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Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M
McNair Scholars Journal Volume 9 | Issue 1 Article 10 2005 Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M. Jacques Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Jacques, Rachel M. (2005) "Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol9/iss1/10 Copyright © 2005 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol9%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Resistance to U.S. economic hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Abstract Introduction Recent years have seen increasing opposition On April 11, 2002, a group of to U.S. political and economic influence in senior military officers stormed the Latin America. Venezuela is a key player in presidential palace in Caracas, the the South American economy. This project capital of Venezuela. They ousted the researches the country’s history from the leftist president, Hugo Chávez, and 1950s to the present and the role of the replaced him with the more conservative U.S. in its formation. Through political Pedro Carmona. The coup had the economy, this study asks if recent political support of the business community, changes are due to the effects of U.S. policies the upper classes, the mass media, and in Venezuela. The research examines tacit support from the U.S.; however, the relationship between the two nations the de-facto government was short and the development models proposed lived (Cooper, 2002; Hellinger, 2003; by the Chávez government. -
An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-Government Protests in Venezuela
Framing Rebellion: An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-government Protests in Venezuela A Research Paper presented by: Melanie Hughes Scotland, U.K. in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Major: Social Justice Perspectives (SJP) Specialisation: Peace & Conflict Studies Members of the Examining Committee: Dubravka Zarkov & Silke Heumann The Hague, The Netherlands, Sept. 2014 ii List of Acronyms ISS Institute of Social Studies NYT The New York Times; also referred to as the Times IMF International Monetary Fund WB World Bank IDB International Development Bank iii Acknowledgements I would like to extend a gargantuan thanks to my supervisor, Dubravka Zarkov, for her continual support and for her valuable insights into conflict in contemporary society. I would also like to express my appreciation for her sol- idarity and for keeping my extensive use of descriptive adjectives in check. I would also like to thank Silke Heumann for her reference material, which I had difficulty incorporating due to length and time constraints. iv Abstract This research explores how the mainstream news media outlet, the New York Times framed the 2014 anti-government protests in Venezuela, which erupted online in February, 2014. A content analysis revealed that the domi- nant narrative disseminated by the New York Times conveyed the misleading impression that Venezuela was yet another nation ripe for democratic revolu- tion, poised to overthrow a violently repressive regime. The Venezuelan anti- government protest(or)s were overwhelmingly framed in terms of state repression of peaceful protes(or)s, which masked their underlying causes. -
US and Venezuelan Presidential Masculinities in the First Decade of the ‘War on Terror’
US and Venezuelan Presidential Masculinities in the First Decade of the ‘War on Terror’ Emma Cannen Bachelor of Arts Communication Social Inquiry/Bachelor of Arts International Studies (First Class Honours) 2013 Doctoral Thesis in Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology, Sydney Certificate of Authorship / Originality I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and in the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. Signature of student: Date: i Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisors Dr. Christina Ho and Dr. Paul Allatson. Without their generous encouragement, assistance and care, I would not have been able to complete this thesis. I could not have asked for better supervisors and became a better writer and thinker thanks to both of you. I would also like to thank Chris for initially encouraging me to embark on a PhD and always expressing faith in my abilities to see it through. And to Paul, I actually enjoyed the race to the finish line thanks to you. A big shout out to my fellow PhD students (and now good friends) for thesis chats, brainstorms and freak outs over drinks, gym sessions, emails and lunches. -
ORGANIZATION of AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Application filed with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights In the case of Luisiana Ríos et al. (Case 12.441) against the Republic of Venezuela DELEGATES: Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, Commissioner Santiago A. Canton, Executive Secretary Ignacio J. Álvarez, Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression ADVISERS: Elizabeth Abi-Mershed Débora Benchoam Lilly Ching Ariel E. Dulitzky Alejandra Gonza Silvia Serrano April 20, 2007 1889 F Street, N.W. Washington, D.C., 20006 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................... 1 II. PURPOSE................................................................................................................ 1 III. REPRESENTATION ................................................................................................... 3 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COURT........................................................ 3 V. PROCESSING BY THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ................................................ 3 VI. FACTS...................................................................................................................11 A. The political situation and the context of intimidation of media workers................11 B. The Radio Caracas Televisión (RCTV) Network and employees who are the victims in the instant case..............................................................................13 C. Statements by the President -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Historical Narratives of Denial of Racism And
