PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

FORTEENTH SYMPOSIUM

ON THE

NATURAL HISTORY OF

Edited by Craig Tepper and Ronald Shaklee

Conference Organizer Thomas Rothfus

Gerace Research Centre San Salvador Bahamas 2011

Cover photograph – “Iggie the Rock Iguana” courtesy of Ric Schumacher

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ISBN 0-935909-95-8

The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas

THE LUCAYANS AND THEIR WORLD

Mary Jane Berman Center for American and World Cultures 105 MacMillan Hall Miami University Oxford, Ohio, 45056

ABSTRACT Lucayan cultural zones or sub-areas (Granberry 1956). Early published accounts have The people who permanently settled depicted the Lucayans in highly generalized, the Bahama archipelago are known as the ahistorical terms. These images were based Lucayans; the English term for the Spanish on small numbers of small-scale excavations word, “Lucayos.” Previously published ac- confined to only a few islands. Our current counts of Lucayan history have presented understanding of Lucayan lifeways, highly generalized accounts of their life broadened by increased numbers of ways and depicted them in largely ahistori- excavations, fine-grained artifact recovery, cal terms (e.g., Keegan 1992, 1997; Sears the addition of paleoethnobotanical, and Sullivan 1978) partly because radiocar- zooarchaeological and geoarchaeological bon dating had not been applied universally analyses, and the application of radiocarbon to excavated sites and because temporal var- dating, is far richer and more complicated iability in Lucayan ceramics was over- than previously realized. This research looked. Much of the research reported in the reveals inter-island differences in the timing early publications was based on surface col- and origin of colonization, geographical and lected artifacts and small-scale excavations temporal ceramic variability, localized limited to a few islands. Larger scale, sys- environmental adaptations, and contrasting tematic excavations on more islands, fine- political economies among the islands. grained data recovery, and the integration of radiocarbon dates, and zooarchaeological, INTRODUCTION paleothnobotanical, and geoarchaeological findings, offer a more complicated picture of The Bahama archipelago is divided Lucayan culture. We now believe that into three climatic zones based on rainfall Lucayan history can be divided into three and temperature, which affect vegetation periods (Figure 1): Non-Lucayan (A.D. 700- types and distributions: moist subtropical 1300), Early Lucayan (A.D. 700/800-1100), (Abaco, Andros, , New Prov- and Late Lucayan (A.D. 1100-c. A.D. 1530) idence, also known as the Pine Islands); and that Lucayan culture differed geograph- most tropical (the central islands, Acklins ically and temporally. While there are nu- Island, Cat Island, Crooked Island, merous shared characteristics among the is- , , Long Island, Rum Cay, lands, there are inter-island differences in Samana Cay, San Salvador); dry tropical colonization history and sociopolitical or- (Great , Little Inagua, Mayaguana, ganization. There is also variation in envi- and the Turks & Caicos) (Sears and Sullivan ronmental adaptations among the islands. In 1978). Slight temperature and rainfall gradi- contrast, ethnohistoric descriptions only re- ents exist in a north-south pattern. The envi- veal some of the geographical variation that ronmental zones correspond roughly to three the archaeological record has brought to

151 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas light. For example, during the fifteenth cen- iguanas, and a large tortoise (Geochelone tury, the Lucayans of the northern and cen- sp.) that is now extinct. The Coralie site was tral Bahamas spoke Ciboney Taíno, a Taíno permanently abandoned before the end of dialect of northern and the northwest the 12th century. and western Hispaniolan provinces of A second wave of people who Marien and Xaragua, while the Lucayans of established outpost colonies on Middle the Turks & Caicos spoke Classic Taíno Caicos, Grand Turk, , and (Granberry and Vescelius 2004:15). Because their off shore cays during the eleventh of similarities in language and some forms through the thirteenth centuries, is attributed of material culture, particularly ceramics, it to an influx of Meillacan Ostionoid peoples is suggested that the Lucayans of the central from northern . These sites and northern islands possessed economic existed until the A.D. 1300s when the and cultural ties with the people of northern Meillacan abruptly and unexpectedly ceased Cuba and were ethnically the same or bio- establishing colonies in the Turks & Caicos. logically descended from them, while the Concurrently, during the late eleventh Lucayans who lived in the Turks & Caicos century and extending into the A.D. 1200s, were politically a part of the Hispaniolan numerous Lucayan sites were established on Taíno cacicazgo system. Middle Caicos and the Lucayans and Meillacans lived in close proximity. Non-Lucayan (A.D. 700-1300) The earliest known Meillacan site, located on Pelican Cay, just north of Middle From the time of its earliest Caicos, dates to cal. A.D. 980-1180 (cal. peopling, the Turks & Caicos served as a A.D. 1050) (two sigma) (Sinelli 2010). In colonial enclave of Hispaniolan cultures the middle of the twelfth century, Meillacan (Keegan 1992:58, 1997, 2007, Keegan et al. settlements were established on Middle 1998). The earliest evidence for human Caicos, Middleton Cay, Long Cay, and occupation of the archipelago comes from Providenciales. All of these sites produced the Coralie site located on the north coast of radiocarbon dates of A.D. 1160-1170. Grand Turk. The site, which was occupied Meillacan colonies were also established on by Ostionan Ostionoid peoples from Cay and Horse Cay. These sites northeastern Hispaniola or Puerto Rico dates were intermittent, perhaps, seasonally- to A.D. 705-1100 and overlaps for a brief settled occupations. Sinelli (2010) argues period with the next influx of colonists, the that the communities were initially set up to Meillacans and the Lucayans. export resources— from the rich The remains at the site suggest conch beds to the south of Middle Caicos repeated visits for short period of times that and fish from the teeming reefs to the north occurred for only part of the year. The food – to a growing Hispaniolan population that remains allow us to gauge the impacts of could no longer support itself locally. As humans on animals that had no prior human time passed, however, the sites focused on (Carlson 1999; Carlson and Keegan 2004). the production of beads that were The earliest Ostionan occupants mainly presumably exported to Hispaniola. Drills, consumed large ground-dwelling birds, made from chert that was imported from iguanas, green sea turtles and large Hispaniola, were used to manufacture the carnivorous fishes. During later occupations, beads. Middletown Cay, which was first a consumption patterns shifted to smaller, seasonally-occupied Meillacan site located tree-dwelling birds, smaller sea turtles and off the coast of Middle Caicos, grew into a

