The Sufahä9 in Qur'än Literature: a Problem in Semiosis

The Sufahä9 in Qur'än Literature: A Problem in Semiosis

Ebrahim Moosa (Cape Town)

The linguists, whom one meets everywhere these days, explain that every transaction in our culture - our money and mathematics, our games and gar- dens, our diet and our sexuality - is a language; this, of course, is why one meets so many linguists these days. And languages, too, are simply invented systems of exchange, attempts to turn the word into the world, sign into value, script into currency, code into reality. Of course, everywhere,... there are the politicians and the priests, the ayatollahs and the economists, who will try to explain the reality is what they say it is. Never trust them; trust only the nov- elists, those deeper bankers who spend their time trying to turn pieces of printed paper into value, but never pretend that the result is anything more than a useful fiction. Of course we need them: for what, after all, is our life but a great dance in which we are all trying to fix the best going rate of exchange ...' Malcolm Bradbury, Rates of Exchange (London: Arena, 1983), 8. the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God, and the Word was God... But now we see through a glass darkly, and the truth, before it is revealed to all, face to face, we see in fragments (alas, how illegible) in the error of the world, so we must spell out its faithful signals even when they seem obscure to us and as if amalgamated with a will wholly bent on evil/ Umberto Eco, The Name of the Rose (London: Picador, 1983), 11.

Introduction

WHEN reading classical Muslim exegetes such as Ibn JaiTr al-Tabari (224/838-310/923) or Pakhr al-Dm al-Razi (544/1150-606/1209), it is difficult not to notice what Clifford Geertz had described as the 'refiguration of social thought.'*) This phenomenon noted by Geertz is something that per-

l) CLIFFORD GEERTZ, 'Blurred Genres: The Refiguration of Social Thought' in Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 19.

Der Islam Bd. 75, S. l - 27 ©Walter de Gruyter 1998 ISSN 0021-1818 2 Ebrahim Moosa sists and vigorously confronts the modern scholar of the Qur'än. Not only is the cultural map in terms of which we understand the revealed scripture re- drawn (thanks to spectacular advances in social-scientific thought especially linguistics and psychology), but there is an entire 'alteration of the principles of mapping/2) 'Something is happening to the way we think about the way we think/ says Geertz.3) A generation earlier, a similar point stated somewhat differently, was made by the Soviet language-philosopher and critic, Mikhail Mikhailovich Bakhtin (1895-1975). Bakhtin who made a major impact on modern language studies observed that in language the forces of dialogue struggle against the forces of monologue.4) The lastmentioned try to fix meaning and close the text. Intertexuality, where a chain of meanings extend well beyond the limits of a single text or a corpus of word- ings, allows for the articulation of other suppressed dimensions of the text. It is along these lines, that Fisher and Abedi asks: 'Can the poly semi c and nomadic meanings of a text such as the Qur'an overcome the unbewised efforts to reduce it to a monologic decree?55) French thinkers, like Jacques Derrida and Jacques Lacan, following the Swiss linguist de Saussure, gave a new impetus to our understanding of the workings of language. Language is not only a set of arbitrary and conventional signs but we cannot seem to "know anything outside the endless chain of substitutions that are signs.'6) In Derrida's words: 'from the moment that there is meaning there is nothing but signs. We think only in signs.'1) The end of the transcendental signifier threatens some of the most hallowed as- sumptions of logocentric modes of thinking.8) Logocentrism, that which is centered on the logos (speech, logic, reason, the Word of God), is any sig-

2) GEERTZ, op. cit., 20. 3) Ibid. 4) M. M. BAKHTIN, 'The Dialogic Imagination' in The Bakhtin Reader: Selected Writings of Bakhtin, Medvedev, Voloshinow, ed. Pain Norris (London: Edward Ar- nold, 1994), 75. 5) MICHAEL M. J. FISCHER & MEHDI ABEDI, Debating Muslims: Cultural Dia- logues in Postmodernity and Tradition, 148; see also ANDY RIPPIN, 'Reading the Qur'an with Richard Bell/ Journal of the American Oriental Society, 112 (4), 1992, 639-647,esp. 637. 6) G. DOUGLAS ATKINS, ReadingDecoristruction, Deconstructive Reading (Lexing- ton, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1983), 46; CARL RASCHKE, 'The Deconstruction of God/ Deconstruction and Theology, Thomas J. J. Altizer et al. (eds.) (New York: Crossroad, 1982), 7-8. 7) JACQUES DERRIDA, Of Grammatology, (trans.) Gayatri Chakravorti Spivak (Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 50. 8) ATKINS, op. cit., 40. The Sufahä* 3 nifiying system governed by the notion of self-presence of meaning; i.e., any system structured by a valorization of speech writing, immediacy over dis- tance, identity over difference, and (self-)presence over all forms of absence, ambiguity, simulation, substitution, or negativity9) Recent studies on the intellectual history of Islamic discourses show that there was a growing propensity towards logocentrism betweeen the first and fifth Islamic centuries.10) This was the result of a shift in the religious paradigm, where Islam graduated from being a minoritarian keryg- matic faith at first, into a triumphalist ethos of empire. The cultural production of Muslim intellectuals of that period was the main repository which reflected these socio-cultural changes. Since then logocentrism has dominated Islamic thought with very little challenge.11) As a matter of course, logocentrism reduces the political, anthropological, cultural deter- minants of language to a secondary importance in the general approach. Islamic discourses exhibit a longing for presence, for a constitutive reason (logos) and for an order of concepts claimed to exist in themselves, com-

