgi pop-Hristo Ikonomov), podocne`niot zet na prerodbe- nikot Dimitrija Miladinov.

* * * So ogled na toa deka na Kalistrat Zografski malku podocna }e se osvrnam i poop{irno, na ova mesto za Georgi pop-Hristo Ikonomov nakuso }e istaknam deka, pokraj drugite aktivnosti {to se zna~ajni za Nacionalnata prerodba, toj }e ostane poznat i kako osnova~ na gradski crkoven hor vo Struga vo 1863 godina. Od ovoj stu{ki muzi~ki deec e za~uvan i eden rakopis so hrisantova- ta muzi~ka notacija, pi{uvan na gr~ki i na crkovno-slovenski jazik so gr~ka transkripcija. Vo ovoj zna~aen rakopis nastanat vo 1853 godina, koj pretstavuva redok dokument i dragoceno svedo{- tvo za toga{nite procesi vo crkovnoto peewe na teritorijata na Makedonija, se zastapeni crkovni tvorbi od Jovan Kukuzel, Jovan Protopsalt, Petar Lambadarij, Konstantin Protopsalt i dr.2

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… ibidem. p. 58. 2 Golabovski, Sotir, Makedonska muzika/ ‚Od muzi~koto minato na Struga‛, Skopje, 1977, r. 46-47.

114

Imaj}i go predvid ova {to e ka`ano za Georgi pop-Hristo Ikonomov, kako i ona {to sleduva podolu, vo redovite posveteni na Kalistrat Zografski, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka vo {kolata na Naum Miladin u~enicite dobivale solidno muzi~ko znaewe, so koe mo`ele da se zafatat so sekakov vid muzi~ka dejnost. Podoc- ne`nite nivni rezultati na muzi~koto pole }e go potvrdat ova na uverliv na~in.

115

III.

Kalistrat Zografski (ok. 1820-1913)

Ona {to dosega & e poznato na na{ata muzi~ka nauka za Kalistrat Zografski, eden od najmarkantnite pretstavnici na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo vtorata polovina na XIX-ot i po~etokot na XX-ot vek, e mo{ne skudno. Golemiot teoreti~ar, kompozitor i psalt e roden vo Struga, so svetovnoto ime Krstan Sanxak, najverojatno okolu 1820 godina. Osnovno obrazovanie na gr~ki jazik steknal vo svojot roden grad, no, ne e poznato kade go prodol`il i so kakov stepen na obrazovanie se zdobil. Postojat soznanija deka ja posetuval i muzi~kata {kola na Naum Miladin i deka bil u~itel po gr~ki jazik vo Struga. Za sledniot period od `ivotot na golemiot prerodbenik i duhovnik - po napu{taweto na rodnata Struga i zaminuvaweto na Sveta Gora, kade {to kako ve}e vozrasen ma` se zamona{uva,1 makedonskata muzikologija isto taka ima malku soznanija. Se na- veduva podatokot, deka Kalistrat Zografski stanal arhiman- drit na manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf, kade{to do`iveal dlabo- ka starost. Umrel vo 1913 godina. Me|u dene{nite `iteli na manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf na Sv. Gora s#u{te se `ivi spomenite na Kalistrat, ~ie{to ime se izgovara so dlaboka po~it. Od edna generacija monasi na druga vo Zografskiot manastir so qubov se prenesuvaat se}avawata za najpoznatiot arhimandrit na ovoj manastir, koj so svojata neu- morna rabota i posvetenost u{te za `ivotot stanal poznat na

1 Vo semejstvoto Sanxakovski, e so~uvan podatokot deka nivniot predok Krstan Sanxak, po vesta za tragi~nata smrt na Bra}ata Miladinovi, demonstrativno ja napu{til u~itelskata slu`ba vo Struga i zaminal na Sveta Gora, kade {to se zamona{il so sve{tenoto ime Kalistrat.

116 po{irokiot pravoslaven prostor. Onie koi{to li~no go pozna- vale, so neizmerna po~it zboruvale za negoviot patriotizam i predadenosta na Nacionalnata prerodba. S#u{te i so posebna vozbuda i voshitenost se preraska`uva sredbata na Kalistrat so pretstavnici na gr~kata crkva, koi so cel da go pridobijat vo nivniot crkoven tabor, mu nudele visoki arhierejski ~inovi. Odele duri dotamu, {to go ubeduvale deka toj, vsu{nost, ne e Sloven, za{to samo Elin mo`e da bide tolku u~en i prosveten i besprekorno da go vladee gr~kiot jazik. A toj, skromniot jeros- himomah Kalistrat, so~uvuvaj}i ja i vo takvi okolnosti svojata voobi~aena smirenost, im odgovoril na Grcite so slednite zbo- rovi: ‚Koga bi znael samo, deka vo svojata brada imam makar edno gr~ko vlakno, i toa }e go iskubam‛. Na ovoj samo nemu svojstven na~in, dostoinstveniot monah i prerodbenik im stavil do znae- we na Grcite, deka nivnata ponuda ja odbiva so prezir.

Pi{ani tragi za Kalistrat

Najranata pi{ana traga koja{to Kalistrat ja ostavil za sebe e rakopisnata Psaltikija napi{ana vo 1862 godina, koja- {to e pronajdena vo 1982 godina vo seloto Lazaropole. Nade`i- te deka vo toj rakopis }e se otkrie nekoja tvorba na Kalistrat Zografski ili na nekoj drug kompozitor od Makedonija, ne se ispolnija. Osnovnata vrednost na ovoj rakopis ostana vo faktot deka e napi{an od rakata na Krstan Sanxakovi}, idniot golem muzi~ar i prerodbenik, kako i toa {to naslovite se napi{ani na makedonski govoren jazik.1 Podocna konstatirav deka stanu-va zbor za prepis na psalktikijata na bugarskiot kompozitor i izdava~ Nikola Trendafilov – ‚Cvetosobranie‛, pe~atena vo Bukure{t, vo 1847 godina.2 Prepisot e celosen, so samo nekolku

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/ 5, ‚Kratok opis na ~etiri novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od 19-ot vek‛, Skopje, 1982, p. 83. 2 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cvъtosobranie, Bukurещ, 1847.

117 nezna~itelni izmeni vo redosledot na tvorbite, pri samiot kraj na rakopisot. Za pobudite na Krste Sanxakovi} da ja prepi{e ovaa kni- ga, koja{to bezmalku ima 200 stranici, mo`e da se pretpostavi, deka na ovoj na~in ja manifestiral svojata radost od ‚sredbata‛ so prvata pe~atena kniga so novoreformiranata hrisantova mu- zi~ka notacija na crkovno-slovenski jazik. So toa, Kalistrat Zografski ni ostavi vo nasledstvo uverliv argument za {iroka- ta rasprostranetost na hrisantovoto nevmatko pismo na terito- rijata na Makedonija. Blagorodnata i eti~ka priroda na Kalistrat Zografski mo`e da se prepoznae i vo predgovorot na zbornikot PsaltfkfiÂna lit$rgiõ na Manasij pop Todorov. Zablagodaruvaj}i im se na si- te onie koi{to materijalno go podr`aa izdavaweto na negovata kniga, Manasij so posebna voshitenenost govori za pismoto na bra}ata od Svetoto Zografsko semejstvo, so koe{to tie ‚…ja podr`uvaat blagorodnata inicijativa … za ostvaruvawe na toa sveto delo…‛ i se odzivaat na negovata molba, ispra}aj}i mu 5 turski liri. ‚…A toa go pravat, (vo istiot period z.m.) koga i samite tie bra}a izdavaat psaltikiski knigi! Navistina, kakva visoko blagorodna, vistinska hristijanska postapka!‛, voodu{e- veno voskliknuva Manasij pop Todorov vo predgovorot za svojata kniga PsaltfkfiÂna lit$rgiõ (izdadena vo Sofija, 1905 god.). Iako Manasij pop Todorov ne spomenuva ime, nema nikakvo somnenie deka zad ovaa blagorodna postapka stoi Kalistrat, koj{to vo toj period e arhimandrit na manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf i duho- ven tatko na Svetoto Zografsko semejstvo. Od sevo ova mo`e da se zaklu~i deka Manasij pop Todorov dobro bil zapoznat so muzi~kata dejnosta na Kalistrat Zograf- ski i na zografskite monasi, a verojatno i so nivniot zbornik od ~etiri delovi Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, koj se pojavuva istata 1905 godina, koga e izdadena i negovata crkovno-muzi~ka kniga PsaltfkfiÂna lit$rgiõ.

118

Za `al, osven ovie pi{ani tragi za li~nosta na Kalistrat Zografski i ka`uvawata preneseni po usten pat, drugi podatoci za negoviot `ivot ne se so~uvani. Ne ostana zapi{ana nitu godi- nata na negovoto ra|awe. Vrz osnova na malkute i sosema kratki bele{ki vo nekoi bugarski muzi~ki knigi od podocne`niot pe- riod, kako i od sodr`inite na negovite psaltikiski izdanija, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka Kalistrat Zografski vo manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf na Sveta Gora razvil {iroka i plodna teoret- ska, kompozitorska, preveduva~ka i izdava~ka dejnost. Kako re- zultat na ovaa dolgogodi{na tvore~ka rabota, zaedno so zograf- skite monasi, vo 1905 godina go izdavaat zbornikot od ~etiri knigi Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, koj{to mu obezbedil golem ugled vo crkovno-muzi~kite krugovi. Vo ovoj kontekst se spomenuva poznatiot bugarski teoreti~ar Petar Sarafov (1850-1915), koj, neposredno pred pe~ateweto na svojata kniga Rœkovodstvo za prakti~eskoto i teoreti~eskoto izu~vane na isto~noto c¢r- kovno phnie (izd. 1912, vo Sofija), za da si razre{i nekoi teo- retski dilemi, specijalno oti{ol na Sveta Gora vo zografski- ot manastir na konsultacii so ugledniot Jeroshimonah Kalis- trat Zografski.1 Bugarskiot teoreti~ar Mir~o M. Bogoev vo svojot U~eb- nik po izto~no peene (izdaden vo Plovdiv, 1940 g.), za knigata na Petar Sarafov, govori deka ovoj prira~nik e najiscrpnoto po- jasnuvawe na teorijata za isto~noto crkovno peewe od site do- toga{ izdadeni.2 Za makedonskata muzika ova e va`no, dotolku pove}e, {to eden golem teoreti~ar, kakov {to nesomneno bil Petar Sarafov, visoko gi po~ituval li~nosta na Kalistrat i negovite poznavawa na isto~noto crkovno peewe. Vo svojot teo- retski trud Mir~o M. Bogoev, go spomnuva i zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, naglasuvaj}i deka toj e podgotven od monasite na manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf na ~elo so golemiot Jeromonah Kalistrat.

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 120. 2 Bogoevь, Mir~o, U~ebnikь op. cit. p. 105.

119

I poznatiot bugarski muzikolog-vizantolog i kompozitor od makedonsko poteklo Petar Dinev (1889-1980), vo svojot teo- retski trud Rъkovodstvo po sъvremenna vizantiйska nevmena notaciя (izdaden vo Sofija, 1964 godina), kako osnovna stru~na literatura za svojata kniga, me|u drugite, go koristi i zborni- kot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e vo ~etiri delovi od zografskite pe- a~i pod rakovodstvo na Arhimandrit Kalistrat.1 Najnovata pi{ana traga za Kalistrat Zografski ja pronaj- dov vo knigata na sovremeniot romanski muzikolog-vizantolog Sebastian Barbu Bukur (1930) Romanskite muzi~ki rakopisi od Sveta Gora (Manuscrisele muzicale românesti de la Muntele Atos). Vo opisot na rakopisot od bibliotekata na manastirot Prodromu br. 133/138, prepis od 1911 godina, na strana 560 stoi: ‚Aksioni (dostojno est, z.m.) od Nektarij prevedeni na bugarski (crkovno- slovenski z.m.) od jero|akon Kalistrat, glas I i IV legetos.‛2 Vo ovoj obemen rakopis od 648 stranici se nao|aat u{te nekolku tvorbi od Nektarij prevedeni na crkovno-slovenski jazik, zad koi se pretpostavuva deka stoi Kalistrat Zografski. Zasega edinstvena potvrda deka ovie prevodi gi napravil Kalistrat e faktot {to tvorbata Dostojno est, glas I podocna ja stavil vo svojot zbornik Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e.3

Zbornikot Isto~no crkovno peewe

Vo ponovo vreme izleze na videlina deka zbornikot na Ka- listrat Zografski Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e se ima dve verzii: prvata vo tri knigi so naslovi 1. Voskresnik, 2. Ve~erwa i utre- wa i 3. Liturgija, izdadeni vo 1905 godina vo Solun od kni`ar- nicata na K. G. Samarxiev, i vtorata vo ~etiri knigi so naslovi 1. Voskresnik, 2. Aniksandari, 3. Ve~erwa i utrewa i 4. Litur-

1 Dinev, Petъr, Rъkovodstvo po sъvremenna vizantiйska nevmena notaciя, Sofiя, 1964. 2 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Manuskrisele muzicale românesti de la Muntele Atos, Editura Muzicala,Bucuresti, 2000. p. 250. 3 Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, Solun¢, 1905.

120 gija, izdadeni od manastirot Sv. Georgi Zograf vo Sveta Gora, istata 1905 godina. Dvete izdanija imaat identi~ni grafi~ki re{enija na koricite, na koi{to razli~ni se samo imiwata na izdava~ite. Na dvete korici pi{uva deka knigite se uredeni od zografskite crkovni pea~i, dodeka imeto na Kalistrat voop{to ne e istaknato. No, i pokraj toa, sekoga{ koga stanuva zbor za ovoj monumentalen muzi~ki zbornik, site muzikolozi-vizanto- lozi ja naglasuvaat prvostepenata uloga i zasluga na Kalistrat Zografski za negovoto sozdavawe. Mo`e da se pretpostavi deka Kalistrat Zografski, od skromnost i od po~it sprema svoite bra}a monasi, ne sakaj}i da se izdvojuva, zastanal zaedno so niv zad ovie psaltikii. Muzi~kite sodr`ini na ovaa crkovno-muzi~ka antologija pretstavuvaat {iroka osnova vrz koja{to mo`e sestrano da se sogledaat li~nosta i celokupnata muzi~ka dejnost na Kalistrat Zografski. O~igleden e negoviot obemen anga`man vo realizi- raweto na ova monumentalno crkovno-muzi~ko delo: kako teore- ti~ar, redaktor na celoto izdanie i kako preveduva~ na golem broj napevi od gr~ki, a vo pomala mera i od romanski na sloven- ski jazik. Od sevo ova mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka stanuva zbor za mnogustrana, duhovno bogata li~nost so izvonredno {iroka op- {ta i muzi~ka kultura i so neiscrpna tvore~ka energija, i pokraj toa {to ova go raboti vo ve}e poodminati godini. Za makedonskata muzi~ka kultura posebno zna~ewe ima ~etvrtiot del na zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e so naslov Liturgija, zaradi zastapenite tvorbi na avtorite od Makedoni- ja: Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski, Joan Harmosin - Ohridski (1829-1890) i Kalistrat Zografski. Koga stanuva zbor za tvorbi- te na Kalistrat, sudej}i spored nivnata ~esta zastapenost vo razni prepisi na psaltikiski zbornici, od koi nekoi se nasta- nati i pred izdavaweto na ovoj zbornik, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka za niv postoelo naglaseno interesirawe me|u crkovnite peja~i na celata teritorija na Makedonija, pa i po{iroko.

121

Liturgijata na Kalistrat Zografski i na zografskite monasi dolgo be{e spomenuvana od slovenskite muzikolozi- vizantolozi zaradi faktot {to vo nea e zastapena tvorbata na Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski Dostojno est na osmi glas, koja dolgo vreme se smeta{e za edinstvena so~uvana tvorba od ovoj golem muzi~ki deec od periodot na Nacionalnata prerodba. Vrz osnova na ovaa kompozicija, nad koja{to e staveno imeto na nejziniot avtor - Dimitr`a Vulgaraki Gradoborskagw, mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka Kalistrat dobro znael koj e Gradoborski. Mo`e da se pretpostavi deka toj raspolagal i so zbornikot na Dimitar Zlatanov na gr~ki jazik Prira~nik za psalt,1 zabranet od stra- na na Carigradskata patrijar{ija, od koj{to ja prezel i ja pre- vel na slovenski jazik spomnatata kompozicija. Vo istata psaltikija Joan Harmosin – Ohridski e zastapen so pri~esnata Thlo Xr`stovo, na prvi glas, koja{to Kalistrat ja naredil me|u tvorbite na Georgij Kritski, Petar Lambadarij – Peloponeski i Grigorij Protopsalt - Levitski, trojcata tvor- ci koi{to vleguvaat vo redot na najgolemite imiwa na isto~- noto crkovno peewe na site vremiwa.2 So ova, na nedvosmislen na~in, Kalistrat Zografski ja izrazuva svojata po~it kon li~- nosta i muzi~koto delo na svojot golem sonarodnik i sovreme- nik Joan Harmosin – Ohridski. (Zo{to sudbinata ne ni dodelila u{te nekoj podatok za povrzanosta na dvajcata velikani!?) Vo ~etvrtiot del na zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e, so naslov Liturgija, me|u drugoto, Kalistrat Zografski ima vklu- ~eno i 24 tvorbi Dostojno est, po tri za sekoj glas pooddelno. Avtorite na ovie kompozicii im pripa|aat na razli~ni narodi: grci, romanci, sloveni i dr. Samiot Kalistrat kako avtor e pot- pi{an samo na dve kompozicii Dostojno est na prvi i ~etvrti glas i, se razbira, kako preveduva~ na najgolemiot del od zasta- penite tvorbi vo ovoj zbornik.

1 Boulgara1kh, Dhmh1trioj, 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou, t. Makedoni1a, Qessaloni1kh, 1886. 2 (Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno… op. cit. p. 246

122

Vo ovoj kontekst, posebno vnimanie zaslu`uvaat kompozi- ciite Dostojno est na prvi, {esti, sedmi i osmi glas na roman- skiot kompozitor Shimonahot Nektarie (1804-1899).1 Nad ovie tvorbi stoi zabele`ano, deka od vla{ki gi prevel Kalistrat Zografski. Ne e slu~ajno toa, {to Nektarie - najugledniot pro- topsalt i u~itel po isto~no crkovno peewe na Sveta Gora vo vtorata polovina na XIX-ot vek, e zastapen duri so ~etiri tvor- bi, a drugite kompozitori so po edna. Ova nedvosmisleno uka`u- va na povrzanosta na dvajcata muzi~ari.2 Spored nekoi podato-ci od romanski izvori, do koi{to dojdov vo posledno vreme, Kalistrat Zografski bil u~enik na golemiot protopsalt i kompozitor - Nektarie, kogo psaltite na Sveta Gora go vikale Protopsalt na site psalti, Vtoriot Kukuzel i sl. Spored pogore spomenatiot romanski muzilolog-vizantolog Sebastijan Barbu - Bukur, Nektarie sozdal fascinanten broj crkovni tvor- bi - pove}e otkolku {to sozdale zaedno site romanski kompo- zitori vo periodot od XI do XX vek. Vo {kolata na Nektarij Vlaha (Prodromita), vo koja{to crkovno peewe u~ele psalti od najrazli~na proveniencija - Romanci, Grci, Rusi, Bugari, Make- donci i Srbi,3 Kako u~enik na Nektarij, Kalistrat imal mo`- nost, pokraj gr~kiot, koj{to go vladeel od porano, da go nau~i i romanskiot jazik. No, ona {to e najbitno, vo ovaa {kola Kalis- trat Zografski mo`el da go sogleda na~inot na koj{to Roman- cite si go transformiraa svoeto crkovno peewe od tipi~no ‚gr~ko‛ vo peewe so nacionalni osobenosti. Ova dragoceno is- kustvo Kalistrat Zografski }e go iskoristi podocna, koga }e go podgotvuva zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e.

1 (Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno… ibidem. p. 115. 2 Vrz osnova na soznanijata do koi{to Stefan Sanxakovski (potomok na Kalistrat Zografski) do{ol pri poslednata poseta na manastirot Sv. GeorgiZograf, visokou~eniot duhovnik gi potvrdi moite pretpostavki, deka Kalistrat bil u~enik na Nektarie. Na po~ituvaniot otec Stefan iskreno mu blagodaram za

ovaa dragocena informacija. 3 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Muzica românească de tradiţie bizantină în Muntele Atos, Acta Musicae Bizantinae IV, Centrul de Studii Bizantine Iaşi, 2002, p. 79-82.

123

Muzi~koto tvore{tvo

Vo zbornikot Liturgija Kalistrat Zografski e zastapen so dve kompozicii na Dostojno est: po edna na prvi i ~etvrti glas i dve tvorbi Otca i sina: na peti i sedmi glas. Za odbele- `uvawe e deka toj ne gi stavil vo zbornikot site svoi kompozi- cii, tuku nastojuval da vklu~i {to pove}e tvorbi od drugi av- tori. Vo prilog na ova govori faktot, deka vo Psaltikiskiot voskresnik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (1876-1950), koj{to e ot- krien vo 1978 godina, se zastapeni tri negovi kompozicii Otca i sina: po edna na vtori, peti i sedmi glas, od koi poslednite dve, po s# izgleda, deka se prezemeni od zbornikot Liturgija na Kalistrat Zografski i na zografskite monasi.1 Kompoziciite Dostojno est na prvi i ~etvrti glas, spa- |aat vo redot na antologiskite ostvaruvawa na makedonskata crkovna muzika, koi{to nedvosmisleno govorat za muzi~kiot talent na Kalistrat Zografski. Ona {to se zabele`uva ve}e so prvoto slu{awe na ovie tvorbi, se {iroko razvienata melodija i muzikalnite modulacii od eden glas vo drug, koi majstorski gi koristi za gradewe i definirawe na muzi~kata forma. Ovie filigranski kompozicii vo duhot na vizantiskata tradicija, na koi{to nemo`e nitu da im se dodade, nitu da im se odzeme ne{to, istovremeno plenat so svojata ednostavnost i so vozvi{enosta. Posebno poglavje se negovite tvorbi Otqa i S¥na na vto- ri, petti i sedmi glas. Sudej}i spored edinstvoto na tematski- ot materijal i negovata motivska razrabotka, vo ovie kompozi- cii se ~uvstvuva nivnata vnatre{na povrzanost, od {to mo`e da se zaklu~i deka se sozdadeni vo ist period. Osven vlijanieto na negoviot u~itel Nektarij, vo ovie kompozicii na Kalistrat se ~uvstvuva i vlijanieto na evropskata romanti~arska muzika. [irokata melodija so nevoobi~aeno golemi intervalski skoko- vi i ~estata upotreba na alterirani tonovi, so koi go naglasuva

1 Bojaxiev, Ivanov, Vasil, Psaltikien¢ V¢zkresnik¢, (manus.) NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ – Skopje, M. IV 1862.

124 molitveniot karakter na tvorbite, se belezi na novoto vreme kon koe inklinira nivniot avtor. Osven toa, vo niv svesno se potenciraat nekoi tonovi, koi dobivaat svojstva na tonalno- harmonski centri, karakteristi~ni za zapadnata muzika. Nema somnenie deka Kalistrat Zografski napi{al pogo- lem broj na crkovni kompozicii, od onoj koj{to e poznat denes- ka. Vo prilog na ova govorat i nekoi stranski vizantolozi koi- {to istra`uvale vo Svetogorskite manstiri, i vo ~ii{to tru- dovi se spomenuva i Kalistrat Zografski kako kompozitor koj- {to e zastapen vo nekolku rakopisni ostavnini. Na{ata muzi~- ka nauka s#u{te nema soznanija za kakvi tvorbii stanuva zbor, no, sigurno e deka ovaa traga, koja{to mo`ebi vodi do nepoznati kompozicii na Kalistrat, vo sledniot period }e se sledi so po- golema istra`uva~ka nastoj~ivost i qubopitnost.

Teoretskite postavki na Kalistrat

Osven so preveduva~ka i kompozitorska dejnost Kalistrat Zografski se zanimaval i so teorijata na isto~noto crkovno pee- we. Negoviot edinstven teoretski trud ima naslov Pravila i pretstavuva voved vo Voskresnikot - prviot del od zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e. Razbirlivosta i ednostavnosta na jazi- kot so koj{to Kalistrat govori vo ovaa kratka gramatika uka`u- vaat na visokiot stepen na obrazovanost i studioznosta , od edna, i negovoto suverenoto vladeewe so teorijata na hrisantoviot mu- zi~ki sistem, od druga strana. Vo svoite istra`uvawa Kalistrat Zografski do{ol do in- teresni sogleduvawa za vizantiskata muzi~ka semiografija i or- tografija. Za `al, teoriskoto obrazlo`enie na ovie svoi istra- `uvawa, po s# izgleda, ne gi objavil, tuku samo prakti~no gi pri- menil vo zbornikot Vostocno Qerkovno Phn`e. Vo edna od tvorbi- te Dostojno est na peti glas vo Liturgijata vo nekolku navrati se upotrebeni posledovatelni gorgoni, {to e mnogu nevoobi~aeno vo teorijata na isto~noto crkovno peewe. Vo sledniot fragment

125 od ovaa kompozicija se sre}avaat dva takvi primeri: 1. tonovite koi{to sleduvaat po elafronot (vrz slogot ‚ga‛) – apostrofot so punktiran gorgon i dvete kentimi so gorgon i 2. tonovite pretstaveni so ison i dve kentimi so gorgon grupirani so oligon (vrz slogot ‚ùe‛) i iporoi so gorgon.

(fragment 1)

 i¯ ma - - - - tery______Bo - - ga______na-  - - ùe - - - - - gw.

Vo prviot primer ne e jasna nitu logi~na upotrebata na dva- ta posledovatelni gorgoni. Po s# izgleda, stanuva zbor za pe~atna gre{ka: dvete kentimi so gorgon pod oligonot (v), bi trebalo da se stavat nad oligononot( ä). No, toa ne mo`e da se ka`e i za vtoriot primer, vo koj{to idejata na Kalistrat e: grupata od tri tonovi (dvete kentimi so gorgon i iporoi so gorgon) da se ispee kako vtor del od taktot. Ovoj primer najpribli`no mo`e da se zapi{e so trigorgon punktiran na prvoto koleno:

(fragment 1a)  na - - - ùe ------gw.

O~igledno e deka Kalistrat so ova go otvara pra{aweto za racionalizacija na hrisantoviot ortografski sistem: so razli~- no kombinirawe na eden ist znak (vo slu~ajov toa e gorgonot) da se dobijat i drugi vrednosti i da se izbegne upotrebata na novi znaci. Ovaa ritmi~ka figura od dva poledovatelni gorgoni, koja- {to Kalistrat Zografski ja koristi vo svoite muzi~ki zbornici, od teoreti~arite na isto~noto crkovno peewe ne e obrazlo`ena i ne e upotrebuvana po{iroko.

126

Vo 1997 godina, rabotej}i na zbornikot Pashalija od Joan Harmosin - Ohridski, na edno mesto vo pri~esnata na prvi glas (Thlo Xr`stovo) naidov na sledniot fragment, vo koj{to dva pos- ledovatelni tonovi (apostof i dve kentimi) imaat gorgon:

(fragment 2)

  bez - sme ------…

Smetaj}i deka stanuva zbor za pe~atna gre{ka, vo novoto izdanie na knigata Pashalija (izdadena vo 1999 godina), gorgonot od apostrofot go premestiv vrz znakot oligon so antikenoma (koj{to se nao|a neposredno pred nego):1 Podocna, koga rabotev vrz zbornikot Liturgija, zabele`av deka Kalistrat, prezemaj}i ja od Pashalija ovaa ista kompozicija na Joan Harmosin - Ohridski, ne samo {to ne ja ispravil ‚pe~at- nata gre{ka‛ so posledovatelnite gorgoni, tuku vo istava tvorba na Joan Harmosin, gi upotrebil u{te edna{. Toga{ svativ, deka dvata posledovatelni gorgoni se upotrebeni so cel da se dobie druga ritmi~ka figura, koja{to mo`e da se zapi{e i so diargon punktiran na prvoto koleno:

(fragment 2a)

  bez - sme ------…

Na slednite dva primeri e prika`an e u{te eden fragment od pri~esnata na Joan Harmosin, onaka kako {to e predaden vo zbornikot Pashalija2 (fragmentot 3) i so intervencijata na Ka- listrat Zografski vo zbornikot Liturgija (fragmentot 3a):3

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, ‚Joan Harmosin-Ohridski: Pashalija‛, Unija za kultura na Vlasite od Makedonija, Skopje, 1999. p. 108. 2 Fwann¢ Xarm: Ohridskyfi˘, Pasxaliõ, Qarigrad¢, 1869. p. 71. 3 Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno phnie, Liturgiä… op. cit. p. 248.

127

(fragmentot 3)

 vk$ - - si ------…

(fragmentot 3a)

 vk$ - - si ------…

Na prviot primer (fragmentot 3) tonskata niza koja{to po~- nuva so apostrof so tripli ( u ) i zavr{uva so iporoi so gorgon i so to~ka( ¼), e sostavena od tonovi koi{to traat po polovina udar (takt), vo vtoriot primer (fragmentot 3a), vo koj{to interve- niral Kalistrat, toj ednoli~en ritam na tonskata niza e razbien so postavuvawe na gorgon nad elafronot. Kako {to se gleda i na muzi~kiot primer, so ovoj elafron ‘gorgoniran’od Kalistrat do- biena e niza od tri posledovatelni gorgoni. Idejata na Kalistrat e: elafronot so gorgon i dvata tona so gorgon {to se nao|aat ne- posredno pred i po nego da se ispeat za vreme na vtorata polovina od taktot (dodeka rakata se kreva nagore), kako mala triola. Vnimanie zaslu`uva u{te edna ritmi~ka finesa koja{to Kalistrat ja upotrebil vo svojata tvorba Otqa i S¥na na sedmi glas od zbornikot Liturgija. Ovojpat, eden po drug se postaveni dva razli~ni temporalni znaci - digorgon i gorgon:1

(fragmentot 4)

 A¯ - - - miny.______

Vo ovoj fragment gorgonot koj{to se nao|a nad oligonot so antikenoma, ima vlijanie vrz znakot iporoi so digorgon, koj{to se nao|a neposredno pred nego, odnosno vrz vtorata negova nota, odzemaj}i & polovina od vreme traeweto. Vsu{nost, gorgonira-

1 Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno … ibidem. p. 100.

128 niot oligon so antikenoma se izveduva po principot na gorgon, vo vremeto odzemeno od vtorata nota na iporoi so digorgon. Naj- pribli`no ova mo`e da se zapi{e na sledniot na~in:

(fragmentot 4a)  A - - - miny.______

Ovie ritmi~ki vrednosti dobieni so dva i tri posledova- telni gorgoni, ili so digorgon po koj{to sleduva gorgon, vo isto~nata crkovna muzika teoretski dosega ne se obrazlo`eni. Kalistrat e eden od prvite koi{to gi upotrebuva vo pogolema mera, so {to dava nesomnen pridones vo razvojot na teorijata na hrisantoviot muzi~ki sistem.

129

IV.

Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890)

Periodot vo koj{to Joan Harmosin-Ohridski go podgotvu- va i pe~ati svojot crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik Pashalija, izobilu- va so izvonredno zna~ajni istoriski nastani i pojavi vo Makedo- nija so koi Nacionalnata prerodba dostigna izrazito dramati- ~en stadium. Navesten so Zbornikot od narodni pesni od bra}a- ta Dimitar i Konstantin Miladinovci, objaven vo 1861 godina vo Zagreb i so nivnata tragi~na smrt vo slednata 1862 godina vo carigradskite zandani, kako i so pojavata na prvite u~ebnici na naroden makedonski jazik, ova e period na zasileno dvi`ewe protiv duhovnoto i ekonomskoto ropstvo, vo koj toa dobiva ka- rakter na organizirana borba protiv vlasta na Carigradskata patrijar{ija.1 Vo prvo vreme naso~ena protiv upotrebata na gr~kiot jazik vo crkvite i vo u~ili{tata, ovaa borba podocna se pro{iruva i protiv obidite za nametnuvawe na bugarskiot jazik vo Makedonija. I samata pojava na zbornikot Pashalija na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, prv od takov vid na slovenski jazik od eden makedonski avtor, vsu{nost, pretstavuva inkarnacija na vekov- nite streme`i za ostvaruvawe na narodnite ideali za samostoen kulturen razvitok na makedonskiot narod.

Joan Harmosin - Ohridski, ~ie{to svetovno ime e Ivan (Jovan) Genadiev, e roden vo Ohrid, vo 1829 godina, vo sve{te- ni~ko semejstvo. Osnovno obrazovanie na gr~ki jazik dobil vo rodniot grad (mo`no e kaj svojot tatko Georgi, koj vo toa vreme rabotel kako u~itel), a sredno vo Bitola i vo Carigrad. Kako i

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot literaturen jazik, Kultura, Skopje, 1967. r. 158.

130 redica drugi poima{livi Makedonci od toa vreme, koi imale solidni predznaewa i poznavawe na gr~kiot jazik, i Ivan Gena- diev svoeto ponatamo{no obrzovanie go prodol`il na Filozof- skiot fakultet vo Atina. Od toj period poteknuvaat i negovite prvi literaturni obidi. Pi{uval poezija, kako i drugi kni`ev- ni vidovi na gr~ki jazik, so koi{to go svrtel vnimanieto kako talentiran poet. Poznato e deka zaedno so svojot prijatel, oven- ~aniot poet Grigor Prli~ev, ja izdavaat zbirkata od gatanki vo stihovi Sfinks. Vo prilog na negovata nadarenost za literatu- ra, treba da se navede deka vo 1859 godina Ivan Genadiev objavil komedija vo stihovi. Osven ova, kako jasno navestuvawe na nego- vata podocne`na opredelba za crkoven peja~, vnimanie zaslu`u- va i podatokot, deka me|u kolegite na fakultetot, mladiot Ivan Genadiev bil zabele`an i kako muzikalen peja~ so neobi~no pri- jaten glas. Po zavr{uvaweto na studiite Ivan Genadiev, raboti kako crkoven slu`benik. Postoi podatok deka, koga tatko mu bil ra- kopolo`en za Debarski mitropolit so sve{teno ime Genadij (1864-1867), Ivan stanuva negov sekretar. Za da mo`e da kores- pondira so sve{tenicite vo Debarskata eparhija i da se vklu~i aktivno vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba, Ivan Genadiev prestojuval vo manastirot Pre~ista kaj Ki~evo, kade {to odli~no go sovladal crkovno-slovenskiot jazik. Istovremeno, ovde na u~enicite im predaval isto~no crkovno peewe. Vo vrska so ova se naveduva, de- ka Ivan Genadiev za potrebite na u~enicite pi{uval i pesni na naroden makedonski govor.1 Sogleduvaj}i gi odblizu sostojbite vo crkovnoto peewe na teritorijata na Makedonija, kako i prakti~nite potrebi od crkovno-muzi~ka literatura na slovenski jazik, Ivan Gendiev ve}e vo ovoj period zapo~nal intenzivno da preveduva muzi~ki tvorbi od gr~ki na crkovno-slovenski jazik. Verojatno, ovaa rabota go inspirirala da komponira i crkovno-muzi~ki tvorbi,

1 Stoilov, Anton, P. B lgarski kni`ovnici ot Makedoni , 1704-1878, s 11 portreta, Sofi , 1922. p. 64.

131 koi{to podocna }e gi stavi vo svoite zbornici. Paralelno so ovaa dejnost, a za istata cel, se zafatil i so sobirawe na napevi za~uvani preku usno predanie, za koi{to imal soznanija deka vle~at koreni od postarata crkovno-muzi~ka tradicija vo Ma- kedonija. Rezultat na ovaa tvore~ka rabota na Ivan Genadiev se dvata zbornika od crkovni napevi - Veliki voskresnik, koj, za `al, e izguben, i Pashalija, pe~atena vo 1869 godina vo Cari- grad. Na ovaa kniga nejziniot sostavuva~ za prvpat se potpi{al kako Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Osven crkovni kompozicii, ima komponirano i nekolku mar{ovi i popularni pesni.1 Zaradi nivnite aktivnosti na planot na nacionalnoto osoznavawe na Makedoncite od Debarsko, vladikata Genadij i negoviot sin Joan Harmosin do{le vo sudir so Carigradskata patrijar{ija. Redovno izvestuvana od Bitolskiot mitropolit Venedikt za nivnoto aktivno u~estvo vo borbata za voveduvawe slovenski jazik vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba, Patrijar{ijata & go pretstavila Joana na policijata kako ‚nemirna li~nost‛, koj- {to, zaedno so tatko mu, treba da bide isteran od Debar. Kako posledica na ova, po direkten nalog od vselenskiot patrijarh, vo 1867 godina vladikata Genadij ja gubi polo`bata na debarski mi- tropolit. Zaradi serioznosta na situacijata Joan Harmosin otpatuval vo Carigrad ‚na objasnuvawe‛ so Patrijar{ijata. No, namesto toa, toj tamu mu se pridru`il na dvi`eweto protiv gr~- koto vlijanie vo crkvata. Vo ovoj period Joan Harmosin inten- zivno raboti vrz svoite dve knigi, od koi, kako {to e ve}e ka`a- no, vo 1869 g. uspeal da go pe~ati samo zbornikot ‚Pashalija‛. Koga stanuva zbor za negovata profesionalna opredelba za crkovnite raboti, treba da se ka`e i toa deka Ivan Genadiev vo carigradskite vesnici napi{al nekolku statii so crkovno- religiozna problematika. Verojatno, so ovie tekstovi go priv- lekol vnimanieto na Derkonskiot mitropolit Gerasim, koj{to go zel za svoj sekretar vo Carigrad. Za koj period od `ivotot na Ivan Genadiev stanuva zbor, s#u{te ostanuva nepoznato.