152 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas large, permanently occupied settlement have been efforts to understand the containing a large dense midden, numerous contribution of plant foods to the diet, residences and a north-south oriented oval macrobotanical recovery has failed to yield plaza. Because of it size and large public plant food remains for the Meillacan space, Sinelli (2010) has suggested that it occupation (Newsom and Wing 2004). was home to a cacique who coordinated its economic activities. As a result of its Earliest Human Presence burgeoning population, a sister settlement was established on nearby Long Cay. Like Evidence for the earliest human other Meillacan occupations, Middleton Cay presence of the central and northern was abandoned suddenly (Sinelli 2010). Bahamas is known provisionally from During the early to mid A.D. 1200s, Preacher’s Cave (Eleuthera) where a triton Meillacan sites were established on Grand shell (cal. A.D. 560-720, 2 sigma) was Turk and its off-shore cays. The found adjacent to the cave (Carr et al. 2006). Governour’s Beach, Corktree Beach, Gibbs The shell has a circular hole cut in the outer Cay, and Cotton Cay sites were also bead- wall attributed to human modification. More making locales that were occupied certain evidence for human occupation repeatedly, perhaps seasonally, for short comes from the cave where a burial periods of time (Carlson 1993, 2010; Sinelli dating to A.D. 810-1010 was exhumed 2010). By the late A.D. 1200s/early A.D. (Schaffer et al. 2012). Human skeletal 1300s, Meillacan peoples ceased to visit remains from Sawmill Sink blue hole on Grand Turk. The sudden abandonment of Abaco date to B.P. 1040 ±40 (Steadman et the Governour’s Beach site is attributed to a al. 2007:19899) implies that the northern growing and expanding Lucayan presence Bahamas had been settled or at least visited and reflects the dominant position they were by that time. Evidence from cores from assuming in the Turks & Caicos (Carlson several ponds on Abaco suggests human 1993; Keegan 2007). landscape modification early as 1200 B.P. The 12th century was a time of (Slayton 2010) suggesting that Abaco may interaction among peoples whose pottery already have been seasonally or permanently reflects different identities. Ostionan people settled. were abandoning the Turks & Caicos, Meillacan peoples were arriving from the The Early Lucayans (A.D.700/800-1100) south, and Lucayan peoples were entering from the north and/or west. By the A.D. 800s, the Lucayans had We know most about the Meillacan settled San Salvador and . diet from Grand Turk and the data suggest Three open-air sites have been excavated: that the meat diet differed significantly from the Three Dog and the Pigeon Creek dune 2 the Ostionan residents at Coralie. The sites (San Salvador) and the Pink Wall site Meillacan diet consisted of a range of reef (New Providence) (Berman and Gnivecki and shallow-water fishes (e.g., grunts, 1995; Berman and Hutcheson 2000; Bohon bonefish), inter-tidal mollusks, and a minor 1999). Early Lucayan sites are small with contribution of terrestrial fauna (Carlson shallow middens and low artifact densities 1993, 2010; Sinelli 2010). Like the earlier suggesting that they were occupied by small Ostionan occupation, the Corktree Beach communities composed of extended families site yielded evidence for sea turtles, iguana or small lineages who moved their villages and possibly land tortoise. Although there every few years. No structural supports

153 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas indicating house size or shape have been purposes was procured from local plant found. A hearth and adjacent windbreak communities (Berman and Pearsall 2000, have been excavated at the Pigeon Creek 2011). site. Discrete, gendered, activity areas (plant Lucayan pottery consisted of processing, pottery manufacture, cooking) hemispheric, carinated, and boat-shaped have been identified for the Three Dog and vessels and flat, mass-molded griddles that Pigeon Creek dune 2 sites (Berman and were made from local clays and crushed Pearsall 2000; Berman et al. 2012). Several shell-temper. Three types of pottery are other sites on San Salvador have yielded known for this period: Crooked Island ware, radiocarbon dates from this period but the a red-slipped, reduced shell-tempered artifact assemblages associated with the ceramic; Abaco Red Ware, a buff-slipped, dates are undescribed. partially oxidized shell-tempered pottery, The early Lucayans were and Palmetto Ware, an unslipped, shell- horticultural fisher-collectors whose diet tempered oxidized pottery (Berman 2011b; consisted of reef and pelagic fish, sea turtles, Granberry and Winter 1995). Only a small fresh-water turtles, inter-tidal mollusks, root, percentage of early Lucayan pottery tuber, and seed crops, wild and domesticated possesses decorations, which consist of fine- tree fruits, and wild plants and fruits line incision and incised appliqué not unlike (Berman 1993; Berman and Pearsall 2000; the Meillacan pottery found in north central Berman et al. 2012). Terrestrial fauna Cuba (Tabio and Guarch 1966) and contributed in minor ways to the diet. Starch northwestern Hispaniola (Rouse 1939) at the grain and phytolith evidence demonstrates same time. Non-local pottery constitutes a that the early Lucayans grew domesticated small portion of the ceramic assemblage. crops such as Capsicum sp. (chili peppers), Early Lucayan pottery is thinner than Late cf. Cucurbita sp. (squash), Zea mays (corn), Lucayan pottery (Berman 2011b). Manihot esculenta (manioc), and several varieties of wild roots and tubers (Berman Late Lucayan Period and Pearsall 2000, 2008; Berman et al. (A.D. 1100-c.A.D. 1530+) 2012). These were recovered from chert microliths. Corn starch grains were also Late Lucayan sites occur on all found on a small shell flake and on a islands in the archipelago and include open- ceramic griddle sherd. air residential, special purpose, burial, and Early Lucayans made and used tiny shell rock art sites. Population increase is beads, tinklers, and pendants from different reflected by greater numbers of larger sites. shell species. They manufactured microliths Thicker middens indicate that people lived from imported chert, using them in a variety at these sites for longer periods of time. Late of tasks, including grating and scraping Lucayan occupations lie above or are plant materials, and incising shell, wood, adjacent to earlier occupations. On Middle and bone (Berman et al. 1999; Berman and Caicos, the Lucayans and Meillacans co- Pearsall 2000, 2008; Berman et al. 2012). existed until the late A.D. 1200s/early A.D. Early Lucayans made and used scrapers, 1300s. According to Sinelli (2010:313) pounders, and axes from local limestone. competition between the Meillacans and Various species of coral were used for Lucayans for land and marine resources may scraping, polishing, and shaping wood, have instigated the Meillacan exodus. bone, and shell artifacts. Wood for constructing residences, cooking, and other