9) Barbara Johnson, translator's note 1, in JACQUES DERRIDA'S, Dissemination (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 4. 10) A KEVIN REINHART, Before Revelation: The Boundaries of Muslim Moral Thought (Albany: State University of New York, 1995), 178. Reinhart only illustrates a scenario in intellectual history, but it is my interpretation that it was a move towards logocentrism. 11) For some works that challenge logocentrism see MOHAMMAD ARKOUN, Pour une critique de la raison islamique (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1984) and Essais sur lapensee islamique (Paris: Masonneuve et Larose, 1984); also see RICHARD MAR- TIN, 'Islamic Textuality in Light of Poststructuralist Criticism/ in A Way Prepared: Essays on Islamic Culture in Honor of Richard Bayly Winder (New York & London: New York University Press, 1988); "ÄDIL FAKHÜRI, TZra al-Dilalah einda *l-Arab: Di- räsah Muqaranah ma 9l-simya al-hadltha (Beirut: Dar al-Taliah li *l-Tiba'ah wa al- Nashr, 1985). It is interesting to note that the Japenese scholar of Islam, Toshihiko Izutsu, favoured aspects of Derridian deconstruction, but pointed out that as long as we used language we cannot get out of logocentric methaphysics. [T. IZUTSU and H. LANDOLT, 'Sufism, Mysticism, Structuralism: A Dialogue', in Religious Traditions, 7—9 (1984—86), 6.] Norris also admits that deconstruction cannot hope to break with the philosophical discourse of modernity, namely logocentric reason, or a metaphysics of presence. Only by working within that logocentric discourse, its constitutive aporias and blindspots can deconstruction effectively reveal what has been suppressed. [CHRISTOPHER NORRIS, Reconstruction, post-modernism & the visual arts/ in What is Deconstruction (New York/London: Academy Edition & St. Mar- tin's Press, 1988); also see G. DOUGL.AS ATKINS, 'The Sign as a Structure of Difference: Derridean Deconstruction and Some of its Implications,' in Semiotic Themes, Ri- chard T. de George (ed.) (Lawrence: University of Kansas Publications, 1981)]. 4 Ebrahim Moosa plete, self-referring and proper which regularly return to an origin or to a 'priority3. One of the unaccomplished tasks of scholarship is to provide an adequate account of the cultural imaginaire within which these ideas were constructed. In a critical 'close reading' of selective texts of Qur'an exegesis I wish to demonstrate that meanings of words change with the reconfiguration of social thought. For a genre of Qur'anic exegetical literature such as tafsir, it is important that we be in a position to map out and find out 'how' subtle shifts took place in the interpretive modes. To put it differently, we need know 'how' they mean.12) In order to demonstrate the process through which something functions as a sign to a perceptor-semiosis -13) I have examined selective exegetical passages where the word al-sufahal4:) and its derivatives occurred in the Qur'an. Translators and commentators of the Qur'an have not accounted for the play of meaning of this word and its transmission from one anthropological context to another. This word had a particular meaning and role in the early Arab humanist milieu where gender, age and status played a de- termining role. How this word was subsequently refigured in the social imagination of successive contexts in a subtle manner needs to be explained. The value of post-structuralist theories is that it enables one to demonstrate how character, community, motive, value, reason, social structure, in short everything that makes culture, is defined and made real performances of language. The search for meaning resides not so much in our knowledge of literary texts themselves, as in the way they are read and interpreted. As Foucault put it: 'To know must therefore be to interpret.'15) Semiotics and deconstruction allows one to view the interplay of signs and clusters of signs.16) In other words, semiotics asserts its controversial

12) RICHARD C. MARTIN, 'Structural Analysis and the Quran/ in Studies in Quran and Tafsir, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Thematic Issue, De- cember 1979, XLVII/4 S, Alford T. Welch (ed.), 669. 13) JASPAL SINGH, 'Problematics and Perspectives,' in Semiosis and Semiotics: Explorations in the Theory of Signs, Jaspal Singh (ed.) (Chandigarh: Lokayat Praka- shan, 1982), 12-28. 14) See SYED MUHAMMAD NAQUIB AL-ATTAS, A Commentary on Hujjat al-Siddlq of Nur al-Dln al-Ranlrl (Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports, 1986), 200-203 for a discussion on sufaha B.ndjahl. 15) MICHEL FOUCAULT, The Order of Things (New York: Vintage, 1973), 32. 16) ARTHUR ASA BERGER, 'Sign, Self and Society/ in The Semiotic Bridge: Trends from California, Irmengard Rauch & Gerald E Carr (eds.) (Berlin & New York. Mou- ton de Gruyter, 1989), 1—9; see Mohammed Arkoun, 'Current Islam Faces its Tradi- tion,' in Space for Freedom: The Search for Architectural Excellence in Muslim Socie- The Sufahä* 5 claim to be a meta-language, that allows the discussion of language, exegesis, religious thought, philosophy and anthropology to take place in a single system. It attempts to overcome the fragmentation between these various analytical actors and reassembles them under the rubric of the quest for meaning. The work of a semiotician thus, is to build models which may be capable of giving an account of the conditions in which meaning is produced. By authorizing meaning, itself a problem for deconstructionists, human beings express a will to power in an attempt to effect transformation.17) From being purely a system of referential tags, language becomes a type of social action when we superimpose hermeneutics on semiotics. The hermeneutic code reformulates new questions and answers. It poses an enigma to the narrative and then teases through the narrative actions until the enigma is resolved, in the structuralist sense, or decentered in the post- structualist sense. From a semiotic approach religious texts are taken as an amalgam of discourses, institutions and concrete social practices. Here the concern is an analysis of their signification. In the words of Eco: Texts generate or are capable of generating multiple (and ultimately infinite) readings and interpretations. It was agreed, for instance, by the later Barthes, by the recent Derrida, and by Kristeva, that signification is to be located exclusively in the text. The text is the locus where meaning is produced ... A text is not simply a communicational apparatus. It is a device which questions the previous signifying systems, often renews, and sometimes destroys them.18) Religious texts, such as the Qur'än, are at the same time the locus of a diversity of social speech types. These texts also contain languages that serve specific sociopolitical purposes when one looks closer at their internal ties, Ismail Serageldin (ed.) (London: Butterworth Architecture, 1989), 241—246 esp. 242 for what Arkoun calls the 'priority of the semiotic approach.' 17) See JAROSLAV STETKEVYCH, 'Arabic Hermeneutical Terminology: Paradox and the Production of Meaning/ in Journal of Near Estern Studies, 48, 2 (1989), 81-96, where the author employs a deconstructionist appraoch to the analyses of hermeneutical terminology in Arab-Islamic thougth. 18) UMBERTO Eco, Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language (London: Macmil- lan, 1984), 24-25; al-'Imad al-Asfaham (1125-1201) said something similar: have yet to complete a book and to reopen it the following day without finding I might have included this, deleted that. Or, I might have polished this statement, modified the next, transposed the third. In short, man's [a person's] work, his thinking, his revisions, are never complete nor perfected. Such is man [human being]' (pa- renthesis mine). (From Abdul Malik A. al-Sayed, in Social Ethics of Islam (New York: Vantage Presse, 1982). 6 Ebrahim Moosa stratification.19) 'At any given time and place there will be a set of conditions — social, historical, meteorological, physiological — that will insure that a word uttered in that place and that time will have a meaning different than it would have under any other conditions/20) These are the circumstances that enable a multiplicity of social voices, heteroglossia, to enter the text. In that sense all utterances, according to Bakhtin, are heteroglot in that they are functions of a matrix offerees practically impossible to recoup, and therefore impossible to resolve. Heteroglossia is as close a conceptualization as is possible ofthat locus where centripetal and centrifugal forces collide.< .21) Logocentrism must therefore suppress the diversity of voices and socio- ideological coiitraditions inherent in speech.