1 Leksikon jugoslovenske muzike, Zagreb, 1984, p. 260

132

Vo 1870 god., po fermanot na sultanot so koj im se dava cr- kovna nezavisnost na podanicite koi{to ne ja prifa}aat vlasta na Carigradskata patrijar{ija, vladikata Genadij ja dobil Vele{kata eparhija, kako nejzin privremen mitropolit, a Joan Harmosin i ovojpat ostanal so svojot tatko, kako negov sekretar. Vo 1872 god., od starost ili od nekoja druga pri~ina, Genadij se povlekuva od slu`bata i od Veles se preseluva vo Bitola. Joan Harmosin, najverojatno, ostanal na mestoto sekretar na mitro- polijata vo Veles, s# do postavuvaweto na nov mitropolit vo proletta 1873 godina.1 Po s# izgleda, ve}e vo ovoj period Joan Harmosin razmisluval da zamine vo nekoj drug mitropolitski centar vo Egzarhijata. Kako {to }e poka`e tekot na nastanite, toj }e se odlu~i za Plovdiv – glavniot grad na Trakija.

Deneska mo`eme samo da pretpostavuvame, {to go nateralo Harmosina da se preseli vo Plovdiv: so preseluvaweto vo ovoj grad Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, kako avtor i izdava~ na crkovno- muzi~ki knigi bi bil poblizu do Carigrad, vo koj{to ve}e go pe~atel svojot zbornik Pashalija. Od druga strana, Plovdiv, kako najgolem grad vo evropskiot del na toga{nata Otomanska Imperija, bil razvien kulturen i duhoven centar, vo koj Joan Harmosin veruval deka mnogu polesno }e najde spomagateli za pe~atewe na svoite novi izdanija.

Spored bugarskiot istra`uva~ Stefan H’rkov, za ovaa opredelba na Joan Harmosin va`na uloga odigral i toga{niot mitropolit vo Plovdiv, Panaret. Roden vo s. Patele, Lerinsko, vo 1805 g., Panaret Plovdivski bil vrsnik, a verojatno i prija- tel na vladikata Genadij (tatkoto na Joan Harmosin). Kako eg- zarhiski mitropolit Panaret zapo~nuva da raboti vo oktomvri 1872 godina. Ne e isklu~eno Panaret da bil i u~itel na Joan Harmosin vo Bitola vo 40-te godini na XIX vek.2

1 Markova, Zina, B lgarskata ekzarhi 1870-1879, - Sofi , 1989, p. 126. 2 H’rkov, Stefan, ‚Muzi~ko-preveduva~kata dejnost na Joan Harmosin- Ohridski‛, (Stru{ka muzi~ka esen-‘95)‚Novootkrieni dokumenti za Joan Harmosin- Ohridski‛, (Stru{ka muzi~ka esen – ‘2001).

133

Vo 1873 godina Joan Harmosin zaminuva za Carigrad, kade {to ostanal nepolna godina. (Za ovoj negov prestoj vo golemata hristijanska prestolnina dosega ne se znae{e i se smeta{e deka od Veles direktno se preselil vo Plovdiv). Vo tekot na esenta 1874 godina od Carigrad se preselil vo Plovdiv, kade {to rabo- ti kako u~itel po istorija, veronauka i crkovno peewe. Isto- vremeno, toj tuka ja vr{el i dol`nosta protopsalt na plovdiv- skata mitropolitska crkva ‚Sveta Bogorodica‛. Po zavr{uvaweto na rusko-turskata vojna (1877-1878) Joan Harmosin-Ohridski e nazna~en za sekretar na Plovdivskata mitropolija, dol`nost koja{to }e ja izvr{uva s# do krajot na svojot `ivot. Umira na 13 mart, 1890 godina vo Plovdiv.

Zbornikot “Pashalija”

Crkovno-muzi~kiot zbornik ‚Pashalija‛ na Joan Harmosin - Ohridski pretstavuva tematski sistematizirana psaltikija od tvorbi i tradicionalni crkovni napevi nameneti za bogoslu`ba vo Svetlata sedmica na najgolemiot hristijanski praznik - Voskresenieto Hristovo, kako i za drugi praznici vo tekot na godinata. Ovaa svoevidna crkovno-muzi~ka antologija sodr`i cela niza tvorbi od najpoznatite avtori od XVII i preminot vo XVIII, pa s# do prvata polovina na XIX vek. Pred sekoja tvorba Joan Harmosin-Ohridski gi naveduva imiwata, ili samo inici- jalite na avtorite zastapeni vo zbornikot: Petar Bereket, Hri- sav Novago, Jakov Protopsalt, Petar Lambadarij, Georgij Krit- ski, Teodor Fokejski, Panajot Hala~oglu, Hurmuzij Hartofi- laks i Grigorij Protopsalt. Za makedonskata muzika ovaa psaltikija e zna~ajna i zaradi faktot, {to taa pretstavuva prva pe~atena kniga od takov vid na crkovno-slovenski jazik, koja{to sodr`i i kompozicii od make- donski avtor - li~nite tvorbi na nejziniot sostavuva~ i izda- va~, Joan Harmosin. Ne e pomalku zna~ajno i toa {to tvorbite od spomenatite vizantiski avtori i drugite napevi zastapeni vo

134

Pashalija se prepeani od gr~ki (a mo`ebi i od romanski), na crkovno-slovenski jazik od samiot Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Os- ven ova, mo`e da se pretpostavi deka toj izvr{il i odredeni korekcii na tradicionalnite napevi od zbornikot, vo smisla na nivno stilsko nivelirawe. Se razbira, nekoi od ovie tvorbi Joan Harmosin-Ohridski mo`el da prevzeme od slovenskite rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi, koi vo toj period cirkulirale na teritorijata na Makedonija. Od dosega{noto sporeduvawe na sodr`inite od zbornikot Pas- halija so onie od knigite na crkovno-slovenski jazik pe~ateni pred nejzinoto izdavawe (zna~i, porano od 1869 godina), dosega konstatirav, deka od psaltikijata Cvetosobranie od Nikola Trendafilov-Slivnenec, izdadena vo Bukure{t, vo 1847 godina (prva crkovno-muzi~ka kniga na slovenski jazik vo pravoslav- niot svet), Joan Harmosin-Ohridski vo svojot zbornik go prezel prepevot na edna Pri~esna (‚Telo Hristovo‛) od Grigorij Pro- topsalt.1 Sporedbata poka`uva deka vo ovoj prepev vklu~en vo Pashalija, Joan Harmosin izvr{il nezna~itelni izmeni. Ne e isklu~eno, vo svojata kniga Joan Harmosin da vklu~il u{te ne- koj prepev i od drugite slovenski izdanija od toj period. Nekoi od tvorbite so koi{to Joan Harmosin e zastapen vo Pashalija kako avtor, po s# izgleda, gi napi{al otkako go utvr- dil izborot na tvorbite od drugite avtori, koi{to }e vlezat vo knigata. Do ovoj zaklu~ok dojdov sporeduvaj}i gi negovite tvor- bi so onie na drugite zastapeni avtori, so koi{to imaat vidlivi tematsko-stilski korelacii, a ponekoga{ se voo~uvaat i nekoi pozajmeni delovi od niv. Vo vrska so ova treba da se istakne, de- ka vo vizantiskata crkovno-muzi~ka literatura, nekoi napevi od razli~ni avtori, so ista ili srodna sodr`ina, za ista ili sli~- na liturgiska namena, se sli~ni ili identi~ni vo po~etokot, no vo prodol`enieto se razvivaat samostojno, vo zavisnost od ide- jata i talentot na nivniot avtor. Vsu{nost, stanuva zbor za gle- di{te koe dr`i do tradicijata na pravoslavnata crkva, spored

1 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cvetosobranie, Bukure , 1847. p. 141.

135 koja, i melodijata, i tekstot na crkovnite penija imaat bo`es- tveno poteklo, koi na ovoj na~in (so prezemaweto od drug avtor - prethodnik) se za~uvuvaat vo prvobitnata forma i sodr`ina.1 Vakvi postapki, kako {to rekov pogore, sretnuvame i vo kompo- ziciite na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, pokonkretno, vo negovata Pri~esna na I glas, ~ija{to po~etna muzi~ka fraza e zemena od samiot po~etok na Heruvika na prvi glas od Teodor Fokejski. Vo ovoj slu~aj, mo`ebi stanuva zbor i za pozajmuvawe na muzi~ki motiv od strana na Joan Harmosin, so cel da postigne pogolemo edinstvo na svojot psaltikiski zbornik kako muzi~ko-tematska celina. Vo zbornikot ‚Pashalija‛, samiot sostavuvuva~ i izdava~ Joan Harmosin -Ohridski e zastapen so slednive crkovno-muzi~- ki tvorbi:

1. Elici vo Hrista, na prvi glas, 2. Otca i sina‛ na petti glas, 3. Telo Hristovo, na prvi glas, 4. Telo Hristovo (drugo), na prvi glas, 5. Bogorodi~en tropar, na petti glas, 6. Katavasii Bogorodi~ni, na ~etvrti glas i 7. Dostojno est na petti glas.

Pove}eto od ovie tvorbi na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski se komponirani so tradicionalni muzi~ki sred-stva i se vklopuva- at vo tematskata celina na zbornikot Pashalija. Isklu~ok pret- stavuva tvorbata Dostojno est na peti glas, koja{to spored ka- rakterot na tematskiot materijal i na~inot na negovata razra- botka, se izdvojuva od drugite. Stavena na samiot kraj na knigata, tvorbata Dostojno est na petti glas se do`ivuva kako nekoe navestuvawe, kako nova pojdovna to~ka na avtorot i na negovite viduvawa na makedonskata crkovna muzika. [to se odnesuva do prepevite na avtorskite tvorbi i na tradicionalnite napevi od gr~ki na crkovno-slovenski jazik,

1 Jonescu, Gheorghe C., Studii de muzicologie şi bizantinologie, Bucureşti, 1997. p. 69.

136 kako i do nivnoto adaptirawe vo zbornikot Pashalija, toa e na- praveno na na~in koj{to mu prilega na sestrano obrazovan mu- zi~ar so {iroka kultura, kakov {to nesomneno bil Joan Harmo- sin. Vo prilog na ova govori i faktot deka poznatiot bugarski muzikolog i kompozitor od makedonsko poteklo Petar Dinev vo predgovorot na svojot Prira~nik za sovremena vizantiska nev- matska notacija, me|u trojcata prvopevci i muzikou~iteli koi{to vo XIX vek se zanimavale so ovaa dejnost go vbrojuva i makedonskiot prerodbenik Joan Harmosin-Ohridski.1 Od druga strana, sudej}i spored toa {to Joan Harmosin vo svojata kniga Pashalija nikade ne se potpi{al kako prepejuva~, nitu, pak, so ne{to navestuva deka izvr{il prepev i adaptacija na tvorbite, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka za nego prepevuvaweto pretstavuva po- ve}e tehni~ki, otkolku avtorski ~in. Sudej}i spored tematsko- stilskata izedna~enost na tradicionalnite napevi koi{to se zastapeni vo zbornikot, ne e isklu~eno tie da se obraboteni od samiot Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Toj vo predgovorot na zborni- kot Pashalija ni dava na znaewe, deka site tvorbi gi proveruval, peej}i gi vo brojni makedonski crkvi i po{iroko.2 Zbornikot Pashalija ne e mehani~ki napraven izbor od crkovni napevi i tvorbi, tuku vnimatelno sozdadena celina so jasna koncepcija. Ovaa psaltikija koja{to vo svojot naslov isto- vremeno sodr`i i kanon i metafora, so prekrasnite melopoet- ski sodr`ini posveteni na Vokresenieto Hristovo, se do`ivu- va kako avtenti~no delo od najubavite tradicii na slovensko- vizantiskata crkovna umetnost. Pi{uvaj}i go svojot zbornik Pashalija na slovenski jazik i spored na hrisantovata muzi~ka teorija, Joan Harmosin- Ohridski i oficijalno go vovede makedonskoto crkovno peewe vo najnovata faza od razvojot na vizantiskata crkovno-muzi~ka umetnost, vo t.n. nov sistem. Istovremeno, pod vlijanie na no- viot romanti~arski koncept na umetni~koto sozdavawe, vo svo-

1 Dinev, Pet r, R kovodstvo po s vremenna vizanti ska nevmena notaci , Sofi , 1964. p. 5. 2 Harmosin-Ohridsk i oann , Pashali , Carigrad , 1869. p. 4.

137 ite tvorbi Joan Harmosin me|u prvite kompozitori vnesuva mo- tivi od folklornata pesnopojna tradicija. No, zbornikkot Pas- halija na Joan Harmosin e delo so po{iroko zna~ewe za make- donskata kulturna istorija. Pojavuvaj}i se vo najzna~ajniot pe- riod od na makedonskata Prerodba, Pashalija prerasna vo zname na borbata za vozobnovuvawe na Ohridskata arhiepiskopija i prodol`uvawe na Sveti-Klimentovoto predanie.

“Dostojno est”

Od muzikolo{ki i kulturolo{ki aspekt dragocen e pred- govorot na zbornikot Pashalija, vo koj{to na mo{ne `iv i ne- posreden na~in Joan Harmosin-Ohridski ni dava mno{tvo inte- resni podatoci za svoite tvore~ki i izdava~ki planovi i `elbi, kako i odredeni informacii od koi, pokraj drugoto, mo`e da se naseti i toga{nata konfiguracija na socijalen i politi~ki plan vo Makedonija. Isto taka, predgovorot sodr`i i interesni muzi~ki iska`uvawa, koi{to se odnesuvaat na nekoi istoriski li~nosti, na negovi sovremenici, kako i na nekoi konkretni na- pevi od zbornikot. Na edno mesto od Predgovorot na Pashalija avtorot zbo- ruva za tvorbata Dostojno est na peti glas, ‚…vo koja{to, ovde- onde, se slu{aat mesnite napevi od Gorna Makedonija, milata na{a tatkovina.‛1 Pove}e otkolku vo site drugi kompozicii na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, vo Dostojno est na peti glas se ~uv- stvuva prisniot dopir na avtorot so Nacionalnata prerodba i nejziniot naglasen streme` za otkrivawe i afirmirawe na sop- stvenite kulturni tradicii. Vo ovaa tvorba, ~ija{to melodija treperi kako nostalgi~no-rodoqubivite stihovi na Konstantin Miladinov - prviot poet na Prerodbata, se nasetuva zdivot na nacionalniot romantizam. No, osnovnata vrednost na Dostojno est na peti glas kako crkovno-muzi~ka tvorba, sepak, le`i vo nejziniot sakralen ka-

1Harmosin-Ohridsk i oann , Pashali , … ibidem, p. 5.

138 rakter, {to e, bez somnenie, rezultat od ‚…tragaweto po avten- ti~noto makedonsko crkovno peewe, po primarnata `ica na slo- venskiot hristijanski napev, najbliska do vizantiskite origi- nalni crkovni melodii‛. Vo kompozicijata Dostojno est na peti glas avtorot uspeal ‚…da iznajde va`ni punktovi na spe- cifi~nata slovenska nota na kultnata muzika od ova podnebje, kako svedo{tvo za originalniot duh na sopstvenata sredina, no, vo isto vreme i kako silen pe~at na zaedni~kata tvore~ka misla na balkanskiot ~ovek‛.1 Deka kompozicijata ‚Dostojno est‛ na peti glas bila omilena i ~esto izveduvana, govori faktot {to taa se sretnuva vo brojni prepisi i pe~ateni knigi od podocne`niot period. Dosega ja evidentirav vo ~etiri rakopisi nastanati na terito- rijata na Makedonija kon krajot na XIX i vo prvata decenija na XX vek2 i vo eden, nastanat vo Romanija.3 Najstariot prepis na ovaa tvorba e, napraven od Andon [ahpaski vo 1882 godina, tri- naeset godini po nejzinoto objavuvawe vo zbornikot Pashalija. Osven vo ovie muzi~ki rakopisi, harmosinovata Dostojno est na petti glas se nao|a i vo Psaltikiskata liturgija od Mana- sij pop Todorov, pe~atena vo Sofija, vo 1905 godina,4 kako i vo Pentikostarionot na gr~kiot jeromonah Gavriil Kuntiadis, ~ie prvo izdanie e pe~ateno vo 1931 godina, vo Seres (Grcija). Zasega ova e edinstveniot prevod na ovaa harmosinova kompozi- cija i, voop{to, na edna slovenska crkovno-muzi~ka tvorba na gr~ki jazik.5 Za `al, vo svojot Pentikostarion Gavriil Kuntijadis pokraj naslovot na tvorbata ne go stavil i imeto na nejziniot avtor – Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, tuku vo podnaslovot napome- nuva deka kompozicijata ja zapi{al vo oktomvri 1917 godina vo

1 Ortakov Dragoslav, Ars nova macedonica…, ibidem, p. 118. 2 NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje, Ms -112, Ms-125, Ms-159. [ahpaski, Andon, Psaltikiski zbornik, 1883. (manus. privat) 3 Ikonomov, Vasil, Psaltikiõ, Braila,1907. (manus.) 4 Teodorov Pop Manasi , Psaltiki na liturgi , Sofi , 1905. p. 175. 5 Kountidhj, Gavrihl, Mousikon Pentakostaeion, Iera Mitropolij

Serrwn kai Nigrithj, 1931. p. 560.

139

Stara Zagora (Bugarija), kade {to vo viorot na vojnata se na{ol kako zalo`nik. Sudej}i spored prevodot na tekstot, mo`e da se ka`e, deka G. Kuntijadis imal odredeni poznavawa na crkovno- slovenskiot jazik, a od aspekt na ortografijata so koja{to go napravil muzi~kiot zapis mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka go imal na raspolagawe zbornikot Pashalija na Joan Harmosin, ili nekoj soliden prepis od negovata tvorba Dostojno est. I vo prviot i vo vtoriot slu~aj, na Kuntijadis sekako mu bilo poznato i imeto na Joan Harmosin – Ohridski, no, koe, sepak, ne go zapi{al so tvorbata. Ako i postojat nekakvi pri~ini zaradi koi{to ne go napravil toa, jeromonahot Gavriil Kuntijadis ne mo`el da & odolee na prekrasnata kompozicija na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, koja i po ~etirinaeset godini, otkako prvpat ja slu{nal, ja stavi vo svojata kniga. Ako kon ova se dodade i toa deka prepe~atuvaweto na kom- pozicijata Dostojno est vo spomenatiot zbornik na Manasij pop Todorov se slu~uva celi 36, a vo knigata na Gavriil Kuntijadis na gr~ki jazik, 62 godini od prvoto izdanie na Pashalija, stanuva u{te pouverlivo, deka tvorbata Dostojno est na petti glas na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski so svojata originalnost i ubavina si obezbedila dostojno mesto vo antologijata na pravoslavnata crkovna muzika.

Vla{kite napevi

Vtorata re~enica od predgovorot na Pashalija, koja{to privlekuva vnimanie so svojata zagado~nost, glasi: ‚Po podr`u- vaweto na t.n. vla{ki napevi, koi{to sme gi peele vo crkvite vo Bitola, Prilep, Veles, Vrawe, Debar, Kumanovo, Ki~evo i Ca- rigrad, sekade sme naiduvale na podr`uvawe i spomenuvawe‛.1 Pra{aweto {to se postavuva eslednoto: koi se tie vla{ki nape- vi {to gi spomenuva Joan Harmosin-Ohridski? Istra`uvaj}i i razmisluvaj}i okolu ovaa muzi~ka enigma, dojdov do slednite zaklu~oci:

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski: Pashalija … op. cit. p. XIX.

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1. Vo makedonskiot naroden govor se sre}avaat izrazite vla{ko peewe, vla{ka pesna, koi{to se upotrebuvaat za premnogu razvle~eno peewe, odnosno za pesna koja{to trae predolgo. Mo`- no e t.n. papadikiski na~in na crkovno peewe da bilo narekuvano vla{ko, kako aluzija na takvite svojstva na napevot. Sepak, malku e verojatno, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski da prifatil naziv so takva konotacija za prekrasnite crkovni napevi vo papadikiski stil (na~in) na peewe. 2. Vremeto vo koe{to Joan Harmosin go podgotvuva i go iz- dava svojot crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik Pashalija, kako {to e ka`a- no i ponapred, e vreme na `estoka borba na makedonskiot narod protiv upotrebata na gr~kiot jazik vo crkvite i vo u~ili{tata. Pribli`no vo istoto vreme, so s#srdno anga`irawe od strana na tuku{to obedinetata Romanija od kne`evstvata Vla{ka i Molda- vija, i vo vla{kite crkvi na ju`niot del na Balkanot, gr~kiot jazik vo bogoslu`bata zapo~nuva postepeno da se zamenuva so vla{ki jazik. Ne e isklu~eno, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski vo nekoja od ovie crkvi da slu{al vla{ki napevi, ili preku svojot tatko - vladikata Genadij, koj spored nekoi istra`uva~i po narodnost bil Vlav,1 da do{ol do crkovno-muzi~ki knigi na vla{ki jazik, od koi{to odbral i prevel pogolem broj napevi za svojot zbor-nik Pashalija, narekuvaj}i gi vla{ki. Pri sporeduvaweto na tradicionalnite crkovni napevi od Pashalija so onie od soodvetnite muzi~ki izdanija na romanski jazik, konstatirav deka vo nekoi delovi napevite imaat upadliva sli~nost, a nekoi se, re~isi, identi~ni.2 Vo ovoj kontekst inte- resen e faktot, deka vo zbornikot Pashalija Joan Harmosin ima naredeno i eden napev Hristos voskrese na vla{ki jazik, kako {to samiot ima ozna~eno vo knigata, a koj{to, vsu{nost, e napi- {an na arhai~en romanski jazik, so staroslovenska ortografija. (Vo ovoj period oficijalno pismo vo Romanskite Zemji e s#u{te slovenskoto). Seto ova upatuva na zaklu~ok, deka Joan Harmosin-

1 H’rkov, Stefan, Novootkrieni dokumenti… op. cit. p. 6. 2 Suceveanu Dimitrie, Idiomelar, Trinitas, Iaşi, 1997. p. 191. Sporedi so: J. Harmosin-Ohridski, Pashalija, r. 22. i so rakopisot na Janaki Stojmenovi~, od 1849. NUB Ms-161, r. 52.

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Ohridski go poznaval romanskiot (vla{kiot) jazik, ili deka napevot Hristos voskrese, go prezel od nekoj romanski zbornik. 3. Po~nuvaj}i od vtorata polovina na XVII, preku XVIII, pa s# do XIX vek (osobeno pred i po voveduvaweto na t.n. nov sistem) vo Romanskite Zemji rabotele brojni vizantiski duhovnici, koi- {to gi smetale za naturalizirani vlasi. Ve}e spomenatite Hri- sav Novago, Jakov Prvopevec, Petar Vizantiski i Teodor Fokej- ski1 se zastapeni i vo zbornikot Pashalija, i toa so daleku po- golem broj tvorbi otkolku drugite kompozitori pretstaveni vo knigata. Osven toa, za nekoi od niv postojat indicii deka imale i vla{ko poteklo. (Na nekoi od tvorite na Hrisav Novago kopisti- te mu gi dodavale i prekarite Kucovlahu i Makedonu).2 Vra}aj}i se na ona {to Joan Harmosin go spomenuva vo predgovorot na zbornikot Pashalija, mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka vla{kite napevi se, vsu{nost, tvorbite na pogore spomenatite vla{ki avtori.

Statii, nastani i odbele`uvawa

@ivotot i deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, go privle- kuvaat vnimanieto na istra`uva~ite pove}e od eden vek. Samo devet godini po smrtta publikuvana e statija za Joan Harmosin vo enciklopediskiot re~nik na Luka Kas’rov (1899). Desetina godini podocna (1912), negovite zaslugi za crkovnoto peewe se odbele`ani od bugarskiot muzikou~itel Petar Sarafov. Vo 1928 g. vo Sofija se pojavuva prvata statija na Petar Dinev, vo koja, govorej}i za duhovnata muzika od minatoto, obrabotuva te- ma za Joan Harmosin. So toa zapo~nuva dolgogodi{nata istra`u- va~ka dejnost na ovoj bugarski muzikolog od makedonsko poteklo, {to rezultira so prvite pocelosni soznanija za `ivotot i mu- zi~kata dejnost na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, publikuvani od Petar Dinev vo 50-tite i 60-tite godini na XX vek.3

1 Ionesku C. Gheorghe, Lexicon, ….op. cit. p. 138, 165, 169, 367, 369. 2 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Prezumţii privind origineaetnică a lui Hrisafi cel Nou, Centrul de Studii Biyantine Iaşi, Vol. III. 2001. p.78. 3 H’rkov, Stefan, Novootkrieni dokumenti za Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, Muzika, - Skopje, 2001, god. 5, br. 8, p. 3-13. Kas rov, Luka, Enciklopedi~en re~nik, Plovdiv, 1899, p. 235-237.

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Vo istiot ovoj period makedonskata nau~na i kulturna jav- nost, osven nekoi {turi podatoci za kni`evnata dejnost na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, re~isi, nema nikakvi drugi soznanija za svojot golem sonarodnik. Za nego ne{to poodredeno se dozna od eden napis na slavistot Mihajlo Georgievski, objaven vo vesni- kot Nova Makedonija, vo 1969 god., otkako neposredno pred toa otkri eden primerok od zbornikot Pashalija. Interesno e {to, ovie nastani se sovpa|aat so 100-godi{ninata od pe~ateweto na Pashalija vo Carigrad, i na 140-godi{ninata od ra|aweto na nejziniot avtor. S# dotoga{ deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski mu se pripi{uva{e na Joan Dimitrievi}-Ohri|anin.1 Vo spomnatiot napis M. Georgievski citira eden bugarski izvor,2 koj naveduva deka osnovnite podatoci za Joan Harmosin (Ivan Genadiev) se dobieni od usnite iska`uvawa na negoviot sin Pavle Genadiev. Nekoi od ovie podatoci podocna }e bidat koregirani od istra`uva~ite. Vo 1973 godina slavistot Mihajlo Georgievski go otkriva edinstveniot dosega poznat rakopis na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Malku podocna, na novoformiranata manifestacija Stru{ka muzi~ka esen ‘75, istiot istra`uva~ podnese referat so naslov Polo`bata na notiranite muzi~ki rakopisi vo Makedonija nastanati do krajot na XIX vek, koj{to, so delot posveten na zbornikot Pashalija i na nejziniot avtor Joan Harmosin pobudi ogromno interesirawe vo makedonskite muzi~ki krugovi.3 Deka Joan Harmosin-Ohridski i zbornikot Pashalija se najdoa vo centarot na vnimanieto, zboruva i faktot, deka ve}e vo slednata

Sarafov, Pet r, R kovodstvo za prakti~eskoto i teoreti~esko izu~avane na vosto~nata ~erkovna muzika, - Sofi , 1912, p. 15. Dinev, Pet r, U~astieto na b lgari v razvitieto na duhovnata muzika na minatoto, - Muzikalen vestnik, Sofi , 1928, br. 4-5, p. 9-10. Dinev, Pet r, C rkovnopev~eskoto tvore{tvo na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, - C rkoven vestnik, Sofi , 18 juli 1959, br. 28, p. 6-7. Dinev, Pet r, Muzikalni materiali ot v zro`denskata epoha, - B lgarska muzika, Sofi , 9/1962, p. 32-34. (Citirano spored Stefan H’rkov) 1 Georgievski, Mihajlo, Nedovolno prou~en makedonski kni`evnik od XIX-vek, Skopje, Nova Makedonija, God. XXV, 23 noemvri, 1969. 2 Sto nov Man o, Blgarska vzro`denska kni`evnost, p. 274. 3 Georgievski Mihajlo, Polo`bata na… op. cit. p. 31.

143 godina na Stru{ka muzi~ka esen ‘76 od strana na muzikologot Sotir Golabovski be{e podnesen referat so naslov @ivotot i deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski.1 Novo navra}awe na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski ima{e muzi~- kiot pisatel Dragoslav Ortakov vo svojata kniga Muzi~kata umetnost vo Makedonija, izdadena vo 1982 godina. Prilogot so naslov Posledniot vek na otomanskoto vladeewe - epoha na Ma- kedonskata nacionalna prerodba od ovaa muzi~ka kniga sodr`i bele{ka so osnovnite podatoci za `ivotot i muzi~koto delo na ovoj makedonski prerodbenik. Slednata informacija za Joan Harmosin se pojavi nekolku godini podocna, vo 1986 godina, vo novata kniga na Dragoslav Ortakov Ars nova Macedonica. Vo tretata glava na ovaa kniga, vo delot so podnaslov Muzi~koto tvore{tvo vrz Hrisantovata nevmatska notacija ~etiri strani~ki avtorot mu posvetuva na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Iako ovie redovi ne donesoa nekoi iz- razito novi momenti od `ivotot na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, tie sodr`at prodlabo~eni sogleduvawa za tvore{tvoto na ovoj muzi~ki deec od periodot na Prerodbata.2 Vo sledniot period od istra`uva~ite na Joan Harmosin- Ohridski najgolemo interesirawe pobudi muzikologot Stefan H’rkov, koj vo dva navrati se pretstavi i na manifestacijata Stru{ka muzi~ka esen3. Osobeno vpe~atlivo be{e prezentira- weto na novootkrienite tri pisma i dve raspiski na Joan Har- mosin, koe{to H’rkov go ima{e na muzikolo{kata tribina na Stru{ka muzi~ka esen 2001. Otkrivaweto na ovie nekolku novi dokumenti osvetluvaat eden od najmalku poznatite i prou~uvani periodi od `ivotot na Joan Harmosin - godinite po napu{tawe- to na Makedonija i zaminuvaweto vo Bugarija (od 1873 do krajot na negoviot `ivot – 1890 godina).

1 Golabovki, Sotir, @ivotot i deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, Makedonska muzika, br. 2, Skopje, 1979. p. 31-35. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova macedonica,... op. cit. p. 116. 3 H’rkov, Stefan, ‚Muzi~ko-preveduva~kata dejnost na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski‛, (Stru{ka muzi~ka esen-‘95)‚Novootkrieni dokumenti za Joan Harmosin- Ohridski‛, (Stru{ka muzi~ka esen – ‘2001).

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Najcelosno pretstavuvawe na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski i na negovoto tvore{tvo koe pobudi ogromno interesirawe vo ma- kedonskata kulturna i nau~na javnost pretstavuva izdanieto na zbornikot Pashalija vo 1999 god., po povod 130 godini od prvoto izdanie i 170-godi{ninata od ra|aweto na nejziniot avtor, koj- {to go priredi Jane Koxaba{ija so paralelna transkripcija na evropska notacija. Vo komentarot kon ova izdanie na Pashalija pod naslov Po tragite na makedonskoto crkovno peewe napra- ven e presek na socijalno-politi~kite i na kulturno-prosvetni- te sostojbi vo Makedonija vo vtorata polovina na XIX i po~eto- kot na XX vek. Vo ovoj tekst posebno e naglasen prerodbenskiot period, vo ~ii ramki, kako jasen izraz na borbata za osloboduva- we od gr~koto duhovno ropstvo, e pretstaven zbornikot Pasha- lija od Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Odbele`uvaj}i go ovoj nastan, muzikologot i bibliotekar Jelica Todor~evska vo Utrinski vesnik od 22-23 januari, 2000 godina, objavi statija pod naslov: ‚Sinteza na makedonskata crkovna muzika‛, so podnaslov: Pashalija od Joan Harmosin- Ohridski (1829-1890), vo transkripcija na Jane Koxaba{ija.1 Vo ovoj napis me|u drugoto stoi: ‚Denovive, makedonskata muzi~ka istorija vo oblasta na crkovnata muzika odbele`uva eden golem nastan. Povtorno e izdadeno deloto na Ivan Genadiev - so crkovno ime Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890) od Ohrid, pod naslov Pashalija – zbornik od crkovni napevi i tvorbi za Svet- lata sedmica na Hristosovoto voskresenie - najgolemiot praznik na hristijanite. /…/ Deneska e pred nas (vo dekemvri 1999 g.) vtoroto izdanie na Pashalija od Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, iz- dadeno vo transkripcija na makedonskiot kompozitor i magistar po psaltika i paleografija Jane Koxaba{ija, posle 130 godini (1869-1999). /…/ Mo{ne op{irniot komentar na m-r Jane Ko- xaba{ija ovozmo`uva deloto da bide razbrano i pretstaveno vo najstru~na i najdobra forma, {to }e mu pomogne na sekoj prak-

1 Todor~evska Jelica, Sinteza na makedonskata crkovna muzika, Utrinski vesnik, Skopje, g. II, br.175, Sabota-nedela, 22-23 januari, 2000. p. 15.

145 ti~ar ili sve{teno lice, bez problem da ja ostvari interpre- tacijata. Od golema pomo{ za ~itatelot e i Terminolo{kiot re~nik, koj{to gi prezentira prete`no crkovnite muzi~ki ter- mini, zaedno so registarot na imiwata, kako i bogatata bibli- ografija na koristena literatura.‛ /…/ Po istiot povod slavistkata Violeta Martinovska vo ves- nikot Dnevnik od 18 juli 2000 godina1 me|u drugoto istaknuva: ‚...Mnogu zna~aen pridones vo crkovnata muzika e objavuvaweto na knigata Pashalija od Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, ~ij prireduva~ e d-r Jane Koxaba{ija. Taa e objavena po povod 2000 godini od Hris- tijanstvoto i 130 godini od prvoto objavuvawe na Pashalija. Nej- ziniot prireduva~ d-r Jane Koxaba{ija e redok profil od oblas- ta na vizantiskata crkovna muzika, koj svoeto obrazovanie go steknal na Muzi~kiot univerzitet vo Bukure{t. /…/ Transkrip- cijata (gvidonska) i vovedniot tekst na d-r Jane Koxaba{ija se neizmerliv, dragocen pridones za crkovnata muzika. Nau~no iz- dr`ana i fragmentirana, so paralelizam na originalnite nevmi i transkribiranite noti se zaokru`uva kompaktnata muzi~ka ce- lina. Vakov paralelizam e mo{ne redok od vakov vid kaj nas i toa go stava nejziniot transkriptor, koj e verziran prou~uva~ na ovaa ~udesna oblast, na zaslu`en piedestal.‛ /…/ Vo svojata recenzija za izdanieto na zbornikot Pashalija, vo 1999 g., d-r Mihajlo Georgievski, naglasuva, deka ‚...hrisanto- vata nevmatska notacija, kako sinteza na prethodnite fazi vo razvojot na vizantiskoto muzi~ko pismo, e izobilno upotrebu- vana na teritorijata na Makedonija s# do po~etokot na XX vek. Ottuka, pojavata na prvata publikacija kaj nas so ovaa muzi~ka notacija ima prvostepeno nau~no i kulturolo{ko zna~ewe. Ovaa dosega neobjavena, izvonredno zna~ajna kniga od vremeto na Pre- rodbata, sega ponudena i vo transkripcija na evropsko notacija, }e otvori niza novi pra{awa vo odnos na makedonskata tradici- onalna muzika i na nejzinite tvorci. /…/ Samo po sebe deloto Pashalija na Joan Harmosin e vredno kako zbornik na veligden-

1 Martinovska, Violeta, Skopje, Dnevnik, 18 juli 2000 god..

146 ski napevi, koi vo minatiot vek bea vo {iroka upotreba vo make- donskite crkvi. Negoviot paralelen prikaz i na evropsko notno pismo, ovoj trud istovremeno go pravi i svoeviden prira~nik za izu~uvawe na nevmatskoto muzi~ko pismo. /…/ Poradi isklu~i- telnata vrednost na crkovnite napevi dadeni vo dvete muzi~ki notacii i mo`nosta od op{irniot voveden tekst odblizu da se sogleda profilot na Joan Harmosin - Ohridski kako intelek- tualec, literat i muzi~ki tvorec od periodot na Prerodbata, ovoj trud na Jane Koxaba{ija go zaslu`uva vnimanieto na kulturnata i nau~nata javnost.‛ Etnomuzikologot d-r \or|i M. \or|iev, vo svojata recenzija za istoto izdanie na zbornikot Pashalija od Joan Harmosin go podvle~e negovoto zna~ewe, naglasuvaj}i, deka ‚...ovaa crkovno- muzi~ka kniga vo paralelna transkripcija na zapadnoto muzi~ko pismo, dojde isto taka vo zna~aen period, koga tradicionalnoto crkovno peewe povtorno se vra}a vo makedonskite crkvi. Ovaa kniga indirektno go nametnuva pra{aweto za vzaemnoto vlijanie na crkovnata muzika od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija i stara- ta gradska pesna, od edna strana, i muzi~kite vlijanija od po{i- rokite prostori na nekoga{noto Isto~no rimsko carstvo na ma- kedonskite prostori. Ovaa interesna pretpostavka pretstavuva predizvik za ponatamo{no istra`uvawe na na{ata crkovna i folklorna muzika. /…/ Zbornikot Pashalija na Joan Harmosin pretstaven pred nau~nata javnost po ramno 130 godini, trans- kribiran i na zapadna notacija od Jane Koxaba{ija, e dotolku pozna~aen, {to inicira{e nekoi obrazovni institucii kaj nas da go vovedat izu~uvaweto na crkovnata muzika od slovensko-vizan- tiskata tradicija. Promocijata na zbornikot Pashalija na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski pred po{irokata nau~na i kulturna javnost pretstavuva nov silen pottik za ponatamo{ni isleduvawa na crkovnata muzika, kako eden od bazi~nite segmenti na na{ata nacionalna kultura...‛ Po povod spomenatite jubilei na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, na pokana na Negovoto bla`enstvo Arhiepiskopot makedonski i

147 poglavar na Makedonskata Pravoslavna Crkva g. g. Mihail, na 10 mart, 1999 godina, pred studentite na Bogoslovskiot fakultet ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ vo Skopje, odr`av predavawe na tema Po tragite na makedonskoto crkovno peewe, so naglaska na `i- votot i deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Osven ova, vo ram- kite na manifestacijata Denovi na makedonskata muzika ‘99, koja{to ja organizira Sojuzot na kompozitorite na Makedonija, na 28 mart, istata jubilejna godina, vo Soborniot hram Sv. Kli- ment Ohridski vo Skopje, za prvpat bea izvedeni kompozicii na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski od negoviot zbornik Pashalija. Trans- kribirani i adaptirani za izvedba vo duhot na slovensko-vizan- tiskata tradicija od moja strana, ovie tvorbi bea izvedeni od Horovite (ma{ki, `enski i me{an) na Makedonskata radiote- levizija i solistot proto|akon Aleksandar Candovski, pod di- rigentstvoto na Oliver Balaburski. So istite izveduva~i i so kompozitorot Risto Avramovski kako muzi~ki urednik, Muzi~- kata produkcija na Makedonskata radio-televizija, po povod jubileite na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski vo svoite muzi~ki studija snimi pogolem broj negovi kompozicii. Jubilejnata 110-godi{nina od smrtta na Joan Harmosin e od- bele`ana so promocijata na spomenatoto novo izdanie na zbor- nikot Pashalija, koja{to se odr`a vo ramkite na manifestaci- jata Denovi na makedonskata muzika ‘2000 vo Soborniot hram Sv. Kliment Ohridski vo Skopje, na koja{to za istoriskata pojava na crkovno-muzi~kata kniga Pashalija i za `ivotniot pat na nejziniot avtor govore{e Akad. Cvetan Grozdanov. Ugledniot vi- zantolog, me|u drugoto, naglasi, deka ova izdanie za `ivotot i de- loto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski be{e dolgo o~ekuvano vo make- donskata nauka i pretstavuva dragocen pridones kon prou~uvawe- to i reafirmacijata na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiska tradicija vo Makedonija. Vo ovaa prigoda so kompozicii od Joan Harmosin-Ohridski nastapi @enskiot kameren hor Sv. Zlata Meglenska i solistot proto|akon Aleksandar Candovski, pod dirigenstvoto na Letka Dimovska-Polizova.