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Late Lucayan village sites are North Storr’s Lake site (Shaklee et al. 2007). typically located on the crests of sand dunes It is believed that these objects held that are situated along tidal creeks. The symbolic value and may be associated with settlements are near agriculturally- a religious specialist such as a shaman or a productive soils and places where canoes political leader (or a religious specialist who could be beached. Water seeps or inland is a political leader). Other non-local lakes with fresh water lenses, and fishing materials such as chert are found, too. The and shellfish collecting areas are located in exact source areas for these materials are close proximity. Site survey data suggest unknown, partly because petrographic that most Lucayan sites occur as paired studies have not been conducted on the settlements, defined by Keegan (1992:83) as artifacts and also because it is hard to “sites that are situated within each other’s differentiate geological proveniences catchment areas.” Although post molds, between Cuba and Hispaniola (Berman et al. hearths, activity areas and middens have 1999). A study by Johnson (in Rose 1982, been located in the northern and central 1987) indicates that a piece of jadeite from Bahamas, no site has been excavated the Pigeon Creek dune 1 site may have extensively enough to expose residential or originated in the Motagua Valley of community structure. Sub-surface testing at Guatemala. Recently, jadeite sources have the Ward Minnis site (San Salvador) has been found at various locales in Cuba and revealed five artifact concentrations believed Hispaniola suggesting that the jadeite found to be houses (Blick and Bovee 2007), but it in Lucayan sites may have had a more local is not known if these structures were origin (Berman 2011a). Diorite is also found contemporaneously occupied or if they date throughout the northern Antilles. There are to the Early or Late Lucayan periods. numerous sources of copper in Hispaniola Community layout is more fully understood and Cuba, although a major source copper in the Turks & Caicos and house structures, exists in southeastern Cuba. The earliest middens, and public spaces have been outpost sites in the Turks & Caicos consist identified and excavated at MC-6, MC-12, entirely or almost entirely of non-local and numerous sites located on nearby cays ceramics (Sinelli 2001; Carlson 1995, 1999), (Keegan 2007; Sinelli 2010). while the frequency of non-local sherds During this period, economic throughout the islands declines through interaction with Cuba and Hispaniola and time. Sites located further away from probably other islands in the Bahama Hispaniola and Cuba show lower archipelago intensified; the source of these percentages of non-local sherds in a south to relations might have been politically north gradient (Berman 2011a). motivated (Berman 2011a). Imported raw Other objects, believed to come from materials and items such greenstone, basalt, within the Bahamas have also been reported. and jadeite petaloid axes and diorite beads For example, small, hand-held pestles and figurines speak to trade and exchange manufactured from aragonite have been with Cuba and Hispaniola. Unworked and found at the Palmetto Grove (Hoffman incomplete greenstone and basalt objects 1970) and the Pigeon Creek dune1 sites and greenstone and basalt flakes suggest that (Rose 1982, 1987). Aragonite flakes, the materials were imported and worked on- recovered from the Pigeon Creek and North site. Quartz crystals have been found at the Storr’s Lake sites (Berman and Gnivecki North Storr’s Lake (Shaklee et al. 2007) and field notes; Shaklee et al. 2007), suggest that other sites, and copper has been found at the the pestles were manufactured on-site. It is

155 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas not known what the pestles were used for, Caicos and its cays. The Middleton Cay and although Hoffman (1970) reports finding Spud sites were likely tied to the export ground pigment on at least one of them, economy (Sinelli 2010). suggesting that they were used to grind The sociopolitical organization of the substances. It is believed that the aragonite central and northern islands is less well comes from the Bahamas, but its source is understood. Lacking evidence for craft unknown. specialization, large public spaces, and other By the A.D. 1400s (and probably as features associated with chiefdoms, it early as the A.D. 1100s), many categories of appears that late Lucayan society of the locally produced material culture similar to central and northern Bahamas may have that of Hispaniola and northern and eastern been organized along ranked lineage lines Cuba, such as wooden, shell, coral, and where leadership, power, prestige, and limestone cemís, pendants, and figurines, are authority were achieved through competition ubiquitous throughout the archipelago. or seniority and vested in chieftains, big Wooden duhos, found in the central men” or “great men” (Berman 2011a). Here, Bahamas and the Turks & Caicos (although local group leaders might have appropriated not in the northern Bahamas), share many symbolically powerful objects such as duhos features with those from Hispaniola, Cuba, from Hispaniola or eastern Cuba (which and Puerto Rico, but possess characteristics became a Taíno chiefdom in the latter half that make them uniquely Lucayan. The of the fifteenth century) (Rouse 1992), using largest sized duhos found in the them to assert authority and manipulate their and some of the most complexly executed constituents. Using these and other non-local two dimensional designs are found on duhos materials and objects as gifts, Antillean from the Bahamas (Ostapkowicz 1998, elites created political and trade alliances, 2008). establishing loyalties in those areas of the By the fifteenth century, the Turks & Bahama archipelago not directly under their Caicos was a colonial Lucayan enclave, control. possibly a provincial chiefdom to one of the The frequency and volume of pottery larger Hispaniolan Taíno chiefdoms from sites is greater than from the earlier (Keegan 2007, Keegan et al. 1998). Las period. Pottery is thicker, vessel sizes Casas noted that Caonabó, the fifteenth increase, and twilled and wicker basketry- century Taíno cacique of Maguana, was impressions appear on the bases of some born in the Bahamas and Keegan (2007) has griddles and the lower portion of bowls suggested that MC-6 (on Middle Caicos), (Berman 2011b). Experimental work replete with a plaza, a central court, suggests that the impressions, which often astronomical alignments, earthen exhibit complex forms, were purposefully embankments, and a road system leading to executed (Berman and Hutcheson 2000; a salt pond (Sullivan 1981) may have been Hutcheson 2001, this volume). Basketry- his birthplace. The site may also have impressed pottery is a uniquely Lucayan functioned as a “port-of-trade” where local tradition, found primarily in the southern goods such as salt, salted fish and conch, and central Bahamas and Turks & Caicos. cotton, parrots, and other items were The intricate woven designs most likely exported to Hispaniola in exchange for non- possess symbolic meanings and recent local goods and Taíno succession rights. The findings indicate inter-and intra-island Lucayans reoccupied other sites, which were differences in weaves (Hutcheson 2011). once Meillacan outposts mainly on Middle