Texts and their authors

In this essay the term sufaha is examined from the exegetical perspectives of two leading commentators of classical Islam. They sire Ibn Jarlr al- Taban (d. 310/923) author of the famous commentary, Jami* al-Bayan *an Tawll Äyi al-Qurän (Collection of Explanations for the Interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an) and Fakhr al-Din al-RazI (d. 606/1209) author of Mafatlh al-Ghayb (The Keys to the Hidden), also called al-Tafslr al-Kabw (The Great Commentary). Both al-Razi and al-Tabari are reputed original thinkers (mujtahids) and have widely influenced the tradition of Qur'änic commentary Al-Tabari hailed, as his name indicates, from the one-time Sassanian province of Tabaristän, a region behind the southern coast of the Caspian Sea. After extensive travels in the Muslim lands, he spent some time in Rayy south of modern Tehran, but eventually settled in Baghdad, the centre of the Abbasid universe. His fame is attributed to two encyclopedic treatises, one on world history titled, Tarlkh al-rusul wa al-muluk (A History of Prophets and Kings), and the other the afore- mentioned treatise on exegesis. His biographers are unanimously im- pressed by the depth of his erudition. A statement by the eleventh-centuiy historian and jurist, al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl (d. 463/1071) would suffice as

19) M. M. BAKTHJN, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, Michael Holquist (ed.) Caryl Emerson & Michael Holquist (trans.) (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 263. 20) BAKHTIN, Dialogic Imagination, 428. 21) BAKHTIN, Dialogic Imagination, 428. The Sufaha 7 an index of his reputation: cHe had a degree of erudition shared by no one of his era.'22) By all accounts al-RazT is perhaps the most outstanding advocate of Asha'ri theology and &faqlh of repute, perhaps second to Abu Hämid al- Ghazali (d. 505/1111) in the Shafil" legal tradition. Although he was born around Rayy in what is today Iran, his intellectual activities took him to the various centres of learning of his time, like Marw, Nishäbür, Hamadän, QazwTn and Harät where he died. At various stages he came into close con- tact with various rulers which indicated that for some time at least, he pur- sued a political career of some sort. There are two reasons why the work of these exegetes were selected. Fristly, apart from their great and exhaustive intellectual merit, between them they span a gap of roughly over 200 years. The timespan should provide us with a timeframe to examine how the refiguration and struggle between dialogue and monologue took place within the textual sources of Mus- lim exegesis. It will also enable us to view the coexistence of socio-ideological contradictions between the present and the past, between differing epochs, tendencies, circles and schools. Secondly, both commentators rely on transmitted (naql) sources and rational (*aql) sources oftafslr literature. Al-TabarT draws largely, though not exclusively, on traditional interpretations, while al-RazT more readily employs the rational method of exegetical discourse. Together they constitute a representative genre oftafslr literature.

The lexicon

A discussion about the lexical and philological components of the term s-f-h is necessary. According to the authoritative Arabic lexicographers, s-f- h signifies khiffal· al-hilm, lightness in forebearance and understanding'.23) In other words, safah is the antonym of hilm, provisionally translated as 'the exercise of self-control and forebearance.3 It is at this stage that the word safah is more visibly caught in a web of multiple significations. Clearly an understanding of safah is predicated upon the signification of hilm. Hilm, says Charles Pellat, is

22) JANE DÄMMEN MCAULIFFE, 'Qur'anic Hermeneutics: The Views of al-Taban and Ibn Kathir,' in Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Quran (Ox- ford: Clarendon Press: 1988), p. 47 citing Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Lamaätß 'ulüm al-Qurän wa ittijähät al-tafslr (Beirut, 1974), 185. 23) IBN QUTAYBAH AL-ÜTNAWARI, *Uyun al-Akhbär, Yüsuf TawTl (ed.) (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-llmiyyah, n.d.), i, 396-397. 8 Ebrahim Moosa a complex and delicate notion which includes a certain number of qualities of character or moral attitudes, ranging from serene justice and moderation, to forebearance and leniency, with self-mastery and dignity of bearing standing between these extremes.24) The term nevertheless does convey a sense of firmness, strength, physical integrity and health, as well as moral integrity, the solidity of moral character, unemotional, calm deliberation, mildness of manner, freedom from blind passion, patience and clemency. The pagan Arabs on many an occasion accused the Prophet Muhammad of being the cause of 'the most level- headed among us losing their temper' yusaffihu ahlämana, for introducing an alien and unwelcome religion to their environment.25) According to Gold- ziher, traces of a shift in signification ofhilm can be established from the historical record. The Prophet Muhammad's teachings, he says, gave a new set of meanings to hilm, being 'higher in nature than taught by the code of vir- tues of"pagan days.'26) Muhammad called the one who showed leniency and forgiveness a hallm. Allah was also identified as halim in the Qur'an, where the Prophet Ibrahim was also addressed by the same epithet.27) Other an- tonyms ofhilm are terms such as khiffah (lightness), *ajal (hastiness), while another synonym for hilm, is also thiql (weightiness).28) All these are variants of subtle, but an endless process of signification. Jahl, provisionally translated as 'ignorance,' is another term that is associated with an understanding of safah. Two lexical senses are produced in this association ofjahl with safah. In the first sense, jahl is often contrasted with hilm. This follows Goldziher's pioneering work and conclusion that the word jahl has two uses or levels of meaning — a primary and secondary meaning. In the primary sense jahl means 'barbarity' and 'ferocity' and its opposite would he hilm. In a secondary sense it means 'ignorance' and the oppo-