148

Godi{ninata od smrtta na Joan Harmosin ja odbele`a i Lajons Klubot Sv. Pantelejmon od Skopje. Po toj povod Klubot organizira{e predavawe na tema Makedonskoto crkovno peewe i negovite najzna~ajni pretstavnici, koe{to go odr`a d-r Jane Koxaba{ija. Po istiot povod Klubot Lajons Sv. Pantelejmon za svoja himna ja proglasi tvorbata na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski - Bogorodi~en tropar na petti glas. Klubot isto taka trajno gi odbele`a jubileite na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski so izdavawe na kompakt-disk so negovi muzi~ki tvorbi. Od dosega navedenoto vidlivo e deka vo tekot na celiot XX vek za Joan Harmosin-Ohridski se napi{ani pogolem broj sta- tii od strana na poznati istra`uva~i na crkovnata muzika od Makedonija i Bugarija, a vo poslednive petnaesetina godini vo na{ava sredina preku razni formi se afirmira{e negovoto crkovno-muzi~ko i prerodbensko delo. Preku ovie aktivnosti kako da voskresna prerodbenskiot duh na Joan Harmosin-Ohrid- ski od dlabo~inata na XIX vek vo presudniot moment: vo voz- nesot na pravednata borba na Makedonskata Pravoslavna Crkva za ramnopravno mesto vo pravoslavniot svet.

149

V.

Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934)

Vo ostavninata na istaknatiot kulturno prosveten deec od vremeto na Prerodbata, Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934), koja{to se ~uva kaj negovite potomci otkrien e navmatski rakopis, napi- {an so rakata na prerodbenikot, vo Braila - Romanija, vo 1907 godina.1 Ovaa besprekorno ubavo napi{ana Psaltikija, me|u drugite crkovni napevi i tvorbi od najpoznatite pretstavnici na isto~noto crkovno peewe (od gr~ko poteklo), sodr`i i tvorbi od makedonskite avtori Joan Harmosin-Ohridski i od Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin, dotoga{ spomnuvan kako kulturno-prosveten deec od prerodbenskiot period, no, ne i kako avtor na crkovno- muzi~ki tvorbi. Dinami~nata li~nost na Vasil Ikonomov, koj so svoeto folkloristi~ko-etnografsko i pe~atarsko-publicisti~ko delo, kako i so svojata u~itelsko-buditelska i nacionalno-kulturna aktivnost,2 vo XIX i XX vek, na kulturnata javnost vo Makedo- nija & e poznata od nau~nite trudovi na Aleksandar Matkovski, Gligor Todorovski, Kiril Penu{liski, Bla`e Ristovski i dr. Daleku pomalku e poznata negovata crkovno-muzi~ka dejnost. Novootkrienata Psaltikija pretstavuva ubav povod, da se za- dr`ime na mnogustranata li~nost na nejziniot sostavuva~. Vasil Ikonomov e roden vo 1848 god. vo seloto Lazaropole, vo Makedonija, vo trgovsko semejstvo. Rano ostanuvaj}i sirak bez dvajcata roditeli, gri`ata za {estogodi{niot Vasilko ja pre-

1 Vasil Ikonomov, Psaltikija, Braila,1907. (So fotokopija raspolaga NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ – Skopje). 2 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934), Institut za nacionalna istorija, Skopje, 1985. p. 9.

150 zel negoviot ~i~ko Kosta Martinov Dimkoski. Osnovno obrazo- vanie zavr{il kaj poznatiot lazaropolski sve{tenik i u~itel Martin Dimkoski, a podocna, po preporaka na toga{niot debar- sko-ki~evski gr~ki vladika bil ispraten vo Grcija da zavr{i gr~ka seminarija. Za ponatamo{niot `ivoten pat na Vasilko ne postojat sigurni podatoci. ‚…Kade, vo koja seminarija vo Grcija se {ko- luval Vasil i kolku vreme traelo toa {koluvawe, zasega ne zna- eme. Imaj}i ja predvid negovata sklonost kon duhovnata proble- matika, mo`e da se pretpostavi deka se raboti za nekoja gr~ka duhovna seminarija. Stepenot na negovite kaligrafski sposob- nosti i poznavaweto na crkovnoto notno peewe, bezdrugo sugeri- raat edno takvo redovno duhovno {koluvawe. /…/ Toj se pretsta- vuva kako poliglot {to znae i srpski, bugarski, ruski, gr~ki, albanski, romanski i verojatno i francuski, pokraj makedon- skiot i turskiot jazik. Dali navistina ne bil vo Ploe{t (1870- 1873), kade{to imalo i dosta pe~albari od Lazaropole? Dali slu~ajno podocna zaminuva vo Braila?‛1 Vo periodot 1902-1907 godina Vasil Ikonomov prestojuval vo Braila, Romanija, kade{to rabotel kako psalt vo crkvata Sv. Voznesenie. Bil neobi~no po~ituvan zaradi svoeto melodi~no i slatko peewe vo crkvata i zaradi dobrata du{a i blagiot karak- ter. Kako {to pi{uva i samiot na vtorata stranica od spomena- tata Psaltikija, za vreme na svojot petgodi{en prestoj kako peja~ vo edinstvenata bugarska crkva vo Braila, napi{al, prevel i izdal nekolku ‚du{epolezni kni{ki‛, koi, za `al, do ovoj moment ne se pronajdeni. Poa|aj}i od faktot deka vo edinstveniot so~uvan rakopisen zbornik na Vasil Ikonomov najmnogu se zastapeni gr~ki avtori, koi{to trajno bile naseleni vo Romanskite Zemji, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka toj se orientiral kon crkovno-muzi~kata literatu- ra, koja{to lesno mo`el da ja najde vo Romanija. Ottuka i pretpo- stavkata deka osven od gr~ki, toj mo`ebi preveduval tvorbi i od

1 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov … ibidem. p.17-18.

151 romanski na slovenski jazik. Pritoa ostanuva nepoznato, dali preveduval i tvorbi od romanski avtori, iako e pove}e od vero- jatno, deka Vasil Ikonomov imal i vreme i mo`nosti da se za- poznae so romanskoto crkovno peewe i so negovite glavni pret- stavnici. Po vra}aweto vo Makedonija Vasil Ikonomov eden pokra- tok period se zanimaval so izdava~ka dejnost vo Solun, kade{to za taa cel osnoval sopstvena pe~atnica. Po vra}aweto vo rodno- to Lazaropole bil nazna~en za kmet. Odvreme-navreme so zado- volstvo prestojuval vo ki~evskiot manastir Pre~ista. Ovde ja komponiral i edinstvenata dosega otkriena tvorba Dostojno est na peti glas.1 Vo poslednite godini Vasil Ikonomov `iveel miren sta- re~ki `ivot, vo svoeto rodno selo, a negovite potomci pomnat deka izvesno vreme `iveel i sam vo manastirot Pre~ista. Um- rel vo dlaboka starost, vo 1934 godina vo rodnoto Lazaropole.2 Vo sporedba so negovite aktivnosti kako istaknat folk- lorist, etnograf i u~itel, crkovno-muzi~kata dejnost na Vasil Ikonomov, koja{to s#u{te ne e sogledana vo site nejzini ele- menti, izgleda skromna, no, sepak mo{ne zna~ajna. Od malkute podatoci so koi{to vo ovoj moment raspolaga makedonskata muzikologija mo`e da se zaklu~i deka Vasil Ikonomov ne bil samo vreden i pasioniran preveduva~, prepi{uva~ i izdava~ na crkovni tvorbi, tuku i odli~en psalt, koj{to neumorno gi pro- pagiral crkovnite tvorbi od makedonski avtori. Po negova zas- luga makedonskata crkovna muzika deneska e pobogata za tri interesni, dosega nepoznati tvorbi, kako i za muzi~kiot pro- fil na nivniot avtor - Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin. Vo s#u{te neotkrienite rakopisi na Vasil Ikonomov verojatno le`at i drugi dragoceni tvorbi i podatoci za crkovno-muzi~koto minato na Makedonija.

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, ‚Dosega neobjaven…”, op. cit. p. 3. 2 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov … op. cit. p. 126-127.

152

VI.

Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin (1840-1919)

So otkrivaweto na muzi~kiot rakopis na Vasil Ikonimov (1848-1934), preku no}, na stranicite na makedonskata crkovna muzika osamna li~nosta na Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin. Dosega spomenuvan samo koga stanuva{e zbor za kulturno-istoriskoto minato na gradot [tip, so otkrivaweto na del od negovoto cr- kovno-muzi~ko tvore{tvo, }e mo`e da se ka`e ne{to poodredeno i za negoviot tvore~ki profil. Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin e roden vo 1840 godina, kako sin na poznatiot {tipski u~itel Pavle Grozdanov. Za~uvanite podatoci zboruvaat deka tatko mu na Dimitar, kako gradski milemik, bil ispraten da se doobrazuva vo ]ustendil kaj Neo- fit Rilski (1793-1881), eden od najistaknatite slovenski pret- stavnici na isto~no-pravoslavnoto crkovno peewe vo XIX vek. Deka Pavle Grozdanov na svojot sin mu dal mo{ne solidno obra- zovanie, zboruva i faktot deka, po smrtta vo 1857 godina, nego- voto mesto na u~itel go nasledil sin mu Dimitar, iako toga{ imal samo 17 godini. Vo rodniot grad [tip Dimitar Pavlov rabotel do svojata 23-godi{na vozrast, a potoa zaminal vo Plovdiv na povisoko ob- razovanie. Po uspe{noto zavr{uvawe na klasnoto u~ili{te vo ovoj grad, Dimitar Pavlov se vra}a vo Makedonija i nekolku go- dini raboti kako u~itel vo Novo Selo, kade{to aktivno zema u~estvo vo dvi`eweto za duhovno osloboduvawe od Grcite. Pre- sudno za negovoto ponatamo{no napreduvawe e u~estvoto na pr- viot egzarhiski kongres vo Carigrad, po ~ie zavr{uvawe e zadr- `an od egzarhijata kako u~itel i peja~ vo egzarhiskata crkva vo

153

Carigrad. Za vreme na ovoj petgodi{en prestoj vo Carigrad, Di- mitar Pavlov istovremeno go posetuval i Robert - kolexot, ka- de{to gi usovr{il znaewata po francuski, gr~ki i turski jazik, a isto taka i znaeweto na zapadnata istorija i kulturata, oso- beno na francuskite filozofi od XVIII vek. Nasproti primamlivite ponudi karierata da ja prodol`i vo Bugarija, po pette dinami~ni godini pominati vo Carigrad, ispolneti so razni i brojni aktivnosti, Dimitar Pavlov odlu- ~uva da se vrati vo Makedonija, vo rodniot grad [tip, kade{to u~itelstvuva u{te celi 18 godini. Vo ovoj period toj izvr{uva razni drugi dol`nosti: direktor na klasnoto u~ili{te, sekre- tar na op{tinata, crkoven peja~, glaven u~itel i drugo. Toj zemal aktivno u~estvo i vo novite revolucionerni dvi`ewa vo Makedonija, zaradi {to do{ol vo sudir so lokalnite vlasti i bil prinuden da go napu{ti [tip. Slednite sedum godini Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin gi po- minuva vo Skopje, kade{to po barawe na Mitropolijata ostanuva da gi izvr{uva dol`nostite na u~itel, vospita~ vo u~eni~kiot pansion i crkoven peja~. Po ova negovo posledno u~itelstvu- vawe, Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin zaminuva vo Bugarija, kade{to `ivee kako skromen penzioner i crkoven peja~. Isto{ten od mizerniot `ivot i od bolestite, umira vo edna polurazurnata ku}a vo Sofija, vo 1919 godina.1 Osven bogatata u~itelsko-prosvetitelska i crkovna dej- nost, od Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin se poznati i pove}e statii i prilozi vo razni vesnici vo koi{to go prika`uva kulturno- prosvetniot i crkovniot `ivot vo Makedonija vo poslednata ~etvrtina na XIX vek.2 Od tvore{tvoto na Dimitar Pavlov-[tipjanin, kako {to e ve}e ka`ano, poznati se samo tri crkovno-muzi~ki tvorbi, koi- {to se so~uvani vo ‚Psaltikijata‛ na Vasil Ikonomov:

1 Zavoev , Pet r , Grad ip , Sofi , 1928, p. 25-28. 2 Sto nov, Man o, B lgarska v zro`denska kni`nina (t. 1), Sofi ,1957, p. 274.

154

-‚Heruvika‛, na ~etvrti glas, -‚Dostojno est‛, na prvi glas i -‚Otca i Sina‛, na prvi glas. Vo koj period od `ivotot na avtorot se napi{ani ovie tvorbi, dali osven ovie ima napi{ano i drugi, kako se na{le vo zbornikot na Vasil Ikonomov, napi{an vo Braila, ne e poznato. Dotoga{, za kompoziciite mo`e da se ka`e deka se napi{ani od visokoobrazovan i iskusen muzi~ar, koj{to so tradicionalni muzi~ki sredstva go izrazuva sezibilitetot na novoto vreme. Kompoziciite Heruvika i Dostojno est plenat so svojata edno- stavnost i pevlivost i nivnoto prisustvo vo zbornikot na Vasil Ikonomov, sekako, ne e slu~ajno. Tretata kompozicija, ‚Otca i Sina‛ na prvi glas, so gusta- ta primena na alterirani tonovi u{te na samiot po~etok, pre- minuva vo napev so hromatsko-enharmonski karakter. Ovaa kom- pozicija na Dimitar Pavlov, vsu{nost, go sodr`i liturgiskiot tekst koj{to zapo~nuva so ‚Otca i Sina‛ i zavr{uva so‛Tebe poem‛. Sostavena od pove}e kratki epizodi i delovi vo ~ija{to izvedba u~estvuvaat sve{tenik i psalti, ovaa dijalo{ka forma, vo koja{to melodijata e polna so emocii, se do`ivuva kako edin- stvena dramatur{ka celina.

155

VII.

Manasij pop Todorov (1856-1936)

Imeto na Manasij pop Todorov vo makedonskata muzi~ka nauka se spomenuva{e vo poslednive dve-tri decenii, koga stanu- va{e zbor za pe~atenite psaltikiski zbornici vo Bugarija, koi kon krajot na XIX i po~etokot na XX vek cirkulirale na teri- torijata na Makedonija. Kako avtor na crkovni tvorbi prvpat be{e spomnat vo 1978 godina, so otkrivaweto na rakopisniot Psaltikiski voskresnik na kratov~anecot Vasil Ivanov Boja- xiev (1876-1950),1 vo koj, me|u avtorite (Jovan Kukuzel, Petar Lambadarij, Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, Kalistrat Zograf- ski, Hristo [aldev, Hristo pop Stojanov, Atanas Badev, Petar Dinev, N. Nikolaev), e zastapen i Manasij pop Todorov i toa so najgolem broj tvorbi. Vo ovoj period, na makedonskata muzi~ka nauka s#u{te ne & be{e poznato negovoto makedonsko poteklo i toj se spomenuva{e samo kako bugarski izdava~ na crkovni knigi. Najranata pi{ana informacija za makedonskoto poteklo na Manasij pop Todorov i nekoi drugi podatoci za negoviot `i- vot i dejnost, se nao|a vo U~ebnikot po isto~no crkovno peewe, na bugarskiot u~itel i crkoven pea~ Mir~o M. Bogoev, izdaden vo Plovdiv (Bugarija), vo 1940 godina. Spored ovoj skuden izvor Manasij pop Todorov e Makedonec, dolgogodi{en u~itel po is- to~no crkovno peewe vo Samokovskoto bogoslovsko u~ili{te i vo Sofiskata duhovna seminarija, kade {to sozdal cela genera-

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/ 6, ‚Pe~atenite slovenski muzi~ki (nevmatski) zbornici vo Makedonija, Skopje, 1986, p. 81. Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija, Vorldbuk, Skopje, 2001. p. 100.

156 cija na peja~i. Spored ovoj izvor, Manasij pop Todorov `iveel do 1938, a spored drugi, do1936 godina. Zboruvaj}i za izdava~kata dejnost na pop Todorov, Mir~o M. Bogoev naveduva, deka svojot prv crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik - Voskresnikot, go pe~atel na zapadna notacija, vo 1898 godina, dodeka preostanatite sedum, izdadeni vo periodot od 1905 do 1922 godina, se napi{ani na hrisantovata notacija. Spored ovoj izvor, Manasij pop Todorov ne sozdal ne{to originalno, svoe. So mali isklu~oci, toj prepi{uval, prerabotuval (popraval), glavno, tvorbi od Angel Sevlievec, bugarski avtor od XIX vek. Pri seto toa, Manasij pop Todorov ima neprocenliva zasluga za zbogatuvaweto i {ireweto na crkovno-muzi~kata literatura, za- radi {to e priznat za golem muzi~ki deec.1 Podocne`en i zna~itelno pobogat izvor na podatoci za Manasij pop Todorov pretstavuva statijata na Petar Dinev, ob- javena vo C rkoven vestnik od 1960 godina vo Sofija.2 Dedo Manasij - kako {to go vikale negovite mnogubrojni u~enici od Samokovskoto bogoslovsko u~ili{te i od Sofiskata duhovna se- minarija, koi vo svoite srca za~uvale drag spomen i dlaboka po~it kon svojot u~itel po isto~no crkovno peewe - pove}e od 30 godini, so retka predadenost kon crkovno-muzi~koto delo, ne- prekinato sozdaval kvalifikuvani kadri od crkovni pea~i i pe~atel psaltikiski zbornici. Manasij pop Todorov e roden vo 1856 godina vo s. Sabatkoj, Sersko, vo egejskiot del na Makedonija. Obrazovanie na gr~ki ja- zik dobil vo sve{teni~koto u~ili{te pri manastirot Sv. Joan Prodromos, blizu do Seres. Tamu toj go sovladal psaltikiskoto peewe i stanal crkoven peja~. So cel da go sovlada crkovnoto peewe na slovenski jazik i da premine vo egzarhiska slu`ba, Manasij go napu{ta rodniot kraj i zaminuva za Bitola.3 Zasega,

1 Bogoev , Mir~o, U~ebnik op. cit. p. 105. 2 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t Manasi Poptodorov, C rkoven vestnik, br. 11 19 mart 1960 g. Sofi . p. 8. 3 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t… op. cit.. p. 8.

157 ostanuva nepoznato, koga to~no do{ol i kolku dolgo ostanal vo ovoj makedonski duhoven i kulturen centar. Sledniot podatok koj{to go naveduva Petar Dinev vo svoja- ta statija e zaminuvaweto na Manasij pop Todorov vo Samokov (Bugarija). Imeno, po zaminuvaweto na Atanas Badev od Samo- kovskoto bogoslovsko u~ili{te, sinodot na Bugarskata crkva go pokanil da ja prezeme dol`nosta na u~itel po isto~no-pravoslavno peewe. Imaj}i predvid deka Atanas Badev vo Samokov do{ol vo 1898 godina i, deka zaradi nekoi nesogla- suvawa so Sinodot, po kratko vreme dobil otkaz od Samokov- skata seminarija, na novata dol`nost Manasij pop Todorov, po s# izgleda, stapil istata ili vo narednata 1899 godina. Poa|aj}i od podatokot, deka vo 1895 godina pop Todorov vo Samokov ve}e ja ima otpe~ateno svojata prva kniga Bo`estvena liturgija, mo- `e da se zaklu~i, deka toj ve}e bil preselen vo Samokov. Vo 1902 godina Samokovskoto bogoslovsko u~ili{te bilo premesteno vo Sofija i se preimenuvalo vo Sofiska duhovna seminarija. Ottoga{, pa, s# do 1924 godina, Manasij pop Todorov neprekinato bil u~itel na seminarijata. Po penzioniraweto, nekolku godini po red predaval crkovno peewe vo ^erepi{koto sve{teni~ko u~ili{te, a vo preostanatoto vreme, s# do 1930 go- dina, peel vo crkvata Sv. Paraskeva vo Sofija. Po~inal vo 1936 godina.

Osven kako izdava~ na brojni psaltikiski knigi, spored Petar Dinev, Manasij pop Todorov ima zaslugi i kako crkoven peja~ i pedagog-u~itel. Kako negov sovremenik, Dinev dava in- teresni poedinosti za peeweto na Manasij pop Todorov. Za nego ka`uva, deka kako ispolnitel imal prijaten glas so dijapazon na vtor tenor i bariton. Peeweto mu bilo spokojno, tivko, so malku nosovo oboeni vokali. Visokite tonovi obi~no gi peel so posi- len glas, koj postepeno go sti{uval koga se vra}al vo sredniot registar. I pokraj toa {to pominal niz gr~ka crkovno-pea~ka {kola, toj vo muziciraweto gi odbegnuval preteranite ukrasu- vawa na tonovite. Kako rezultat na izrazito razvieniot sluh i

158 na vrodenite muzi~ki sposobnosti, Manasij pop Todorov peel ~isto bez nikakvo distonirawe.1 Kako dolgogodi{en u~itel po isto~no crkovno peewe, koj- {to poseduval prirodna darba za svojot u~itelski poziv, pop Todorov sozdal golem broj odli~ni crkovni pea~i. Ako, mo`ebi, negovite objasnenija ne sekoga{ bile soobrazni so metodskite pravila, tie se odlikuvale so naglednost i uverlivost. Strogo se pridr`uval kon principot za ednoglasniot karakter na peeweto vo isto~nata crkva i, osven isonot, na svoite u~enici ne im do- pu{tal nikakvo drugo priglasuvawe na melodijata.6 Govorej}i za muzi~kata dejnost na Manasij pop Todorov, i Dinev e na mislewe, deka toj se nema projaveno kako kompozitor, tuku samo kako izdava~ na brojni zbornici so tvorbi prezemeni od drugi postari crkovno-muzi~ki izdanija. Do ovoj zaklu~ok Petar Dinev do{ol po detalnata analiza na zbornicite od pop Todorov izdadeni vo periodot od 1905 do 1922 godina:

- Psaltikiska liturgija i - Kratok voskresnik, vo 1905 godina; - Psaltikiski trebi, vo 1911; - Op{iren voskresnik, vo 1914; - Psaltikiska utrena, vo 1915; - Stihiri i slavi od Triodot i Pentikostarot i za minejskite praznici i - Psaltikiska liturgija (povtoreno izdanie so neznatni skratuvawa i dodatoci), vo 1922. Sporedbata na tvorbite od ovie knigi, ~ii{to avtori ne se poso~eni, so onie od zbornicite na drugite avtori, izdadeni vo periodot do 1905 godina, koja{to ja napravil Dinev, poka`ala deka me|u niv nema nitu edna sozdadena od Manasij pop Todorov. Pritoa, Dinev konstatiral deka vo nekoi tvorbi pop Todorov napravil nezna~itelni izmeni, so cel melodijata podobro da ja

1 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 9. 6 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 9.

159 izrazi smislata na tekstot ili da korigira nekoi nepravilni akcenti.7 Ostanuva nepoznato, od koi pri~ini Petar Dinev vo ovoj kontekst ne gi spomenuva i zbornicite na Manasij pop Todorov izdadeni pred 1905 godina, dotolku pove}e {to ~etiri od niv se spomnati od A. Teodorov - Balan vo ‚B¢lgarski knigopis za 100 godini 1806-1905‛ i edno od Mir~o M. Bogoev vo spomnatiot U~ebnik po isto~no crkovno peewe, koi{to na Dinev, bezdrugo, mu bile poznati. Interesno e toa, {to i ovie dva bugarski izvo- ri, vo odnos na izdanijata na pop Todorov, ne se sovpa|aat, tuku se dopolnuvaat: Mir~o M. Bogoev ne gi spomenuva knigite na pop Todorov izdadeni vo 1895, 1897 i 1900 godina, koi{to gi naveduva A. Teodorov-Balan,8 tuku edinstveno Voskresnikot pe~aten na evropska muzi~ka notacija vo 1898 godina, a Balan, pak, ne go spomenuva voop{to ovoj ‚evropski‛ Voskresnik na Manasij pop Todorov.

Vo odnos na ovie dilemi za crkovno-muzi~koto tvore{tvo na Manasij pop Todorov, novi momenti vnese otkrivaweto na rakopisniot Psaltikiski voskresnik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxi- ev, vo 1978 godina, vo koj{to Manasij pop Todorov e zastapen so najgolem broj tvorbi od site avtori :

- Kosnokratki veliki slavoslovija na prvi, vtori, treti, ~etvrti, peti, {esto-sedmi, {esti, prvo-sedmi, sedmi i osmi glas - Otca i sina na treti i {esti glas.

Vo vrska so ova, va`no e da se napomene, deka ovoj rako- pisen zbornik na Vasil Ivanov pretstavuva eden od najobemnite i najsolidno napraveni, koi{to se pojavile na teritorijata na

7 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 8. 8 Teodorov-Balan, A. B¢lgarski knigopis za 100 godini 1806-1905 Sofi , 1909. Bojestvenaä lit$rg`ä…, Plovdiv, 1897. Bojestvenaä lit$rg`ä…, Samokov, 1895. Liturgíä v¢ dvh casti…, Sofi , 1897. V¢zkresnik…, Sofi , 1900.

160

Makedonija, pa i po{iroko. Vrz osnova na negovite sodr`ini is- pi{ani so ubav rakopis i so dosledna ortografija, mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka sostavuva~ot Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, osven {to odli~no ja poznaval teorijata na hrisantovata notacija, bil do- bro upaten i vo literaturata na isto~no-pravoslavnoto peewe, osobeno vo onaa na slovenski jazik. Ottuka, mo`e da se pretpo- stavi deka Vasil Ivanov dobro znael koi se avtorite na tvorbi- te {to gi vklu~il vo svojot Psaltikiski voskresnik. Me|u dru- gite, kako {to e ka`ano ponapred, vo svojot psaltikiski zbor- nik toj ja vklu~il i dragocenata tvorba na Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski - Veliko slavoslovie na {esto-sedmi glas. Dve od kompoziciite so koi{to Manasij pop Todorov e zas- tapen vo zbornikot na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (Otca i Sina na treti i {esti glas), se pojavija vo ~etvrtoto izdanie na Krat- kiot psaltikiski voskresnik (osmoglasnik) na Manasij pop To- dorov, reizdadeno vo 1992 godina od strana na Bugarskata pravo- slavna crkva, kade{to se staveni kako ‚dodatok‛ na samiot kraj na knigata (zaedno so u{te edna Otca i Sina na ~etvrti glas). Interersno e toa {to ovie tvorbi ne se nao|aat vo prvoto iz- danie na Kratkiot voskresnik od 1905 godina. Mo`ebi avtorot Manasij pop Todorov, bez da gi potpi{e kako sopstveni tvorbi, gi stavil vo nekoe od podocne`nite svoi izdanija, otkade {to i gi prezel Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev. Vo ovoj kontekst se postavuva pra{aweto: zo{to Manasij pop Todorov vo svoite brojni knigi ne se potpi{al na na nitu edna muzi~ka tvorba? Dali e vo pra{awe samo negovata skrom- nost ili tuka postoi i nekoja podlaboka pri~ina? Govorej}i hipoteti~ki za negovite psaltikii izdadeni pred 1900 godina, bidej}i vo Makedonija dosega ne e pronajdena nekoja od niv,9 ne e isklu~eno, tie, od odredeni pri~ini, vo Makedonija voop{to i da ne dospeale. Mo`e da se pretpostavi, deka materijalite koi- {to pop Todorov gi podgotvuval za svoite zbornici za vreme na negoviot prestoj vo Bitola (grad vo koj{to vlijanieto na gr~-

9 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/ 6, ‚Pe~atenite…‛ p. 85.

161 koto crkovno peewe e s#u{te silno), da ne bile po vkusot na ne- koi egzarhiski krugovi vo Bugarija. Od druga strana, Manasij pop Todorov, kako psalt koj{to se obrazoval vo gr~ko crkovno u~ili{te, mo`ebi, s#u{te ne bil celosno preobraten od ‚gr~ki‛ vo ‚slovenski‛ crkoven pea~. Od pri~ini {to bugarskite kom- poziteri s#u{te ne gi poznaval, mo`no e, vo ovie zbornici Manasij pop Todorov da stavil samo svoi tvorbi i od gr~ki av- tori prevedeni na crkovno-slovenski jazik. Mo`ebi, tokmu ovaa okolnost ne im se dopadnala na egzarhiskite crkovni vlasti vo Samokov i mu nalo`ile da gi koristi i bugarskite postari izdanija so crkovni tvorbi od bugarski avtori. Podocna, otkako gi prifatil ovie ‚sugestii‛, mo`el da gi izdava svoite psalti- kiski zbornici. Ne treba da se zaboravi deka Manasij pop Todorov vo Buga- rija se preselil kako vozrasen ~ovek, na koj sekoga{ se gledalo kako na dojdenec. Od druga strana, toj so svoeto odli~no gr~ko crkovno-muzi~ko obrazovanie, sekako gi zagrozuval poziciite na domorodnite muzi~ki avtoriteti. Za da se smirat duhovite, Manasij pop Todorov pravel kompromisi od sekakov vid: vo svo- ite psaltikiski knigi staval tvorbi od razni bugarski avtori, koi samiot toj gi doteruval, a pod sopstvenite kompozicii ne se potpi{uval.

Vo vrska so prestojot na Manasij pop Todorov vo Bitola i so negovoto zaminuvawe za Samokov, se nametnuva pra{aweto: Dali se poznavale Badev i pop Todorov? Ako se utvrdi deka vo periodot okolu 1892 godina, koga Badev `iveel vo Bitola, pop Todorov s#u{te se nao|al vo ovoj grad, toa zna~i deka se pozna- vale. Pogolema e verojatnosta tie da se sretnale vo Samokov, kade{to Manasij pop Todorov, po s# izgleda se nao|al u{te pred postavuvaweto na Atanas Badev za u~itel vo Samokovskata semi- narija. Vo vrska so ova mo`e da se postavi u{te edno, dopolni- telno pra{awe: Dali e koincidencija toa, {to dvajcata muzi~ki dejci tokmu vo 1898 g. pe~atele po edna crkovna kniga na zapad- nata muzi~ka notacija: Badev - svojata liturgija po Sv. Jovan

162

Zlatoust, a pop Todorov - Voskresnikot? Za da se odgovori na ovie pra{awa, potrebni se ponatamo{ni istra`uvawa vo mesta- ta kade {to prestojuval i rabotel Manasij pop Todorov.

Po s# ova {to e ka`ano za Manasij pop Todorov, sosema e izvesno deka stanuva zbor za izvonredno zna~aen pretstavnik na isto~no-pravoslavnoto peewe. Poa|aj}i od faktot deka negovite brojni knigi izdadeni vo Bugarija bile prisutni i vo makedon- skite duhovni prostori i deka, bezdrugo, imale vlijanie vrz razvojot na crkovnata muzika vo Makedonija, kako i od samiot podatok deka toj poteknuva od makedonskite prostori i deka karierata na psalt na slovenski jazik ja zapo~nal vo Bitola, na{ata muzikologija ima moralna obvrska da gi otkrie tragite koi{to Manasij pop Todorov gi ostavil vo ovoj grad za vreme na svojot prestoj i da gi pro{iri soznanijata za negoviot `ivot i crkovno-muzi~kata dejnost.

163

VIII.

George Kazana (XIX-XX vek)

Vo istorijata na Isto~nata crkovna muzika se sre}avaat golem broj muzi~ari so vla{ko poteklo, koi{to deluvale na po{irokiot balkanski prostor. Me|u onie Vlasi za koi{to pos- tojat podatoci deka se rodeni vo Makedonija i deka eden podolg period od `ivotot prestojuvale vo razni makedonski gradovi kako crkovni peja~i e George Kazana. Iako `ivee relativno blizu do na{evo vreme (vo vtorata polovina na XIX i vo prvite decenii na XX vek), za George Ka- zana se znae mnogu malku. Nekoi osnovni podatoci za negoviot `ivot, glavno, se crpat od ona {to samiot go zapi{uval na nas- lovnite stranici na negovite brojni muzi~ki rakopisi. Nekoi podatoci za George Kazana mo`at da se najdat edinstveno vo Leksikonot na romanskiot muzikolog-vizantinolog George K. Jonesku, vo koj{to `ivotot i muzi~koto delo na George Kazana se zbele`ani vo nekolku redovi: ‚Crkoven peja~ na Romanskata Kapela vo Carigrad, od 1897. Sostavuva Psaltikiska antolo- gija naslovena kako ‚Romansko razdenuvawe‛ od pove}e delovi, trud adaptiran za Vlasite od Grcija i Bugarija, spored tradici- onalnite crkovni napevi‛.1 Vo ovoj, inaku, mnogu soliden Leksi- kon, ne e navedena nikakva bibliografija vo vrska so imeto na George Kazana, {to upatuva na zaklu~ok, deka negovoto muzi~ko delo dosega voop{to ne e istra`uvano, nitu publikuvano. Site delovi na spomenatata Psaltikiska antologija se nao|aat vo bibliotekata na Sv. Sinod od Bukure{t.

1 Ionescu, Gheorghe C., Lexicon, Editura Diogene, Bucureşti, 1994. p. 72.

164

Za makedonskata crkovna muzika George Kazana e zna~aen so golemiot broj na crkovni kompozicii, koi{to gi sozdal za vreme na svojot prestoj vo Bitola kako crkoven peja~.2 Ova se potvrduva so rakopisot na zbornikot ‚Poredok na dvanaesette denovi‛, od 24 dekemvri do 6 januari (ms. I 93),3 vo koj{to stoi de- ka e napi{an vo 1907 godina vo Bitola, i vo dvata dela na Idi- omelarot (ms. II 183) so vkupno 646 stranici napi{ani vo Bito- la, vo dekemvri 1911 godina, so dodatok od 11 stranii bez pagina- cija. Vrz osnova na ovie podatoci koi{to samiot gi zapi{al vo svoite muzi~ki rakopisi, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka George Kazana vo Bitola prestojuval najmalku pet godini: od 1907 do dekemvri 1911 godina. Vo sledniot period George Kazana go sre}avame vo Romani- ja kako crkoven peja~ i kompozitor, koe{to mo`e da se konsta- tira od negoviot podocne`en rakopis ‚Crkovna muza‛ (sostaven od dva dela: Razni crkovni napevi i Posledovanie na Blagoves- ti). Imeno, na naslovnata stranica na ovoj rakopis stoi napi- {ano: ‚Crkovna muza od George Kazana, porane{en protopsalt vo Makedonija, a vo ovoj moment na crkvata Dobroteasa od pre- stolninata, 1922 - Bukure{t‛.4 O~igledno e deka George Kazana go naglasuva i mu dava po- sebno zna~ewe na svojot prestoj vo Makedonija, vo gradot Bito- la, kako protopsalt i kompozitor. No, od kade se doselil vo Bi- tola, kolku godini ostanal vo ovoj va`en politi~ki i kulturen centar, dali prestojuval u{te vo nekoj makedonski grad, zasega ostanuva nepoznato. Mo`e da se pretpostavi deka prestojot vo Bitola ne bil kratok, za{to, kako {to ve}e istaknav, vo ovoj period napi{al golem broj na crkovni tvorbi. Iako vo ovoj mo- ment nemam celosen uvid vrz negoviot kompozitorski opus, mo`e da se ka`e deka George Kazana e eden od najplodnite avtori na crkovna muzika, koi{to sozdavale na teritorijata na Makedo-

2 Cordescu, Mihail-Vergiliu, Istoricul şcoalelor române din Turcia, Bucureşti, 1906. p. 236. 3 Ionescu, Gheorghe C., Lexicon, … op. cit. p. 72. 4 Cazana, Gheorghe, Musa bisericească, Bucureşti, 1922 (manuscript privat) (so fotokopija raspolaga avtorot na knigava)

165 nija. Osven toa, zasega, toj e edinstveniot kompozitor, koj{to na hrisantovata notacija sozdaval crkovna muzika na svojot maj~in jazik, vla{kiot. Neodamna dojdov do informacija deka prezimeto Kazana poteknuva od Bajasa, grat~e vo dene{na Grcija. Potvrda za ova najdov vo mese~nikot ‚Lumina‛, od oktomvri, 1905. (Vo specijal- noto izdanie na ovoj mese~nik po povod Jubilejot 25 godini od Romanskiot licej vo Bitola, objaven e i spisok na site dotoga{ zavr{eni u~enici, me|u koi{to se nao|a i imeto na izvesen Apostol Kazana, ~ie{to rodno mesto e Bajasa.5 Potrebni se po- natamo{ni istra`uvawa za da se otkrie, dali ovoj Apostol e vo rodninski vrski so George Kazana i dali Bajasa e negovoto rodno mesto. Dodeka `ivotniot pat na George Kazana zasega ostanuva prekrien so prevezot na nepoznatoto, dotoga{ za negovoto mu- zi~ko tvore{tvo mo`e da se sozdade prili~no jasna pretstava. Iako do ovoj moment imav mo`nost da gi pregledam samo rakopi- site na Idiomelarot, zavr{en vo Bitola vo 19116 i na zborni- kot Crkovna muza, koj{to go napi{al vo 1922 godina vo Buku- re{t, mo`am slobodno da ka`am deka George Kazana e nadaren i obrazovan muzi~ar, koj{to pi{uva lesno, muzikalno i mo{ne do- padlivo, so ~esta primena na inventivni i duhoviti modulacii vo napevite. Za razlika od Idiomelarot, koj{to sodr`i isklu~ivo ne- govi tvorbi, vo vtoriot del na zbornikot Crkovna muza George Kazana ima staveno eden ‚Polielej‛, preveden od gr~ki jazik na Hurmuzij Hartofilaks (eden od trojcata reformatori na vizan- tiskata muzi~ka notacija vo 1814 godina), kako i Pofalna pesna od romanskiot kompozitor Dimitrie Su~eveanu.7 Seto ova uka- `uva na negovoto {iroko poznavawe na isto~noto crkovno pee- we i na nespornite preveduva~ki sposobnosti.