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Ceramic variation is not well ceramics (and possibly basketry) to create understood because archaeologists have and maintain social boundaries, build tended to lump all locally made pottery from alliances, and assert territorial ownership of this time period into one category, Palmetto farmlands, fishing areas, and/or sacred areas. ware (Hoffman 1970; Sears and Sullivan Because of the spatial correspondence of the 1978). Re-examination of written reports three pottery zones to the archipelago’s three and analyses of excavated materials climate/vegetation zones (sensu Sears and (Berman 2011a) confirm that there are three Sullivan 1978), Berman (2011b) suggests ceramic sub-zones as suggested by that cultural identity was intimately tied to Granberry (1955, 1956). In the northern space and place. Colonization histories and Bahamas (the Pine Islands), Abaco Red inter-island competition for resources and ware dominates. Palmetto plain ware occurs expansion particularly after A.D. 1100 may in lesser amounts, and only trace amounts of have been motivating factors in the creation its decorated variants (Sears and Sullivan of distinct expressions of regional Lucayan 1978) are present. Decorative treatment identity, at least in the central and northern consists largely of parallel and cross-hatched islands, which does not appear to have been designs (Berman 2011b; Berman et al. 2006; ruled directly from Hispaniola, as observed Granberry and Winter 1995; Vernon 2007) in the Turks & Caicos. similar to late Meillacan ceramics found Like the earlier peoples who settled contemporaneously in north-central Cuba the archipelago, the late Lucayans were (Valcárcel Rojas et al. 1996). In the central horticultural fisher-collectors. Fish and Bahamas, Plain Palmetto ware dominates. shellfish were procured from reefs and Surface decoration, characterized by rim offshore waters in close site proximity points, sigmoid and incised sigmoid (Newsom and Wing 2004). A focus on appliqué, and occasional cross-hatched and parrotfish characterizes early and late parallel incision, is rare. Bate (2011) also Lucayan fishing patterns on San Salvador found Abaco Red and Crooked Island wares (Newsom and Wing 2004). Wooden fish in the Long Bay site (San Salvador) ceramic hooks, shell spear points, wooden fids, and assemblage; we believe they exist in other charred Piscidia sp.(Berman 2000; Berman Late Lucayan assemblages. In the Turks & and Pearsall 2011; Granberry 1955; Keegan Caicos, Palmetto ware and its variants are 1992; Keegan and Carlson 2008) provide the dominant pottery; typological variation direct technological evidence for a variety of has been overlooked here, as elsewhere. procurement methods that include hook and Decorated locally produced sherds reflect line, nets, basket traps, spears, bows and late Meillacan and Chican Ostionoid arrows, weirs, harpoons, and possibly fish influence reinforcing the notion that the poison. Several species of fresh water and Turks & Caicos were part of a Taíno polity sea turtle were also actively exploited (Blick with close ethnic and social connections to et al. 2006; Newsom and Wing 2004; O’Day Hispaniola. 2002). The Lucayans also gathered a wide The ceramics suggest that the range of near-shore and inter-tidal mollusks Lucayans participated in different Antillean such as conch, West Indian topsnail, and interaction spheres: the northern islands with nerites. Late Lucayan sites typically contain northern Cuba, the central islands and the large amounts of Codakia sp. not observed Inaguas with northern Cuba and Hispaniola, in such great quantities at earlier sites. and the Turks & Caicos with Hispaniola and Crocodiles, which were consumed (Keegan eastern Cuba. The Lucayans used their 1992), may have also served as mortuary

157 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas accompaniments (Carr et al. 2006) and for corn and manioc, cf. Calathea latifolia wooden and shell figurines depicting (lleren) starch grains have been recovered crocodiles (Berman 2000; Vernon 2007) from microliths from the North Storr’s Lake suggest they figured significantly into and the Long Bay sites, a phytolith Lucayan life. A few sites have yielded belonging to the Marantaceae family was remains of iguanas and hutías and dog identified on a microlith from the Long Bay remains were found at a site in the Turks site (Berman et al. 2012), wild and and Caicos (Newsom and Wing 2004). domesticated tree fruits were recovered from Oviedo y Valdéz (1959) noted that the Taíno a cave site on San Salvador (Winter et al. regarded iguanas and sea turtles as prestige 1999), and wild tree fruits have been found foods that the elite distributed at ceremonial from the Deadman’s Reef site (Grand feasts (Keegan 2007:179). Birds contributed Bahama) (Berman and Pearsall 2011). These little to the diet (Newsom and Wing 2004; finds are the only existing evidence for late Whyte et al. 2005), but some birds may have Lucayan plant consumption. been captured for their plumage and Like their early Lucayan mythical significance. Fish and other meats predecessors, the late Lucayans used shell were roasted on above- ground frames and limestone hoes to clear fields, and shell known as barbacoa, while fish, hutía, adzes and axes and fire to fell trees and clear iguana, vegetables, and invertebrates were vegetation. It is not known whether the likely cooked in a pepper pot stew. basalt axes found at many late Lucayan sites Throughout the occupation of the were used to fell trees, nor do we know what archipelago, beginning with the Ostionoid purpose the small hand-held greenstone presence, a common practice for cooking petaloid axes served. sea turtles was to roast them on their backs Prepared fields were located in inter- in a hearth. dune swales. Inter-island differences exist in It is argued that the Lucayans grew the choice of fuel woods, probably due to the same crops as the Hispaniolan Taíno differences in floristic environments (Keegan 1997), although only a few of these (Berman and Pearsall 2011). It is plants have been recovered from late hypothesized that the late Lucayans also Lucayan sites. In his diario, Columbus cultivated herbs, fruit trees, medicinal and describes what is believed to be maize and pigment plants, and other crops in house maize (Dunn and Kelley 1989). Maize gardens and sinkholes. starch grains have been found on chert Stable isotope and osteological microliths from the Long Bay site (Berman studies have also contributed to a et al. 2011), while carbonized maize kernels generalized understanding of the Lucayan radiocarbon dated to cal. A.D. 1460-1650 diet (Keegan and DeNiro 1988, Pateman (two sigma) were excavated from the Pigeon 2007, Stokes 1998). While much progress in Creek site dune 1 midden (Berman et al. dietary reconstruction from fauna has been 2012), and a corn cob dating to the mid- made for this time period, most fifteenth century was recovered from zooarchaeological studies focus on Preacher’s Cave (Eleuthera) (Carr et al. procurement technology and habitat (Wing 2006). Manioc starch grains have been and Reitz 1982; Newsom and Wing 2004). found on microliths from the North Storr’s Only a few investigators have examined Lake site (San Salvador) (Berman et al. quantitative methods (Whyte et al. 2005) or 2012). Besides the previously mentioned temporal variation. Blick (2007) found a starch grain and macrobotanical evidence reduction in number, size, and weights of