24) CHARLES PELLAT, EP, art 'hilm'; Pellat, 'Concept ofhilm in Islamic Ethics/ in the Bulletin of the Institute of Islamic Studies, vi & vii (1962-63), 1-12, Calcutta, Aligarh Muslim University.

**) Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Malik b. HISHÄM AL-MA'AFIRT, Slrah Ibn Hisham9 Tähä'Abd al-Raüf Sa'd (ed.) (Beirut: Dar al-JÜ (1407/1987), i, 295. 26) IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, Muslim Studies (London: Allen & Unwin, 1967), i, 207. 27) See also ABU 'L-FARAJ AL-ASBIHÄNI, Kitäb al^Aghanl (Cairo: Mu'assasah al-Dln, n.d.), xviii, 30, line 12, where j-h-l and h-l-m are posed as opposites: lakinnahu hadldjähil wa ana asfah wa ahlam - 'he is all iron and curel, whereas I am most forgiving and civilized.' 28) WILLIAM EDWARD LANE, Arabic-English Lexicon (London: Williams & Nor- gate, 1863-93), book 1, part 4, 1376-1377. The Sufahä' 9 site of *ilm, 'knowledge.'29) By examining pre-Islamic poetry, Goldziher found the word to be most commonly used in the primary sense. An example is cAmr b. Kulthüm's line which reads: ala la yajhalanna ahad™* *alayna, fa najhalufawqajahllljahillna, 'May no one dare be vicious against us, for we may ex cell the ferocity of the ferocious/ The nomen agentis (jahil), according to Goldziher, is in one word "a barbarian/ while a halim is ca civilized person/ Safah, as a synonym for the word jahl, says Goldziher, 'belongs to that group of words which, like kesil and sakhal (in Hebrew), describe not only fools, but also cruel and unjust men/30) Izutsu in his major study of Qur'an ethics also concurs with Goldziher's conclusions, th&tjahl is the opposite of hilm, and not VZra.31) What we have is a,jahl-hilm/*ilm/safah complex. In the second lexical sense, jahl is only equated with safah and not associated with hilm. Edward Lane, citing the Sunnite exegete, al-Baydawi (d. 685/1286), explains the term s-f-h as 'ignorance' (jahl), or 'silliness or fool- ishness. . . a deficiency in intellect or understanding/32) Ibn Manzür (d. 711/1311), the author of the authoritative Lisan al-Arab, and al-Firüzäbädl (d. 817/1415), in his Qämüs, both support Lane's description.33) By now it should be obvious that the word safah is incomprehensible without understanding the significance of jahl in so far as both words are crucial signifiers in the semiotic process. In other words, changes in the signification ofj-h-l, or its antonym h-l-m, will inevitably affect the meaning of s-f-h, a chain of consequences that extends well beyond the limits of a single text or corpus of wording. This illustrates the effect of intertextuality. What also becomes apparent is that for some time the discriptions of safah was semiotically re-

29) 1 am uncomfortable with Goldziher's rigid distinction between primary and secondary uses of the word *Hm. Meaning is more the product of context and sense of the user. A multi-valenced word like jahl proves the point. In which sense does safahah occur in Zuhayr ibn AbT AslainT's line in the Mu'allaqah when he says: wa inna safähat al-sJiaykh la hilm badahu, wa inna al fata bada al-safahah yahlumu ('An old man's ignorance/barbarity cannot be cured, while an ignorant/untamed youth can be educated/civilized'). 30) GOLDZIHER, op. cit. 31) TOSHIHIKO IZUTSU, Ethico-Religious Concepts in the Koran (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1966), 28. Izutsu makes an interesting observation when he says that hilm is the moral reasonableness of a civilized man. Add power to this definition and it suggests 'the subject's clear consciousness of power and superiority.' 32) LANE, 1:1377. 33) Abu Tähir Muhammad ibn YA'QÜB AL-FlRüzÄBÄDi, Al-Qämüs al-Muhit, (Da- mascus: Maktabah al-Nüriyyah, n. d.), iv, 285; Abu VFadl Muhammad ibn Mukar- ram al-IfriqT, Lisan al-Arab, (Cairo: Dar al-Maarif, n. d.) iii, 2032-2034; Murtadä al-Zabidi, Täj al-Arus (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr, n. d.), ix, 390-91. 10 Ebrahim Moosa lated to jahl and its antonym hilm. But we notice that the link between jahl and hilm was severed in the later descriptions or heteroglossia of the word. This semiotic suppression in the meaning of jahl resulted in it being used more frequently in Goldziher's secondary sense, as meaning the opposite of'ilm. These unmistakeable semiotic processes in the heteroglossia of the jahl-hum film/safah complex shows that the pre-Islamic ethical quality of hilm is gradually sanitized from the semiotic complex. There is an uncanny serendipity in the refiguration ofthejahl-hilm/'ilm complex, that coincides with the observed refiguration of safah. In Bakhtin's terms it means that the dialogue had been reduced to a linguistic monologue.