5 Lumina, Anul III, No. 10. Octomvrie, 1905, Liceul român, Bitolia, p. 306. 6 Kazana, Gheorghe, Idiomelar (vo dva dela), Biblioteka Sf. Sinod – Bucureşti, 1911. (so fotokopija raspolaga atorot na knigava) 7 Suceveanu, Dimitrie, Idiomelar, Trinitas, Iaşi, 1997. p. 135.

166

Razgleduvaj}i gi tvorbite od zbornikot ‚Crkovna muza‛ i od Idiomelarot, zaklu~iv deka paletata na meloritmi~kite vrednosti na Kazana e izvonredno bogata i dava mo`nosti za soz- davawe na postojano sve`a i razdvi`ena melodiska linija. Pone- koga{ taa opfa}a raspon, re~isi, i do dve oktavi i se protega do visokiot, t.n. tenorski registar. Karakteristi~no za negovata melodija e ~estata upotreba na skokovite od septima, oktava i decima, so koi{to postignuva vpe~atlivi dramatur{ki efekti. No, i pokraj toa, melodiskite linii na George Kazana ostanuva- at logi~nii i vo duhot na tradicionalnoto vizantisko peewe. Prelistuvaj}i gi stranicite na zbornikot Crkovna muza, napi{an vo 1922 godina, mo`e da se zabele`i deka rakata na Ge- orge Kazana zatreperuva po malku, {to uka`uva na negovite ve}e poodminati godini. Mo`no e ovoj crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik koj- {to ne e evidentiran vo Leksikonot na George K. Jonesku, a na ~ija{to naslovna stranica Kazana so nostalgija napi{al ‚pora- ne{en protopsalt vo Makedonija‛, da e i negoviot posleden ra- kopis. Osven vo crkvata Dobroteasa, kade{to bil protopsalt i vo bibliotekata na Sv. Sinod vo Bukure{t, kade{to se nao|aat {est negovi muzi~ki rakopisi, za `ivotot na George Kazana tre- ba da se istra`uva i vo Carigrad, Bajasa (Grcija) i osobeno vo Bitola, kade {to prestojuvaj}i nekolku godini, so svoeto delu- vawe kako crkoven peja~ i neobi~no ploden kompozitor, sekako, ostavil traga. Muzi~koto delo na George Kazana zaslu`uva pogolemo vni- manie od ona koe{to muzikolozite mu go posvetile dosega. Vre- meto }e poka`e deka mestoto na ovoj skromen i zasega, re~isi, nepoznat muzi~ar e me|u najzna~ajnite avtori na crkovna muzika, koi{to deluvale vo Makedonija, Romanija i na po{irokiot bal- kanski prostor vo periodot na preminot od XIX vo XX vek.

167

IX.

Andon [ahpaski (ok. 1860-1928)

So neodamne{noto otkrivawe na nevmatskiot rakopis na Andon [ahpaski vo seloto Smojmirovo, Male{evsko, istorijata na makedonskata muzika se zbogatuva so u{te edno ime na dosega sosema nepoznat pretstavnik na crkovnata muzika od vizantisko- slovenskata tradicija. Ova se prvite napi{ani redovi za nego i za negoviot Psaltikiski zbornik, koj{to na dnevnata svetlina se pojavuva po celi 120 godini od negovoto nastanuvawe. Ovoj muzi~ki deec od periodot na Prerodbata, koj{to so svoja raka ispi{al stotici i stotici muzi~ki stranici, litur- giski tekstovi, pisma i razni drugi sekojdnevni potrebi na lu- |eto okolu nego, za sebe ne ostavil, re~isi, nikakva pi{ana traga. Izvor na podatoci za `ivotot na Andon [ahpaski vo prvo vreme mi bea Vasil [ahpaski, vnuk na Andona i negovata sopruga Draga, koi{to `iveat vo Smojmirovo, a podocna i nekoi drugi smoj- mirci.

Spored ka`uvawata prenesuvani od koleno na koleno, semej- stvoto [ahpaski poteknuva od mija~ko-brsja~kite krai{ta. Vo prvata polovina na XVIII vek, pod pritisok na raznite pqa~- ka{ki bandi, semejstvoto bilo prinudeno da go napu{ti rodnoto ogni{te. Kako neposredna pri~ina za ova se naveduva ubistvoto na nekoj si lokalen turski nasilnik, koj{to go izvr{il nekoj od ~lenovite na ova semejstvo. Turskite vlasti podolgo vreme mu postavuvale zamki na ovoj, po s# izgleda, silen i itar ~ovek, no, nikako ne uspevale da go fatat. Zaradi toa od samite Turci dobil prekar [ahvaz (turski naziv za eden vid siv sokol). Eden del od

168 semejstvoto se zasolnil vo tikve{kiot kraj, a samiot progonet [ahvaz so ostatokot od semejstvoto prodol`il daleku na istok naseluvaj}i se vo Gorna Xumaja (denes Blagoevgrad, vo Bugarija). No, tuka ne ostanale podolgo, bidej}i, dali poradi starata ili poradi nekoja nova pri~ina, [ahpazovi povtorno zapadnale vo nemilost kaj turskite vlasti, zaradi {to go prodol`ile svoeto begstvo. Kone~no pribe`i{te semejstvoto na{lo vo maloto selo Smojmirovo, vo male{evskiot kraj, vo koe{to i deneska `iveat nivni potomci.1 Eden del od potomcite na [ahpazo si go zadr- `ale prezimeto so mala modifikacija vo [ahpaski, dodeka drugi- ot del, vo koj{to dve generacii ednopodrugo bile sve{tenici, deneska go nosat prezimeto Popovski. Andon [ahpaski mu pripa|a na pettoto koleno od lozata [ahpazovi po nivnoto naseluvawe vo Smojmirovo. U{te vo najra- nata mladost go svrtel vnimanieto na sebe kako s#strano nada- reno, dinami~no i qubopitno mom~e so nemiren duh. Na svoite sovremenici im ostanal vo se}avawe kako protopsalt koj so svo- eto peewe gi privlekuval vernicite na bogoslu`bite vo selskata crkva Sv. Bogorodica. Bil zapameten i kako mo{ne ve{t kroja~, osobeno poznat po {ieweto na sve{teni~ki ode`di. Osven toa, Andon [ahpaski bil i selski u~itel i odli~en kaligraf, za {to najdobra potvrda e negoviot Psaltikiski zbornik, ispi{an so golema ve{tina. Godinata na ra|aweto na Andon, kako i mnogu drugi poedi- nosti od negoviot buren `ivot, ostana nepoznata. Se pretposta- vuva deka e roden okolu sredinata na XIX vek, najdocna vo {ee- setite godini. Po smrtta na tatko mu Jovan, koj umrel mnogu mlad,

1 Vo seloto Smojmirovo e so~uvano edno predanie, spored koe, nekoj od pomcite na [ahpazo vra}aj}i se so svojata majstorska tajfa, se zadr`al vo nekoe tursko selo, vo koe{to tokmu toj den imalo |ure{ (pelivanski turnir). Koga ba{- pelivanot, koj dotoga{ be{e gi sovladal site svoi protivnici na turnirot, pra{al dali ima u{te nekoj da mu izleze na megdan, [ahpazo ne mu odoleal na ovoj predizvik i istr~al na borili{teto. Samiot ne bil mnogu krupen, no, onaka silen i cvrst, a zgora na toa i ve{t vo boreweto, [ahpazo kajdisal na protivnikot i uspeal tripati da go frli na zemi. Kako pobednik na turnirot ja dobil prvata nagrada, a toa bilo eden vol, koj [ahpazo go poteral pred sebe i zaedno so tajfata si zaminal za Smojmirovo.

169 gri`ata okolu maliot Andon (And#) ja prezel ~i~ko mu - pop Lazar. Sogleduvaj}i gi sposobnostite na And#, pop Lazar go dal na kroja~ki zanaet, a bidej}i poseduval muzi~ki talent i ubav glas, go podu~uval crkovno peewe i povremeno go anga`iral vo crkvata kako psalt. Po zavr{uvaweto na kroja~kiot zanaet, po s# izgleda, Andon bil ispraten vo nekoe u~ili{te na dousovr{uvawe na crkovnoto peewe, no, ne e poznato kade. Poa|aj}i od podatokot deka eden pe- riod `iveel i rabotel kako psalt vo Buranovo, selo nedaleku od Rilskiot manastir (dene{na Bugarija), mo`e da se pretpostavi deka Andon [ahpaski crkovno peewe, mo`ebi, u~el kaj rilskite monasi vo t.n. rilska crkovno-pea~ka {kola. Osven toa, vo ovoj manastir toj mo`el da gi sovlada i kaligrafskata ve{tina i da go usovr{i {ieweto na sve{teni~ki ode`di. Po vra}aweto vo rodnoto Smojmirovo Andon [ahpaski pro- dol`il da raboti kako psalt vo lokalnata crkva, kade {to sve{- tenik bil i negoviot bratu~ed pop \or|i, eden od trojcata sinovi na ~i~ko mu pop Lazar. Povozrasnite smojmirov~ani se se}avaat, deka dvajcata bratu~edi bile mnogu bliski: imale ku}a-lepenka i vo tekot na celiot `ivot `iveele kako bra}a. Poznato e i toa, deka Andon nekolku godini rabotel i kako u~itel vo Smojmirovo, {to govori deka bil eden od pobrazovanite lu|e vo svojata sre- dina. Mo`e da se pretpostavi, deka osven kako selski u~itel i psalt, Andon istovremeno rabotel i kako kroja~, bidej}i po svo- jata ve{tina, osobeno vo kreiraweto na sve{teni~ki ode`di, bil poznat vo Male{evijata, pa i po{iroko. No, so tekot na vremeto, crkovnoto peewe s# pove}e se iz- dvojuvalo kako glavna dejnost, a na krajot, stanalo i edinstvena preokupacija na Andon. Spored ka`uvawata na negovite potomci i na povozrasnite `iteli na Smojmirovo, Andon imal solidna biblioteka od skapo plateni knigi i rakopisi koi{to gi sozda- val so svoja raka. Bidej}i bil poznat psalt, po povod razni verski praznici ~esto bil pokanuvan da pee i vo drugite crkvi vo male-

170

{evskiot kraj. Ne e isklu~eno, kako odli~en kaligraf, za potre- bite na ovie crkvi da prepi{uval razni psaltikii. Kako eden od retkite obrazovani lu|e i kako poznat psalt, ne samo vo Smojmirovo, tuku i po{iroko, bil mo{ne po~ituvan i vlijatelen ~ovek. Negovata dinami~na li~nost ne mo`ela da bide odminata nitu vo edna rabota od interes za seloto, pa, taka i vo izgradbata na novata crkva vrz temelite na starata tro{na sel- ska crkva Sv. Bogorodica, na samiot po~etok na XX vek. Negovite crkovno-prosvetni aktivnosti, zaradi koi u`ival golem ugled kaj svoite soselani, ne mo`ele da im bidat po volja i na lokalnite nasilnici, na onie koi{to pod pla{tot na razni revolucionerni organizacii go terorizirale mirnoto naselenie i go prisiluvale na poslu{nost. Od edna takva grupa Andon [ah- paski duri bil osuden i na smrt. Vo posledniot moment uspeal da im izbega na gonitelite i da se spasi od najlo{oto. Me|utoa, `rtva na ovie teroristi~ki grupi stanala negovata sakana `ena Hristena, a kako posledica na toa i dvete mali deca Magda i Stefan, koi po~inale neposredno po ovoj nastan. Po ovaa semejna tragedija, koja{to ja pre`iveal samo sredniot sin Aralampie, Andon povtorno se obidel da si sozdade semejstvo, o`enuvaj}i se so Ordana, koja mu prirodila u{te dve deca - Jovan i Pola. Vo vrska so ovie teroristi~ki grupi koi gi dr`ele vo strav i pot~inetost lu|eto od ovoj kraj, vo Smojmirovo s#u{te se raska- `uva eden podocne`en nastan, koj zavr{il kobno po zdravjeto, a podocna i po `ivotot na Andon [ahpaski. Imeno, nekoj od seloto go anga`iral Andona da mu napi{e poplaka - pismo do vlasta zaradi ubistvoto na bratot. Andon dobro ja sostavil i ubavo ja napi{al poplakata na svojot soselanec, no, bandata na ubiecot, sostavena od lokalni nasilnici, znaej}i koj ja napi{al poplaka- ta, vo znak na odmazda, go pretepala Andona. Od te{kite povredi koi gi zadobil vo predelot na bubrezite, toj ne se oporavil. Umrel vo svoeto rodno Smojmirovo, na 20 januari, 1928 godina. I od ovie skudni podatoci za `ivotot na Andon [ahpaski, glavno, dobieni po pat na usno prenesuvawe od negovite potomci,

171 mo`e da se naseti negovata neobi~na priroda, o~igledno predi- sponirana za duhovnoto i kreativnoto. Ovie nekolku napi{ani stranici se prv obid, makar i so nedovolno soznanija, da se pod- osvetli negoviot `ivoten pat i crkovno-muzi~kata dejnost.

[kolata za psalti vo Smojmirovo

Ponatamo{nite isleduvawa poka`aa deka Andon [ahpaski imal svoja {kola za crkovni pea~i i hor koj{to nastapuval na nedelnite i prazni~nite bogoslu`bi. Pokraj bratot Aleksandar (posvoen vo semejstvoto Grpovski) i sinovite Aralampie i Jovan, negovi u~enici bile i \or|i Mu{karski,2 Jovan Xaleski – Dimo, Laze Markoski, Ande Axiski, Mijalko [ahpaski, Petre Predar- ski i dr. Vistinski naslednik na Andon bil Aralampie [ahpaski (1898-1993), koj, kako protopsalt na crkvata Sv. Bogorodica vo Smojmirovo, peel do poslednite denovi od svojot `ivot.3 Po~ina vo dlaboka starost, vo 1993 godina. Va`no e da se napomene i toa deka nekoi od u~enicite na Andon [ahpaski bile poznati i kako pesnopojci i nositeli na folklornata muzi~ka tradicija. Ova e dotolku pozna~ajno, {to go anticipira i pra{aweto za povrzanosta na crkovnoto peewe od vizantiskata tradicija so folklornata pesnopojna tradicija vo Makedonija. Od ova mo`e da se izvle~e zaklu~ok, deka kaj Andon [ahpaski, a preku nego i kaj negovite brojni u~enici-sledbenici, postoela svest za bliskosta na crkovnoto i narodnoto peewe. Ova soznanie nedvosmisleno upatuva na dopolnitelni istra`uvawa, kako od strana na etnomuzikolozite, taka i od strana na muziko- lozite-vizantolozi.

2 Istra`uva~ko-terenski materijali snimeni na magnetofonska lenta so \or|i Mu{karski (peewe i svirewe na tambura) od strana na d-r Borivoe Ximrevski se nao|aat vo Institutot za folklor – Skopje. 3 ^lenovi na Redakcijata za narodna muzika pri Muzi~kata produkcija na Makedonskata radio-televizija, `ivo si spomnuvaat za Aralampie [ahpaski, deka vo nekolku navrati se javi na povikot za pribirawe na folklorni napevi od postarata tra- dicija. Iako vo dlaboka starost, Aralampie, s#u{te ima{e ubav glas so stabilna intonacija.

172

Povozrasnite smojmirci si spomnuvaat, a toa e potkrepeno i so informacii od drugi izvori, deka, vo period me|u dvete Svet- ski vojni pri crkvata Sv. Bogorodica vo Smojmirovo postoel hor od desetina psalti, koj postojano se obnovuval so mladi pea~i, kako me{tani, taka i od drugite male{evski sela, pa i po{iroko. Vo ovaa smisla dragocena e informacijata koja{to neodamna ja dobiv od po~ituvaniot otec Petar Jordanov (1936), profesor vo Makedonskata pravoslavna bogoslovija ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ – Skopje, deka Mirko Divanisov od selo Blatec, Ko~ansko, kako i nekoi drugi psalti od drugi krai{ta na Makedonija, koi{to toj li~no gi poznaval, vo triesetite godini na XX vek crkovno peewe u~ele vo Smojmirovo kaj Aralampie [ahpaski. Ova ja potvrduva tezata deka {kolata za psalti i horot koi{to gi formiral Andon [ahpaski prodol`ile so rabota i po negovata smrt, vo 1928 godina, pod rakovodstvo na Aralampie i bila poznata po{i- roko vo Makedonija. Vo godinite po osloboduvaweto, so novoto op{testveno- politi~ko ureduvawe vo Makedonija, {kolata za psalti vo Smoj- mirovo prestanala so rabota. Bez priliv od mladi pea~i, i horot pri crkvata Sv. Bogorodica postepeno se namaluval. Blagodare- nie na dolgove~nosta, vo crkvata ostanale samo trojcata psalti: Aralampie [ahpaski, Jovan [ahpaski i \or|i Mu{karski, vo seloto poznati kako Ampo, Jovan~o i Gogo. Va`no e da se odbele- `i, deka, iako, neposredno po Prvata svetska vojna vo vardarskiot del od Makedonija, so potpa|aweto pod srpsko vladeewe, be{e vovedeno srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe,4 vo celiot period po osloboduvaweto, vo crkvata Sv. Bogorodica vo Smojmirovo, preku dejnosta na spomenatite psalti, crkovnoto peewe od vizantisko-

4 Jane Koxaba{ija: Isku{enijata na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija - tendencija za vra}awe kon peeweto od vizantiska tradicija, Referat na nau~niot sobir na tema ‚Hristijanstvoto vo kulturata i umetnosta na Strumi~kata eparhija, Strumica, 2000. Zbornik na trudovi od nau~niot sobir: Hristijanstvoto vo kulturata i umetnosta na Strumi~kata eparhija. Zavod za za{tita na spomenici na kulturata i Muzej, Strumica, 2002.

Jane Koxaba{ija: Crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo XX vek, referat na nau~niot sobir Ilinden 1903 – Ilinden 2003 ‚Borba za prava, slobodi i dr`avnost‛ odr`an na 17-18 dekemvri 2003 vo Skopje.

173 slovenskata tradicija se prakticira{e bez prekin s# do krajot na XX vek. Makedonskite vizantolozi dosega bea na mislewe deka crkovnoto peewe od starata tradicija se odr`alo najdocna do sedumdesetite godini na XX vek. Od sevo ova {to e ka`ano za crkovnoto peewe vo Smojmiro- vo i za negovite pretstavnici, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka temelite koi{to gi postavil Andon [ahpaski vo periodot na Nacional- nata prerodba bile dovolno cvrsti, za da gi pre`iveat crkovno- srpskiot {ovinizam i povoeniot ateizam vo Makedonija i da ja do~ekaat novata prerodba - vra}aweto na crkovnoto peewe od starata tradicija vo makedonskite hramovi. Duri i pove}e od toa: blagodarenie na posvetenosta na Andon [ahpaski i na negovite sledbenici, maloto male{evsko selo Smojmirovo i negovata crk- va Sv. Bogorodica, prerasnaa vo simbol na nepokorot i bedem na starite makedonski tradicii.

Psaltikiskiot zbornik na [ahpaski

Psaltikijata na Andon [ahpaski e pi{uvana vo selo Smoj- mirovo, Male{evsko, vo periodot od oktomvri 1882 do januari 1884 godina, na crkovno-slovenski jazik i na hrisantovata muzi~- ka notacija. Pi{uvana e so crno, a povremeno i so violetovo mas- tilo na obi~na tenka hartija, so zavidna kaligrafska ve{tina, osobeno muzi~kite nevmi. Rakopisot vo sega{nava sostojba ima 544 stranici bez paginacija, po {est reda na edna stranica (retko po 5 ili 7). Ima dimenzii 123 h 100 mm. i e podvrzan profe- sionalno so korici od karton obvieni so temno-kafeava ko`a. Odnapred na rakopisot mu nedostigaat izvesen broj stranici, no, re~isi, e celosno ~itliv. Prvobitnata nezadovolitelna sostojba na rakopisot be{e nadminata neposredno po negovoto objavuvawe so reparacijata {to ja napravi semejstvoto [ahpaski. Vo rakopisot ne se nao|a imeto na negoviot sostavuva~ i pi- {uva~. Mo`ebi toa bilo zapi{ano na izgubenite stranici ili na mestata koi{to se uni{teni od vlagata. Na poslednata stranica, so istiot rakopis stoi napi{ano deka Zbornikot e zavr{en vo

174 januari 1884 godina vo Smojmirovo. Na dnoto na ovaa stranica ima dopi{uvano u{te ne{to, no, za `al, toa e sosema ne~itlivo. Poa|aj}i od toa, deka ovie zapisi se napraveni od istata raka so koja{to e napi{an celiot Zbornik, osven toa, Andon [ahpaski bil edinstveniot kaligraf i muzi~ki obrazovan ~ovek vo Smoj- mirovo, nema nikakvo somnenie, deka rakopisot e negovo delo. Na edna prazna stranica od rakopisot go sre}avame avtogramot na Aralampie napi{an so moder moliv: [ahpazovi} Andonov Hara- lampie. Od ova mo`e da se izvle~e zaklu~ok deka so rakopisnata psaltikija na Andon, kako i so drugite knigi od negovata bibli- otekata se koristel i sin mu Aralampie, no nema nikakvi uka`u- vawa deka i toj sostavuval psaltikiski zbornici. Muzi~kiot zbornik na Andon [ahpaski sodr`i dva glavni delovi: 1. Kratok voskresnik so kratka gramatika i ve`bi za pa- ralagija (solfe`irawe) i 2. Liturgija. Kako {to e ve}e ka`ano, napred rakopisot ima pridodaden del, koj{to nastanal ne{to po- rano i sodr`i tvorbi za najrazli~ni bogoslu`beni potrebi. Od- napred i odnazad na ovoj pridodaden del mu nedostigaat po nekol- ku stranici. Ona {to za na{ata crkovna muzika ima posebno zna- ~ewe e toa {to pridodadeniot del zapo~nuva so tvorbata ‚Dos- tojno est‛ na peti glas od Joan Harmosin - Ohridski, ~ij{to po~etok, za `al, ne e so~uvan. Interesno e i toa {to, ovoj, zasega, najstar prepis na harmosinovata antologiska kompozicija ne e napraven od zbornikot ‚Pashalija‛ na Joan Harmosin, pe~aten vo Carigrad, 1869 godina6, tuku od nekoj prepis. Patem, ova e u{te edna potvrda deka tvorbata ‚Dostojno est‛ na peti glas od Joan Harmosin – Ohridski, koja{to dosega e otkriena vo pogolem broj crkovno-muzi~ki rakopisi i pe~ateni knigi, bila mo{ne omilena i deka se prenesuvala me|u psaltite, koi{to sakale da bidat vo tek so site aktuelnosti na po{irokiot crkovno-muzi~ki prostor. I pove}e od toa, crkovnite tvorbi, koi{to od sredinata na vekot zapo~naa da se sozdavaat na slovenski jazik od doma{ni kompozitori naidoa na voodu{eveno

6 Harmosin-Ohridski , Ioann , Pashali , Carigrad , 1869.

175 prifa}awe kaj makedonskite psalti. So toa, tie otvoreno ja mani- festiraa potrebata, osven crkovni napevi prevedeni od gr~ki jazik, da peat i avtenti~ni kompozicii sozdadeni na slovenski jazik, vo koi{to }e provejuva prepoznatlivata muzi~ka nota na narodnoto i na crkovnoto peewe od ova podnebje. Nema somnenie deka i Andon [ahpaski, kako pretstavnik na crkovnoto peewe vo Makedonija vo periodot na Prerodbata, kako psalt i u~itel u~es- tvuval vo procesite na vra}aweto na slovenskiot i na govorniot jazik vo makedonskite hramovi i vo u~ili{tata i vo iznao|aweto na sopstven izraz vo crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija. Od dosega{nite sporedbi na ovoj rakopis so pe~atenite kni- gi od toj period se zabele`uva deka poedini kompozicii od Psal- tikijata na Andon [ahpaski se srodni, a na momenti identi~ni so onie od zbornikot na poznatiot bugarski muziko-u~itel Niko- la Trandafilov - Slivnenec, ‚Cvetosobranie‛ – prvata pe~atena kniga na slovenski jazik, vo 1847 godina, vo Bukure{t.7 No, pos- tojat indikacii, deka tie, sepak, ne se direktno prezemeni od ovoj zbornik, tuku od razni drugi rakopisi, najverojatno od onie nas- tanati vo Rilskiot manastir, ili od nivnite brojni prepisi pra- veni na po{irokiot pravoslaven prostor. Vrz osnova na dosega{- nite istra`uvawa, mo`e da se zaklu~i deka Kratkiot voskres- nik - prviot del od Zbornikot na Andon [ahpaski, idejno- estetski i muzi~ki e mo{ne blizok do rakopisniot Voskresnik na Janaki Stojmenovi~ od selo Orizari, Ko~ansko, nastanat vo 1849 godina, koj pretstavuva prepis od tri rakopisi od Rilskiot manastir. Psaltikiskiot zbornik na Andon [ahpaski e eden od ret- kite rakopisi sozdadeni na teritorijata na Makedonija, koi{to sodr`at kratki gramatiki na hrisantovata muzi~ka notacija. Imeno, neposredno pred Kratkiot voskresnik ima prikaz na osnovnite muzi~ki znaci so slovenski imiwa, ve`bi za paralagija (solfe`irawe) za sovladuvawe na muzi~kite intervali, kako i

7 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cv tosobranie, Bukur t, 1847.

176 grafikon na dijatonskata skala na prviot glas. Sudej}i spored intervalskata podelba na oktavata prika`ana na ovoj grafikon, vo koja golemiot stepen ima 12, maliot 9 i polustepenot 6 komi, ne e isklu~eno, toa da e prezemeno od prvata pe~atena teoriska kniga na slovenski jazik - Gledalo, od ve}e spomenatiot bugarski teoreti~ar Nikola Trandafilov - Slivnenec8, pe~atena vo 1848 godina vo Bukure{t. Inaku, ovaa intervalska podelba na oktavata ja zastapuvaat i drugi teoreti~ari na isto~noto crkovno peewe od Makedonija, me|u koi i Kalistrat Zografski9.

 9 6 12 12 9 6 12 Pa Vu Ga Di Ke Zo’ Ni’ Pa’ re mi fa sol la si do re I II III IV V VI VII VIII

Kratka gramatika sodr`i i Liturgiskiot zbornik – vtori- ot del od rakopisnata psaltikija na Andon [ahpaski, ovojpat so paralelna muzi~ka terminologija na slovenski i na gr~ki jazik. Ova uka`uva na toa, deka e prezemena od nekoj postar slovenski rakopis ili kniga, vo koi gramatikata na hrisantovata notacija e s#u{te dvojazi~na. Liturgiskiot zbornik, kako vtor del od rakopisnata psal- tikija na Andon [ahpaski, pretstavuva vnimatelno napraven iz- bor od tvorbi, vo koj{to sostavuva~ot ne se pridr`uva strogo do nivniot voobi~aen redosled vo crkovnata bogoslu`ba. Sodr`i kompozicii od najpoznatite vizantiski avtori na crkovna muzika od XIV do XIX vek: Jovan Kukuzel, Hrisav Novago, Georgij Krit- ski, Jakov Protopsalt, Daniil Protopsalt, Petar Lambadarij - Peloponeski, Joan Lambadarij, Petar Efeski, Hurmuzij Harto- filaks, Grigorij Protopsalt, Joan Harmosin – Ohridski i drugi, ~ii{to imiwa ne se navedeni. Zasega nema indikacii deka vo

8 (Trandafilov, Nikola - Slivneneq), Gledalo, radi slavõno-bolgarskata n¥nh novonapecatana psaltika, Bukure\¢, 1848.

9 (Arximandrit¢ Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno phnie, Voskresnik¢, Manastirot Sv. Gewrgi Zograç vo Sv. Gora, 1905.

177 rakopisot ima i tvorbi od negoviot sozdava~ Andon [ahpaski. Za toa }e bidat potrebni novi dopolnitelni analizi. Sudej}i spored kaligrafskata ve{tina i ortografijata de- monstrirani vo ovoj rakopis, mo`e da se ka`e, deka toa e delo na ve{t i iskusen prepi{uva~ so sigurna, izve`bana raka i deka ovoj crkovno-muzi~ki zbornik ne e edinstveniot {to go napi{al. Poa|aj}i od ovie svojstva na zbornikot, mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka Andon [ahpaski poseduval solidno poznavawe na hrisantovata teorija i praktikata na isto~noto crkovno peewe, so kakvo {to toga{ mo`el da se zdobie vo manastirskite u~ili{ta od visoko- u~eni psalti.

So otkrivaweto na Psaltikiskiot zbornik na Andon [ah- paski makedonskata muzi~ka nauka se zbogatuva so u{te eden dra- gocen dokument so pove}ekatno zna~ewe za crkovnoto peewe od vizantisko-slovenskata tradicija i, voop{to, za nacionalnata kultura. U{te edna{, na uverliv na~in se potvrdi faktot, deka psaltikata na teritorijata na Makedonija vo XIX vek ve}e ne se prenesuvala samo po pat na usmeno predanie od neukite sve{te- nici i psalti, tuku prodol`i da se {iri i so crkovno-muzi~kata dejnost na s# pogolemiot broj posveteni poedinci, koi bile nada- reni i obrazovani, no, ve}e i nacionalno osoznaeni. Vsu{nost, preku nivnata dejnost zapo~na da se manifestira otporot protiv asimilatorskata politika na Carigradskata patrijar{ija i po- trebata za vra}awe na slovenskiot jazik vo bogoslu`bata. So toa, ovie poedinci od redot na Crkvata ja ozna~ija Prerodbata na ma- kedonskiot narod, periodot vo koj{to se sozdava{e makedonskata nacija i se postavuvaa temelite na nejziniot samostoen kulturen razvoj. Andon [ahpaski e eden od niv.

178

X.

Atanas Badev (1860-1908)

Razvojot na muzi~kata umetnost vo Makedonija vo posled- nata ~etvrtina na XIX vek e ozna~en niz dejnosta na gradskite i u~ili{nite horski ansambli i pomali orkestarski sostavi for- mirani od muzi~ari od koi{to nekoi se {koluvale i nadvor od granicite na Otomanskoto Carstvo, vo Rusija i vo drugi evrop- ski zemji. Najistaknatiot me|u muzi~arite koi{to dejstvuvaat na ovoj plan vo ovoj period e Atanas Badev (1860-1908). Podatocite za `ivotot i deloto na ovoj muzi~ki deec, koi- {to pred makedonskata kulturna javnost za prvpat se objaveni vo {eesetite godini na XX vek, pobudija ogromno interesirawe. Podocne`nata koncertna izvedba na fragmenti od negovata hor- ska kompozicija Liturgija po sv. Jovan Zlatoust so Horot na Makedonskata radio-televizija pod dirigentstvoto na Dragan [uplevski vo sve~enata sala na MANU be{e prosledena so vis- tinsko voodu{evuvawe. Ova dotolku pove}e {to nacionalnata muzika se zbogati so vredno, dotoga{ nepoznato delo sozdadeno od profesionalno podgotven muzi~ar. Ovoj nastan frli nova svetlina na na{eto muzi~ko minato, posebno na crkovnata muzi- ka od periodot na Prerodbata. Liturgijata po Sv. Jovan Zlatoust na Atanas Badev za kuso vreme do`ivea razni formi na snimawa i na koncertni iz- vedbi i be{e ~esto emituvana na muzi~kite programi na Radioto i Televizijata. So kolkava popularnost se zdobi ova horsko delo vo sledniot period govorat i podatocite deka integralni izved- bi Liturgijata na Badev ima{e na manifestacijata Stru{ka muzi~ka esen vo 1988 i na osvetuvaweto na Soborniot hram ‚Sv.

179

Kliment Ohridski‛ vo Skopje, vo 1990 godina. Vo istiot period be{e izdadena na gramofonski plo~i i na audio i na video kase- ti. Vo makedonskite crkvi Zlatoustovata liturgija na Badev s# po~esto }e bide zastapena i, re~isi, potpolno }e ja istisne Liturgijata na srpskiot kompozitor Stevan St. Mokrawac (1856-1914), dotoga{ neprikosnoven ne samo vo duhovnata, ami i vo svetovnata horska muzika vo Makedonija.

Atanas Badev e roden na 14 januari 1860 godina vo Prilep, vo semejstvo na prili~no zamo`en trgovec. U{te od najrana vozrast Atanas poka`uval golemo interesirawe za muzikata. Osven toa, so ednakva qubov toj se odnesuval i kon drugite predmeti a osobeno kon matematikata. Crkovno peewe u~el kaj Kote Pazov, a potoa kaj Georgi Smi~kov, eden od prvite make- donski melografi, poznat crkoven peja~ i u~itel.1 Kako mom~e so natprose~ni sposobnosti, roditelite go is- pra}aat Atanasa da go prodol`i {koluvaweto vo Solun. Me|u- toa, tamu toj ostanuva kuso vreme, bidej}i smrtta na tatko mu doveduva do materijalni te{kotii vo semejstvoto. Vo sledniot period semejstvoto Badevi se preseluvaat vo Bugarija i Atanas se zapi{uva vo Ma{kata gimnazija vo Sofija. I vo novata sredi- na toj se istaknal so svoeto {iroko iteresirawe za predmetite koi{to gi izu~uval. Qubovta kon muzikata i nesekojdnevnata muzikalnost na mladiot Badev do{le do izraz preku pomo{ta {to mu ja daval na svojot u~itel po muzika pri rakovodeweto na u~ili{niot hor.2 Za vreme na letniot odmor vo 1879 godina Atanas Badev se vratil vo svoeto rodno mesto Prilep, kade{to formiral crkov- no-u~ili{en hor. Sostaven od u~enici i qubiteli na muzikata, ovoj horski ansambl so uspeh nastapuval na nedelnite crkovni slu`bi i na drugi praznici i sve~enosti vo gradot.3 Vo u~ebnata 1880/81 godina koga rakovodeweto na horot go prezel pora-

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Makedonska muzika – 5 Atanas Badev i negovoto delo. p. 27. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 143. 3 Golabovski, Sotir, Istorija… op. cit. p. 99.

180 ne{niot u~itel na Badev, Georgi Smi~kov, ansamblot broel oko- lu 30 ~lenovi, so 7-8 pea~i vo sekoj glas. Vo svojata kniga ‚Gra- dot Prilep‛ Georgi Traj~ev veli deka horistite koi{to se sobirale na proba sekoja sreda popladne, bile samouci, bidej}i vo toa vreme vo prilepskoto triklasno u~ili{te notnoto peewe s#u{te ne bilo zastapeno.4 Me|utoa, pronajdenite materijali ispi{ani od rakata na samiot Smi~kov, koi{to pretstavuvaat horski {timovi na crkovni kompozicii transkribirani od za- padna na hrisantova notacija, govori deka horistite se slu`ele i so pi{uvani muzi~ki materijali pri u~eweto na tvorbite5 i deka vo toj period na teritorijata na Makedonija dominira vi- zantiskoto muzi~ko pismo. Presuden period od `ivotot na Atanas Badev e negoviot prestoj vo Rusija, kade{to, finansiran od svojot bogat vujko, stu- dira fizika i matematika na Filozofskiot fakultet vo Odesa. Po dvegodi{no studirawe, zaradi smrtta na vujko mu, Badev ja napu{ta Odesa. Ne{to podocna, otkako samiot si obezbedil ma- terijalni sredstva, odi vo Moskva, kade{to se zapi{uva vo Si- nodalnata pea~ka {kola. Vo sledniot period, rakovoden od `el- bata za novi muzi~ki znaewa, go sre}avame vo Petersburg, kako student na Dvorskata peja~ka {kola. Nekoi muzikolozi, vo vrska so negovite studii po kompozicija na ovaa {kola, naveduvaat de- ka studiite gi zavr{il u~ej}i kaj vidni profesori. Me|u niv se spomenuva i golemiot ruski kompozitor Nikolaj Rimski-Kor- sakov, no dali Badev bil i negov student, za toa seu{te nema si- gurni podatoci. So diploma na prv profesionalen makedonski muzi~ar i teoreti~ar so {iroka kultura i znaewe, Badev se vra}a vo Make- donija i stanuva nastavnik po muzika vo Solun. Vo godinite po- minati na rabota me|u solunskite sredno{kolci Atanas Badev go dava najzna~ajniot pridones za razvojot na muzi~kata kultura vo svojata tatkovina. Toj organizira i rakovodi u~ili{en hor i

4 Traj~ev, Georgi, Grad Prilep, Sofija, 1926. p. 154-155. 5 Ortakov, Dragoslav i Golabovski, Sotir, Muzi~ko tvore{tvo, Prilep i Prilepsko niz istorijata, Prilep, 1971, v. I. p. 236-240.