Historical Narratives of Denial of Racism and the Impact of Hugo Chávez on Racial Discourse in Venezuela Valentina Cano Arcay DEVL 1970: Individual Research Project Prof. Keisha-Khan Perry December 19, 2019 Do not copy, cite, or distribute without permission of the author. / Cano Arcay 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION 3 Structure of the Capstone 10 PART I: NARRATIVES OF DENIAL OF RACISM THROUGHOUT VENEZUELAN HISTORY 11 "Mejorando la Raza": Racism through Miscegenation and Blanqueamiento 12 "Aquí no hay racismo, hay clasismo": The Separation of Race and Class 19 Comparison with the United States 23 Is this Denial True? Examining Forms of Racism in Venezuela 25 Language 26 Perceptions of Racism by Black Venezuelans 26 Media 30 PART II: HUGO CHÁVEZ AND RACIAL DISCOURSE 33 Hugo Chávez's Personal Background and Narrative 35 Policies 37 "El Pueblo" and President Chávez 40 Popular Support for President Chávez 41 The Opposition and President Chávez 42 Limitations and Backlash 43 How Does This All Negate the Historic Denial of Racism? 44 CONCLUSION 46 APPENDIX 50 BIBLIOGRAPHY 52 / Cano Arcay 3 INTRODUCTION On September 20, 2005, President of Venezuela Hugo Chávez Frías, in an interview with journalist Amy Goodman, stated that: "hate against me has a lot to do with racism. Because of my bemba (big mouth), because of my curly hair. And I'm so proud to have this mouth and hair because it's African" (Nzamba). In a country with legacies of slavery and colonialism, it seems evident that, throughout history, politicians would address the topic of racial discrimination. However, this comment by President Chávez was very uncommon for a Venezuelan politician. -
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 -
Universidad Catolica Andres Bello
UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA ANDRÉS BELLO FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y EDUCACIÓN ESCUELA DE COMUNICACIÓN SOCIAL MENCIÓN PERIODÍSMO “TRABAJO DE GRADO” GLOSARIO DE EVENTOS EN LA VENEZUELA CONTEMPORÁNEA ( POLÍTICA, ECONOMÍA Y DERECHO ) DESDE EL PACTO DE PUNTO FIJO HASTA EL 11 DE ABRIL REALIZADO POR LILIANA ERICHSEN. TUTOR FRANCISCO JAVIER PÉREZ. JUNIO 2005 FECHA CAPITULO I Rómulo Betancourt (1959-1964) “El tramo dictatorial que le correspondió a Pérez Jiménez, por él y sus acólitos calificado como Nuevo Ideal Nacional y algunas veces como como Gobierno de las Fuerzas Armadas Nacionales, se caracterizó por el predominio de tres ministerios, altamente “presupuestívoros”: Defensa, para el equipamiento de las FAN y las turbias operaciones en la compra de armas; Relaciones Interiores, para la seguridad del régimen, basada en la represión y el sostenimiento del aparato centralizado; y Obras Públicas, para cumplir con la premisa de la transformación del medio físico, privilegiada por los planes de urbanismo y vialidad. La corrupción en la cúpula político-militar se hizo pan de cada día, sepultando las promesas y el comportamiento de la Junta Revolucionaria de 1945-1948. (...)” Jesús Sanoja Hernández. [El Nacional, 60 Edición Aniversaria. 2003, agosto 02] “Yo soy un Presidente que ni renuncia ni lo renuncian”. Palabras de Betancourt, pronunciadas el 13 de Febrero, cuando celebra el tercer aniversario de gobierno, ante una multitud que se congrega en el mitin del Silencio. “Ni un día más, ni un día menos”. Esta frase de Betancourt, responde a que durante todo el tiempo que duró su gobierno, a los alzamientos militares le seguían las acciones guerrilleras, hasta el punto de que se creía que no llegaría al final de su mandato. -
Democracy in Venezuela
DEMOCRACY IN VENEZUELA HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF THE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 17, 2005 Serial No. 109–140 Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 24–600PDF WASHINGTON : 2006 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 21 2002 11:27 Jul 14, 2006 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\WH\111705\24600.000 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, HOWARD L. BERMAN, California Vice Chairman GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York DAN BURTON, Indiana ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American ELTON GALLEGLY, California Samoa ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey DANA ROHRABACHER, California ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey EDWARD R. ROYCE, California SHERROD BROWN, Ohio PETER T. KING, New York BRAD SHERMAN, California STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ROBERT WEXLER, Florida THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York RON PAUL, Texas WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts DARRELL ISSA, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York JEFF FLAKE, Arizona BARBARA LEE, California JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York MARK GREEN, Wisconsin EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon JERRY WELLER, Illinois SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada MIKE PENCE, Indiana GRACE F. -
Bringing the Judiciary Back In: an Analysis of the Impact of Executive-Judicial Relations on Democratic Institutional Stability in Venezuela
BRINGING THE JUDICIARY BACK IN: AN ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF EXECUTIVE-JUDICIAL RELATIONS ON DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONAL STABILITY IN VENEZUELA by Lesley Martina Burns B.A. (Honours), University of Guelph, 1999 M.A., University of Guelph, 2001 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Political Science) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) August 2009 © Lesley Martina Burns, 2009 ABSTRACT Using a method of process tracing based on in-depth elite interviews, this dissertation examines the relationship between presidentialism and the rule of law in Venezuela. It finds that the perils of presidentialism—minority government, coalitions, deadlock, term limits and fixed terms— lead to institutional instability when they interact with low rule of law. Institutional instability occurs when one branch of government threatens or attacks another. Instead of exploring regime level stability this dissertation argues that state level factors more accurately capture problems associated with democracy. Rather than focusing on executive- legislative relationships, as much of the literature does, I argue that the judiciary is an important determinant of democratic governance. This dissertation shows how an examination of executive-judicial relationships helps explain dynamics leading to institutional instability in presidential systems. Interviews revealed that institutional instability was associated with judicial non-independence in three periods of Venezuela’s democratic history. During the Punto Fijo era political parties supplanted state institutions that are necessary foundations for democracy; in the transition period the gravity of the problems of a non-independent judiciary became evident; and during the Bolivarian period, the interaction between a low rule of law and presidentialism led to institutional instability.