The semiotics of al-Tabari and al-Razi

In their respective commentaries, al-Taban and al-RäzT take refuge in lexical, semantic and philological arguments in order to support their respective hermeneutical positions.34) First they provide a standard lexical definition of the word safah, as al-jahil al-dcftf al-ray, 'the ignorant and weak in opinion.5 The thrust of this meaning is that a safth is one who has insufficient knowledge to distinguish between what is harmful and beneficial. Al-Taban adds that it was for this reason that Allah, mighty and sublime be He, called women and children sufaha ... The majority of interpreters say they [the sufahä9] are women and children... because they cannot distinguish between the opportunities of profit and loss in the management of wealth.35) Both authors make subtle alterations to the standard lexical definition of safah when the word requires explanation in the commentary of the Qur'an in order to realise the desired sense of differentiation at the various instances. Al-Razi routinely describes safah as al-khiffah or khiffat al-aql, 'lightness' or lightness in mind/ implying intellectual paucity36) They

34) Al-Taban was probably the first commentator cto make extensive use of philological means for consolidating Qur'anic exegesis, nevertheless restricted the appli- cation of this method by the principle that the results thus obtained should not contradict authoritative traditional interpretations.' (L. KOPF, "Religious Influences on Medieval Arabic Philology', in Studio,Islamica, 5 (1956), 37.) 35) Abu Ja'far Muhammad IBN JARIR AL-TABARI, Jamial-Bayan (Beirut: Dar al- Fikr, 1405/1984, i/1, 128. 36) FAKHR AL-DlN AL-RAzT, Tafslr al-Kablr (Beirut: Dar Ihyä* al-Turäth al- !ArabT, n. d.), (3rd ed), i/2, 68. He cites several verses by Dhü '1-Rummah and Abu Tammäm al-TäT where safah is used in the senseofkhiffah. The Sufahä' 11 also frequently use other terms such as nags *uqul, 'deficiency in intellect' and da'f ahläm, 'weakness in forebearance' interchangeably to describe safah, without consciously drawing our attention to the significant play and variation in meaning. In a nuanced explanation al-Razi explains safah as tasaffahu al-haqq, 'they treated the truth lightly/ jahila nafsahu, che was ignorant of the self/ and khasira nafsahu, 'he destroyed himself/37) Al-Ta- barT concurred with al-RazT adding that it also meant dalälah, 'deviance'. One of the difficulties the text in question poses is the ambiguity sur- rounding the word jahL Does al-Tabarl and al-Razi use the word jahl in Goldziher's primary or secondary sense? Or, do they exploit the play of signification and therefore attempt to draw a reader-response? One of the key signifiers of safah as we already know is jahl, which is the antonym oihilm. And under more frequent Islamic use safah is the antonym of eilm. In the polysemy of jahl there are several significations. When^aAZ signifies 'ferocity/ it can erase its other signification, namely 'ignorance.5 And when the same word signifies 'ignorance' it can suppress the meaning of 'ferocity/ Our commentators employ stylistic synonyms for emphasis and rely on cir- cumstantial textual evidence (quarain) in their interpretation of safah in order to effect textual closure. It is a Ibid to give prominence to jahl as being the opposite of'Urn and in so doing give prominence to its Islamic signification, and suppress or erase the signification of the pre-Islamic hilm. In summarising the discussion thus far, it becomes evident that safah is a 'problematic' or 'defective' sign, meaning among other things: cruelty, lack of sophistication, lack of civility and ignorance. There is a constant sliding of the signified under the signifier.38) Therefore, no constant or instant referent can be found for the word safah without carefully examining the context of signification and semiosis.39)

37) AL-RAZI, ii/4, 70. 38) ROSALIND COWARD & JOHN ELLIS, Language and Materialism (New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 98-99. 39) Rippin says that the word saßh is multivocal which includes the sense of 'un- lettered, a child, women and children, or squanderers of money and corrupters of religion', see ANDY RIPPIN, 'Ibn "Abbas's Al-Lughat fi al-Qur'an', in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS), xliv/1 (1981), 23; Ibn al-'Arabi, Ah- kam al-Qurän, Muhammad (ed.) (Cairo: Haiabi, 1968/1387), i, 249. At this point it will be appropriate to dispense with an interesting morphological de- bate which features in the analysis of both al-TabraT and al-Razi. Lexical and morphological differences in themselves produce variant meanings. For instance it is de- bated among Arabic grammarians whether the plural of saßh, namely, sufaha is an exclusively feminine plural, or whether the word denotes both genders. 12 Ebrahim Moosa Who are the sufahal

The word safah and its derivatives appear eleven times in ten verses of the Qur an. They are 2: 13, 130, 142, 282; 4:5,6: 140, 7:66, 67, 155 and 72 : 4. Several translators of the Qur'an have provided a uniform translation of this word, without taking into account the polysemantic and mtiltiva- lency of the word. It seems that the root s-f-h and its variants can for heuristic purposes be categorised into three broad semiotic types: 1.) to define a social and legal status; 2.) a polemical marker between believers and unbelievers; 3.) an index of a state of mind. While these are not watertight divisions, these categories are helpful only in so far as they are heuristic, since the various permutations of meaning overlap. Perhaps the most interesting and complex interpretation of the term sufaha9 occurs in the exegesis of Q. 4: 5 which raises the fundamental issues that are encountered in the uses of the word. Briefly stated, the verse deals with the question of wealth. It reads: And do not entrust to those who are sufaha the possessions which Allah has placed in your charge for their support; but let them have their sustenance therefrom, and clothe them, and speak unto them in a kindly way. Al-Taban acknowledges that 'the interpreters differ as to who the sufa- are, whom Allah — sublime be His praise — have interdicted from being