181 podgotvuva kadri {to }e ja prodol`at muzi~kata dejnost vo po- ve}e makedonski gradovi. Izvesno vreme, okolu 1892 godina, Ba- dev se nao|a na slu`ba vo Bitola. Tamu toj se o`enil so u~itel- kata Marija Dimitrova [tipjanova, so koja naskoro povtorno se preseluva vo Solun. Negovoto u~itelstvuvawe vo Solun se odvi- va vo godinite na osnovaweto na makedonskata revolucionerna organizacija i na nejzinite prvi akcii. Od predostro`nost kaj rakovodstvata na u~ili{tata na Egzarhijata vo Makedonija, zapo~nale da gi oddale~uvaat od makedonskite gradovi site onie kulturni rabotnici ~ija{to dejnost, na kakov i da e na~in, mo- `ela da bide korisna za deloto i celite na organizacijata.6 Kako posledica na ovie okolnosti Atanas Badev bil pre- mesten vo Ruse. Nao|aj}i se vo naponot na svoite tvore~ki sili, kako nastavnik po muzika vo rusenskata ma{ka gimnazija, toj razviva mo{ne plodna aktivnost, vospituvaj}i gi svoite u~enici i rakovodej}i go horot na gimnazijata vrz osnova na iskustvoto zdobieno vo u~ili{tata vo Makedonija. Nekoi negovi u~enici podocna profesionalno se opredeluvaat za muzikata i postig- nuvaat vidni rezultati kako muzi~ki umetnici i teoreti~ari. Za vreme na prestojot vo Ruse Atanas Badev ja oformil svojata ‚Liturgija po Sv. Jovan Zlatoust‛, koja{to e pe~atena vo Laj- pcih (Germanija), vo 1898 godina. Po dvegodi{niot period pomi- nat na rabota vo rusenskata ma{ka gimnazija, Badev dobiva po- kana od sinodot da bide u~itel po crkovno peewe vo bogoslov- skoto u~ili{te vo Samokov. Toj ja prifa}a ovaa rabota koja{to se sostoela vo upatuvawe na seminaristite vo ~itawe na zapad- noto i na isto~noto muzi~ko pismo. No, ne pominalo mnogu vre- me, Badev dobil otkaz od samokovskata seminarija. Pri~inite za ovaa postapka na sinodot ostanuvaat nedovolno razjasneti. Vo sledniot period Badev e nazna~en za nastavnik po muzika vo `en- skata gimnazija vo ]ustendil. Tamu, ve}e so seriozno naru{eno zdravje, Badev gi pominal poslednite godini od svojot `ivot, obiduvaj}i se bezuspe{no da dobie premestuvawe vo Sofija,

6 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Makedonska muzika - 5, …op. cit. p. 31.

182 kade{to bi mo`el da dobiva poefikasna medicinska pomo{. Vo tie nastojuvawa, na edno od svoite patuvawa, na 21 septemvri 1908 godina, Badev umira vo vozot na pat za ]ustendil.7

* * * Atanas Badev kako sestrano obrazovan muzi~ar vo duhot na evropskata muzi~ka estetika i pod vlijanie na nacionalroman- tizmot, paralelno so kompozitorskata i pedago{kata dejnost, se zanimava so sobirawe i prou~uvawe na makedonskiot muzi~ki folklor. Rezultat na ovie istra`uvawa na Badev e negoviot nas- tap na vtoriot kongres na Muzi~kiot sojuz vo Sofija vo 1904 godina so referatot ‚Za folklorot i negovite osobenosti vo Makedonija‛. Ova e voedno i prv poseriozen trud od oblasta na etnomuzikologijata vo koj{to za prvpat stru~no se objasnuvaat meloritmi~kite strukturi na makedonskiot muzi~ki folklor.8 So ovaa svoja aktivnost Atanas Badev gi postavi i temelite na sovremenata makedonska etnomuzikologija. Napi{al brojni kompozicii inspirirani od muzi~kiot folklor, kako i harmonizacii na napevi od gradskata tradicija, kakvi {to vo periodot na nacional-romantizmot neguvaat i dru- gi avtori od sosednite kulturni sredini. No, vistinskiot tvo- re~ki potencijal na Atanas Badev najdobro e odrazen vo nego- vata ‚Liturgija po Sv. Jovan Zlatoust‛ za me{an hor. Rabotena po primerot na duhovnite kompozicii koi{to Badev imal mo`- nost da gi studira vo golemite muzi~ki metropoli Moskva i vo Petersburg, ovaa kompozicija na Badev sodr`i porazvien horski slog vo sporedba so drugite negovi tvorbi sozdadeni vrz sopstve- na ili folklorna tematika.9 Vo eden del od melodiite zastape- ni vo ova horsko delo, se prepoznavaat crkovni napevi so~uvani po pat na usnata tradicija, kako i temi od poznati vizantiski kompozitori, koi{to Badev, verojatno, gi slu{al i peel vo svo-

7 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 177. 8 Karaka{, Branko, Muzi~kite tvorci vo Makedonija, Makedonska kniga, Skopje, 1970, p. 9. 9 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 150.

183 jot roden kraj. Me|utoa, nivniot vizantiski karakter e vo izves- na mera neutraliziran so harmoniziraweto vo duhot na evrop- skata muzika. Sepak, kako muzi~ar koj{to ja poznaval i vizan- tiskata muzika i nejziniot sistem od osum glasovi, vo nekoi delovi na svojata ‚Liturgija‛, kade{to melodijata za osnova ima nekoj od karakteristi~nite tonovi na vizantiskite skali, Badev pri harmoniziraweto na ovie melodii i temi pravi odre- deni kompromisi, koi{to deloto go pravat originalno i priv- le~no. Taka, namesto voobi~aenite harmonski re{enija tipi~ni za evropskata muzika, Badev na momenti ostava da zazvu~i pre- poznatlivoto vizantisko iso, koe{to kako temjan go ispolnuva prostorot. Voedno, toa se i najvozbudlivite delovi na negovata ‚Liturgija po Sv. Jovan Zlatoust‛. Kako muzi~ar koj{to preku ruskata svetovna i crkovna mu- zika imal mo`nosti temelno da ja zapoznae i da ja primeni vo praktika evropskata muzi~ka teorija, Atanas Badev ne mo`el, ednostavno, da ostane i vo crkovnata muzika od vizantiska tra- dicija, koja{to kako dete ja u~el vo rodniot grad Prilep. O~i- gledno e, deka kako kompozitor i dirigent, toj pove}e prostor otkriva vo evropskata muzika, na koja{to & se predal so celoto svoe bitie. Vsu{nost, qubovta kon evropskata muzika, koja{to se razgorela vo Petersburg i vo Moskva, e rodena vo Prilep i traela do krajot na negoviot `ivot. Koga go velam ova, predvid go imam faktot, deka vo periodot na negovata prva mladost, vo Prilep, kako eden od ponaprednatite kulturni centri vo Make- donija, preku razni formi i pati{ta, (iako so izvesno zadocnu- vawe), kako ne{to novo i vobudlivo, nadoa|a branot na evrop- skata romanti~arska muzika, koja{to ne go ostavila ramnodu{en i mladiot Atanas. Pri toa, da ne zaboravime, deka eden zna~aen del od svojata mladost Badev pominal vo Sofija, kako u~enik na Ma{kata gimnazija. Vo ovoj golem kulturen centar vo koj{to se {koluvale brojni mladi makedonski intelektualci, toj na sekoj ~ekor mo`el da go po~uvstvuva zdivot na evropskata kultura. Site ovie okolnosti ja odredija muzi~kata sudbina na Atanas

184

Badev, prviot sestrano obrazovan muzi~ar vo duhot na evrop- skata muzika od Makedonija.

Prvite podatoci za `ivotot i deloto na ovoj pretstavnik na Nacionalnata prerodba se objaveni vo knigata na srpskiot muzikolog i publicist Branko Karaka{ ‚Muzi~kite tvorci vo Makedonija‛, izdadena vo 1970 godina vo Skopje, vo koja{to Ata- nas Badev e pretstaven kako ‚…prv profesionalen makedonski muzi~ar i teoreti~ar so {iroka kultura…‛10 Slednata subli- mirana informacija za Atanas Badev ja nao|ame vo Muzi~kata enciklopedija na Jugoslovenskiot leksikografski zavod od 1971 godina, napi{ana od kompozitorot Todor Skalovski, vo koja{to se naveduva deka kompoziciite na Atanas Badev svedo~at za so- lidnoto znaewe, bogatata invencija i tvore~kata sila. Se nagla- suva i toa deka Badev e prviot stru~no obrazovan muzi~ar i teo- reti~ar so {iroka kultura, voedno i prviot makedonski kompo- zitor na pove}eglasna crkovna muzika.11 Vo naredniot period za deloto i `ivotniot pat na Atanas Badev najmnogu istra`uva{e i pi{uva{e muzi~kiot pisatel Dragoslav Ortakov. So svoite tri knigi ‚Muzi~kata umetnost vo Makedonija‛ (1982), ‚Ars nova macedonica” (1986), ‚Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija‛ (2001), kako i so drugite napisi vo razni spisanija od oblasta na kulturata, Orta- kov nesomneno pridonese za osvetluvawe na likot i tvore{tvoto na ovoj zna~aen kompozitor, eden od malubrojnite obrazovani muzi~ari ne samo vo Makedonija, tuku i vo drugite balkanski nacionalni sredini.12 Soodveten prostor na ovoj zna~aen make- donski muzi~ar mu posvetuva i Sotir Golabovski vo svojata kniga ‚Istorija na makedonskata muzika‛, izdadena vo 1999 go- dina. Spored ovoj muzikolog, Atanas Badev e najzna~ajniot pret- stavnik na muzi~kiot profesionalizam od zapadno-evropski tip

10 Karaka{, Branko, Muzi~kite… op. cit. p. 9. 11 Skalovski, Todor, Muzicka enciklopedija, vol. I, Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1974, p. 110. 12 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 141.

185 vo periodot na Prerodbata i, pokraj muzi~koto tvore{tvo i et- nomuzikolo{kata rabota, ja naglasuva i negovata pedago{ka i organizatorska dejnost so {to dal zna~aen pridones vo razvojot na muzi~kata kultura vo Makedonija.13 Vo posledno vreme za `i- votniot pat i za deloto na Atanas Badev istra`uva i muziko- logot Jelica Todor~evska, koja navestuva nekoi novi momenti od negoviot `ivot, osobeno za periodot na negovite muzi~ki studii vo Rusija.14 Imaj}i go predvid faktot deka interesiraweto na Badev kako muzi~ar ne e ograni~eno samo na duhovnata muzika i na folklornite temi kako izvor na inspiracija, tuku i na samoto folklorno muzi~ko tvore{tvo, kone~no i zaradi negovata jasna orientacija kon evropskata muzika kako negova estetsko-tvore~- ka opredelba, za ovoj muzi~ki deec ~ija{to dejnost se ostvaruva vo poslednite dve decenii na XIX i po~etokot na XX vek, }e istra`uvaat i idnite generacii makedonski muzikolozi.

Rezime Na teritorijata na Makedonija i na po{irokiot pravosla- ven prostor od sredinata na XIX i preminot vo XX vek se ~uv- stvuva silnoto vlijanie na docniot evropski romantizam i na ruskata svetovna i crkovna muzika, preku voveduvaweto na ~eti- riglasni horski ansambli vo bogoslu`bata. Ovoj muzi~ki izraz na teritorijata na Makedonija ima{e i svoi privrzenici, od koi najzna~aen e Atanas Badev (1860-1908), prviot profesionalen muzi~ar, obrazovan vo duhot na evropskata muzika. Paralelno so kompozitorskata i pedago{kata dejnost, Ba- dev se zanimava so sobirawe i prou~uvawe na osobenostite na makedonskiot muzi~ki folklor. So ovaa svoja aktivnost toj gi postavi temelite na sovremenata makedonska etnomuzikologija.

13 Golabovski, Sotir, Istorija… op. cit. p. 100 14 Todor~evska, Jelica, Leksikon na muzi~kite tvorci od Prilep, (vo rakopis)

186

XI.

Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (1876-1950)

Vo na{evo vreme ne retko se slu~uva da bide otkrieno ne- koe vredno delo od pobliskoto istorisko minato, a za `ivotot na negoviot avtor da ne se so~uvani ni najosnovnite podatoci. Takov e slu~ajot so pove}eto od pretstavenite li~nosti vo ovoj del na knigava. Vo ovoj pogled ne e isklu~ok nitu Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, tvorecot na eden od najvrednite crkovno-muzi~ki dela vo makedonskata muzi~ka istorija i po{iroko, iako e roden zna- ~itelno podocna i `iveel s# do sredinata na XX vek. Blagodarenie na podatocite do koi{to dojde muzikologot Dragoslav Ortakov od razgovorot so potomcite na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, neposredno po otkrivaweto na negoviot Psaltikiski voskresnik vo 1978 g.1 od strana na slavistot Mihajlo Georgiev- ski,2 deneska gi imame osnovnite podatoci za `ivotot na ovoj zna~aen pretstavnik na crkovno peewe od slovensko-vizantiska- ta tradicija vo Makedonija. Iako nedostato~ni, ovie podatoci se izvonredno va`ni za idnite istra`uvawa, bidej}i naso~uvaat kon klu~ni punktovi od `ivotot na Vasil Ivanov. Spored ovie podatoci, Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev e roden na 14 dekemvri 1876 godina vo Kratovo. Po zavr{uvaweto na osnovno- to u~ili{te vo rodniot grad, svoeto obrazovanie go prodol`il vo Skopje na egzarhiskoto pedago{ko u~ili{te, kade{to stek- nal osnovni znaewa od crkovnoto peewe. Kako psalt, osven vo Kratovo, rabotel i vo Tetovo, [tip i Strumica. Dve godini

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija, Vorldbuk, Skopje, 2001. p. 98-103, 2 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/2 ‚Nekolku novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od Makedonija‛, Skopje, 1979. p. 51-55

187 prestojuval vo manastirot na Sveta Gora na usovr{u- vawe na crkovnoto peewe. Vo sledniot period raboti kako u~i- tel po crkovno peewe vo bogoslovsko u~ili{te na Ba~kovskiot manastir blizu do Plovdiv. Okolu 1922 godina se preselil vo Stara Zagora, kade {to po izvesno vreme e penzioniran.

Vo celiot period me|u dvete svetski vojni Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev intenzivno rabotel na Psaltikiskiot voskresnik, vgraduvaj}i go vo nego seto svoe znaewe i iskustvo na u~itel po crkovno peewe. Vo Bugarija, kade{to psaltikiskite knigi na Manasij pop Todorov se neprikosnoveni, ne uspeal da najde zain- teresiran izdava~ za svojata kniga. Za taa cel, Vasil Ivanov, koj i pred toa me~tael da se vrati vo svojata rodna Makedonija, vo 1941 godina doa|a vo Veles, kade{to raboti kako dirigent na crkoven hor i psalt. Zaradi otporot od strana na pro-srpskoto nastroeno sve{tenstvo, koe vo ovoj grad ve}e podolg period go prakticiraat t.n. srpsko narodno crkovno peewe, ne uspeal da se zdobie nitu so privrzenici za crkovnoto peewe od slovensko- vizantiskata tradicija, nitu da najde spomagateli i izdava~ za svojata kniga. Po samo dve godini zaminuva za Skopje, gradot vo koj{to pred pet decenii bil u~enik na pedago{koto u~ili{te, nadevaj}i se deka tamu }e uspee da ja realizira svojata `elba – pe~ateweto na knigata i da ja prodol`i svojata crkovno-muzi~ka dejnost. No, blizu e krajot na vojnata i vo tuku{to oslobodenoto Skopje, gradot na negovata mladost, }e nema mesto za ve}e ve}e ostareniot i izmoren psalt. Zgora na toa, vo noviot op{testven poredok negoviot Psaltikiski voskresnik preku no} }e stane anahron i bezpredmeten. Umira vo Skopje, vo 1950 godina.

Psaltikiskiot voskresnik

Kako {to e ve}e istaknato, otkrivaweto na Psaltikiski- ot voskresnik od Vasil I. Bojaxiev vo 1978 godina ima po{i- roko zna~ewe za makedonskata muzi~ka kultura i posebno za cr-

188 kovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizantiskata tradicija. So otkriva- weto na ovoj rakopis se potvrdi visokoto nivo na crkovnoto peewe na teritorijata na Makedonija i na negovite brojni pret- stavnici, kako i faktot deka, iako vo ote`nati uslovi, be{e odr`an kontinuitetot vo razvojot na psaltikiskata umetnost i vo periodot po Prvata svetska vojna, koga so potpa|aweto na var- darskiot del od Makedonija pod srpska vlast, vo makedonskite hramovi be{e vovedeno srpkoto narodno crkovno peewe. Osven toa, rakopisniot zbornik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev sodr`i cela niza dragoceni crkovni tvorbi od makedonski avtori, nepoznati pred negovoto otkrivawe. Rakopisot na Bojaxiev e pi{uvan na hrisantovata notacija i na crkovno-slovenski tekst so voedna~eno ubav i ~itliv rako- pis. Ovoj obemen zbornik ima 392 gusto pi{uvani stranici so po 17 redovi muzi~ki nevmi i tekst i gi sodr`i slednite posle- dovanija na utrewata, ve~erwata i liturgijata:

- Site voskresni napevi koi se peat na voskresnata ve~erwa i utrewa (na 8 glasovi); - Posledovanie na voskresni eksapostilarii i utreni evangelski stihiri; - Preblagoslovena esi, Bogorodice Devo i kratki veliki slavoslovija na (na 8 glasovi); - Kosnokratki veliki slavoslovija na 8 glasovi; - Kosnokratki troi~ni tropari na voskresna poluno}nica; - Kratki troi~ni tropari; - Blagosloven esi Gospodi, Angelski sobor (kratko i pro- strano); - Posledovanie na voskresnoto utreno evangelie; - Psalm pedeseti, na vtori, sedmi i osmi glas; - ^estwej{uju heruvim, na 8 glasovi; - Svete tihij; - Pet arhierejski mnogoletstvija; - Na blagodarstven moleben, himna: Tebe Boga hvalim; - ^etiri op{ti mnogoletstvija;

189

- Edine~ni i troi~ni ‘Gospodi pomiluj’; - Podobija za stihiri, sedalni, kondaci na 8 glasovi; - Podobija za svetilni na vtori i treti glas; - Otca i Sina od vtori do osmi glas; - Dostojno est na vtori, {esti i sedmi glas.

Interesno e da se napomene deka, re~isi, site slovenski avtori na crkovna muzika koi{to se zastapeni vo ovoj zbornik poteknuvaat od Makedonija: Jovan Kukuzel, Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski, Kalistrat Zografski, Hristo P. Stojanov, Mana- sij pop Todorov, Atanas Badev, Hristo [aldev, Petar Dinev i Stamuli Zarkinovski. Od ‚vizantiskite‛ tvorci zastapen e samo Petar Peloponeski. Vo ovaa svoevidna antologija na makedonskoto crkovno-mu- zi~ko tvore{tvo posebno se zna~ajni trite tvorbi na Kalistrat Zografski Otca i Sina na vtori, peti i sedmi glas. Dvete tvorbi na peti i sedmi glas, Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev mo`el da gi prezeme od zbornikot Liturgija, no, ostanuva nepoznato otkade ja zemal onaa na vtori glas, bidej}i taa ne se nao|a vo zbornikot na Kalistrat, nitu vo nekoja druga pe~atena psaltikija. So ova Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev ni dava zna~ajna informacija deka Kalistrat Zografski vo zbornikot Isto~no crkovno peewe ne gi stavil site svoi kompozicii. Od ova mo`e da se izvle~e zaklu~ok, deka toj sozdal pogolem broj tvorbi od onoj {to ni e poznat deneska. Otkrivaweto na Psaltikiskiot voskresnik na Vasil Iva- nov Bojaxiev vnese novi momenti i vo odnos na dilemite okolu crkovno-muzi~koto tvore{tvo na Manasij na pop Todorov.3 Ime- no, spored misleweto na bugarskiot vizantolog od makedonsko poteklo Petar Dinev (1889-1976), Manasij pop Todorov se nema projaveno kako kompozitor, tuku samo kako izdava~ na psaltikii i muzikou~itel. Do ovoj zaklu~ok Dinev do{ol po detalnata analiza na zbornicite od pop Todorov izdadeni vo periodot od

3 Vizantologot Petar Dinev e na mislewe deka Manasij pop Todorov ne ostavil svoi muzi~ki tvorbi, tuku samo pravel korekcii na tvorbi od drugi avtori.

190

1905 do 1922 godina, kako i na zbornicite na drugite avtori, izdadeni pred 1905 godina. Pritoa, Dinev konstatiral deka vo nekoi tvorbi pop Todorov napravil nezna~itelni izmeni, so cel melodijata podobro da ja izrazi smislata na tekstot ili da korigira nekoi nepravilni akcenti.4 Vo zbornikot na Bojaxiev, koj{to e otkrien dve godi-ni po smrtta na Petar Dinev, Manasij pop Todorov e zastapen so daleku pogolem broj tvorbi vo spored- ba so drugite zastapeni avtori:

a) Veliko slavoslovie (12 tvorbi) na prvi, vtori, treti (dva), ~etvrti, peti, {esto-sedmi, {esti, prvo-sedmi, sedmi (dva) i osmi glas;

b) Otca i sina (2 tvorbi) na treti i {esti glas.

Vo vrska so ova, va`no e da se napomene, deka rakopisniot zbornik na Vasil Ivanov pretstavuva eden od najobemnite i naj- solidno napraveni, koi{to se pojavile na teritorijata na Make- donija, i po{iroko. Vrz osnova na negovite sodr`ini, mo`e da se zaklu~i, deka sostavuva~ot Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, osven {to odli~no ja poznaval teorijata na hrisantovata notacija, bil do- bro upaten i vo literaturata na isto~no-pravoslavnoto peewe, osobeno vo onaa na slovenski jazik. Ottuka, mo`e da se pretpo- stavi deka Vasil Ivanov dobro znael koi se avtorite na tvorbite {to gi vklu~il vo svojot Psaltikiski voskresnik. Spema toa, nema somnenie deka Manasij pop Todorov e navistina avtor na zasta-penite tvorbi. Dve od kompoziciite so koi{to Manasij pop Todorov e zas- tapen vo zbornikot na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev (Otca i Sina na treti i {esti glas), se pojavija vo ~etvrtoto izdanie na Krat- kiot psaltikiski voskresnik (osmoglasnik) na Manasij pop To- dorov, izdadeno vo 1992 godina od strana na Bugarskata pravo- slavna crkva, kade{to se staveni kako ‚dodatok‛ na samiot kraj na knigata (zaedno so u{te edna Otca i Sina na ~etvrti glas).

4 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 8.

191

Interersno e toa, {to ovie tvorbi ne se nao|aat vo prvoto iz- danie na Kratkiot voskresnik od 1905 godina. Mo`ebi avtorot Manasij pop Todorov gi stavil vo nekoe od podocne`nite izda- nija, otkade {to i gi prezel Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, ili pak toj kako avtor, li~no mu gi dal na Vasila? Ne treba da se zaboravi deka na Manasij pop Todorov, isto kako i Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev, vo Bugarrija se preselil kako voz- rasen ~ovek, na koj sekoga{ se gledalo kako na dojdenec. Od druga strana, toj so svoeto odli~no gr~ko crkovno-muzi~ko obrazova- nie, sekako gi zagrozuval poziciite na domorodnite muzi~ki ‚avtoriteti.‛ Za da gi smiri duhovite, Manasij pop Todorov verojatno bil prinuden da pravi kompromisi od sekakov vid: vo svoite psaltikii da stava tvorbi od razni bugarski avtori, koi, kako {to ka`uva i Petar Dinev, samiot toj gi doteruval, a pod sopstvenite kompozicii ne se potpi{uval. Dali ona koe{to od nekoi pri~ini ne go pi{uval vo svoite knigi, li~no mu go soop{til na svojot sonarodnik Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev: deka toa se, vsu{nost, negovi kompozicii? Do pred 30 godini edinstvenata poznata tvorba na Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski be{e Dostojno est na osmi glas, koja{to se nao|a vo zbornikot Liturgija od spomenatata antologija na Kalistrat Zografski. Vo rakopisniot Psaltikiski voskresnik na Vasil I. Bojaxiev se nao|a u{te edna kompozicija na Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski: Veliko slavoslovie na {esto-sedmi glas.5 Nema nikakvi ukazanija kade i vo kakva verzija ja na{ol ovaa kompozicija: ako ja na{ol na crkovno-slovenski jazik, toa bi mo`elo da bide originalnata verzija na Gradoborski, no ako ja na{ol na gr~ki jazik, prevodot bi mo`el da bide negov, na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev.

Vo ovaa rakopisna psaltikija se nao|aat i kompozicii koi nemaat oznaka za nivnite avtori. Ne e isklu~eno nekoi od ovie tvorbi da se sozdadeni od samiot Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev. Od ovoj

5 Bojaxiev, Ivanov, Vasil, Psaltikien voskresnik, M. IV 1862 (kopija). Narodna i univerzitetska biblioteka ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje. p. 295.

192 aspekt, interesno e da se odbele`i, deka vo site tvorbi zasta- peni vo Psaltikiskiot voskresnik, koi{to gi prezel od razni pe~ateni psaltikii, Vasil Ivanov napravil pomali ili pogo- lemi izmeni i ispravki od sekakov vid: od onie na pe~atnite gre{ki, do ortografskite nedoslednosti, kako i razni interven- cii od meloritmi~ka priroda so cel melodijata podobro da ja iz- razi smislata na tekstot ili da bide soobrazena so akcentira- nite slogovi. Seto toa toj go pravi prefineto i so izvonredno poznavawe na teorijata na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko-vizan- tiskata tradicija. Od ovie pri~ini, za ovoj zbornik mo`e da se ka`e deka vo golema mera ima i avtorski karakter.

Psaltikiskiot voskresnik na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev pretstavuva sinteza na site voskresnici koi se pojavile vo pret- hodniot period. Vo nego uspe{no se sintetizirani iskustvata i soznanijata na makedonskite muzi~ki dejci od XIX i XX vek, kako {to se Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski, Joan Harmosin – Ohrid- ski, Kalistrat Zografski, Manasij pop Todorov, Andon [ahpas- ki i drugi. Kako {to e spomnato ponapred, svojot Psaltikiski voskresnik Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev zapo~na da go sozdava vo periodot neposredno po Prvata svetska vojna, koga crkovnoto peewe od vizantiskata tradicija be{e isfrleno od upotreba od makedonskite hramovi i be{e vovedeno t.n. srpskoto narodno crkovno peewe, pove}e poznato kako mokraw~evo peewe. Mo`ebi tokmu od ovie pri~ini vo celiot ovoj dramati~en period nasto- juval da se vrati vo Makedonija. Iako vo tatkovinata se vrati relativno docna, duri vo 1941 godina, Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev nastojuvaj}i da go obelodeni svojot Psaltikiski voskresnik, vsu{nost saka{e da ja poka`e silata na na{ata mileniumska tradicija i dlabokite koreni na crkovnoto peewe od slovensko- vizantiskata tradicija na teritorijata na Makedonija.

Ortografijata na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev

193

Osven so bogatstvoto na muzi~kite sodr`ini, Psaltikiski- ot voskresnik vnimanie privlekuva i so ortografijata koja{to ja zastapuva Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev vo svojot zbornik. Imenuvaweto na glasovite Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev go pravi poednostaveno i vo soglasnost so slovenskata varijanta na imiwa- ta na glasovite. Poa|aj}i od faktot deka vo slovenskata termino- logija glasovite se pi{uvaat: a*, v*, g*, d*, e*, §*, z*, n*, ili so arapskite broevi: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, a vo gr~kata: avtenti~nite glasovi se pi{uvaat: a, b, g, d, (od prviot do ~etvrtiot), a plagalnite qa, qb, qg, qd, (od pettiot do osmiot), proizleguva deka vo slovenskoto pi{uvawe na glasovite nema potreba od kratenkata q (pla1gioj), i deka taa mehani~ki e prezemena od gr~kata terminologija.

Ottuka, pri obele`uvaweto na t.n. plagalni glasovi so svoi- te specifi~ni znaci (klu~evi), Vasil Ivanov ne ja pi{uva kraten- kata q. Osven ova ima i nekoi drugi otstapuvawa: za pettiot glas namesto voobi~aeniot klu~ ß, go upotrebuba onoj na prviot glas: = , a pred tvorbite na vtoriot glas voop{to ne go stava klu~ot (Õ), tuku samo negoviot osnoven ton (tonika) i modulativniot znak (ftora) na glasot: ë. Potoa, ne koristi slo- venski redosled na broevite na glasovite, tuku arapski, ili opis- no: prvi, vtori,treti, ~etvrti, petti itn.

Mnogu posu{tinski se ortografskite otstapuvawa koi{to se javuvavaat kaj Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev pri pi{uvaweto na mu- zi~kite znaci. Eve nekoi pokarakteristi~ni: Koga pod nekoj ton se postaveni antikenoma i apli (to~ka), spored ortografijata na isto~noto crkovno peewe, po nego treba

194 da sleduva nekoj nadolen intervalski znak so ili bez gorgon, koj ne dobiva poseben slog od tekstot, tuku se pee vrz onoj na pret- hodniot ton. No, vo pobavnite melodii Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev postavuva slog od tekstot i pod nadolniot ton koj{to sleduva po tonot so antikenoma i to~ka (apli):

 i zØm - lõ sla- v¥ Tvo- Ø - õ

Pravilo e, varija da se pi{uva pred sekoj par od apostrofi (so ili bez gorgon), ako se peat na eden slog od tekstot. Sprotivno na ova, vo napevite od irmolo{kiot vid Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev ~esto stava varija i pred dva apostrofa koi se peat so posebni slogovi od tekstot:

 i¯ nhsty vz¥-ska-õi d$ - ù$ mo- ü.

Koga nekoj nadolen ton ili ison e postaven so dve kentimi vrz oligon ( , , ), po niv treba da sleduva nekoj nadolen æ Ç ? intervalski znak ili ison. Vo sledniot fragment Vasil Ivanov, po grupiranite apostof i dve kentimi ( ) vrz oligon, prodol- S `uva so nagoren znak – oligon so klazma (k).

 i¯ - li______raz - dh - lØ - - n` - õ.___

Spored t.n. zakon za privlekuvawe na tonovite, nekoi to- novi koga se dvi`at nagore se prirodni, a koga se vra}aat nadolu

195 se sni`uvaat. Vo svojot rakopisen zbornik Vasil Ivanov Bojaxi- ev ~esto ne gi obele`uva sni`uvawata so soodveten znak, bidej}i toa se podrazbira. Vo sledniot fragment prvoto pojavuvawe na d$ tonot Zo po tonot Ke (ö) e prirodno, a vtoroto (nad slogot ‚ ‛) treba da e sni`eno ( ), iako vrz nego ne e staven znak za sni- u `uvawe.

 Gla- -som¢ mo- im¢ ko Go - spo- d$ voz-zvax¢.

Vo slu~aite, koga treba da se prekine istiot samoglasnik ili soglasnik so koj{to zavr{uva eden zbor i zapo~nuva drug, za da ne se spojat dvata zbora, obi~no se pi{uv stavros (krst). Vo takvi situacii Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev stava pauza od polovina udar (takt):

 S¥iÂ______i¯ prØ - - jdØ___s¥iÂ

Koga napevot zapo~nuva so nenaglasen slog od tekstot (na ‚slabo‛ vreme), Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev na po~etokot na napevot stava pauza od eden takt (udar):

 Vo - sta - ni Go-spo-di Bo- jØ moiÂ,

196

Vo svojot Psaltikiski voskresnik Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev upotrebuva golem broj razli~ni varijanti na kadenci koi{to se interesni od ortografski aspekt. Eve nekolku na vtoriot glas:













Od sevo {to e izneseno za ortografijata na Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev proizleguva deka toj ne samo {to odli~no ja poznaval gramatikata na isto~noto crkovno peewe, tuku, potpiraj}i se na svoeto dolgogodi{no iskustvo kako psalt i u~itel, se obiduva da ja poednostavi nejzinata ortografija, vnesuvaj}i nekoi novi oz- naki, ili izostavuvaj}i nekoi od ‚stariot sistem‛ koi{to so tekot na vremeto go izgubile svoeto zna~ewe. Ova osobeno se odnesuva za slovenskata varijanta na isto~noto crkovno peewe, koja{to vo 19 vek na teritorijata na Makedonija i po{iroko ja sozdavale i preku svoite psaltikiski zbornici ja pretstavuvale pove}e generacii crkovno-muzi~ki tvorci.

197

198

Part two

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CHURCH SINGING IN (FROM) MACEDONIA

199

200

I.

Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski (cc. 1800-1887)

By the middle of the 19th Century, with the development of the social, political and cultural environment in Macedonia, the first sprouts of the Macedonian bourgeoisie appear. Some of its more reputed representatives already show the first signs of national awareness. They vocally express their views on the need to get rid of the Greek influence, which had already con- quered all social, political, religious and educational spheres in Macedonia. With the strengthening of the young Macedonian civic society and its intelligence, a movement against the use of the Greek language in schools and at church emerges. This trend was also taken advantage of by the Macedonian educated citizens to focus on the necessity to re-establish Ohrid Archbishopry. This determination, which with time developed into an organized fight for an autonomous church, reached its peak in the sixties, thus marking the beginning of the Macedonian National Enlightment. In a large number of settlements and towns around Macedonia church and school communities were established. They served to the open fight against the assimilation policy of the Constantinople Patriarchy. However, due to the activities of both external and internal factors, the efforts of the Macedonian citizens to establish their own individual church remained fruitless. In fact, as a result of some cultural and social circumstances, these efforts were joined with the similar battle fought by the Bulgarian bourgeoisie. More numerous and financially stronger, since its development had been rather advanced, the Bulgarian bourgeoisie eventually managed to identified the Macedonian issue with its own – the Bulgarian, presenting it as a determination and desire of the Macedonian nation for acquiring a common national church. Thus, for the majority of the Macedonian people, who with

201 the 1870 Constantinople Exarchate belongs under its jurisdiction, this prac- tically only meant a change of one clerical power with another. Although the fight of the Macedonian people for establishing its own state and church did not result into the expected outcome in this historical period, the spirit of the Ohrid Archbishopry, which was abolished in 1767, remained to live on in the people and their spiritual leaders. It was in fact the everlasting spring from which the moral strength was sucked for the support of the Enlightment and the revolutionary movement for liberating the Mace- donian people from the political and spiritual slavery and in favour of its independent and cultural development. Among the supporters of this Enlightment ideas for returning to Macedonian own cultural values, the national speech and church service in Church Slavic language in the spirit of Clement’s tradition, we can also see a large number of representatives of the church life in Macedonia. Some of them have a very important role both in the development of the church singing of the Byzantium and Slavic tradition, and in the accomplishment of the centuries-old national ideals. One of the most significant representatives of the eastern church music, who was devoted to the National Enlightment in Macedonia in the middle of the 19th Century and became a leader in the fight for allowing the Slavic language in the church service was Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski.

Slavic and Greek Sources

The evidence on Dimitar Zlatanov’s life and activities is scarce. The literature from the Enlightment period offers very little date on this person. By quoting an article in Thessalonica’s Right of 1873, Ivan Snegarov in his book (Solunъ vo bъlgarskata duhovna kultura) of 1937 mentions Thessalonica protopsalm Dimitrij “Bulgaraki”1. For the time being this is the first written trace in a Slavic book on Dimitar Zlatanov–Gradoborski. The first more comprehensive text on Gradoborski is Hristo Shaldev’s Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborceto, published in 1939.2 Some twenty years

1 Snegarovъ, I(van), Solunъ vo bъlgarskata duhovna kultura, Pridvorna pe~atnica, Sofiя, 1937. p. 85. 2 [aldevъ, Hristo, Dimitar Zlatanov Gradobor~eto, sp. Narodenъ Stra`ъ, br. 3,

202 later Petar Dinev, Bulgarian Byzantium scientist of Macedonian origin devotes some space to Dimitar Zlatanov in his study entitled Pro~uтi cъrkovni пeвцi-bълgari.1 In the Macedonian music science the only text on Gradoborski was published by Dragoslav Ortakov in 1981.2 While the Slavic Byzantine music researchers in the entire 20th Century were undivided in the opinion that Gradoborski’s work was lost, the Greek sources say that in 1886 Dimitrios Voulgaraki (the pseudonym under which Gradoborski is known in the Greek historiography) published in Thessalonica his Psalt Manual (“Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou”). The oldest Greek source of evidence about Dimitar Zlatanov is the book of the Con- stantinople historian Georgios Papadopulos called Contributions to the His- tory of Church Music (Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an par# h2mi~n e3kklhsia- siastikh~j mousikh~j) dating from 1890,3 which is also quoted by contem- porary Greek Byzantium researchers: Antonios E. Aligizakis,4 Olimpia N. Tolika,5 and Georgios I. Hayiteodoros.6

Gradoborski’s Life

Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski was born in the village of Gradobor near Thessalonica at the end of the 18th Century or the beginning of the 19th Century. He attended elementary school in Greek language in his village. When he mastered the basics of eastern church singing in the local church, Dimitar left for Thessalonica where he was immediately noticed by the public for his excellent voice and singing. He continued to study music in

Sofiя, 1939. 1 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi cъrkovni пeвцi-bълgari, s. Bълgarska muzika, br.1. Sofiя, 1963. p. 29-33. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija, Vorlbuk, Skopje, 2001. p. 113. 3 Papado1pouloj, G., Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an par 3 h2mi~n e3kklhsiasiastikh~j mousikh~j, #En 3Aqh1naij, 1890, p. 486. 4 Aligiza1ikhj, E. 3Antw1nioj, Melodh1mata a3skhsewn leitourgikh~j, Ekdo1seij: G. Dedou1sh, Qessaloni1kh, 1992. p. 33. 5 Tolika, N. Olumpia, Epitomo Egkuklopediko lexiko thj buzantinhj mouzikhj Eurwpai_ko kentro tecnhj, Aqh1na, 1993. 6 Catzhqeodw1rou, I. Gew1rgioj, Bibliografi1a th~j buzantinh~j e`kklhsiastikh~j mousikh~j, Per. A’ (1820-1899) Patriarciko`n i7druma paterikw~n meletw~n Qessaloni1kh, 1998. p. 177-178.