158 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas land crabs, parrotfish, grouper, West Indian engravings) are the dominant form; only a topsnail, and chiton from the tenth through few petrographs (rock paintings) are known. the fifteenth centuries at the Minnis-Ward Rock art depictions are primarily site, which he attributes to overexploitation anthropomorphic; there are only a few associated with population growth. With the known zoomorphic and geometric decline in the amounts, kinds, and sizes of representations and only a handful of protein sources, what coping strategies did realistic images have been recorded. A the Lucayans implement; were lower-ranked canoe paddle from Hartford Cave, Rum Cay, species substituted (Keegan 1992) or other is the most widely known example (Winter dietary shifts implemented? Was there 2009). intensification in plant production or inter- Regional differences in the types of island food exchanges? These and other images and stylistic renderings suggest that questions such as the impact of decreased rock art, much like Lucayan ceramics and sea surface temperatures associated with the basketry, was closely tied to identity and onset of the Little Ice Age (A.D. 1300) on that the caves in which it is found may have fisheries and the timing of local extinctions served as territorial or ethnic signposts and of terrestrial fauna need to be investigated boundaries. In the central Bahamas, the further. Moreover, in order to fully address dominant image is a human head, which is these issues, the study of the botanical believed to represent ancestors, spirit remains must be expanded and macro-and helpers, or masked dancers (Roe micro-botanical recovery techniques and 2009;Winter 2009). These representations residue analyses applied to the findings. consist largely of disembodied figures— Studies from the Early Lucayan period faces without bodies, or faces with the upper indicate that a multi-pronged approach is half of their bodies. In contrast, all but one necessary to recover botanical data (Berman of the Jacksonville Cave () and Pearsall 2008). Such research can also figures possesses appendages (de Booy inform on the environment and other forms 1912). of plant use. Finally, little attention has been Hartford Cave contains the largest paid to the symbolic meanings of particular number of images in the archipelago and foods, food preparation techniques (such as here images occur in zoned clusters (Nuňez butchering and cooking practices), and the Jiménez 1997). One particularly graphic role of food in the political economy (see grouping consists of 13 petroglyphs: a O’Day 2002 and Keegan 2007 for swaddled image that appears to be giving exceptions). birth, a set of images in which one individual appears to be crying adjacent to a Rock Art headless woman lying in a birthing position holding her head in her left hand, and a Rock art is found on East Caicos, series of faces, some of which appear to be Crooked Island, Rum Cay, and San Salvador masked or wearing costumes. In the in a variety of cave types (Hoffman 1973; Jacksonville Cave scene, one individual, Nuňez Jiménez 1997; Winter 1993, 2009). who looks like he is wearing an owl mask, New Providence is the only northern island bears a spear or dance wand. Another wears to have yielded a rock art site. Of course, a cap similar to those associated with highly this does not mean that rock art sites on ranked Taíno individuals. Another wears a other islands don’t exist—they just have not bracelet, perhaps a wrist rattle. The scene yet been found. Petroglyphs (rock appears to depict a dance ceremony

159 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas composed of at least one shaman and a local of only certain individuals. Furthermore, leader. why were some individuals buried in caves There are numerous interpretive and some in blueholes? challenges to understanding Lucayan rock Most human remains and their art, but an initial starting point is to treat the accompanying grave goods have been images as parts of scenes in which they recovered from dry caves, but due to human occur. Of course, this is not always possible, and animal disturbance, they are since the images may not be fragmentary and context is tentative. While contemporaneous and some sites contain skeletal remains and mortuary only one image. Like all rock art, Lucayan accompaniments from submerged contexts representations are laden with metaphors tend to be better preserved, they are difficult that have layered meanings. Dualistic to excavate, require specially trained concepts such as life and death and young underwater archaeologists, and need and old, typical of Antillean imagery in expensive conservation once they are other media, populate the cave rock removed. surfaces. Other oppositions are likely A series of findings suggest that present but not understood. Caves with rock individuals with special statuses were buried art can be conceived as “story walls,” where in these contexts and that rituals unique to visual references to myths, stories, or real their social positions may have occurred historical events were retold, perhaps there. A small canoe, part of the Stargate through ceremonies. According to Keegan blue hole (Andros) burial assemblage, is and Carlson (2007), caves were “sanctuaries believed to have served a ritual purpose for ritual purposes” and along with burial since it is too small for regular inter-island caves, served as entry points to the travel (Callaghan and Schwabe 2001; subterranean world. Consequently, images Palmer 1997). The individuals found in this indicating motion and flight represented by space may have been ceremonially interred. bats, owls, and individuals wearing feather Three burials from Preacher’s Cave headdresses figure significantly. The (Eleuthera) possess unique mortuary Hartford Cave paddle may signify migration treatments (Schaffer et al. 2010). Two late stories (Winter 2009). Lucayan individuals, one male, one female were each wrapped in a twilled mat. The Mortuary Variability male, aged 25-30 years old, was buried with an Atlantic trumpet triton in front of his Human burials are known from thorax, parts of a sea turtle at his foot, and throughout the archipelago (Keegan 1992; 29 sunrise tellina shells, a clump of red Pateman 2007). Lucayan burials are ochre, and a fish bone scarifier behind his confined to dry caves, blueholes, and caves shoulders. Each of these objects is with direct connections to water. This burial symbolically significant; taken as a whole pattern contrasts with Cuba, where large they suggest that the individual may have cemeteries are located in or adjacent to been a shaman, someone who possessed villages. As symbolically-charged spaces special powers or position. Another burial, that figure significantly into pan-Antillean which dates to the early Lucayan period, mythology, it is not surprising that presents another enigmatic scenario. This Bahamian caves and blue holes served as 20-25 year old male was wrapped in cordage burial sites; the question remains as to and buried face down with his hands crossed whether caves were exclusive to the burial in front of this waist. His lower legs and