Al-Taban argues that sufaha\ is inclusive of denoting both genders. To argue to the contrary, he believes, would be tantamount to displacing the lexical meaning. In support of his view, he states that the morphological formfuala (sing, fail), like sufahä9, denotes both men and women. If the word was to denote women exclusively, the plural should have been on the form,fa*llat or, on the form/a with the s-f-h equivalent being saßhat or safaih. Analogous to this is the feminine singular noun gharibah, whose plural is gharlbat or gharaib, and where the masculine singular is gharib and the plural is the gender inclusive ghurdba, which is similar to sufaha. Another analogy to prove the case of the gender inelusiveness of saflh I sufaha, is the form *&Ziw/ 'ulama, where the referent is both learned men and women. Al-RazT disputes the claim that the plural saflhat or safaih is gender specific, especially in this case where the feminine form is used. He cites the Baghdad! grammarian, Abu Ishäq Ibrahim b. al-Sän al-Zujjaj (d. 311/924), who maintains that it is grammatically correct for sufaha to be the plural ofsaßhah, analagous tofuqara, as the plural offaqlrah, which means many poor women. Accordingly, al-Razi believes, that from a lexical point of view at least, sufaha9 can mean women exclusively, disagreeing with al-Taban. The Sufahä' 13 entrusted their property/40) Not surprisingly, both he and al-Razi agree that the earliest authorities oftafslr differed widely in their interpretation of this word. The recorded opinions surveyed by our two comentators say the sufaha were: 1.) women exclusively 2.) children 3.) women and children 4.) anyone who lacked discretion (ag/)· 1) The authorities who believed that sufaha meant women exclusively, included the leading scholars of early Islam, such as the famous commentator of the Qur'an in the first generation Ibn "Abbas (d. 68/687), the leading Companion, 'Abdullah b. eUmar (d. c. 73/693), the famous Basran au- thority, al-Hasan al-Basrl (d. 110/728), the Khuräsäiu exegete, al-Dahhak b. Muzahim (d. 105/723) and Mujähid b. Jabr (d. 104/722), the student of 'Abdullah b. 'Abbas.41) Two of these, al-BasrT and al-Dahhak, are reported to have said that women demonstrate the extreme case of safah, al-marah asfah al-sufaha, 'the woman is the most foolish of fools/42) Al-Razi adds, that the sufaha are women, irrespective whether they are spouses, mothers or daughters, an opinion also attributed to Mujähid.43) Ibn TJmar was said to have reacted very negatively when passing by a vivacious woman and immediately expressed his disgust towards her by reciting the verse Q 4:5. This implies that the epithet sufaha9 was a criticism of her vivacious- ness. This view finds its origins in a hadlth (tradition) narrated by Abu Umämah, that the Prophet was reported to have said: 'Be warned that the fire has been created for the al-sufaha (which he repeated three times). And beware that the sufaha are the women, except the woman who obeys her maintainer (qayyim).'4*) In most cases qayyim means a husband or a male guardian. 2) Sa'Td b. Jubayr (d. 95/713), the Küfan scholar killed by al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf al-Thaqafi (d. 96/714), and another view attributed to al-Hasan al-BasrT, suggest that children are the sufaha'. Apparently Ibn Jubayr stressed that the term specifically meant orphans — al-yatama. Al-Razi at- tributes this view to Ibn Shihäb al-Zuhrl (d. 124/742) and Ibn Zayd (d. c. 145/762). The assumption Underlying this view is that entrusting wealth (qiyam) required for the maintenance of the household to a child could

40) AL-TABARI, iii/4, 245. 41) AL-TABARI, iii/4, 246. 42) A.-TABARI, iii/4, 246. 43) See AL-TABARI, iii/4, 247 for the view of MUJÄHID. **) AL-RAZI, v/9, 175. 14 Ebrahim Moosa only spell disaster, since in all probabilities the wealth would be squan- dered. 3) That the word sufaha refer to both women and children are views attributed again to Sa"Td b. Jubayr, al-Hasan al-BasrT, as well as the Kufan exegete al-Suddl (d. 128/745), and Muj hid. Qat dah b. Diamah (d. 117/735) believes that sufaha refers to a woman or a youth (al-ghulam al-saflh) "the weakminded youth/ Al-RazT concurs, adding that if a man knows his wife or child is a safth, he should under no circumstances entrust them with his wealth. The inference to be drawn is that theoretically it is possible to find a woman and child who is not a sa h. The commentators probably wished to exclude certain prominent women, possibly the Prophet's wives and his grandchildren from the general domain ïúsafah. In a slightly different view of Abu Malik,45) Ibn "Abbas, Abu Musa al-Asharl (d. 42/662) and Ibn Zayd are reported to be of the opinion that sufaha9 refers to the son of a man — walad al-rajuL A report from al-Dahh k says that a woman and a boy are as extreme a case ofsafah one can find and they would dom- inate men if entrusted with wealth.46) 4) Without citing any ancient authorities, al-RazI cites a view which suggests that sufaha refers to anyone who lacks the intelligence, *aql, to protect and manage property. This may apply to women, children, orphans and all other persons who fit the description ofsafah. The most glaring ommission on the part of al-Razi is his failure to explicitly state that male believers could also be among the sufaha'.