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Constantinople at the Patriarch School, his teachers being Hrisant, Grigori and Hurmuzi, eastern church singing reformers and well known as The Three Teachers, in the period between 1815, when it was established and 1821, when it was temporarily closed. Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski was gifted with an unusually strong, high and beautiful voice. His fame as a great church singer (psalt) from Thessalonica was transferred around the whole Empire, even as far as Asia Minor. He composed a large number of songs which, as Risto Saldev says could be sung only by the most talented and trained church singers. Gradoborski, who was among the first to begin the fight against the use of the Greek language in Slavic churches, was completely disappointed with the Exarchate. His expectations that it will be all Slavic, and not Bulgarian church, were deceived. These circumstances, and primarily the prohibition of his collection of songs Psalt Manual in 1886 by the Constantinople Patriarchy were a stroke for the already aging Dimitar Zlatanov which he could not survive. He died in 1887 in Thessalonica.

Music Collection

I began the search for Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski’s Collection after I discovered two short pieces of information in a book by two Greek Byzantium researchers Antonios E. Aligizakis and Georgios I. Hadziteodo- ros, according to which the Collection by Vulgarakis’s (Gradoborski) is cal- led “Psalt Manual” ( 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou) and contains a an annual schedule of the church services: morning prayer, evening prayer and liturgy. The Collection was published with the consent of the Education Council in the printing house called Makedonia, in Thessalonica, in 1886 and was dedicated to Grigorios Kalidis, Thessalonica Metropolitan of the time and a strong supporter of church singing with Byzantium tradition. In his work, Hadziteodoros also states the evidence that the Collection included unpublished compositions by Dimitrios Vulgarakis (Gradoborski). Hadziteodoros ends the short description of the Psalt Manual with the infor- mation that the Collection was not approved by the Constantinople Pa- triarchy. Metropolitan Kalidis was ordered to take any necessary measures to eliminate the book, i.e. obstruct its use in the church schools.

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Antonios E. Aligizakis, confirms the same information on the prohibition of the Psalt Manual as well as the fact that it contained numerous songs by Dimitrios Vulgaraki. Algizakis stated the reasons behind the prohi- bition of the Patriarchy as being the character of the songs: sometimes they were European, and sometimes in the Arabic and Persian macamis, i.e. were not in the spirit of the Greek church singing.

Thessalonica’s Singing School

The process of re-establishing the Slavic language in the church servi- ce can be best comprehended through the life and music of Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski. Going through the process of national self-identification him- self and feeling the resistance of the people against the long spiritual slavery and assimilation policy of the Constantinople Patriarchy in the period bet- ween 1840 and 1860, when he was in the zenith of fame, Gradoborski stood on the side of the Enlightment and began to use the Slavic language in his music. In order to encourage and accelerate the process of reestablishing the Church Slavic language in the church service, he translated a large number of Greek church songs into Slavic language. For the same purpose he gathe- red young church singers of Slavic origin around himself and trained them with the skill of eastern orthodox singing in Slavic language. With this he lay the basics of the Thessalonica Singing School, which will be the source of numerous well trained church singers. Hristo pop Mitrev, one of Gradoborski’s students and an experienced church singer in the old church in the village of Gumendze, was the first to begin singing Gradoborski’s songs translated into Church Slavic language. Later Reverent Mitrev was joined by other Gradoborski’s students who kept on singing the songs by their beloved teacher. The names of Petar and Ivan Dimitrov from the village of Zerovo (Greek Niko1polh, the Eparchy of Lagkada1) are mentioned among the traditional singers in the Cathedral Church of Saint Nedela in Sofia.1

1 Dinev, Petъr, Pro~uтi…op. cit. p. 30-31.

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Among Gradoborski’s students of Greek origin are the names of Dimitrios Papadopulos, born in Thessalonica and famous for being among the first in Greece to write a church song with European style and Teoharis Hrist. Jerojanis, famous as the Athenian Doctor (Greek I3atrou~ #Aqhnw~n), otherwise an opposition against the introduction of European music in Athenian churches.1 Gradoborski’s students: Hristo pop Mitrev, brothers Petar and Ivan Dimitrov and others in the early 70’s are the main carriers of the Enlightment activities in the towns around the Aegean part of Macedonia. We can here come to the conclusion that Dimitar Zlatanov did not transfer only the skill of church singing to his students, but also encouraged the process of their national self-identification.

Conclusion

Today, when after 120 years Gradoborski’s Collection appeared with dozens of church songs, it is clear that the true reason for the prohibition of this Collection by the Patriarchy does not lie in the stylistic features of the songs, but rather their author’s determination to work for the benefit of the Slavic Enlightment and singing the church service in Slavic language. It is obvious that the prohibition of this book immediately after it was printed in 1886 is actually only a consequence of the previous anathema on the “outlaw” author. In spite of the information that the contemporary music science has gathered, the life and work of Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski is still insuf- ficiently clarified. The Byzantium researchers need to continue their efforts in order to clearly determine his role in the development of the eastern church singing and the process of the national self-identification of the Macedonian nation. Until then a large number of questions will remain unanswered. I am going to finish this paper by trying to answer at least one question: “Which were Dimitar Zlatanov’s true motives to publish his monu-

1 So1malhj, M. Panagio1thj, Dhmh1trioj Boulgara1khj (scr.)

206 mental Collection in Greek at the end of his life: was it to rehabilitate with the Greek church public, enhance his financial situation or perhaps…?” It is most probable that another thing is in question! As I have already stated above, Gradoborski was one of the greatest psalts in the eastern orthodox region. In the second period of his career when he completely recognized his national self-identity, he began to sing in Slavic language, a debt he owed to his Slavic origin, but he never gave up singing in Greek. He acquired fame and a large number of supporters by singing in Greek. By printing his monumental Psalm Manual in Greek he wanted to let his enemies know that he loved them, as he loved their wonderful Greek language. This was the only way in which Dimitar Zlatanov Gradoborski could also exercise the right to love his own Slavic origin and the language of the saints Clement and Naum of Ohrid.

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I.

Naum Miladin (1817-1897)

After the adoption of the new system of neumatic notation that was promoted in the beginning of the 19th century by Hrisant, Hurmuzij and Grigorij, a circulation of music manuscripts was incited in Macedonian spiritual circles with the notation in Greek language. That fact imposed the need for learning the new, simpler music notation. One of the first, among the few in that period in Macedonia who had material opportunities but were also gifted to undertake the study of Eastern Church music was Naum Miladin. His Autobiography and the text `The unknown activity of the musicologist Naum Miladinov` by Petar Chakar, that was published in the newspaper `Nova Makedonija` in 1972 are the sources for the life and musical activities of Naum Miladin. From them we can see that Naum demonstrated unusual musical talent. It is interesting that during his stay in Durus (Drach, today’s Albania), where he used to work for a certain Italian firm, his musical talent was remarked by a group of Italian musicians, and aided by them he quickly managed to learn the western musical notation. Naum’s musical talent and his pleasant voice were remarked by the Metropolitan in Janina (at a concert that was held in his honour), and he recommended to the director of the gymnasium in Janina to send Naum to the High spiritual academy on the island of Halki, near Constantinople. Naum Miladin had the opportunity for profound mastering of the theory of the Eastern Church singing at that high educational institution where he joined several years later (in 1841). Following the pattern of the short grammars of the east church singing, that are often met in psalm

208 collections, Naum wrote a short manual for church singing. One can suppose that the manual was written immediately after his returning to Ohrid, where he started to work as a teacher of Greek and established a school for study of church singing according the new system of Hrisant. That school of Naum Miladin, the oldest known of that kind on the territory of Macedonia produced a number of church singers and connoisseurs of the neumatic script, and they continued their activities across Macedonia.1 The Manual for church singing by Naum Miladin was written in Greek language in 1843, and so far is the oldest preserved manuscript that was used for study of the Hrisant’s music notation on the territory of Macedonia. Its value is undisputable, since it confirms the fact that schools where the new notation of the east church singing was studied existed on the territory of Macedonia. The melographic activity of Naum Miladin is also worth noting. There is a number of indications that he was the first melograph in Macedonia. Data say that following the advice of the known Russian slavist Viktor I . Grigirovich, who was in Struga in 1845, Naum undertook to collect and melograph folk songs. It can be supposed that the printing of those songs recorded by Naum Miladin in the Collection of folk songs by his brothers Dimitrija and Konstantin was avoided after the urging of the bishop Jurij Shtrosmaer (due to the counter-union attitudes expressed by the melograph), under the pretext that they could be published in a separate publication.2 Although the melographic activity of Naum Miladin is not supported by any kept music manuscript or printed book, there is no doubt that he transferred his skills and knowledge for such a musical activity to many disciples that went through his music school. According available data, a big number of well-known names of musicians came out of the school run by Naum Miladin, among whom was Krstan Sandzak, later remarkable representative of Macedonian church singing, better known by his monk’s name Kalistrat Zografski and Georgi Hristidis (Georgi Pop-Hristo Ikonomov), who later married Dimitrija Miladinov’s daughter.

* * *

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 112. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… ibidem. p. 58.

209

Since I will refer to Kalistrat Zografski in more detail a bit later, I would like here to stress shortly that – beside other activities that are significant for the National Renaissance – he will remain known as the founder of the town church choir in Struga in 1863. A manuscript containing Hrisant’s music notation (written in Greek and church–Slavic language with Greek transcription) is kept from that period. In that significant manuscript made in 1853 – which is a rare document and valuable testimony regarding the practice of church singing on the territory of Macedonia in that time – there are church works by Jovan Kukuzel, Jovan Protopsalt, Petar Lambardij, Konastantin Protopsalt and others.1 Having in view what is said about Georgi Pop-Hristo Ikonomov, like that stated below about Kalistrat Zografski, one can conclude that disciples gained good knowledge in the school of Naum Miladin, and it helped them undertake any kind of music activities. Later results of their music activities convincingly proved that.

1 Golabovski, Sotir, Makedonska muzika/1… op. cit.. p. 47-48.

210

III.

Kalistrat Zografski (ca. 1820-1913)

What is available to the Macedonian music science on the life of Kalistrat Zografski, one of the most remarkabile representatives of the church singing in Macedonia in the second half of the 19th century is very scarse. Born in Sruga, with secular name Krstan Sandzhak, most probably in the period between 1820 and 1830. Hi finished the elementary school on Greek language in his native city, but it is unknown were did he continue with his education. There are information that he attended Naum Miladin’s Music School and that he was a Greek language teacher in Struga. The earliest written trace that Kalistrat left for himself was the manuscript Psaltikia in 1862, faund in 1982 in the village Lazaropole. The basic value of this manuscript is within the fact that it is written by Krstan Sandzhakovich, the future great musician and revivalist, as well as within the fact that the titles are written on Macedonian colloquial language.1 The manuscript is a transcription of the psaltikia by the Bulgarian composer and publisher Nikola Trendafilov Cvetosobranie (Flower Collection), the first published book with Hrisant’es notation and on the church-Slavic language, printed in Bucharest in 1847.2 By that, Kalistrat Zografski left us aconvincing argument on the extension of the Hrisantin’s neumatic alphabet on Macedonian territory. The Macedonian musicology also has very scarce data on the following period of Kalistrat Zografski’s life after he left Struga and went to Athos (Saint Mountain) where – already a growup man – he became a

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/ 5, ‚Kratok opis na ~etiri novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od 19-ot vek‛, Skopje, 1982, p. 83. 2 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cvъtosobranie, Bukurещ, 1847.

211 monk. The fact is statedthat he became anarchimandrite of St. Georgi Zografski Monastery, where he lived to a ripe old age. He died in 1913. Today residents of the St. Georgi Zograf Monastery mention his name with a deep respect. Each generation of monks transfers the memories of the most famous archimandrite of this monastery who, by his restless work and devotion became famous among the orthodox people even during his life. The second written trace of Kalistrat Zografski is in the prelude to the collection Psaltiki Liturgy by Manasiy pop Todorov. Thanking all those who helped the publishing of his book, Manasiy exaltedly writes abaut the letter that the brotherhood of the Holy Zograf Family sent to him, supporting his noble initiative andanswering his plead by sending him 5 golden Turkish liras. And they do that in the period when they also publish psaltik books! “...Really, what a highly noble, truly Christian act”, exaltedly cries Manasiy pop Todorov in the prelude of his book, published in Sofia in 1905. Out of this a conclusion may be that Manasiy was pretty familiar with Kalistrat Zografski and the Zograf monks’ music activity, and probably with their collection in four volumes Eastern Church Singing, too, which appears the same year, immediatly before his Psaltiky Liturgy was published. Although Manasiy pop Todorov doesn’t mention this name, it is beyond doubt that this noble act was Kalistrat’es, who was at the time archimandrite of the St. Georgi Zograf Monastery. Apart from these written traces of Kalistrat Zografski and the oral information, no other fact of his life are discovered. Based on the short and scarce notes in some Bulgarien books of the later periods, as well as on the content of his psaltki publications, in may be concluded that Kalistrat Zografski developed a wide and abundant theoretical, composing, transla- ting and publishing activity in the St. Georgi Zograf Monastery. As a result to this long-standing creative work along with the Zograf monks, in 1905 they publish the hereinabove collection of four books, which provided for a great respect among the music circles. In this context the famous Bulgarian theoretician Petar Sarafov (1850-1915) is mentioned. Immediately before the printing of his book Manual for Practical and Theoretical Studying of

212 the Eastern Church Singing (1912, Sofia) and in order to resolve certain musical-theoretical dilemmas, he went to Sveta Gora to consult the prominent Yeroshimonah Kalistrat Zografski.1 The Bulgarian theoretician Mircho M. Bogoev in his Text Book on Eastern Singing (published in Sofia, 1940) deems Petar Sarafov’s book as a most detailed clearing of the theory of eastern church singing ever published.2 This is important to the Macedonian music, since such a great theoretician as, beyond doubt, was Petar Sarafov respected Kalistrat’es person and his knowledge of the eastern church singing. Mircho Bogoev in his work also mentions the collection Eastern Church Singing, emphasizing that it was prepared by the monks of the St. Georgi Zograf Monastery, headid by the great Yeromonah Kalistrat.3 The famous Bulgarian musicologist, byzantologist and composer of Macedonian ethnic background Patar Dinev (1889-1980) in his theoretical work Rъkovodstvo po sъvremenna vizantiйska nevmena notaciя (Manual to the Contemporary Byzntine Neumatic Notation, Sofia, 1964), uses the Kalistrat’es collection Eastern Church Singing as a basic expert literature.4 This edition of the Eastern Church Singing appears in two versions: one in three books, entitled 1. Resurrection Songs; 2. Evening and Morning Songs; and 3. Liturgy, published in 1905 in Thesalonica by the Samardzhi- ev’s bookshop, and the second one in four books, entitled: 1. Resurrection Songs; 2. Aniksandari; 3. Evening and Morning Songs; and 4. Liturgy, published by the St. Georgi Zograf Monastery the same year. However, the both editions have identical graphic solutions of the pages, only the names of the publishers are different. On both cover pages is written that the books have been edited by the Zograf church singers, while the Kalistrat’es name is not mentioned. But, beside that, whenever when this monumental music collection is mentioned all musicologists and byzantologist emphasize the primary role and merit of Kalistrat Zografski during its creation.

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 120. 2 Bogoevь, Mir~o, U~ebnikь op. cit. p. 105. 3 Bogoevь, Mir~o, U~ebnikь ibidem. p. 105. 4 Dinev, Petъr, Rъkovodstvo po sъvremenna vizantiйska nevmena notaciя, Sofiя, 1964.

213

The music content of this church-music anthology present a wide ground upon which a comprehensive recview of the entire musical activity of Kalistrat Zografski and his life can be made. Apparent is his voluminous engagement in the realization of this monumental church-music work: as a theoretician, editor of the entre publication and as a translator of large number of melodies from Greek language and to a smaller extent from Romanian language to Slavic. All these leads us to a conclusion that this is a comprensive, spiritually rich person with an enormously wide general and musical culture and with inexhaustible creative energy, in spite the fact that this work was created in his older age. The fourth part of the collection Eastern Church Singing, entitled Liturgy is of a particular significance to the Macedonian music culture, due to the works by authors from Macedonia: Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, Yoan Harmosin of Ohrid (1829-1890) and Kalistrat Zografski. Regarding Kalistrat’s works, judging bytheir frequent presence in various transcripts of psaltiki collections,some of which have appeared even before the publishing of thiscollection, one may conclude that there was a great interest for them among the church singers. Kalistrat Zografski and the Zograf monks’ Liturgy wasmentioned by the Slavic musicologists and Byzantologists for a long time, due to fact that it contains Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski’s work Dostoyno Est in eighth voice1 which was for a long time considered as the onlypreserved work by this great musician of the revial period. On the grounds of this composition, which bears the name of the author: Dimitriya Vulgaraki Gradoborskago, it may be concluded that Kalistra knew perfectly well who Gradoborski is. It may be assumed that he even possessed Dimitar Zlatanov’s collektion A Manual for Psalt,2 forbidden by the Constantinople Patriarchy, from where he took and translated rhe hereinabove work. In the same psaltikia Yoan Harmosin of Ohrid is present with eusharistic song Body of Christ in first voice, which Kalistrat placed among the works of Georgiy of Crete, Petar Lambadaryi Peloponnesus and Grigoriy Protopsalt of Levant, the three creators that are among the greatest

1 (Arximandrit¢ Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno phnie, Solun¢, 1905. 2Boulgara1kh, Dhmh1trioj, 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou, t. Makedoni1a, Qessaloni1kh, 1886.

214 names of eastern church singing of all times.1 By this, Kalistrat Zografski expresses his respect towards Yoan Harmosin of Ohrid in a very direct manner. In the fourth part of the collection Eastern Church Singing, entitled Liturgy, Kalistrat Zografski among the other things also includes 24 works of Dostoyno Est, three per each voice. The authors of this composition come form various ethnic backgrounds: Greeks, Romanians, Slavs, etc. Kalistrat himself signedonly two compositions: Dostoyno Est in first and in fourth voice and, course, as a translator of all works presented in this collection. In this context, the compositions Dostoyno Est in first, sixth, seventh, and eighth voice by the Romanian composer Shimonah Nektarie (1804- 1899) deserve special attention.2 There is a note on these songs reading that they were translated by Kalistrat Zografski.

1 (Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno… op. cit. p. 246. 2 (Arximandrit¢, Kalistrat), Vostocno q¢rkovno… ibidem. p. 115.

215

IV.

Joan Harmosin-Ohridski (1829-1890)

The period in which Joan Harmosin-Ohridski prepared and published his collection of Eastern Christian Orthodox chants Pashalia, was filled with especially important events in Macedonia which helped the National Renaissance reach a particularly dramatic phase. Early signs were the publishing of Collection of Folk Songs by Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovci, in 1861 in Zagreb and their tragic death in the following year, in a Constantinople jail, as well as the ap-pearance of the first textbooks written in Macedonian language. It is also known as a period of intensified movement against the spiritual and economic slavery and it acquired the character of an organized massive resistance against the authorities of the Constantinople patriarchy1. Initially resistance against the use of the Greek lan-guage in the churches and the schools, the fight soon spreads against the attempts to force the use of the Bulgarian language in Macedonia. The very appearance of Harmosin’s collection Pashalia, first of its kind written by a Macedonian author on the language of the Slavs, reflects the strong aspirations for the realization of the century-old ideals for an independent cultural development of the Macedonian people.

Harmosin’s life

Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, whose secular name was Ivan Genadiev, was born in Ohrid in 1829 in a ministerial family. He attended a Greek primary school in his own town and high school in Bitola and Constantinople. As many other rich Macedonians from that time, who had solid background and knowledge of the Greek language, Ivan Genadiev continued his further

1 Koneski, Bla`e, Za makedonskiot literaturen jazik, Kultura, Skopje, 1967. r. 158.

216 education on the Faculty of Philosophy in Athens. His literary attempts date from that period. He wrote poetry and other literature in Greek and drew attention as a talented poet. It is well known that together with his friend, the well known Grigor Prlicev, published the collection of riddles, written in verse, known as Sfinks. As proof of his talent for literature it should also be noted that in 1859 Ivan Genadiev published a comedy written in verse. Besides this, a clear sign of his later decision to become a psalmist is the fact that among his faculty colleagues the young Ivan Genadiev was known as a singer with an unusually pleasant voice. After the completion of his studies Ivan Genadiev worked as a church employee. There is information that, when his father was appointed a Debar Metropolitan with a religious name Genadij (1864-1867), Ivan became his secretary. In order to be able to correspond with the priests from the Debar eparchy and to take more active part in the religious services, Ivan Genadiev stayed in the monastery Precista near Kicevo, where he mastered excellently the church Slavic language. Here he also taught his students Orthodox chant singing. Concerning this, it has been stated that, for the need of his students, Ivan Genadiev wrote songs in Macedonian language.1 Considering closely the situation of chant singing on the territory of Macedonia, as well as the practical needs of church music literature written in Slavic, Ivan Genadiev started intensively, during this period, to translate music works from Greek to Slavic language. This work, most probably, also inspired him to compose chants. Later, he included these compositions in his collections. Parallel to this activity, but with the same aim, he also started collecting melodies passed orally from generation to generation. These me- lodies, according to his findings, drew their roots from the older traditions of church music in Macedonia. The result of this activity are the Ivan Gena- diev’s two collections of chants – Resurrection (Anastasimatar), which, un- fortunately, is lost, and Pashalia, printed in 1869 in Constantinople. Its author, for the first time, signed himself as Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Besides the chants found in this collection, he had also composed a number of mar- ches and popular songs.2

1 Stoilov, Anton, P. B lgarski kni`ovnici ot Makedoni , 1704-1878, s 11 portreta, Sofi , 1922. p. 64. 2 Leksikon jugoslovenske muzike, Zagreb, 1984, p. 260.

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As a result of their activities in the field of national awakening of the Macedonian people from the region of Debar, the Bishop Genadij and his son Joan Harmosin had certain conflicts with the Constantinople Patri- archate. The Metropolitan Venedikt from Bitola regularly informed the Patriarchate about the active part the Bishop and his son played in the efforts to use the Slavic language during the religious services. The Patriarchate reported Joan to the police as a “restless person” who, together with his father, should be driven out of Debar. As a result of that, and under direct command of the ecumenical patriarch, in 1867 the Bishop Genadij lost his position as Metropolitan in Debar. There is also information that because of the seriousness of the situation Joan Harmosin-Ohridski went to the Con- stantinople because he had to “explain himself” to the authorities. Instead, he joined the movement against the Greek influence in the churches. During this period he worked on his two books. But, as already mentioned earlier, he only managed to publish the Pashalia collection, in 1869. In 1870, after the sultan’s firman gave ecumenical independence to the citizens who did not recognize, or accept the authority of the Constan-tinople Patriarchia, and thanks to the influence of Joan Harmosin, his father got the Veles eparchy, as its temporary Metropolitan. Joan Harmosin, this time also, stayed with his father as his secretary. In the year 1872, from old age or some other reason, Bishop Genadij resigned from his service and from Veles he moved to Bitola. Joan Harmosin, most probably, remained as secretary to the Metropolitan in Veles untill the assignment of a new Metro-politan in the spring of 1873.1 Some believe that during this period he was thinking of moving to another metropolitan centre in the eparchy. As his later activities showed, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski decided to go to Plovdiv – the capital city of Trakia. Today we can only assume what made Harmosin move to Plovdiv. One of the reasons could be that by moving there, as an author and publisher of chant books, Harmosin believed he would be much closer to Constanti- nople, a place where he published his earlier collection Pashalia. Plovdiv, as the biggest city in the European part of the Ottoman Empire, was a well- developed cultural and spiritual centre. He could have believed that there it

1 Markova, Zina, B lgarskata ekzarhi 1870-1879, - Sofi , 1989, p. 126.

218 would be much easier to find people who would be willing to help him pub- lish his new editions. In 1873 Harmosin went to Constantinople and stayed there less than a year. During the autumn of 1874 he moved from Constantiniple to Plovdiv where he worked as a History, Religion and chant teacher. There, at the same time, he was also an arch-psalmist of the Plovdiv metropolitan church “St. Virgin Mary”. After the end of the Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878) Joan Harmosin-Ohridski was appointed a secretary of the Plovdiv Metropolitan, a duty that he carried out till the end of his life. He died on 13th March 1890.

The collection “Pashalia”

Joan Harmosin’s collection Pashalia is a theme-systematised Psalter from composed and traditional chants aimed for religious services during the Holy Week of the greatest Christian holiday Christ’s Resurrection – Easter as well as other holidays during the year. This special chant anthology contains a lot of compositions from best-known authors from the 17th, 18th and all through to the first half of the 19th century. Joan Harmosin-Ohridski wrote the names, or just the initials of the authors included in the collection in front of every composition. Some of the authors from the collection are Petar Bereket, Hrisav Novago, Jakov Protopsalt, Petar Lambadarij, Georhij Kritski, Theodor Fokeos, Panajot Halacoglu, Hurmuzij Hartofilaks and Grigorij Protopsalt. This collection is very important for Macedonian music also because of the fact that it is the first published book of this kind written in church- Slavic language to include compositions by a Macedonian composers. Equally important is the fact that the compositions from the mentioned Byzantine authors and other melodies included in Pashalia were adopted from Greek (and possibly also from Romanian) into church-Slavic by Joan Harmosin-Ohridski himself. Apart from this, we could also assume that he did certain corrections on the traditional melodies included in the collection, in terms of their style levelling. There is always a possibility that Joan Harmosin-Ohridski could have taken some of these compositions from Slavic manuscripts and printed books

219 that circulated on the territory of Macedonia during that period. From the comparisons of the contents of the Pashalia collection to those from books written on church-Slavic language printed before Pashalia’s publication (i.e. before 1869), to date, I have discovered that from the Psaltor Cvetosobranie from Nikola Trandafilov-Slivnenec, issued in Bucu-resti in 1847 (first chant book written in Slavic language in the Orthodox world), Joan Harmosin- Ohridski used, in his collection, the adaptation of Communion (Christ‟s Body) from Grigorij Protopsalt1 (one of the three main music reformers from 1814). The comparison shows that Joan Harmosin did make insignificant changes to the adaptation included in Pashalia. It is not ruled out that in his book Joan Harmosin-Ohridski included more adap-tations from other editions from that period. Most of the compositions in Pashalia that represent Joan Harmosin- Ohridski as a composer, seem to have been written after the author deter- mined the list of compositions from other authors and the traditional melo- dies that will be included in the book. I came to this conclusion by compa- ring his own compositions with those from the other authors included in the collection with which there are clear style correlations; sometimes you can even see borrowed parts from them. In connection with this, it should be noted that in the Byzantine church music literature, some melodies from different authors, with the same or similar content, for the same or similar liturgy purpose (cherubikons, communions) are similar or identical at the beginning, but as they go on they start to develop in their own particular way, depending of the idea and talent of their author. Actually, this is a practice that keeps to the tradition of the Orthodox church, according to which, the melody and the text of the chants have a heavenly origin, and they should in this way save their original form and content.2 This practice, as I said earlier, is found in Joan Harmosin’s compositions as well, more precisely, in his Comunion in voice I, whose first music phase was taken from the very start of Heruvuka in voice I from Theodor Fokeos. This time, Harmosin could have borrowed the musical motive in order to achieve a grater theme unity of his collection as a music-theme complex.

1 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cvetosobranie, Bukure , 1847. p. 141. 2 Jonescu, Gheorghe C., Studii de muzicologie şi bizantinologie, Bucureşti, 1997. p. 69.

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Joan Harmosin-Ohridski in the Pashalia collection included the following of his own compositions:

1. Who in Christ, in voice I,

2. Father and Son, in voice V,

3. Christ‟s Body, in voice I,

4. Christ‟s Body, (second) in voice I,

5. Virgin Mary‟s Hymn, in voice V,

6. Virgin Mary‟s Katavasi, in voice IV and

7. Worthy Is (Dostojno est), in voice V,

Most of these chants Joan Harmosin composed with traditional music devices and fit thematic whole of the Pashalia collection. The composition Dostojno est in voice V, on the other hand, is an exception from the pre- viously said because, according to the character of the theme material and the way it was worded, it differs from all the rest. This composition, placed at the very end of the book, is experienced as a certain hint, as a new starting point for the author’s future research work and his views concerning church music. Concerning the adaptations of the author-compositions and the tradi- tional melodies from Greek to Slavic language, as well as their adaptation in the Pashalia collection they were done in a way that suits a widely educated musician with broad culture, as, undoubtedly, was Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. On the other hand, having in mind the fact Joan Harmosin in his book Pashalia didn’t sign himself as the person who worked on the compositions, nor did he anywhere indicate that he had done an adaptation or a restyling of the compositions, we can conclude that for him the act of adaptation was more a technical act than an act of authorship. Judging from the theme style evenness of the traditional melodies that are found in the collection, we can’t rule out that they could have been prepared by Joan Harmosin himself. In the introduction of the collection Pashalia he informed us that he tried all the compositions by singing them in different churches.1

1 Harmosin-Ohridsk i oann , Pashali , Carigrad , 1869. p. 4.

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From all of the above we can conclude that the Pashalija collection wasn’t done mechanically from church melodies and compositions, but that it was a carefully created entity with a very clear concept. This chant col- lection, which in its title contains simultaneously a canon and a metaphor, with excellent melopoetic contents in devoted to Chist‟s Resurrection, is ex- perienced as an authentic creation from the best traditions of Byzantine art. The collection Pashalia from Joan Harmosin-Ohridski is a chant cre- ation with huge importance for Macedonian culture and its independence. It appeared in the most important period of National Renaissance for the Macedonian people, Pashalija grew into a flag representing the struggle for the renewal of the Ohrid Archbishopric and continuation of St. Kliment’s teachings in Macedonia.

Worthy Is (Dostojno est)

The introduction of Pashalia is very precious for us from musical and cultural aspect. In it, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski in a very lively and direct way gives us a lot of interesting information about his creative and publishing plans and hopes, as well as information that, among other things, informs us of the social and political situation in Macedonia of that period. The introduction also contains interesting music statements concerning certain historical celebrities, his contemporaries, as well as particular melodies from this chant collection. In the preface, the author also talks about the composition Dostoino est in voice V, “...in which you can hear, here-and-there, the local melodies from Upper Macedonia, our sweet homeland”.1 More than in any other Harmosin’s compositions, in Dostoino est in voice V we could feel the author’s warm feel for the National Renaissance and its pronounced am- bition to discover its own cultural traditions. In this work, whose melody trembles as the nostalgically-patriotic verses of Konstantin Miladinov – the first poet of the National Renaissance, we could feel a breath of the national Romanticism.2

1 Harmosin-Ohridsk i oann , Pashali , … ibidem, p. 5. 2 Koxaba{ija, Jane, ‚Joan Harmosin: Pashalija‛, p. XVIII.

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The fact that Dostoino est in voice V was one of the favourite and most often performed compositions can be proven by the fact that it can be found in numerous adaptations and published books from the later period. I have found it, to date, in four manuscripts that originate from the territory of Macedonia and are dated back to the end of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th century,1 and in one other that originates from Romania (the hand- writing of Vasil Ikonomov).2 The oldest copy of this composition, done by Andon Sahpaski in 1882, appeared thirteen years after its publication in the collection Pashalia. Harmosin’s Dostoino est, from these music manuscripts, can also be found in Psalter‟s Liturgy from Manasij pop Todorov printed in Sofia in 1905,3 and in the Pentikostarion from the Greek monk Gavriil Kuntiadis whose first edition was printed in 1931 in Seres, Greece. To date, this is the only translation into Greek of Harmosin’s composition, and of a Slavic church music composition in general.4 Unfortunately, Gavriil Kuntijadis in his Pentikostarion, didn’t write the name of the author Joan Harmosin-Ohridski next to the name of the composition. Instead, he only notes out in a subheading that he wrote down the composition in October 1917 in Stara Zagora, Bulgaria, where in the whirl of war he found himself as a hostage. Judging by the translation of the text, we can say that Gavriil Kuntijadis had certain knowledge of the church- Slavic language. From the aspect of the orthography used in making the music manuscript, we can say that he had by his side the Pashalia collection, or some other copy of Joan Harmosin’s Dostoino est. Gavriil Kuntijadis was familiar with the name of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, but he didn’t write his name next to his work neither in the first nor the second case. Even though he must have had certain reasons for not writing the name of the author in his book, the monk Gavriil Kuntijadis couldn’t resist Joan Harmosin’s magnificent composition, and put it in his book fourteen years after he had first heard it.

1 NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛, Skopje, Ms -112, Ms-125, Ms-159. [ahpaski, Andon, Psaltikiski zbornik, 1883. (manus. privat) 2 Ikonomov, Vasil, Psaltikiõ, Braila,1907. (manus.) 3 Teodorov Pop Manasi , Psaltiki na liturgi , Sofi , 1905. p. 175. 4 Kountidhj, Gavrihl, Mousikon Pentakostaeion, Iera Mitropolij Serrwn kai Nigrithj, 1931. p. 560.

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If we add to all this the fact that the re-printing of the composition Dostoino est in the mentioned collection of Manasij pop Todorov happened 36 years later, and in the book from Gavriil Kuntijadis in Greek 62 years after the first edition of Pashalia, it becomes even more convincing that the composition Dostoino est in voice V written by Joan Harmosin with its originality and beauty secured itself an honourable position in the anthology of Orthodox church music.

Vlah melodies

The second sentence of the preface of Pashalia that draws attention with its mystery says: “In singing the so-called Vlah melodies that we sang throughout churches in Bitola, Prilep, Veles, Vranje, Debar, Kumanovo, Ki- cevo and Constantinople, everywhere we came across support and acknow- ledgement”.1 The question that comes up is the following: Which are those Vlah melodies that Joan Harmosin Ohridski talks about? All the research and my thinking over this music enigma, brought me to the following conclu- sions: 1. The time when Joan Harmosin-Ohridski prepared and issued his collection Pashalia, as said above, was a time of severe struggle of the Ma- cedonian people against the use of the Greek language in their churches and schools. About the same time, the recently united Romania (from the principalities Vlah and Moldavia) also starts with great enthusiasm to replace the Greek with the Vlah language, during the religious services of in the Vlah churches from the south part of the Balkans. It is possible that Joan Harmosin-Ohridski could have listened to Vlah melodies in some of those churches, or with the help of his father, Bishop Genadij, who according to some information was a Vlah2 by nationality, did come in contact with some chant books written in Vlah language, from which he selected and translated large number of melodies for his music collection Pashalia. During the process of comparing the traditional chants from Pashalia with those from the corresponding music editions written in Romanian lan- guage, I concluded that in some parts the melodies have noticeable simi-

1 Koxaba{ija, Jane, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski: Pashalija … op. cit. p. XIX. 2 H’rkov, Stefan, Novootkrieni dokumenti… op. cit. p. 6.

224 larities, some of them are almost identical.1 In this context it is an inte- resting fact that, in the Pashalia collection, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski also included a melody Christ Has Risen written in Vlah language, as he himself empha-sized in the book. This book was actually written in archaic Romanian with old church-Slavic orthography. (During that period the Slavic writing was still an official writing in the Romanian Countries.) All this leads to two conclusions - one of them is that Joan Harmosin-Ohridski knew the Romanian language, and the second is that he took Christ Has Risen from some Romanian music collection. But no matter what the case was, the fact is that Joan Harmosin-Ohridski came to this composition through Vlah mediation. 2. On the territory of the Romanian Countries, starting from the se- cond half of the 17th, 18th and all through to the 19th century (especially before and after the initiation of Chrisant‟s Music Notation) numerous edu- cated Byzantine clergymen lived and created, who were considered natura- lized Vlahs. Four of them, the already mentioned Hrisav Novago, Jakov Protopsalt, Petar Vizantios and Theodor Fokeos2 are represented in Pashalia with far more chants than the other four composers included in the book. In addition, there are indications that some of them even had Vlah origins. (The people that copied some of Hrisav Novago’s compositions added to them the nicknames Kucovlahy and Makedony).3 Going back now to what Joan Harmosin mentioned in the preface of Pashalia we can conclude that the Vlah Melodies actually are the creations of the above mentioned “Romanized” authors.

Articles, events and notes

The life and work of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, one of the most important church music composers from the period of the Macedonian National Renaissance, have been drawing the attention of the researchers for more than a century. Luka Kas’rov published an article about Joan

1 Suceveanu Dimitrie, Idiomelar, Trinitas, Iaşi, 1997. p. 191. To compare: J. Harmosin-Ohridski, Pashalija, r. 22. and Janaki Stojmenovi~, od 1849. NUB Ms-161, r. 52. 2 Ionesku C. Gheorghe, Lexicon, ….op. cit. p. 138, 165, 169, 367, 369. 3 Barbu-Bucur, Sebastian, Prezumţii privind origineaetnică a lui Hrisafi cel Nou, Centrul de Studii Biyantine Iaşi, Vol. III. 2001. p.78.