160 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas skull had been removed purposefully, landfall and encounter with the Lucayans on although there was no sign of decapitation. Guanahaní, the Bahama islands are rarely Schaffer et al. (2012) have noted a cross- mentioned in historical accounts and only cultural pattern in whereby individuals who appear in texts referencing Spanish have been buried in this manner (face-down) exploration and slaving operations may have been individuals who deviated (Gnivecki 1995; Granberry 1979-1981; from social norms. Hoffman 1990). Material evidence for Finally, some dry caves have yielded Spanish presence in the Bahama archipelago sherds, animal and plant remains, and comes from a number of islands: wooden bowls. Such materials are earthenware sherds (Acklins Island, associated with feeding the deceased as they Conception Island, Cotton Cay, the Exumas, journeyed to the next place (Granberry Long Island, Samana Cay, San Salvador); 1955; Pateman 2007; Winter et al. 1999). majolica (San Salvador), metal artifacts (San We do not know if inclusion of such items is Salvador, Middle Caicos); and glass beads proof that the individuals in these caves held (San Salvador) (Bate 2011; Hoffman unique statuses, as too few burials have been 1987a,b; Keegan 1992; Sinelli 2010; excavated to provide a comparative Sullivan 1981). Bones of Norwegian rats perspective. have been found at MC-32 (Middle Caicos). Burial data also contributes to our suggesting that boats carrying these rodents understanding of Lucayan health, fitness, may have anchored in the area. Spanish diet, and body aesthetics. According to shipwreck sites offer additional evidence for Pateman (2007), the age of death for most Spanish presence in the area. The St. John’s individuals occurred between 21-40, wreck found off of Grand Bahama (pre- followed closely by individuals aged 41-60. 1550) included an iron conquistador’s Pathologies include degenerative diseases helmet (c. 1520-30), seven iron versos, three and metabolic disorders such as barbardettas, and olive jars (Marken osteophytosis, arthritis, Scmorl’s modes, and 1994:16; 52-57). In 1500, two of Vincente healed fractures. Many individuals possess Yáñez Pinzón’s ships were lost due to a periodontis and carious lesions attributed to hurricane; two remaining ships were a diet rich in starch and sugars (Pateman damaged (Lemos 1998b:549). The Highborn 2007; Schaffer et al. 2012). Individuals often Cay (Exumas) and the Molasses Reef show evidence for cranial (frontal) wrecks (West Caicos Bank) may have been flattening. salvaged by the Lucayans (Lemos 1998a:38- 41; Smith 1998:31-33). The Molasses Reef Lucayan Depopulation wreck contained a pair of iron leg manacles suggesting that it might have been involved Most historians believe that the in slaving (Smith 1998:32). Bahama archipelago was depopulated as Las Casas (1951) and Oviedo y early as 1513 or 1520, but a growing body Valdés (1959) provide ethnographic of radiocarbon evidence suggests that descriptions of the enslaved Lucayans of Lucayan sites lasted into at least the first Hispaniola and Cuba. These accounts offer third or mid 1500s (Berman 2011:Table 1; insights into Lucayan lifeways, although Blick, this volume). Sinelli (2010) has they were recorded after the Lucayans had suggested that the Lucayans who lived on been removed from their homelands and some of the Turks & Caicos islands survived may depict beliefs and practices that reflect into the 1600s. After Columbus’s 1492 cultural displacement rather than indigenous

161 The 14th Symposium on the Natural History of the Bahamas ways. The accounts of the Lucayans in the zooarchaeological analysis on each of the Pearl Islands reflect the egregious conditions islands can bring us closer to a more in- under which they lived, worked, and died. formed understanding of inter-and intra- Lacking from the historical and island social, political and cultural relation- archaeological records is evidence for ships, variability in Lucayan material, social, Lucayan resistance to Spanish enslavement. political, and economic life, and early It is hard to believe that once the Lucayans Lucayan-Spanish encounters. learned what the Spanish were up to, they willingly allowed themselves to be captured ACKNOWLEDGMENTS and enslaved. In fact, there are several accounts in the Columbus diario of escape This work would not have been pos- attempts by Lucayan captives who traveled sible without the generous philosophical and with Columbus and his men to Cuba and logistical support of Dr. Donald T. and Mrs. Hispaniola (Dunn and Kelley 1989). Sites Kathy Gerace, Michael P. Pateman of the reflecting Lucayan flight and acts of Antiquities, Museums, and Monuments maronage may likely be located deep in the Corporation, and Dr. D. Gail Saunders, for- interior of the island and in inaccessible mer director of the Bahamas Archives, We caves. extend a profound thank you to the people of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas who CONCLUSIONS have served as generous hosts to Mary Jane Berman and Perry L. Gnivecki, since De- While advances in archaeological cember 1982. This overview is only a small method and theory of the last 15-20 years measure of our gratitude and appreciation have contributed significantly to what we for their generosity. now know about Lucayan history, numerous unanswered questions remain. These in- LITERATURE CITED clude, but are not exclusive to: explanations about the role of exotic artifacts in local and Bate, E. 2011. Technology and Spanish regional political economics, the signifi- Contact: analysis of artifacts from cance of the early human remains on the the Long Bay site, San Salvador northern islands, the colonization history for Island, The Bahamas. Unpublished each of the islands—were they settled per- Ph.D. dissertation. Department of manently in a linear manner or were some Anthropology, Indiana University, islands bypassed, evidence for Archaic Age Bloomington, 395 pp. visits or colonization, the socio-political re- lationship of the Lucayans who inhabited the Berman, M.J. 1993. Preliminary report on a northern islands with Cuba, Hispaniola, the vertebrate assemblage excavated rest of the archipelago, intra-island socio- from the Three Dog site, San political relationships, Lucayan religious Salvador. Pp. 5-13 in Kass, L.B, ed., belief and practice (and how it resembled or Proceedings of the 5th Symposium of differed from Taíno religious thought and the Natural History of the Bahamas. practice), and the role of rock art in Lucayan Bahamian Field Station, San memory systems. Additionally, no Lucayan Salvador, Bahamas. residential structure has been excavated ful- ly. Extensive excavations accompanied by fine-grained paleoethnobotanical and