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Harmosin-Ohridski in his encyclopaedic dictionary (1899, in Plovdiv), only nine years after Harmosin’s death. Ten years later, in 1912, the Bulgarian music teacher Petar Sarafov noted his merits for the Orthodox church music. In the first article from Petar Dinev about the spiritual music from the past, which appeared in Sofia in 1928, can also be found a note about Joan Harmosin. The many years of research by this Bulgarian musicologist from Macedonian origin resulted in the first complete acknowledgement of the music activities of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. They were published by Petar Dinev during the 1950’s and 1960’s.1 The Slavist Mihajlo Georgievski was the first in Macedonia to write about Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. It was in an article in the newspaper Nova Makedonija from 23rd November 1969, immediately after he had found an edition of the Pashalija collection. For the first time the Macedonian public learned something more specific about Joan Harmosin.2 It is interesting to note that all this coincided with the 100th anniversary from the first publishing of Pashalia in Constantinople, and the 140th anniversary from the birth of its author. In 1973 Mihajlo Georgievski discovered and published the only known manuscript, to date, of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Sometime later, at the newly-formed festival Struga Music Autumn ‟75, this researcher presen- ted a report titled The situation with the noted music manuscripts in Macedonia that occurred up to the end of the 19th century, which, with the section dedicated to the Pashalia collection and its author Joan Harmosin- Ohridski, arose great interest in Macedonian music circles.3 Joan Harmosin and Pashalia found themselves in the centre of researchers’ attention. The

1H’rkov, Stefan, Novootkrieni dokumenti za Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, Muzika, - Skopje, 2001, god. 5, br. 8, p. 3-13. Kas rov, Luka, Enciklopedi~en re~nik, Plovdiv, 1899, p. 235-237. Sarafov, Pet r, R kovodstvo za prakti~eskoto i teoreti~esko izu~avane na vosto~nata ~erkovna muzika, - Sofi , 1912, p. 15. Dinev, Pet r, U~astieto na b lgari v razvitieto na duhovnata muzika na minatoto, - Muzikalen vestnik, Sofi , 1928, br. 4-5, p. 9-10. Dinev, Pet r, C rkovnopev~eskoto tvore{tvo na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, - C rkoven vestnik, Sofi , 18 juli 1959, br. 28, p. 6-7. Dinev, Pet r, Muzikalni materiali ot v zro`denskata epoha, - B lgarska muzika, Sofi , 9/1962, p. 32-34. (Citirano spored Stefan H’rkov) 2 Georgievski, Mihajlo, Nedovolno prou~en makedonski kni`evnik od XIX-vek, Skopje, Nova Makedonija, God. XXV, 23 noemvri, 1969. 3 Georgievski Mihajlo, Polo`bata na… op. cit. p. 31.

226 fact that the next year at the musicology discussion during Struga Music Autumn ‟76, the musicologist Sotir Golabovski presented a report titled The Life and Work of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski proves this.1 The macedonian music writer, Dragoslav Ortakov, returned back to Joan Harmosin-Ohridski in his book Music Art in Macedonia published in 1982. The part titled The Last Century of the Ottoman Rule – Macedonian National Renaissance Era, contains a short note about the life and music work of this Macedonian reformer. The next research on Joan Harmosin- Ohridski appeared a number of years later, in1986, in Dragoslav Ortakov’s new book Ars nova Macedonica. In the third chapter of this book, in the part titled The Music Work in Hrisant‟s Music Notation the author dedicates four pages to Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. Even though these lines didn’t bring any outstanding new moments from the life of Joan Harmosin, they contain deeper perceptions about his music work.2 A number of other researchers of the life and work of Joan Harmosin- Ohridski appeared in Bulgaria during the next period. The research work of the musicologist Stefan H’rkov, who presented himself twice at the festival Struga Music Autumn, arose great interest.3 Especially impressive was the presentation of the newly discovered three letters and two circulars of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, which H’rkov had at the music discussion in Struga, in 2001. The discovery of these new documents threw light on one of the least known and studied periods from the life of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski - the years after leaving Macedonia and going to Bulgaria: from 1873 till the end of his life in 1890. The most complete presentation of the life of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski and his church music work can be found in the publication of the Pashalia collection from the year 1999, issued on the occasion of the 130th anni- versary from the first edition and 170 years from the birth of its author, edited by Jane Kodjabashia. This edition had a parallel transcription of a

1 Golabovki, Sotir, @ivotot i deloto na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, Makedonska muzika, br. 2, Skopje, 1979. p. 31-35. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Muzi~kata umetnost vo Makedonija, Makedonska revija, Skopje, 1982. Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova macedonica,... op. cit. p. 116. 3 H’rkov, Stefan, ‚Muzi~ko-preveduva~kata dejnost na Joan Harmosin-Ohridski‛, (Struga music Autumn -‘95)‚Novootkrieni dokumenti za Joan Harmosin-Ohridski‛, (Struga music Autumn – 2001).

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European music notation. In the comment of this edition of Pashalia under the title of Following The Trail Of Macedonian Church Singing there is a review of the socio-political, cultural and educational conditions in Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of 20th century. There is a special emphasis on the period of National Renaissance during which, as a clear expression of the struggle for freedom from the Greek spiritual slavery, appeared Joan Harmosin’s collection Pashalia, in 1869. On 10th March, 1999, in honour of the above-mentioned jubilees of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski and on an invitation from His Heavenly Archbishop Macedonian and Head of the Macedonian Orthodox Church g.g. Mihail, I held a lecture for the students from the Theological faculty in Skopje. The theme of the lecture was Following the Trail of Macedonian Church Singing, with an emphasis on the life and work of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. In addition, Harmosin’s own compositions from Pashalia were performed for the first time on 28th March, the same jubilee year, in the cathedral St. Kliment Ohridski, in Skopje, during the Days of Macedonian Music ‟99 festival, organized by the Macedonian Composers Association. I transcribed and adapted these compositions for performance in the spirit of Slavic- Byzantine tradition. They were performed by the choirs of Macedo-nian Radio Television, the soloist archdeacon Aleksandar Candovski and the conductor Oliver Balaburski. In honour of the jubilees of Joan Harmosin, the music department of Macedonian Radio Television recorded a large number of his compositions, performed by the same performers and the composer Risto Avramovski as a music editor. The jubilee, 110 years from Joan Harmosin’s death (1890) was mar- ked by a promotion of the above-mentioned new edition of the Pashalia collection. It was held during the manifestation Day of Macedonian Music „2000 in the cathedral St. Kliment Ohridski in Skopje. This time, academician Cvetan Grozdanov talked about the historical appearance of the church music book Pashalia and about the life of its author. The respectable Byzantinist emphasized that this edition about the life and work of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski was long awaited in Macedonia and represents valuable contribution to the study and re-affirmation of church singing from Slavic-

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Byzantine tradition in Macedonia. The women’s chamber choir St. Zlata Meglenska, under the direction of Letka Dimovska-Polizova, performed a number of Joan Harosin’s compositions. The International Lion’s Club St. Pantelejmon from Skopje, Macedo- nia, also marked the anniversary from the death of Joan Harmosin-Ohridski. On that occasion the Club asked me to give a a lecture and a discussion for its members entitled Macedonian Church Singing and its Most Important Representatives. Marking the jubilee, the Lion’s Club St. Pantelejmon pro- claimed Harmosin’s Virgin Mary‟s Hymn as its official hymn. The Club per- manently marked Joan Harmisin’s jubilees by publishing CDs with his music compositions. From all of the above it is clear that throughout all of the 20th century large number of articles have been written about Joan Harmosin-Ohridski by many well-known researchers of church music from Macedonia and Bul- garia. During the last fifteen years, in Macedonia, his church music and National Renaissance work have been affirmed in many different ways. These activities give the impression that Joan Harmosin’s renaissance spirit arose from the depth of the 19th century right at a crucial moment: the devo- ted rightful struggle of the Macedonian Orthodox Church for an equal place in the Orthodox world.

Conclusion

In the efforts to unite its spiritual space and to strengthen its position in circumstances when the Ottoman Empire displays signs of internal weakening, in the beginning of the 19th century, the Constantinopol patri- archy, through its distinguished spiritual leaders Hrisant, Hurmuzij and Grigorij, conducted a reform of the existing music notation, in order to ease its application and make it more broadly dispersed. This newly reformed notation, which, in essence, is a synthesis of the previous stages of Byzan- tine music notation and some experience from the Western music notation, was widely accepted in the church practice of Macedonia as well. A proof of this are the numerous musical manuscripts and publications that emerged in the following decades of the 19th century.

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In Constantinople, in 1869, Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, one of the most prominent representatives of the Macedonian church music and of the Natio- nal Renaissance, publishes his collection of church music under the name of "Pashalija", with songs that are performed during the Holy Week of Christ's Resurrection. This work bears even greater significance due to the fact that it emerges in the zenith of the struggle for revival of the Ohrid Archiepiscopy and for introduction of the Macedonian language in schools and churches. This collection is important for the Macedonian church music becau- se, besides the traditional songs and works by the most famous Byzantine authors from the 17th, 18th and the first half of the 19th century, it also con- tains a sequence of works by its author and publisher Joan Harmosin. The work called "It Is Worthy" had the largest number of transcripts and repu- blications, as well as a wide popularity amongst the church singers; and as its author says in the foreword of the book "here and there you can hear local songs from Upper Macedonia, our beloved fatherland." In order for the collection of works "Pashalija" by Joan Harmosin of Ohird to become available to a broader cultural audience, I publish this book with a parallel use of the two music notations, the Eastern and the Western, which is the first music publication of this kind here. Such as it is, I wish that this book contribute to the return of the Hrisant's neumatic notation to everyday use and to the revival of our traditional church singing. I think this is the most proper way for the Macedonian Orthodox Church to follow the steps of the centuries-long St. Clement's tradition.

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IV.

Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934)

In the heritage of the remarkable cultural and educational activist from the time of the Renaissance, Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934), that is kept by his descendents a neumatic manuscript was found, handwritten by the renaissance activist in Braila, Romania, in 1907.1 This impeccably written Psaltikija, among other church chants and works by the best known representatives of the east church singing (of Greek origin) also contains works by the Macedonian authors Joan Harmosin-Ohridski and Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin, until then being mentioned as cultural and educational activist from the period of the Renaissance, but not as an author of church music works. The dynamic personality of Vasil Ikonomov , who is known to the culture public in Macedonia from the scientific works of Aleksandar Mitkovski, Gligor Todorovski, Kiril Penushliski, Blaze Ristesti and others, with his folklore-ethnographic and printing-publishers work as well as by his educational agitator and national-culture activities.2 His church music activities are far less known. The recently discovered Psaltikia is a good reason to attract our attention to the versatile personality of its composer. Vasil Ikonomov was born in the village Lazaropole, Macedonia in 1848, in a family of a merchant. Becoming orphan at his early age, his uncle Kosta Martinov Dimkovski undertook to care about the six-year old Vasilko. Vasil finished his primary education with the known priest and

1 Vasil Ikonomov, Psaltikija, Braila,1907. (ms. NUB ‚Sv. Kliment Ohridski‛ – Skopje). 2 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov (1848-1934), Institut za nacionalna istorija, Skopje, 1985. p. 9.

231 teacher Martin Dimkovski in Lazaropole, and later, after the recom- mendation of the Debar-Kichevo Greek bishop was sent to Greece to finish Greek seminary. There are no certain data about the life of Vasilko. “….We still do not know where, in which seminary in Greece, was Vasil educated and how long it took. Having in view his inclination towards spiritual themes we can suppose that a kind of Greek spiritual seminary was in question. The degree of his calligraphic skills and the knowledge of the church note singing do suggest a regular education of that kind. /…/ He presents himself as a polyglot speaking Serbian, Bulgarian, Russian, Greek, Albanian, Romanian and probably French beside Macedonian and Turkish. Hadn’t he been in Ploesht (1870-1873) where there were workers from Lazaropole? Had he by any chance moved to Braila later?”3 In the period 1902-1907 Vasil Ikonomov was in Braila, Romania, where he worked as a psalmist in the church St. Voznesenie. He was particularly respected because of his melodic and charming singing in the church and because of his good soul and gentle character. As he has put it at the second page of his already mentioned Psaltikia, during his five-year stay as a singer in the only Bulgarian church in Braila, he wrote, translated and published several “soul beneficial books” that, unfortunately, have not been found yet. Having in view the fact that mostly Greek authors that were permanently settled in Romanian countries are present in his only kept collection, one can conclude that Vasil Ikonomov was only oriented towards church music literature, which was easy to find in Romania. Thus the assumption that beside Greek, he might have translated works from Romanian and Slavic language. However, it still remains unknown whether he translated works by Romanian authors, although it is more than probable that Vasil Ikonomov had the time and opportunities to get familiar with the Romanian church singing and its major representatives. After returning to Macedonia Vasil Ikonomov undertook some publishing activities in Thessalonica for a while, where he established his own printing house. After returning to his native Lazaropole he was

3 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov … ibidem. p.17-18.

232 appointed village mayor. From time to time he gladly stayed in the monastery Prechista in Kichevo. There he composed his only - until now- discovered Dostojno est (Worthy is), in voice V.4 He lived a peaceful life in his old age, and the descendents of Vasil Ikonomov remember that he spent some time alone at the monastery Precista. He passed away at very old age in 1934 in his native Lazaropole.5 In comparison with his activities as an outstanding folklorist, ethnographer and teacher, the church music activities of Vasil Ikonomov – that are still not observed in all their elements – although seemingly modest are still considerably important. Of the few data available to the Macedonian musicology one can conclude that Vasil Ikonomov was not only a hard-working and passionate translator, transcriber and publisher of church works, but also an excellent psalmist, who was tirelessly propagating church works by Macedonian authors. By his merit the Macedonian church today is richer for three works, unknown until now, as well as for the music profile of their author Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin. There are probably other, still undiscovered, manuscripts by Vasil Ikonomov containing other valuable works and data about the church music past of Macedonia.

4 Georgievski, Mihailo, ‚Dosega neobjaven…”, op. cit. p. 3. 5 Ristovski, Bla`e,Vasil Ikonomov … op. cit. p. 126-127.

233

V.

Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin (1840-1919)

With the discovery of the musical script of Vasil Ikonomov (1848- 1934) the personality of Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin immediately became of interest for the Macedonian church music. Until then, only mentioned when the cultural and historical past of the city of Shtip was in question, with the discovery of part of his church music works something more can be said about his profile as an author. Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin was born in 1840, as a son of Pavle Grozdanov who was a teacher in Shtip. Preserved date say that Dimitar’s father was sent to complete his education in Kjustendil with Neofrit Rilski (1793-1881), one of the most outstanding Slavic representatives of the East Orthodox Church singing in the 19th century. The fact that Pavle Grozdanov enabled his son obtain very profound education is confirmed by the notion that after his death in 1857 his position of a teacher was replaced by his son Dimitar, although he was only 17 years old. In his native town Shtip Dimitar Pavlov worked until the age of 23, and then moved to Plovdiv to obtain higher education. After the successful completion of the class school in that city, Dimitar Pavlov returned back to Macedonia and worked several years as a teacher in Novo Selo, where he took part in the movement for the spiritual liberation from the Greeks. His attendance at the first Exarchate congress in Constantinople was a decisive point for his further career, since after its completion he was kept by the Exarchy as a teacher and singer in the Exarchy church in Constantinople. During his five-year stay in Constantinople Dimitar Pavlov simultaneously attended the Robert college, where he improved his knowledge of French,

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Greek an Turkish language as well as the knowledge of the western history and culture, particularly that of French philosophers from the 18th century. In spite of the attractive offers to continue his career in Bulgaria, after the five dynamic years spent in Constantinople, filled with numerous and different activities, Dimitar Pavlov decided to return to Macedonia, to his native Shtip, where he held the teacher’s position for another 19 years. He was carrying out many other duties during the period: director of the class school, secretary to the municipality, church singer, principal teacher and others. He actively participated in the new revolutionary activities in Macedonia, and because of that he had conflicts with the local authorities and was forced to leave Shtip. Dimitar Pavlov spent the following seven years in Skopje, where upon demand from the Metropolitan he stayed to carry out the duties of a teacher, educator in the school’s boarding and church singer. After that final teaching stage Dimitar Pavlov-Shtipjanin left for Bulgaria where he led modest life of a pensioner and a psalmist. Ruined by his poor life and diseases he died in an almost ruined house in Sofia, in 1919.1 Beside his rich educational and church activities Dimitar Pavlov- Shtipjanin is known by many articles that appeared in different newspapers where he describes the cultural, educational and church life in Macedonia during the last quarter of the 19th century.2 As already mentioned, only three church music works are known, and they can be seen in Vasil Ikonomov’s Psaltikia: Heruvika, in voice IV, Dostojno est (Worthy is), in voice I and Otca i Sina, in voice I. It is not known in which period of his life these works were written, weather he wrote other works beside these, and how they appeared in the collection by Vasil Ikonomov which had been written in Braila is not known. In connection with the compositions we can say that they are written by a highly educated and skilled musician who expressed the sense of the new time with traditional music means. The compositions Heruvika

1 Zavoev , Pet r , Grad ip , Sofi , 1928, p. 25-28. 2 Sto nov, Man o, B lgarska v zro`denska kni`nina (t. 1), Sofi ,1957, p. 274.

235 and Dostojno est impress with their simplicity and their presence in the collection of Vasil Ikomomov is not accidental. The third composition Otca i Sina in voice I, with the dense application of alternating tones since the very beginning continues into a chant with a chromatic-enharmonic character. That composition by Dimitar Pavlov actually contains the text of the liturgy that begins with Otca i Sina and concludes with Tebe poem. Composed of more short episodes and parts in whose performance a priest and psalmist take place, that form of a dialogue were the melody is full of emotions is felt as a unique dramaturgic entirety.

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VI.

Manasij Pop-Todorov (1856-1936)

The name of Manasij Pop-Todorov has been mentioned during the last several decades in the Macedonian music science when talking about the printed collections of psalms in Bulgaria, which circulated on the territory of Macedonia towards the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. He was first mentioned in 1978 as an author of church works, with the finding of the manuscript Voskresnik (Anastasimatar) by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev (1876-1950),1 where Manasij Pop-Todorov is present among the authors and that with the largest number of works. Then his Macedonian origin was still not known to the Macedonian music science and he was mentioned only as a Bulgarian publisher of church books. The information about the Macedonian origin of Manasij Pop- Todorov – and some other data regarding his life and activities – is present in the Schoolbook for eastern church singing by the Bulgarian teacher and psalmist Mircho M. Bogoev, which was published in Plovdiv in 1940. According to that source Manasij Pop-Todorov was a Macedonian, long- year teacher of east church singing in Somokov seminary and in the Sofia’s spiritual seminary, where he produced a whole generation of singers. According Mircho M. Bogoev, Manasij Pop-Todorov lived until 1938, but according some others, he passed away in 1936. Speaking of his publishing activities, Mircho M. Bogoev states that Pop-Todorov printed his first church music collection– the Voskresnik – in

1 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/ 6, ‚Pe~atenite slovenski muzi~ki (nevmatski) zbornici vo Makedonija, Skopje, 1986, p. 81. Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija, Vorldbuk, Skopje, 2001. p. 100.

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1898 using western notation, while the other seven of his works, that were printed in the period between 1905 and 1922, are written using the Hrisant’s notation. According that source, Manasij Pop-Todorov had not created anything original, as his own. He had (with a few exceptions) transcribed, rearranged, mainly works by Angel Savlievec, a Bulgarian author from the 19th century. Despite all that, Manasij Pop-Todorov has invaluable merits for the enrichment and the spreading of the church music literature, and because of that he is acknowledged as a big music actor.2 The article by Petar Dinev – published in Crkoven vestnik in 1960 in Sofia3 - is a later and considerably richer source of data regarding Manasij Pop-Todorov. Dedo Manasij – as he was called by his numerous disciples in the Samokov seminary and the Spiritual seminary in Sofia, who kept dear memories and deep respect for their teacher of church singing – being exceptionally devoted to the church music uninterruptedly created church singers for the period of 30 years and printed psalm collections. Manasij Pop-Todorov was born in 1856 in the village of Sabatkoj, Seres, in the Aegean part of Macedonia. He obtained his education in Greek language in the priest`s school by the monastery St. Joan Prodrom, near Seres. In order to master church singing in a Slavic language and enter the exarchate service Manasij left his birth place and went to Bitola. The following data mentioned by Dinev is his leaving for Samokov. Namely, after Atanas Badev had left the Samokov Seminary, the synod of the Bulgarian church invited Manasij to take the duty of east church singing teacher. 4 In 1902 the Samokov Seminary was transferred to Sofia and was renamed as Sofia spiritual seminary, and Manasij Pop-Todorov was uninterruptedly a teacher in that seminary until 1924. After retiring, he instructed church singing in Cherepashka priests’ school, and after that, he sang in the church St. Paraskeva in Sofia, until 1930. He died in 1936. Beside being a publisher of a number of books containing psalms, according Peter Dinev Manasij Pop-Todorov deserves merits also as a

2 Bogoev , Mir~o, U~ebnik op. cit. p. 105. 3 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t Manasi Poptodorov, C rkoven vestnik, br. 11 19 mart 1960 g. Sofi . p. 8. 4 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t… op. cit.. p. 8.

238 church singer and a pedagogue-teacher. Being his contemporary, Dinev gives interesting details concerning the singing of Manasij Pop-Todorov. He stated that he had a pleasant voice in the range between second tenor and baritone as a performer. His singing was calm, quiet, with some nasal vocals. He usually sang high tones at louder voice, and gradually reduced them when returning to the medium register. Despite his going though Greek church-singing school, in his music performance he avoided exceeding ornamenting of tones. As a result of his having exceptionally good ear for music and inborn music abilities, Manasij Pop-Todorov sang clearly and without any dis-tonement.5 As a long term teacher of east church singing who owned natural gift for his educational career Pop-Todorov produced a big number of excellent church singers. Although, as it might have been, his explanations were not always in accordance with the methodology rules, they reflected evidence and convincement. He strictly adhered to the principle of one-voiced character of the east church singing, and beside the ison, he did not allow his disciples any other voicing of the melody.6 Speaking of the music activities of Manasij Pop-Todorov Dinev also trusts that he had not expressed himself as a composer, but only as a publisher of numerous collections with works taken from other older church music editions. Peter Dinev came to that conclusion after a detailed analysis of the collections Pop Todorov had published in the period between 1905 and 1922:

- Psaltikiska liturgy and - Kratok voskresnik, in 1905; - Psaltikiski trebi, in 1911; - Opshiren voskresnik, in 1914; - Psaltikiska utrena, in 1915; - Stihiri i slavi od Triodot i Pentikostarot i za minejskite praznici and - Psaltikiska liturgy (re-edition with some marginal shortenings and additions), in 1922.

5 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 9. 6 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 9.

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The comparison of the works contained in these books, whose authors are not indicated, with those from collections by other authors published in the period until 1905, that was made by Dinev showed that among them there is not a single one created by Manasij Pop-Todorov. By doing it, Dinev came to the conclusion that Pop Todorov had made some insignificant changes, with the aim for the melody to better express the meaning of the text and to correct some wrong stresses.7 Regarding this dilemma in connection with the church music work of Manasij Pop-Todorov the manuscript Psaltikiski voskresnik by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev where Manasij Pop-Todorov is present with the largest number of works among all authors, which was found in 1978, introduced new moments,: - Kosnokratki veliki slavoslovija in voice I, voice II, voice III, voice IV, voice V, voice VI-VII, voice VI, voice I-VII, voice VII and voice VIII; - Otca i sina in voice III and in voice VI. Two of the compositions with which Manasij Pop-Todorov is present in the collection (Otca i Sina in voice III and VI) by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev appeared in the forth edition of the Short voskresnik (in eight voices) by Manasij Pop-Todorov, re-issued in 1992 by the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, where they are added as an `appendix` at the end of the book (together with another Otca i Sina, in voice IV). It is interesting to note that these works do not appear in the first edition of the Short voskresnik of 1905. Maybe the author Manasij Pop-Todorov – without signing them as his own works – placed them in some of his later editions, and Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev took them from there. In this context the following question should be asked: why had not Manasij Pop-Todorov signed any of his music works in his numerous books? Is it only a matter of his modesty or another more profound reason is in question? It should not be forgotten that Manasij Pop-Todorov moved to Bulgaria as an adult, and he was always regarded there as newcomer. On the other side, with his excellent Greek church-music education he presented a threat to the native music authorities. In order to ease disturbed

7 Pet r Dinev, Muzikou~itel t…op. cit. p. 8.

240 spirits Pop-Todorov used to make compromises of any kind: in his books he included works by numerous Bulgarian authors, made ornaments to them, and did not undersign his own compositions. After all this said about Manasij Pop-Todorov, it is quite clear that an exceptionally important representative of the Eastern Orthodox singing is in question. Starting from the fact that his numerous books published in Bulgaria were present also in Macedonian spiritual areas and they, undoubtedly, influenced the development of the church music in Macedonia, as well as the very fact that he originated from Macedonian regions and started his career as a psaltist in Slavic language in Bitola, our musicology has a moral obligation to disclose the traces that Manasij Pop- Todorov had left in that town during his stay there and broaden the knowledge about his life and church music activities.

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VII.

George Kazana (19th-20th century)

There are numerous musicians of Vlach origin in the history of the East church music that were active on the wider Balkan area. According available data, among those Vlachs that were born in Macedonia and spent a kind of longer period of their lives in different Macedonian cities as church singers is George Kazana. Although he lived relatively not long ago (during the second half of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century) very little is known about George Kazana. Some basic data about his life are mainly taken from what he wrote on the front pages of his numerous music manuscripts. Some data about George Kazana can only be found in the Lexicon of the Romanian musicologist-Byzantologist George K. Jonesku, where some lines refer to the life and the music work of George Kazana: “Church singer of the Romanian chapel in Constantinople since 1897. He composed the Anthology of psalms titled `Romanian dawn` consisting of several parts, a work adapted for the Vlachs from Greece and Bulgaria, according traditional church chants”.1 In that, very thorough, Lexicon not a single bibliographic reference to the name of George Kazana is given, which suggests that his music work has neither been researched nor published. All parts of the mentioned Anthology are in the library of the St. Synod in Bucharest. George Kazana is significant for the Macedonian church music with the large number of church compositions that he created during his stay in

1 Ionescu, Gheorghe C., Lexicon, Editura Diogene, Bucureşti, 1994. p. 72.

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Bitola as a church singer.2 That is confirmed by the manuscript of the collection Sequence of the twelve days, from 24th of December to 6th of January (ms. I 93),3 where one can see that it was written in 1907 in Bitola, and in both parts of the Idiomelar (ms. II 183) with the total of 646 pages written in Bitola, in December 1911, with an appendix of 11 pages without pagination. Based upon those data given by the author of those music manuscripts it can be concluded that George Kazana spent at least five years in Bitola: from 1907 until December 1911. Later George Kazana can be seen in Romania as a church singer and composer, something that can be concluded after his later manuscript `Church muse` composed of two parts. Namely, on the front page of that manuscript there is: `Church muse by George Kazana, previously proto- psalmist in Macedonia, and currently in the church Dobroteasa in the capital, 1922 – Bucharest`.4 It is evident that George Kazana emphasized and gave special significance to his stay in Macedonia, as a proto-psalmist and composer in Bitola. But, it is still not known from where he arrived in Bitola, how long he stayed in that important political and cultural centre and whether he stayed in another town in Macedonia. We can suppose that his stay in Bitola was not short, because - as already stated - he wrote many church works during that period. Although we do not have thorough evidence in his compositions, one can say that George Kazana was one of the most productive authors of church music that ever composed on the territory of Macedonia. Besides, he is the only composer so far, that used Hrisant’s notation to create church music in his mother’s tongue, the Vlach. I recently came across the information that the surname Kazana originates from Bajasa, a little town in today’s Greece. A confirmation of that was found in the monthly `Lumina` of October 1905. (In the special edition of that monthly on the occasion of the 25th jubilee of the Romanian Lyceum in Bitola, a list of scholars that had completed education by then was published, and among them is the name of Apostol Kazana, whose

2 Cordescu, Mihail-Vergiliu, Istoricul şcoalelor române din Turcia, Bucureşti, 1906. p. 236. 3 Ionescu, Gheorghe C., Lexicon, … op. cit. p. 72. 4 Cazana, Gheorghe, Musa bisericească, Bucureşti, 1922 (manuscript privat) (the author of this book owns a photo-copy)

243 place of birth is Bajasa).5 Additional research is needed to disclose whether that Apostol is a relative to George Kazana, and whether Bajasa is his birth place. While the life of George Kazana still remains covered with the veil of the unknown, a fairly clear picture can be created about his music work. Although until now I have had the opportunity to review only the manuscripts of the Idiomelar (completed in Bitola in 1911)6 and the collection Church muse, which was written in 1922 in Bucharest, I can freely say that George Kazana was a gifted and educated musician, who wrote easily, musically and very attractively, with frequent applications of inventive and clever modulations of chants. In contrast to the Idiomelar, that contain exclusively his works, in the second part of the collection Church muse George Kazana included one Polielej, by Harmuzij Hartofilax (one of the three reformers of the Byzantine music notation in 1814) translated from Greek language, as well Praise song by the Romanian composer Dimitrie Sucheveanu. All this indicates his broad knowledge of the east church singing and his undisputable translation capabilities. Reviewing the works from the collection “Church muse” and the Idiomelar I have concluded that the range of Kazan’s melo-rythmic values is exceptionally rich and offers opportunities for creation of permanently fresh and dynamic melodic line. Sometimes it includes almost up to two octaves reaching the high, so called tenor register. The frequent use of jumps (septima, octave and decima), with which he achieves impressive dramaturgic effects is impressive. But, in spite of that, melodic lines of George Kazana remain logical and within the spirit of traditional Byzantine singing. From the pages of the collection Church muse, written in 1922, it can bee seen that George’s hand trembles a little, which indicates to his almost old age. It is possible that this church music collection (not registered in the Lexicon by George K. Jonesku, and on its cover page Kazana wrote `former proto-psalmist in Macedonia` with a trait of nostalgia) is his last work.

5 Lumina, Anul III, No. 10. Octomvrie, 1905, Liceul român, Bitolia, p. 306. 6 Kazana, Gheorghe, Idiomelar (vo dva dela), Biblioteka Sf. Sinod – Bucureşti, 1911.

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Beside the church Dobroteasa, where he was proto-psalmist and the library of the St. Synod in Bucharest – where six of his music works are kept – it should be researched also in Constantinople, Bajasa (Greece) and particularly in Bitola, where he left activity traces during his stay of several years as a church singer and unusually fruitful composer. The music work of George Kazana deserves greater attention than what music researchers have dedicated so far. Time will demonstrate that the place of this modest, and so far almost unknown musician is among the most important authors of church music work in Macedonia, Romania and the broader Balkan areas in the period between the 19th and 20th century.

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VIII.

Andon Shahpaski (cc. 1860-1928)

With the recent discovery of the neumatic hand script of Andon Shahpaski from the village Smojmirovo, Malesh, Macedonian music history has been enriched with another name of - until now - quite unknown music representative of the Byzantine-Slavic tradition. These are the first lines written about him and his Collection of psalms (Psaltikiski zbornik), that saw daylight 120 yeas after its creation. This music actor from the time of the Renaissance, who wrote with his own hand hundreds of music pages, liturgy texts, letters and various items for everyday use of the people around him, did not leave almost any written record of himself. Initially, his nephew Vasil Shahpaski and Vasil’s wife Draga living in Smojmirovo were the only source of data regarding the life of Andon Shahpaski, but some villagers also added details later. Even form his early youth Andon Shahpaski attracted the attention as a versatile, gifted, dynamic and curious boy with a restless spirit. His contemporaries remember him as a psalmist who attracted believers to the religious services in the village church St. Mother of God (Sv. Bogorodica). He was remembered as a skilful tailor, especially known by his making of priest’s garments. Besides, Andon Shahpaski was a village teacher and an excellent calligrapher, which is evidenced by his Collection of psalms, written with great skill. The year of his birth, like many other details of his turbulent life, remains unknown. It is supposed that he was born about the middle of 19th century, not later than the sixties. After the death of his father Jovan, who died at a very young age, his uncle priest Lazar took care of the little Andon

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(Andé). Remarking Andé’s abilities priest Lazar gave him to learn the skills of a tailor, and since he was musically talented having pleasant voice, he taught him church singing and occasionally engaged him as a psalmist in the church. After completing his training as a tailor, it seams that Andon was sent to a certain school to learn church singing, but it is not known where. From the data that he lived and worked as a psalmist in Buranovo, a village not far from the Rila monastery (today’s Bulgaria) we can guess that Andon Shahpaski learned church singing with Rila monks in the so called Rila church-singing school. Besides, he could master the calligraphic skills there and improve making of priest’s garments. After returning to his native Smojmirovo Andon Shahpaski continued to work as a psalmist in the local church. It is known that he also worked as a teacher in Smojmirovo for several years, which means that he was one of the well educated local inhabitants. One can suppose that beside village teacher and psalmist Andon simultaneously worked also as a tailor, because he was known across the Malesh region and broader by his creation of priest’s garments. However, with time church singing was becoming his main activity, to turn out to be his only profession. After the testimony of his descendents and elder villagers Andon had a respectable library of dearly paid books and manuscripts created by his hand. Known as a psalmist, he was often invited to sing in other churches across the Malesh region on the occasion of different religious festivities. It can not be excluded that, as an excellent calligrapher, he transcribed different psalm collections for the needs of the neighbouring churches. As one of the few educated persons and a known psalmist, not only in Smojmirovo but also wider, he was a very respected and influential person. Not a single event of interest in the village could happen without his participation, and it was the case of the building of the new village church on the foundations of the old almost ruined village church Sv. Bogorodica, in the very beginning of the 20th century. His church educational activities, that gained him huge respect among the villagers, could not be approved by the village villains, those who under

247 the veil of different revolutionary organisations were terrorizing the inhabitants forcing them to obedience. Andon Shahpaski was even sentenced to death by one of such groups. However, he managed to escape from his prosecutors the last moment and save himself from the worst. Unfortunately, his beloved wife Hristena became a victim of those terrorist groups and as a consequence his two little children Magda and Stefan who died immediately after the event. After that family tragedy, survived by his second-born son Aralampie, Andon tried again to form a family, marrying Ordana who gave birth to other two children Jovan and Pola. In connection with those terrorist groups that used to frighten local people and kept them submissive there are accounts around the village about a later event that resulted badly for Andon’s health to conclude fatally for him. Namely, somebody from the village had demanded from Andon to write a letter of complaint to the government because of his brother being killed. Andon properly composed the letter for his co-villager, but the killer’s gang – composed of local violators – beat Andon severely because of that. Due to the serious injuries that he got in the part of his kidneys he could not manage to recover, and died in Smojmirovo the 20th of January 1928. Further research demonstrated that Andon Shahpski used to have his school for church singers and a choir that performed at Sunday and festivity services. Beside his brother Aleksandar and his sons Arlampie and Jovan, his disciples were also G’org’i Mushkarski, Jovan Dzaleski-Dimo, Laze Makoski, Ande Adjiski, Mijalko Shahpaski, Petre Predarski and others. The real follower of Andon was Aralampie Shahpaski (1898-1993), who sang until his last days as a proto-psalmist of the church Sv. Bogorodica in Smojmirovo. He died at the old age in 1993. It should also be mentioned that some of his disciples were known as singers and carriers of the folk music tradition. It is even more important because it anticipates the question of connections between the church singing of Byzantine tradition with the folklore singing tradition in Macedonia. From that we can conclude that Andon Shahpaski – and his numerous disciples - was aware of the closeness of church and folk singing. Older villagers from Smojmirovo remember, and that is supported by information from other sources, that there was a choir composed of around

248 ten palmists in the church St. Mother of God in Smojmirovo in the period between the two world wars that was permanently renewed with young singers both form the village itself and other villages around the Malesh region and wider. In relation to this, the information that I recently obtained from the respected Father Peter Jordanov (1936), professor at the Macedonian Orthodox seminary `St. Kliment Ohridski` - Skopje, that Mirko Divanisov from the village Blatec, Kochani, as well as some other psalmists from other parts of Macedonia that he personally knew, learned church singing in Smojmirovo with Aralampie Shahpaski during the thirties of the 20th century. It confirms the thesis that the school for psalmists and the choir that was established by Andon Shahpaski continued the work after his death, managed by Aralampie, and was widely known across Macedonia. In the years after the liberation, with the new social and political establishment of Macedonia the school for psalmists in Smojmirovo ended its work. Without inflow of young singers the church choir Sv. Bogorodica gradually dwindled. Thanks to their longevity, only three psalmists remained in the church Aralampie Shahpaski, Jovan Shahpaski and G’org`i Mushkarski, known in the village as Ampo, Jovancho and Gogo. It is worth mentioning that although immediately after the World War I – under Serbian rule – Serbian folk church singing was introduced, in the whole period after the liberation through the mentioned psalmists church singing of Byzantine Slavic tradition was practiced without interruption until before the end of the 20th century. From what is said about the church slinging in Smojmirovo and its representatives, one can conclude that the foundations laid by Andon Shahpaski in the period of the National Renaissance were strong enough to survive the church–Serbian chauvinism and the after war atheism in Macedonia and meet its new renaissance – the return of church singing of the old tradition in Macedonian temples. Even more than that: thanks to the devotion invested by Andon Shahpaski and his followers, the small Malesh village Smojmirovo and their church St. Mother of God became a symbol of the insubordination and rampart of old Macedonian traditions. The Collection of psalms (Psaltikia) by Andon Shahpaski was written in the village of Smojmirovo, Malesh, in the period between October 1882

249 and January 1884 in Slavic-church language and Hrisant’s notation. It was written with black, and occasionally with violet ink on an ordinary thin paper, with enviable calligraphic skill, especially the music neumas. In its current state the manuscript contains 544 pages without pagination, with six lines on each page (rarely 5 of 7). Its dimensions are 123x100mm and its card covers are professionally bound in dark brown leather. Some pages at the beginning are missing, but it is almost entirely readable. The manuscript contains the name of its composer and writer. It may have been printed also at the missing pages or the places that are destroyed by humidity. It is written with the same handwriting at the last page that the Collection was completed in January 1884 in Smojmirovo. At the bottom of that page there is something added, but unfortunately it is quite unreadable. Starting from the fact that those remarks are made by the same hand that wrote the complete Collection – and, besides, Andon Shahpaski was the only calligrapher and musically educated person in Smojmirovo – there is no doubt that the manuscript is his own work. The music collection of Andon Shahpaski contains two main parts: 1. Short voskresnik with a short grammar and exercises of paralagy (solfège) and 2. Liturgy. As already stated, there is an added part in the beginning, which was created a bit earlier and contains works for the needs of different religious services. Some pages are missing both in the beginning and at the end of that part. What is of particular importance for our church music is that the added part commences with the work Dostojno est (Worthy is) in voice V by Joan Harmosin-Ohridski, whose beginning, unfortunately, is not preserved. By the way, this is an additional confirmation that psalmists were very fond of `Dostojno est` in voice V by Joan Harmosin Ohridski, which until now has been found in many church music manuscripts and printed books, and it has circulated among psalmists who wanted to follow the course of all activities on the broader church-music area. And more that that: church works that started to appear created in Slavic language by domestic composers were enthusiastically welcomed by Macedonian psalmists. With that, they openly manifested the desire, beside church chants translated from Greek language, to sing authentic compositions created in Slavic language,

250 interwoven by the recognisable music tune of the folk and church singing from this region. From the comparison of this manuscript with the books printed in that period one can notice that certain compositions in the Psaltikia by Andon Shahpaski are similar, and some even identical with those by the well-known Bulgarian music teacher Nikola Trandafilov-Slivenec `Cvetosobranie` - the first book printed in Slavic language in 1847 in Bucharest.1 However, there are indications that they are not directly taken from that collection, but from various other manuscripts, probably from those that had been created in the Rila Monastery or from their numerous transcripts that were made on the wider orthodox region. Based upon the researches made so far, one can conclude that the Short voskresnik – the first part of Andon’s Collection is aesthetically and musically rather close to the manuscript Voskresnik by Janaki Stojmenovich from the village Orizari, Kochani, was written in 1849. The Liturgy collection (Liturgiski zbornik), as a second part of the manuscript of psalms by Andon Shahpaski is a carefully composed selection of works, where the composer does not strictly stick to the usual order of the religious service in churches. It contains compositions by most famous Byzantine authors of church music between the 14th and the 19th century: Jovan Kukuzel, Hrisav Novago, Georgij Kritski, Jakov Protopsalt, Daniil Protopsalt, Petar Lambadarij - Peloponeski, Joan Lambadarij, Petar Efeski, Hurmuzij Hartofilaks, Grigorij Protopsalt, Joan Harmosin–Ohridski and others, whose names are not stated. Judging by the calligraphic skills and the orthography demonstrated in that manuscript, it can be said that it is a work by a skilled transcriber having confident, trained hand and that this church music collection is not the only one that he has written. Starting from these characteristics of the collection one can conclude that Andon Shahpaski owned thorough knowledge of the Hrisant’s theory and practice of the Eastern Church singing, which he could then gain in monastery schools by highly educated psalmists. Macedonian music science was enriched with another valuable document when the Collection of psalms of Andon Shahpaski was found, as it has multilevel significance for the church singing of Byzantine-Slavic

1 Trendafilov, Nikola, Cv tosobranie, Bukur t, 1847.

251 tradition, and generally, for the national culture. Once again, the fact was convincingly confirmed that psalms were not only orally transmitted on the territory of Macedonia in the 19th century by uneducated priests and psalmists, but continued to be spread by the church music activists of a growing number of dedicated individuals, who were gifted and educated but also nationally aware. Actually, through their activities the manifestation of the resistance towards the assimilation politics of the Constantinople Patriarchy commenced, and the need for returning of the Slavic language in the religious service. With that, these individuals from the church ranks marked the Renaissance of the Macedonian people, the period when the Macedonian nation was established and the foundations of its own cultural development were laid. One of them is Andon Shahpaski.