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2000. Wooden artifacts from 2008. At the crossroads: starch grain the Deadman’s Reef site (GB-4), and phytolith analyses in Lucayan Grand Bahama, Commonwealth of prehistory. Latin American Antiquity the Bahamas. Report of the 19:181-203. Investigation to the National Geographic Society, Scientific 2011. Lucayan woodways: adding Research Grant 6374-98. On file more fuel to the fire. Ms.on file with with the National Geographic Mary Jane Berman. Society and ms. in possession of author. Berman, M.J., V. Hess, and E. Kahle. 2006. Palmetto Ware: Where Art Thou? 2011a. Good as gold: the Paper presented at the 71st Annual aesthetic brilliance of the Lucayans. Meeting of the Society for American Pp. 104-134 in Curet, L.A. and M.W. Archaeology, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Hauser, M., eds., Islands at the Crossroads: Migration, Berman, M.J., D.M. Pearsall, and A. S. Seafaring,and Interaction in the Middleton. 2012. Crop dispersal and Caribbean, University of Alabama Lucayan tool use in the central Ba- Press, Tuscaloosa. hamas: evidence from starch grain, phytolith, macrobotanical, and arti- 2011b. Lucayan ceramics. facts studies. Manuscript on file with Unpublished ms. in possession of Mary Jane Berman. author. Berman, M.J., A.K. Sievert, and T.W. Berman, M.J, and P.L. Gnivecki. 1995. The Whyte. 1999. Form and function of colonization of the Bahama bipolar artifacts from the Three Dog archipelago: a reappraisal. World Site, San Salvador, Bahamas. Latin Archaeology 26:421-441. American Antiquity 10: 415- 432.

Berman, M.J., and C.D. Hutcheson. 2000. Blick, J.P. 2007. Pre-Columbian impact on Impressions of a lost technology: a terrestrial, intertidal, and marine study of Lucayan Taíno basketry. resources, San Salvador, Bahamas Journal of Field Archaeology (A.D. 950-1500). Journal for Nature 27:417-435. Conservation 15:174-183.

Berman, M.J. and D.M. Pearsall. 2000. Blick, J.P. and A. Bovee. 2007. Systematic Plants, people, and culture in the shovel testing at the Minnis-Ward prehistoric central Bahamas: a view site (SS3), San Salvador, Bahamas: from the Three Dog site, an early archaeological evidence for Lucayan settlement on San Salvador Precolumbian households and village island, Bahamas. Latin American spatial patterning. Pp. 130-139 in Antiquity 11:219-239. Rathcke, B.J. and W.K. Hayes. ed., Proceedings of the Eleventh Sympo- sium on the Natural History of the Bahamas. Gerace Research Centre, San Salvador, Bahamas.

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Slayton, I.A. 2010. A vegetation history Tabio, E., and J.M. Guarch. 1966. from Emerald Pond, Great Abaco Excavaciones en Arroyo del Palo, Island, The Bahamas, based on Mayari, Cuba. Departamento de An- pollen analysis. Unpublished M.S. tropologia, Academia de Ciencias de Thesis, University of Tennessee, Cuba, La Habana. Knoxville, 85 pp. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradth Valcárcel Rojas, R., J.C., Agüero es/832 (accessed February 14, 2011). Hernández, E. Guarch Rodríguez, and R. Pedroso. 1996. La ornamen- Smith, R.C. 1998. Underwater archaeology. tación incisa en la cerámica aborigen Pp. 30-64 in Bedini, S.A., ed. Chris- del centro-norte de Holguín, Cuba. topher Columbus and the Age of Ex- El Caribe Arqueológico 1:46-58. ploration: An Encyclopedia, Da Ca- po Press, New York. Vernon, N. 2007. Investigations at the Clifton site: a specialized Lucayan Steadman, D. W., R. Franz, G.S. Morgan, site on New Providence Island, The N.A. Albury, B. Kakuk, K. Broad, Bahamas. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, S.E. Franz, K. Tinker, M.P. Pateman, Department of Anthropology, T.A. Lott, D.M. Jarzen, and D.L. University of Florida, Gainesville, Dilcher. 2007. Exceptionally well Florida, 50 pp. preserved late Quaternary plant and vertebrate fossils from a blue hole on Watts, D. 1987. The West Indies: Patterns of Abaco, The Bahamas. Proceedings Development, Culture and Environ- of the National Academy of Science mental Change Since 1492. Cam- of the of America, bridge University Press, Cambridge, 104:19897–19902. England.

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Whyte, T.R., M. J. Berman, and P.L. 2009. Rock art within the Bahamian Gnivecki. 2005.Vertebrate archipelago. Pp. 13-21 in Hayward, archaeofaunal remains from the Pi- M., Atkinson, L.G., and Cinquino, geon Creek site, San Salvador, The M.A., eds., Rock Art of the Bahamas. Pp. 166-178 in Buckner, Caribbean. University of Alabama S.D. and McGrath, T.A. Proceedings Press, Tuscaloosa. of the Tenth Symposium on the Natu- ral History of the Bahamas. Gerace Winter, J.H., E.Wing, and L.A. Newsom. Research Centre, San Salvador, Ba- 1999. A Lucayan funeral offering. hamas. Pp. 197-219 in Winter, J.H., ed., Proceedings of the Seventeenth Wing, E. S., and E. J. Reitz. 1981. International Congress of the Prehistoric fishing communities of International Association for the Caribbean. Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Nassau, Archaeology 5:13-32. Bahamas. Molloy College, Rockville Centre, New York. Winter, J. H. 1978a. Preliminary Work from the McKay Site on Crooked Is- land. Pp. 237-244 in Benoist, J., Mayer, F.M., and Crosnier, E., eds., Proceedings of the Seventh Interna- tional Congress for the Study of Pre- Columbian Cultures of the Lesser Antilles, Centre De Recherches Caraïbes, Université de Montréal, Montreal.

1978b. The Clifton Pier Rockshelter, New Providence, Ba- hamas. Journal of the Virgin Is- lands Archaeological Society 6:45- 48.

1993. Petroglyphs of the Bahamas. Pp. 672-680 in Cummins, A., and P. King, eds., Proceedings of the Fourteenth Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados.