252

IX.

Atanas Badev (1860-1908)

The development of music arts in Macedonia during the last quarter of the 19th century was marked by the activities of town and school-choir groups and small orchestras formed by musicians that were educated outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire, in Russia and other European countries. The most remarkable among the musicians dealing in that area was Atanas Badev (1860-1908). Data about the life and work of this music actor that were firstly published during the sixties of the 20th century aroused considerable interest. In the same time, fragments from his choir composition were performed in the festive hall of the Macedonian academy of science and arts (MANU) by the Choir of the Macedonian radio television, conducted by Dragan Shuplevski. National music was enriched by that valuable work created by a professional musician as was Atanas Badev. That event threw new light upon our music past, especially the church music from the period of the Renaissance. In a short time the Liturgy by Sv. Jovan Zlatoust by Atanas Badev saw different forms of recordings and concert performances and was frequently broadcasted by the Radio and the Television. The level of popularity that this choir work attained can be illustrated by the fact in that time and later Badev’s Liturgy was integrally performed at the Manifestation Struga‟s music autumn in 1988 and at the dedication of the Congregation Hall `St. Kliment Ohridski` in Skopje, in 1990. In that period it was published in the form of a record and video cassette. Badev’s liturgy is often being present in Macedonian churches, and it will almost

253 completely replace the Liturgy by the Serbian author Stevan St. Mokranjac (1856-1914) that until than was undisputable not only in spiritual but also in secular choir music in Macedonia. Atanas Badev was born the 14th of January 1860 in Prilep, in a family of a fairly wealthy merchant. He demonstrated considerable interest in music even from his early age. Besides, he treated other subjects with equal devotion, and it was particularly the case with mathematics. He learned church singing with Kote Pazov, and later with Georgi Smichkov, one of the first Macedonian melographers, a known church singer and a teacher.1 Being a boy of exceptional abilities, his parents sent Atanas to continue his education in Thessalonica. However, he stayed there for a short period of time, as his father’s death led their family into financial hardship. During the following period the family Badev moved to Bulgaria and Atanas joined the Male gymnasium in Sofia. He was also remarked by the interest for school subjects in the new environment. His passion for music and unusual musical talent were articulated through the aid given to him by his music teacher who conducted the school choir.2 During the summer holiday in 1879 Atanas Badev returned to his native Prilep, where he established a church choir. Composed of scholars and music enthusiasts that group successfully performed in the town during Sunday church services as well as on other festivities and holidays.3 During the school year 1880/81 when Georgi Smichkov - who had previously been Badev’s teacher - undertook to role of conductor, there were around 30 members of the choir, around seven to eight singers to each voice. G’org’i Trajchev says in his book Grad Prilep (The city of Prilep) that singers who gathered for rehearsals each Wednesday afternoon were self-taught, since in that time note singing was still not in the curriculum of the three-class school in Prilep.4 However, materials that have been found handwritten by Smichkov, that represent choir stimovi of church compositions transcribed from Western into Hrisant’s notation, illustrate that singers also used

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Makedonska muzika - 5, …op. cit. p. 27. 2 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 143. 3 Golabovski, Sotir, Istorija… op. cit. p. 99. 4 Traj~ev, Georgi, Grad Prilep, Sofija, 1926. p. 154-155.

254 written materials to learn the works5 and that Byzantine music script was dominant on the territory of Macedonia in that period. A crucial phase in Atanas Badev’s life was his stay in Russia, where – financially supported by his wealthy uncle – Atanas studied physics and mathematics at the Faculty of Philosophy in Odessa. After his two-year studies Badev left Odessa due to his uncle’s death. A bit later, when he provided means himself, he went to Moscow where he joined the Synod singing school. Driven by the wish for new music knowledge we see him later in Petersburg as a student of the Court’s singing school. In connection with his studies of composition at that school some music scientists state that he completed his studies studying with eminent professors. Among them the great Russian composer Nikolaj Rimski-Korsakov is mentioned, but we still do not have secure data if Badev was his student. With a diploma as the first professional musician and a theoretician with broad knowledge and culture Badev returned to Macedonia and became a teacher of music in Thessalonica. During the years spent working among high school scholars in Thessalonica Atanas Badev gave his major contribution to the development of the music culture in his fatherland. He organized and led the school choir and trained disciples who would continue music activities in many cities across Macedonia. Around the year 1892 Badev spent some time as an official in Bitola. There he married the teacher Marija Dimitrova Shtipjanova, to move again to Thessalonica with her. His teaching activities in Thessalonica during the years when the Macedonian revolutionary organization was established coincided with their first activities. As measures of precaution the management of Exarchate schools in Macedonia began to move away from Macedonia all those culture activists whose activities could anyhow be beneficial for the work and the aims of the organization.6 As a result of all those conditions Badev got transferred to Ruse. Being in the zenith of his creative potentials he developed very fruitful activities as a teacher of music in the Male gymnasium in Ruse, educating his students and leading the gymnasia choir after the experience gained in

5 Ortakov, Dragoslav i Golabovski, Sotir, Muzi~ko tvore{tvo, Prilep i Prilepsko niz istorijata, Prilep, 1971, v. I. p. 236-240. 6 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Makedonska muzika - 5, …op. cit. p. 31.

255 schools throughout Macedonia. Some of his disciples later decided for professional music careers and achieved respectable results as music artists and theoreticians. During his stay in Ruse Atanas Badev formed his Liturgy after St. Jovan Zlatoust, which was printed in Leipzig (Germany) in 1898. After two years spent working at the Gymnasium in Ruse, Badev was invited by the synod to teach church singing at the Seminary school in Samokov. He accepted that duty which consisted of teaching seminary’s attendants in reading of the western and the eastern music script. But, not long after that Badev was fired from the Samokov seminary. The reasons for that act by the synod remain insufficiently clear. During the following period Badev was appointed music teacher at the Female gymnasium in Kjustendil. There, with seriously damaged health, Badev spent the last years of his life, unsuccessfully trying to be transferred to Sofia, where he might have gotten more efficient medical care. In the course of those attempts, Badev died on a train towards Kjustendil on one of his trips, the 21st of September 1908.7 Atanas Badev, as a versatile and well-educated musician in the spirit of the European music aesthetics, and under the influence of the national romanticism, parallel with the composer’s and pedagogic activities engaged in collecting and study of the Macedonian music folklore. As a result of those researches by Badev is his appearance at the second congress of the Musical association in Sofia in 1904 with the topic “About the folklore and its particularities in Macedonia”. That is the first serious work in the field of ethno-music where the melo-rythmic structures of the Macedonian folklore are professionally explained for the first time.8 With it, Atanas Badev laid the foundations of the Macedonian contemporary science of ethnic music. Badev wrote numerous compositions inspired by the music folklore, as well as harmonisations of chants in city tradition, lake those cherished also by other authors from the neighbouring cultural environments during the period of national romanticism. However, the real creative potential of Atanas Badev is best expressed by his Liturgy after St. Jovan Zlatoust for

7 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 177. 8 Karaka{, Branko, Muzi~kite tvorci vo Makedonija, Makedonska kniga, Skopje, 1970, p. 9.

256 mixed choir. Composed using the sample of spiritual compositions that Badev had the opportunity to study in big music centres like Moscow and Petersburg, that composition contains more developed choral slog in comparison with his other works composed on his own of folklore topics.9 In part of the melodies contained in that choir work church chants that were preserved by oral tradition can be recognized, as well as themes by known Byzantine composers, that Badev probably had been listening and singing in his birth palace. However, their Byzantine character is neutralized to a certain degree with the harmonization in the spirit of the European tradition. Still, as a musician who knew Byzantine Music and its system of eight voices, in some parts of his Liturgy – where the tune has some tunes typical for the Byzantine scales – by harmonizing of these tunes and themes Badev made certain compromises that make the work more original and attractive. Thus, instead of usual harmony solutions that are typical for the European music Badev occasionally lets the recognisable Byzantine iso sound recognizably, like the odour of thyme fills the space. At the same time these are the most exciting parts of his Liturgy by St. Jovan Zlatoust. As a musician that, through Russian secular and church music, had the opportunities to thoroughly learn and apply the practice of European music theory Badev could not simply remain in the church music of Byzantine tradition, which he used to learn in his native town of Prilep. It is evident that as a composer and director he discovered more space in European music, and he dedicated himself to it with all his heart. Actually, the love for European music that flourished during his stay in Petersburg and Moscow was conceived in Prilep, and lasted through all his life. When I say this, having in view the fact that in the period of his early youth, in Prilep, as one of the more advanced cultural centres in Macedonia through different forms and ways (although with a certain delay) the wave of European romantic music arrived as something new and exciting, and the young Atanas Badev was not left indifferent to it. It should not be forgotten that Badev spent a significant part of his life as a student of the Male gymnasium in Sofia. Many young Macedonian intellectuals were educated in that cultural centre, and there he could feel the touch of the European

9 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 150.

257 culture at every walk. All these circumstances decided the music destiny of Atanas Badev, the first many-sided educated musician in the spirit of European music in Macedonia. The first data about the life and work of this representative of the National Renaissance were published in the book of the Serbian musicologist and publicist Branko Karakash Muzi~kite tvorci vo Makedonija (Composers in Macedonia,) published in 1970 in Skopje, where Atanas Badev was described as “…the first professional Macedonian musician and theoretic of broad culture…”.10 The best sublimed information of Atanas Badev was found in the Music Encyclopaedia of the Yugoslav lexicographic office of 1971, written by the composer Todor Skalovski, where he stated that Badev’s compositions confirm his deep knowledge, rich invention and creative force. It is emphasized also that Badev was the first well educated musician and theoretic of broad culture, and in the same time the first Macedonian composer of multi-voiced church music.11 The music writer Dragoslav Ortakov was the one who researched and wrote about the work and life of Atanas Badev. With his three books Muzichkata umetnost vo Makedonija /The music art in Macedonia (1982), Ars nova macedonica (1986), Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata musika vo Makedonija/Essays about the Byzantine-Slavic music in Macedonia (2001), as wall as other articles in different magazines in the field of culture, Ortakov undoubtedly contributed to the presentation of the profile and the work of this significant composer, one of the few well-educated musicians not only in Macedonia, but also in other national areas on the Balkans.12 Sotir Golabovski also dedicated suitable space in his book History of the Macedonian music published in 1999. According that musicologist, Atanas Badev is the most important representative of the music professionalism of west-European type in the period of the Renaissance and – beside his music and ethno-music work – emphasises his pedagogic and organizing activities which greatly contributed to the

10 Karaka{, Branko, Muzi~kite… op. cit. p. 9. 11 Skalovski, Todor, Muzicka enciklopedija, vol. I, Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1974, p. 110. 12 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ars nova… op. cit. p. 141.

258 development of the music culture in Macedonia.13 The musicologist Jelica Todorchevska has been researching lately the life and work of Atanas Badev, and she announced some new moments of his life, particularly regarding the period of his music studies in Russia.14 Having in view that the interest Badev demonstrated as a musician was not limited only to spiritual music and folklore themes as sources of inspiration but also the very folk music creation, and finally because of his clear orientation towards the European music as his aesthetic and creative decision, researchers and future generations of Macedonian musicologists will have sufficient space for research regarding the activities of this music actor whose activities were remarkable during the last two decades of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century.

13 Golabovski, Sotir, Istorija… op. cit. p. 100 14 Todor~evska, Jelica, Leksikon na muzi~kite tvorci od Prilep, (ms)

259

X.

Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev (1876-1950)

It is not unusual for us to discover a kind of worthy work from our recent past without any details kept about the author’s life. Such is the case with more of the persons presented in this part of the book. In connection with it Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev, the author of one of the most valued church music works in Macedonian music history and broader, although being born not long ago and lived until the middle of the 20th century, is not an exception. Thanks to data the musicologist Dragoslav Ortakov obtained through talks with the descendents of Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev, immediately after the discovery of his Psaltikiski voskresnik in 19781 by the slavist Mihailo Georgievski2, today we have basic data for the life of this significant representative of the church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition in Macedonia. Although insufficient, these data are exceptionally important for further research, as they indicate the main points of Vasil’s life. According these data, Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev was born in Kratovo, 14th of December 1876. After finishing primary school in his native town he continued his education in the Exarchate pedagogic school in Skopje, where he gained basic knowledge about church singing. Beside Kratovo he worked as a psalmist also in Tetovo, Shtip and Strumica. He spent two years at the monastery Hilandar on improving church singing. In the period after that he worked in Bachkovski monastery near

1 Ortakov, Dragoslav, Ogledi za vizantisko-slovenskata muzika vo Makedonija, Vorldbuk, Skopje, 2001. p. 98-103, 2 Georgievski, Mihailo, Makedonska muzika/2 ‚Nekolku novootkrieni muzi~ki rakopisi od Makedonija‛, Skopje, 1979. p. 51-55

260

Plovdiv (Bulgaria) as a teacher of church singing in the seminary there. He moved to Stara Zagora around 1922 where he retired after a while. During the whole period between the two world wars Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev intensively worked on the Psaltikiski voskresnik, investing all his knowledge and experience of a church singing teacher in it. In Bulgaria, where the psalm books by Manasij Pop Todorov are undisputable he could not find a publisher interested in his book. Because of that, Vasil Ikonomov, who had longed to return to his Macedonia came to Veles in 1941, where he worked as a conductor of the church choir and a psalmist. Due to the resistance by the clergy that were with pro-Serb attitudes he neither succeeded to gain support for church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition nor came across aid to publish his book. After two years he moved to Skopje, the town where he had attended the pedagogic school, hoping to realize his wish – the printing of the book - and continue his church music activities there. But, in times just before the end of the war and the liberated Skopje - there was no sufficient space for the old and already tired psalmist. On top of that, with the new social order his Psaltikiski voskresnik quickly became outdated and out of interest to others. He died in Skopje, in 1950. As already mentioned, the discovery of the Psaltikiski voskresnik by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev in 1978 has a broader significance for the Macedonian music culture and particularly the church singing of Slavic- Byzantine tradition. With the discovery of that manuscript, the high level of church singing on the territory of Macedonia and its numerous representatives was confirmed, combined with the fact that – despite tough conditions – there was continuous development of the psalm art in the period after the World War I, when after the Vardar part of Macedonia fell under Serbian governance, Serbian folk church singing was introduced in Macedonian temples. Besides, the handwritten collection by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev contains a number of valuable music works by Macedonian authors that were unknown prior to its discovery. Bojadjiev made the manuscript using Hrisant’s notation and Slavic- church text with constantly nice and readable handwriting. This voluminous collection has 395 densely written pages with 17 lines of musical neumas

261 and text and contains all successions of the utrenia, vechernia and the liturgy. It is interesting to mention that almost all Slavic authors of church music that are presented in this collection originate from Macedonia: Jovan Kukuzel, Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski, Kalistrat Zografski, Hristo P. Stojanov, Manasij Pop-Todorov, Atanas Badev, Hristo Shaldev, Petar Dinev and Stamuli Zarkinas. Only Petar Peoponeski is of `Byzantine` authors. In this anthology of the Macedonian church music the three works by Kalistrat Zografski Otca i Sina in voice II, voice V and voice VII are of particular importance. Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev could have taken the two works in voice V and voice VII from the collection Liturgija, but it remains unknown from where he has taken that in voice II, since it cannot be found in the Collection by Kalistrat, nor any other printed collection of psalms. With it, Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev gave us a significant piece of information that Kalistrat Zografski had not put all his compositions in his collection of East church singing. It can lead to the conclusion that he created more works than what is known to us today.

The discovery of the Psaltikiski voskresnik by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev introduced new moments regarding the dilemmas around the church music work of Manasij Pop Todorov.3 In Bojadjiev’s collection, that was discovered two years after the death of Petar Dinev, Manasij Pop Todorov is present with a larger number of works in comparison with other authors there: - Veliko slavoslovie (12 works), in voice I, in voice II, (two) in voice III, in voice IV, in voice V, in voices VI-VII, in voice VI, in voices I-VII, in voice VII (two) and in voice VII; - Otca i sina (two works) in voice III and in voice VI. In connection with it, it should be mentioned that the collection of manuscripts by Vasil Ivanov is one of the most voluminous and properly made that have appeared on the territory of Macedonia and wider. Based upon its contents, one can conclude that the collectioner Vasil Ivanov

3 The Byzantologist Petar Dinev believes that Manasij Pop-Todorov did not leave his own works, but only made corrections to works by other authors.

262

Bojadjiev, besides his excellent knowledge of Hrisant’s notation theory was well introduced into the literature of the east orthodox singing, especially that in Slavic language. Hence, we can suppose that Vasil Ivanov knew well who were the authors that he included into his Psaltikiski voskresnik. Therefore, there is no doubt that Manasij Pop Todorov was really the author of the presented works. The manuscript of psalm collection in question contains works without indications regarding their authors. It can not be excluded that some of those works were created personally by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev. In that respect, it is interesting to note that in all works presented in the Psaltikiski Voskresnik taken from different printed collections of psalms Vasil Ivanov made some smaller or larger changes and repairs of any kind: from orthographic to melo-rhythmic, in order to better express the meaning of the text or to be in line with the emphasized syllables. He has done it fine and with exceptional knowledge of the theory of the church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition. Because of these reasons, it can be stated that this collection has noticeable author’s character. The Psaltikiski Voskresnik by Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev represents a synthesis of all voskresnik‟s that had previously appeared. It successfully synthesizes experiences and knowledge of Macedonian authors from the 19th and the 20th century, like Dimitar Zlatanov-Gradoborski, Joan Harmosin–Ohridski, Kalistrat Zografski, Manasij Pop-Todorov, Andon Shahpaski and others. As already mentioned, Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev started to compose his Psaltikiski Voskresnik in the period immediately before the World War I, when the church singing of Byzantine tradition was expulsed from use in Macedonian temples to be replaced by Serbian folk church singing, better known as Mokranjac singing. Maybe due to these reasons he used to made efforts to return to Macedonia during all this dramatic period. Although he returned to his fatherland relatively late, even in 1941, trying to publish his Psaltikiski Voskresnik Vasil Ivanov Bojadjiev actually wanted to demonstrate the strength of our millennium-long tradition and the deep roots of church singing of Slavic-Byzantine tradition on the territory of Macedonia.

263

ANEKS ANNEX

264

265

CRKOVNI TVORBI OD MAKEDONSKI AVTORI

Dimitar Zlatanov – Gradoborski Dimitar Zlatanov - Gradoborski DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ i*. Û Ni. (Prevod od gr~ki Jane Koxaba{ija)

 Do- stoi - - - - no____esty_____ ó¯ - - kw__ vo- -

 i - - sti-n$ bla - ji - - - ti_____ tõ Bo - go-

 ro - - di - q$,___ pri - - - snw bla- je - - -

 n$ - - ü, i¯ pre - ne - po - roc - - - - - n$ - -

 - - - - - ü,_____ i¯ ma ------tery

 Bo - ga na - - ùe - gw.__ Cest-nhi - - ù$ - - - ü

 xØ - - - r$ - - v`m¢,______i¯ slav - - - nhi - -

 ù$ - - ü bØz srav - ne - - - - n`-õ se-ra- -ç`m¢,___

266

 bØz¢______i¯s - tlh - - - - - n` - - õ Bo - - -

 ga Slo - - - va rojd - - ù$ - - - - - ü______s$-

 \$ - - ü Bo - go - ro - - - di - q$ tõ ve - li-

 ca…______tõ___ vØ li - - - ca ------em¢.  ______

Na Prazdn. Cestnagw Kresta. Glas¢ v*. Õ ë

  Kre- st$____ Tvo - e - m$___ po - kla- nõ- - em - sõ  Vla - d¥ - - - - ko, i¯ svõ - to - - - -

 e______vos - kre - se - - - - n` - - - e___

 Tvo - - e______sla - - - - vim¢.______

267

  Kre - - st$ Tvo - e - m$______po - - kla- -

  nõ - - - - em ------sõ,___ Vla-

   d¥ ------ko, i¯ svõ - -

  to ------e, Vos - kre - se -

  - - n` - - e____ Tvo - - e sla - - - - -  - - vim¢.______

 Sla-va O¯t - q$, i¯ S¥ - - - n$, i¯ Svõ - to-

 - m$ D$ - - x$. I¯ n¥ - nh i¯ pri - - snw,____  i¯ vo vh- ki vh- - kwv¢.______A¯ - - miny.

   I¯ svõ - - - to...__i¯______svõ - - to -

268

  - - e vos - kre - se - - - - n` - - - -

 e______Tvo - - e sla - - - - -  - - vim¢.______

  E¯iÂ,___ si…______si - - - -  la. Kre - - st$______Tvo - -

 e - - m$____ po - - - - kla - - nõ - - - - -

  - - - - - em - - sõ,____ pro- kla - nõ - -

 - - - - em - - - sõ,______Vla-  d¥ ------[¥ ------ko,

 i¯ svõ - to ------

269

 ------e vos - kre - se - - - -

 n` - - - e,______vos-kre - - se - - - -   n` - - - - e___ Tvo ------e

 sla ------vim¢.______ _____ Ou sl$jb$ svõ\ennonacalnika. Glas¢ i*. Û Ni.

  Voz - lü - blü Tõ, Go - spo - di, krh - - po - ste

 mo - õ, Gos-pody ú¯t- ver- jde - - n` - - e mo - e, i¯

  pri - bh- ji-\e mo - e,______i¯ i¯z - ba - - - -  vi - - tely - - moiÂ.

 O¯t - qa i¯ S¥ - na i¯ Svõ - ta - - go D$ - -

270

 xa Tro - i - q$ e¯ - di - no - s$ - - \n$ - - ü i¯

 ne - raz- dhly-- - - n$ - ü.

 Mi-losty mi - - - ra, jer - - tv$ xva-le - -         - - n` - õ.

 I¯ so d$ - - xom¢ tvo-im¢.______

     I¯ - ma-m¥ ko Go - spo- d$.

 Do- stoi - - - no____ i¯ pra - - - ved -

 no esty.

 Do - stoi - - - no_____i¯ pra - - - - ved

271

 - - no____esty, po - kla- nõ - ti - sõ O¯t - q$, i¯_____S¥-

 n$, i¯ Svõ - to - - m$ D$ - - x$,Tro - i - - qh e-

 di - no- s$\- - n$- -ü i¯ ne - raz-dhly - - - n$ - ü.

 Svõt¢,______svõt¢,______svõt¢______Go - -

 spody Sa-va- wÕ¢,______i¯s- polny_____ne - - bo

 i¯ zem- lõ______ne - bo i¯ zem - lõ_____ sla-

 v¥ Tvo - e - õ: w¯ - san - - - - na v¢ viù - -

 - - nix¢,bla - go - slo - ven¢______grõ-d¥iÂ______

 ______vo i¯ - - - mõ Gos - pod - - - ne,

 w¯ - sa - na v v¥ù‘ - - - - - nix¢.______

272

  A¯ ------miny.______A¯ - -

       - - - - - miny.

 Te - be_____ po - - - em¢, Te - be bla - go-

  slo - - - - vim¢, Te - be bla - go- da - - rim¢,_

  ____ Go - - - - spo-di, i¯ mo - - lim¢____ Ti___  ____sõ, Bo - - je naù¢.______

273

Kalistrat Zografski Kalistrat Zografski Otqa i S¥na. Glas¢ e*. ß Ð

  OÊt- qa i¯ S¥ - - na, i¯ Svõ- ta-gw D$ - - xa,

 Tro- i-q$ e¯-di- - no s$ù - - n$- ü i¯ ne - raz- dhly -

         n$ - - ü.

 Mi- losty mi ------ra, Jer-tv$ xva-

     le - - n` - - õ.

 IÊ so d$È - xom¢___tvo - - im¢.______

  IÊ-ma-m¥ ko Go- spo - - d$.

274

 Do-stoi - - - - no i¯ pra - - - - ved-no

 esty, po - kla - nõ-ti - sõ OÊt - q$, i¯ S¥ - - n$,

 i¯ Svõ - to- m$ D$ - - x$, Tro- i-qh e¯- di- - no s$ù -

 - - nhiÂ______i¯ ne - raz- dhly - - - - nhiÂ.

 Svõt¢, svõt¢,______svõt¢____Go- spody Sa - va- o®¢,  i¯s-polny____ ne - - - bo___ i¯___zem- - lõ______

 sla- v¥ Tvo- - e - - õ w¯- san - na v ‘v¥ - - ùnix¢, bla-

 go- slo-ven¢ grõ- d¥i vo i¯ - - mõ Go - spod - - ne,

 W - san - - - - na v ‘v¥…______v ‘v¥ - -

        - - - - ùnix¢.

275

  AÊ - - - - - miny.______

 AÊ ------  miny.______

 Te - - bh______po- em¢,______Te-  be - - bla-go-slo- vim¢,______Te- bh_

 ______bla - - go - - da - - rim¢, Go - - spo - - -  - - di, i¯ mo-lim¢ Ti - - sõ, Bo- je naù¢, i¯ mo-  lim¢ Ti sõ, Bo- je naù¢, i¯ mo - - - - lim¢___

 Ti______sõ, Bo ------ je______naù¢.______

276

DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ a*.aÐ.

  Do - stoi - - - no esty______ó-

 - - - - kw_____vo - - i¯ - - sti - - - n$__

 bla - ji - - - ti - tõ Bo - - - go…___

 Bo - go - ro - - - di - - q$, pri - - - -

 - - - snw bla - - je - - - - n$ - - - -

 ü,___ i¯ pre - ne - po - roc - - cn$ - - ü, i¯

 ma - - - tery Bo…______Bo - ga

 na - - - ùe - - gw. Cest - - nhi - - - ù$- -

 - - - - ü___ xe…______xe - - r$ - -

277

 - - - vfm¢,______i¯ slav - - - - nhiÂ- -

 - ù$ - - - ü___ bez¢ sra - vne - - - - - n` - -

 -õ se - - - - - ra- - çfm¢,______

 ______bez¢______i¯s- -

  tlh - - - - - n` - - - - õ____ Bo- ga Slo-

    - - - - va__rojd - - - ù$ - - ü, s$ - - -

 ------ù$ - - -

 ü______Bo - go - ro…______Bo- go-

 ro - - - di - - q$ tõ ve - li - ca - - - -

 em¢.______

278

DostoiÂno esty.

Glas¢ d*.d×.toj

 Do - stoi - - no esty ó - kw vo- i - - sti - - -

 n$______bla - ji - - - ti____ tõ_

 ___ Bo - - - go - ro ------

 di - q$,______pri - - snw___bla - -

 jen-n$- - ü,___ i¯ pre - ne - po - ro…_____pre- - ne - - 

 - po - ro - - cn$ - - - ü, i¯____ ma - - - - tery

 ______Bo- ga na - - - - ùe - - gw._____

 ______Cest- nhi ------ù$ - - ü

 xe - - - - r$ - - vfm¢,______i¯ slav - - nhi -

279

 ù$ - - - - - ü______bez¢ sra - vne - - -  n` - - õ______se - ra - - çfm¢,______bez¢_

 ___ i…__bez¢ i¯s - tlh - - - n` - - õ______ Bo - ga Slo ------va rojd-ù$ ü,______ ______s$ - - \$ - ü Bo - go - ro - - - - di - -

 - - q$ tõ______ve - li - ca - -

 ------em¢.______

 ______

280

Joan Harmosin – Ohridski Joan Harmosin - Ohridski DostoiÂno esty. Glas¢ e*. ß Pa.

  Do - stoi - - - no Østy______óÙ - kw vo -

 i - - - sti - - - n$____ bla - ji - - - ti__

 ______tõ____ Bo - go - - - ro - - - - - di -

 - - q$,______pri - - sno bla - jØn-

 - - - n$ - - ü, iÙ prØ - - nØ - po - - ro - -

 - cn$ - - ü,______i¯ ma - - - tØry______Bo - -  - ga na - - - - - ùØ - - gw.______ ______Cest - nhi¯ - - ù$ - ü______xØ - - r$-  - vfm¢,______iÙ slav - - nhi - - ù$ - - ü_____  bØz¢- sra - vnØ - - n` - - - õ______sØ - -

281

 - - - - ra - - çfm¢,______bØz¢

 i¯s - tlh - - - n` - - õ Bo - - - - -  ga Slo - - va rojd------ù$ - -

 ------ü, s$ - - - \$ - - - ü_____  ______Bo- go - - ro - - di - - q$______tõ_  ______vØ - - - li - ca ------ - - - Øm¢.______

 ______

282

Manasij pop Todorov: OÊtqa i¯ S¥na. Glas¢ g*. [ S Ni.^ ÷

 OÊt - qa______i¯____S¥ - - na____i¯ Svõ-ta - go D$-  - - - xa, Tro- i - - q$ e¯ - di - no- s$ù- n$- - ü i¯ ne-         raz-dhly - - n$ - - ü.

 Mi-losty mi - - ra___ jer- -tv$ xva - le - - n` - - õ

   IÊ so d$ - - xom¢ tvo - - - im¢.

    IÊ- ma- m¥ ko Go - - spo - - d$.

 Do - stoi - - no i¯ pra - ve - - dno__ esty, po - kla-  nõ - - ti - - sõ OÊt - q$, i¯ S¥ - - n$, i¯ Svõ-to - m$  D$ - - - x$, Tro- i - - qh e¯ - di - no- s$ù - - neiÂ

283

      i¯ ne- raz- dhly - - - - nhiÂ.

 Svõt¢,Svõt¢,Svõt¢ Go-spody__ Sa - va - - - wÕ¢,__  is - polny ne - - - bo i¯ zem - lõ__ sla- v¥ Tvo- - e-  - õ: wÊ - san - na v ‘v¥ù - - nix¢, bla- go - slo- ven¢__ grõ-

 - d¥i vo i¯ - - mõ Go - spo - - - dne, w¯ - san - - -        na___ v ‘v¥ù - - - nix¢.

     AÊ - - - - - miny.

     AÊ ------miny.

 Te - - be______po - - em¢,____ Te - - be___  ___ bla - - go - - slo - - vim¢,__ Te - - bh - - bla-go- da-

284

 rim¢,___Go - - spo - - di, i¯ mo- - lim¢__Ti______ sõ, Bo - - je - - - naù¢, i¯ mo- lim¢ Ti sõ___Bo-je_  __naù¢, i¯ mo-lim¢__Ti sõ Bo-je naù¢.

285

Vasil Ivanov Bojaxiev Vasil ivanov Bojadjiev

Poloji’,Go’spodi. Pa. 4v.

 Po - lo - ji, Go-spo- di, xra- ne - n` - e___ ú¯s-twm¢ mo-

 im¢, i¯ dvery w¯-gra-jde-n` - õ w¯ úst-nax¢ mo-ix¢.

 Ne ú¯ - klo - ni serd- - qe mo - e v¢’slo-ve - sa l$-

 kav-stv`-õ, ne-p\e - va - - ti vi-n¥ w¯ grh-shx¢.

 S¢ ce- lo - vh - ki dh- la - ü - \i-mi bez- -za - ko - n`-  e, i¯ ne so - ct$- sõ so iz- bran-n¥-mi ix¢.

 Na - ka-jet¢ mõ pra - - ved-nik¢ mi - - lo-st` - ü, i¯  w- - bli-cit¢ mõ: e¯- lei je grh-ùna-gw da ne na-mas-tit¢         gla- v¥ mo-e - õ.____

286

 FA - kw e¯ - \e i¯ mo - li- tva mo- õ vo bla - go-  vo - le - - n`- ix¢ i¯x¢, po- jer- t¥ b¥ - - ùa pri ka-  me-n¥ s$ - - d` - i i¯x¢.

 Ou¯ - sl¥-ùat- sõ gla - go - - li mo - i, ó¯- kw voz-  - mo - go - ùa: ó - kw tol - - \a ze - mli pro - sh - - de-  sõ na ze - mli, ras-to - ci- ùa-sõ kw-sti ix¢_ pri a¯ - dh.

 FA - kw k¢Te- bh, Go - spo - di,___Go- spo- -di, o¯-  ci- - mo, i na Tõ___ú- po - vax¢, ne †- ti - mi d$-           ù$ mo-ü.  So - xra - ni mõ__ † sh - ti, ü¯ - - je so - sta - -  vi-ùa mi, i¯ † so - bla-zny de - la - ü-\ix¢ bez - za-

287

          ko - n`-e.

 Pa-d$t¢ vo mre-j$ svo-ü gre- ùni-q¥: e¯- din¢ e¯-    - sm¢ az¢, don - de- je preiÂ-d$.

 Gla - - som¢ mo- im¢ ko Go - spo-d$ voz-zvax¢, gla-  - - som¢ mo-im¢ ko Go- spo - d$______po- - mo - lix - sõ.

 Pro - l` - ü pred Nim¢ mo - le- - n` - e mo - e,      pe - caly mo- ü pred Nim¢ voz-vh- \$.

 Vne- gda iz- ce - za- - ti † me - ne d$- x$ - mo-  e - m$, i¯ T¥ po-znal¢ e¯ - si ste- zi mo-õ.

 Na p$ - ti sem¢, po ne- m$ - - je xoj-dax¢, skri-

288

    - ùa shty mnh.

 Smo-trõx¢__ w- de - sn$ - - ü i¯ voz - glõ-dax¢, i¯  ne bh zna- õi me-ne.

 Po - gi - be bhg-stvo † me - ne, i¯ nhsty vz¥-ska-  - õi d$- ù$ mo-ü.

 Voz-zvax¢ k¢Te- bh, Go - - spo-di, rhx¢: T¥ e¯ - si___  ú - po - va - n`- e mo- e, casty mo - õ e¯ - si___ na zem-           li ji-vix¢.

 Von - mi mo - le - - n`- - ü mo - e - m$, ó - - kw  smi-rix-sõ §h-lw.

289

 I¯z - ba - vi__mõ †È___go - nõ - \ix¢ mõ, óÙ- kw úÙ-  krh- pi - - ùa-sõ pa- ce me-ne.

290

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3Aligiza1ikhj, E. 3Antw1nioj, Melodh1mata a3skhsewn leitourgikh~j, Ekdo1seij: G. Dedou1sh, Qessaloni1kh, 1992. Boulgara1kh, Dhmh1trioj, 3Egko1lpion 2Ieroya1ltou, tupogr. Makedoni1a, Qessaloni1kh, 1886. Kountiadij, Gabrihl, Mousikon pentakostarion, Iera mitropolij Seron & Nigrithj, Se1rrej, 1991. p. 560. Papado1pouloj, G., Sumbolai1 ei3j th1n i2stori1an par 3 h2mi~n e3kklhsiasiastikh~j mousikh~j, #En 3Aqh1naij, 1890, So1malhj, M. Panagio1thj, Dhmh1trioj Boulgara1khj (statija vo rakopis) Tolika, N. Olumpia, Epitomo Egkuklopediko lexiko thj buzantinhj mouzikhj Eurwpai_ko kentro tecnhj, Aqh1na, 1993. Catzhqeodw1rou, I. Gew1rgioj, Bibliografi1a th~j buzantinh~j e`kklhsiastikh~j mousikh~j, Per. A’ (1820-1899) Patriarciko`n i7druma paterikw~n meletw~n Qessaloni1kh, 1998.

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Prevod na angliski jazik, \or|i Kova~ev

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