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Table 1 Non-local ceramic frequency by island

Island or Period Island Group Site Number Site Name Closest Island Radiocarbon Date References

Antillean Expansion- Ostionoid

Turks & Caicos GT-3 Coralie Grand Turk cal A.D. 705-1170 Keegan 1997: 21; Carlson and Keegan 2004: 89 Antillean Expansion- Meillacoid Turks & Caicos Pelican Bay Middle Caicos cal A.D. 980-1180 (cal. A.D. 1050) Sinelli 2010: 458, 464 (two sigma) MC-8 Plantation Middle Caicos No reliable radiocarbon Sinelli 2001 dates were secured MC-10 Kendrick Middle Caicos cal. A.D. 1020-1040 Sinelli 2001: 91-92, 164 (two sigma) (cal. 1160 intercept), Spud South Caicos cal. A.D. 1030-1220 Sinelli 2010: 457, 459, 460, 461 (cal. A.D. 1160 intercept), cal. A.D. 1260-1320, cal. A.D. 1350-1390, (cal. 1290 intercept), cal. A.D. 1290-1429 (cal. A.D. 1320, 1350, 1390) (two sigma) Middleton Cay South Caicos cal. A.D. 1040-1260 Sinelli 2010: 457, 462 (cal. A.D. 1160 intercept) (two sigma) GT-2 Governour’s Grand Turk cal. A.D. 1020-1290 Keegan 1991: 14; Beach (cal A.D. 1221 intercept), Carlson and Keegan 2004: 89 cal. 1047-1280 (cal. A.D. 1225 intercept), cal. A.D. 1120-1330 (cal. A.D. 1262 intercept), cal. A.D. 1250-1410 (cal. A.D. 1307 intercept), (two sigma) Gibbs Cay Grand Turk cal A.D. 1170-1280 Sinelli 2010: 467-468 (cal. A.D. 1260) (two sigma) GT-4 Corktree Beach Grand Turk cal. A.D. 1270-1320, 1350-1390 Carlson 2010: 13 cal. A.D. 1280-1490 (two sigma)

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Period Island Group Site Number Site Name Closest Island Radiocarbon Date References

Early Lucayan

Central Bahamas SS-21 Three Dog San Salvador cal A.D. 600-950 Berman and Gnivecki 1995: 430 (cal. A.D. 685 intercept), cal. A.D. 650-1020 (cal. A.D. 812, 847, 852 intercept), cal. A.D. 680-1010 (cal. A.D. 883 intercept), cal. A.D. 790-1030 (cal. A.D. 972 intercept), cal. A.D. 828-1157 (cal. A.D. 991 intercept) (two sigma) SS-1 Pigeon Creek San Salvador cal. A.D. 895-1170 Berman and Hutcheson 2000: Dune 2 (cal. A.D. 1015 intercept) (two sigma) Table 2, 421 Northern Bahamas NP-12 Pink Wall New Providence cal. A.D. 850-1145 (two sigma) Bohon 1999: 33, 70

Late Lucayan

Turks & Caicos MC-12 Middle Caicos cal. A.D. 1040; cal. A.D. 1230-1256 Keegan 1997: 56; 2007: 138 cal A.D. 1282 cal. A.D. 1142-1422 (two sigma)

MC-32 Middle Caicos cal. A.D. 1284 Keegan 1997: 56 MC-6 Middle Caicos uncal. A.D. 1437+/-70 Keegan 2007: 142 Middleton Cay South Caicos cal. A.D. 1350-1390 Sinelli 2010: 457, 462, 463 Southern Bahamas GI-3 Great Inagua cal. A.D. 1320-1510 Keegan 1993: 34-35 (cal. 1433 intercept) (two sigma)

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Period Island Group Site Number Site Name Closest Island Radiocarbon Date References

Central Bahamas McKay Crooked Island A.D. 1240 +/-65 (uncal. one sigma) Winter 1978: 238-239 A.D. 1260+/75 (uncal. one sigma) AC-14 Delectable Bay Acklins Island no chronometric dates Keegan 1984 SS-4 North Storrs Lake San Salvador cal. A.D. 1065-1075 and Delvaux, personal cal. A.D. 1155-1275 communication, 2009; (cal. A.D. 1220 intercept), Delvaux et al. 2009 cal. A.D. 1065-1075 and cal. A.D. 1155-1295 (cal. A.D. 1250 intercept), cal. A.D. 1400-1515 and cal. A.D. 1585-1625 (cal. A.D. 1435 intercept), cal A.D. 1430-1670 (cal. A.D. 1515, 1585, 1625 intercept) (two sigma)1 SS-2 Palmetto Grove San Salvador cal. A.D. 1280-1460 Berman and Gnivecki 1995: 429 (cal A.D. 1410 intercept), cal. A.D. 1430 -1654 (cal. A.D. 1483 intercept) (two sigma) SS-1 Pigeon Creek San Salvador cal. A.D. 1435-1635 Berman and Hutcheson 2000: Dune 1 (cal. A.D. 1480 intercept) Table 3, 422; (two sigma)2 cal A.D. 1460-1650 Berman et al. 2012 (cal. A.D. 1520, 1580, 1630) (two sigma)* SS-9 Long Bay San Salvador late fifteenth-early sixteenth Hoffman 1987a, b centuries (no radiocarbon dates, artifacts) Northern Bahamas Clifton Pier New Providence uncal. A.D. 1090-1200, Winter 1978 A.D. 1145+/-55 NP-13 Alexandra New Providence cal. A.D. 990-1270, cal. A.D. 1035-1305, Vernon 2007: 20 cal. A.D. 1055-1300, cal. A.D. 1065-1305, cal. A.D. 1170-1405, cal. A.D. 1190-1395 cal. A.D. 1205-1400, cal. 1225-1425, cal. 1240-1420, cal. 1315-1450 (two sigma) NP-14 Flipper New Providence cal. A.D. 805-1050, cal. A.D. 1040-1290 Vernon 2007: 20 cal. A.D. 1160-1300, cal. 1215-1405, cal. A.D. 1250-1425, cal. A.D. 1280-1405, cal. A.D. 1325-1500, cal. A.D. 1335-1515, (two sigma) NP-15 Clifton New Providence NP-13 and NP-14, one site Vernon 2007 GB-4 Deadman’s Reef Grand Bahama cal. A.D. 1400-1485 (two sigma) Berman and Hutcheson 2000

1 The site also yielded earlier dates, cal. A.D. 855-1000 (cal. A.D. 905, 920, 950 intercept) (two sigma) (Delvaux, personal communication 2009) 2 Richard Rose (1987: 331) has published uncalibrated dates from the Pigeon Creek dune 1 site: A.D. 1050-1170, A.D. 1090-1230, A.D. 1260-1400, A.D. 1280- 1460, A.D. 1350-1470, 1400-1540 (two sigma) *Carbonized maize kernels

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