Interpreting the traditional views

The divergent opinions regarding a single word leaves very little room for doubt that safah had a series of significations. Al-Tabarl meticulously recorded the variant and contradictory opinions of the word safah and with greater detail than al-Razi. Nevertheless, we will soon note how al-Ta- barl forcefully and systematically refutes each variant meaning in order to

45) It is difficult to identify this Abu Malik. Al-Dhahabi in his Siyar alwm al-Nu- bala, Shuayb al-Arna* t (ed.) (Beirut: Mu'assasah al-Risalah, 1990/1410), vi, 184, identifies the older figure as Abu Malik al-AshjaX whose proper name is Saed b. T riq b. Ashyam without providing a date of death. Sufy n al-Thawn is said to have reported hadith from him. The other Abu Malik al-AshjaX also identified by al-Dha- habi, is identified as Hamm d bin Malik (Siyar x, 416). He is described as the 'aged traditionist' who died in 228/842. 46) Á-ÔÁÂÁÊÚ, iii/4, 245, 247. The Sufahä* 15 eliminate the dialogue of discourses into a monologue of stabilized meaning. He does so on the grounds of the accepted canons of Quran interpretation, usul al-tafslr, as well as linguistic opinions. He first gives the im- pression that he will retain semiotic variety by stating that God did not specify some categories of safah to the exclusion of other types. But that statement is only useful to the extent that it refutes the claim that safah is age and gender specific. Al-RazT also turns to the rules of interpretation and asserts that his preferred (awla) view was that anyone who lacked discretion was a saflh. His tour de force is the principle which says, that 'specification without a proof is not permissible,' al-takhsls bi-ghayr dalll la yajuz.47) Al-Razi recognizes that the sign sufaha is used variously, referring to what can be called an 'insider5 and 'outsider.5 The 'insider' can be believers/males and the Outsiders' can be unbelievers/females. While applies to both the word insiders and outsiders, it is never wholly present in one cate- gory and continues to shift along the two semiotic bridges. On the one hand, it separates believers from sinners, hypocrites, unbelievers, polytheists, Jews and Christians. On the other hand, it also serves as a polemical marker to differentiate gender (men and women), age (adults and children), mental disability, (retarded or weak persons) status (orphans and non-orphans). Given this semiotic instability or polysemy, al-Razi generates a core exegetical and referential meaning for safah to which he constantly refers in order to overcome the problem of shifting referents. In his view safah is the lexical equivalent to khiffah^ meaning 'lightness' and 'insignifi- cance.'48) One diminishes in stature to that of&safih when unable to distinguish between the beneficial and harmful.49) Al-Razi illustrates his point further, adding that Arabs consider a foul-mouthed person also to be a saflh. This is because such a speaker lacks dignified poise and self-compo- sure.50) He cites a statement by the Prophet who is reported to have said:

47) AL-RAZI, v/9, 185. From the point of view of law (fiqh), our commentators believe safah is an attribute (was/) and thus contingent and not gender specific. In terms offiqh guardians are not allowed to transfer wealth to persons who deserve to be legally interdicted, mustahaqq al^hajar, be they male or female, since they lack the discretion to manage money. However, al-TabarT reaches a conclusion similar to the Kufan jurist, Abu Hamfah (d. 150/767) that it is not possible to interdict a person who had reached puberty (bulugh) or the age of discretion (rushd) (see al-Ta- barT iii/4, 247 and al-Razi, v/9, 183, ii/3, 248). 48) AL-RAZI, i/2, 68. 49) AL-RAZT, ii/4, 91. 50) AL-RAZI, i/2, 68. 16 Ebrahim Moosa 'the one who drinks wine is a saßh.'51) Again the point is made that such a person is 'weak' and 'light' in mind by succumbing to a moral failing result- ing in a temporary mental lapse. Having stabilised the meaning of the term around 'weakness' and 'lightness5, al-RazI believes he had fulfilled his func- tion as a mufassir. Take the case of Q 2 : 13 and Q 2 : 142 where the word sufaha is used as a polemical marker between two hostile groups: the believers and their opponents. In 2: 13 the Qur'an records the mocking remarks made by the Prophet's opponents, the hypocrites, munafiqün, who said:

And when they (the unbelievers and hypocrites) are told: "Believe as other people believe!" They answer: "Shall we believe as the sufahä9 believe?" To which Allah replied:

Oh, verily, it is they, they who are the sufahä9, but they know it not. Al-RazT explains that the polemic at 2 : 13 is underpinned by a difference in social status between hypocrites and believers. The hypocrites looked down upon the believers as sufaha9, because they viewed themselves as 'people of leadership and consequence,' ahl al-khatar wa 9l-ri9asah. The reality was that the majority of believers were materially poor (fuqarä9), and nu- merically few. The hypocrites in comparing their good fortune to the rela- tive poverty of the believers, were in no doubt that Muhammad's faith (din) was void and baseless (batil), and only s,saßh could take it seriously. Here the elliptical signifier of wealth and social status seems to inform the semantic and symbolic use ofsafah. According to al-RazT there is a rational reason for the inversion of the sign sufaha9, from the believers to the unbelievers in the second part of 2 : 13. Whoever ignored rational proof (dalll) in the pursuit of truth (i.e. Is- lam) is incontrovertibly a saßh. And, if the latter acused an adherent of rational proof (a believer) ofsafähah, then such a person is even more deserving of being called a saßhl Elaborating his argument, al-RazI says, that a person who trades the hereafter for the gain of the temporal world and dis- plays enmity towards Muhammad is beyond doubt a saßh.52) A close read-

51) Saßh is also used to describe someone who drinks wine, a sinner or a foul- mouthed person. These are not obscure uses that are hidden in ancient tafslr texts. See FISCHER & ABEDI Debating Muslims, 146, who discuss the writings of the modern Iranian marja-e taqlld, Gholzadeh GhafurT, who uses the word saßh to describe opponents of the Islamic revolution and plays 'rhetorical games with terms used to identify the Shah and his supporters/ 52) AL-RAZI, i/2, 68. The Sufahä' 17 ing of al-Räzi's interpretation of the term safah reveals another exegetical shift. It will be noted that earlier he said an inability to administer material wealth constituted safahah. But now the word also includes a metaphysical and spiritual sense. He goes on to explain that the real distinction between a saflh and a non-saflh is actually those who follow rational proof (by implication belief in the eternity of the hereafter and a search for truth) and those who oppose all such values. Al-Razi arrives at this conclusion by drawing a direct analogy between 'insiders' and 'outsiders5 and privileging the 'insiders.' Safah when used with reference to believers denotes a state of mind, but when used with reference to unbelievers it denotes spiritual ignorance — an inferior status. He transposes this meaning without the media- tion of any other visible signifier. So while additional signifiers may not have been present as a lexical item, their effects can be traced through what Derrida would call the logic of displacement or supplementär!ty that everywhere governs the text.53) For this to happen we have to suspend those structured oppositions of (inside/outside, present/absent) which define or delimit the operations of textual commentary. Only by suspending these oppositions can al-Razi's interpretive switch in meaning be adequately explained in terms of the logic of supplementarity The logic of sup- plementation reveals an inherent lack in the believer which must be com- pleted - supplemented — by spiritual perfection if he/she is to be truly himself/herself. At 2 : 142 the Qur'an anticipates criticism from the Prophet's adversaries for changing the direction of prayer (qiblah) from Jerusalem to Makkah. Taking the initiative to denounce the adversaries, Q. 2 : 142 reads:

The sufaha among the people will say: "What has turned them away from the direction of prayer which they have hitherto observed? . . Here the Qur'än describes the Madman adversaries of the Prophet, the munafiqun and Jews in particular, as sufaha,9.5*) In this instance sufaha9 does

53) CHRISTOPHER NORRIS, Derrida (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1987), 43. 54) According to the earliest exegetical authorities sufaha9 in Q. 2 : 142 was used to denote several types of people. It meant 1) the Jews, in an opinion attributed to Ibn 'Abbas and Mujähid; 2) the Arab polytheists, in another view of Ibn 'Abbas, which is also attributed to al-Barra' bin Äzib (d. 72/691), the one-time Mu'tazilite, Abu Bakr !Abd al-Rahman al-Asamm (d. circa 200-201/815-817) and al-Hasan al- BasrT; 3) the hypocrites, says al-SuddT; 4) according to an anonymous view, most likely to be al-RazT's personal view, the word includes everyone who rejects the truth (al-kuffar). According to al-RazT, there is sufficient evidence of a rational (*aql) and 18 Ebrahim Moosa not mean 'foolish/ but in terms of the chain of significations it resonates spiritual ignorance and moral bankruptcy. Again the meaning shifts. It is not the improper management of health that renders one a safih, but adult male actors are also identified in the polemic, namely Jews and hypocrites. So the signifier substitutes itself, to also signify spirituality. This is best il- lustrated in al-Räzf s own words, when he privileges the notion of spiritual bankruptcy above the other meanings he previously claimed safah had meant. Error in matters of faith (din), is much more harmful than when it occurs in temporal affairs. Thus, if someone deviates from ä clear arid obvious perspective in worldly matters, such a person would be called a saflh. Hence, one who errs in matters of faith is aposteori (awla) deserving of this term. Every denier of the truth^ käfir is also a safih.55) The above reading of al-Razi is the product of what Norris terms a 'sup- plementary' order of necessity which requires that one looks beyond the lexical system to the various sub-units that enter the chain of substitutions. For al-Tabarl, the preponderant meaning at 2 : 142 is 'ignorance5, al-juhhat min -näs. God called them by that name because their 'judgement of the truth is safah,' i.e. 'deviant3 as a result of their 'ignorance of the truth5 (sa- fahü al-haqq).56) A similar polemical exchange takes place between the Prophet Hud and his opponents where safah is used pejoratively in order to discredit the Mes- senger of God, but is simultaneously also used in the counter-ideological discourse of God and the good people — the Prophet Hüd and his followers. Thus 7 : 66-67 reads: Said the great ones among his people, who refused to acknowledge the truth: "Verily we see you [Hud] to be affected by safahah\ and verily, we think that you are a liar!" Said [Hüd]: "Oh my people! I am not afflicted by safähah, [as you allege] to the contrary, I am an apostle from the Sustainer of the worlds..."

textual (nass) nature available to support the lastmentioned viewpoint since the verse in question is general (omw). He makes this point by approving the view of al-Qädi !Abd al-Jabbär (d. 415/1024), the famous Mu'tazili thinker and qadi al-qudat of Rayy. (Also see J. JOMIER^ "The Quranic Commentary of Imam Fakhr al-Dm al- RazT: Its Sources and Originality," in International Congress for the Study of the Quran, (Canberra: Australian National University, 1980), 103.) 55) AL-RAZI, ii/4, 91. 56) AL-TABARI, ii/2, 1. The Sufahä' 19 Al-TabarT interprets safäha here as 'deviancy' (dalalah). The opponents of Hud accused him of deviating from their truth, the faith of their ances- tors and community. Hud's reply recognizes the signification of safahah, as deviancy when he responds: Oh my people: I am not deviant, laysa bl sa- fähah [to the contrary] I am a apostle the Sustainer of all the worlds/ At this point al-RazTis brief in suggesting that by now the meaning oisafah is fairly obvious, a type of vraisemblable, provided one employs the interpretive key in contrasting safähah with *ilm.57) The verse 2 : 130 seems to fit my description of where safah implies a state of mind or consciousness. The context is where those who 'ignored/ 'deviated' or 'failed to understand' the creed of Abraham are accused of safah. Al-RazT says the verb s-f-h, normally considered to be intransitive, can be used as transitive according to the Basran grammarian, al-Mubarrad (d. 286/899) in order to express more functions. Given this view, the words saflha nafsahu, means to 'despise and revile the self signifying, khiffah, 'lightness.'58) He supports his case from a hadlth usage in which arrogance al-kibr is explained, as tasaffaha al-haqq — 'treated the truth lightly.'59) An intelligent person (al-aqil) will not treat the truth lightly, says al-RazT. He adds the view of al-Hasan al-BasrT who says the safiha nafsahu, means jahila nafsahu, 'self-ignorance,' and khasira nafsahu, 'self-destruction'.60) Two other levels of meaning suggest it means to 'ruin the self and 'misguide the self.' Al-TabarT remains committed to his core meaning of equating safah with jahl, commenting that only a saflh can forego good fortune by not recogniz- ing what is beneficial and harmful and making a poor judgement. According to this interpreation, all those who have not accepted the Abrahamic creed are sufaha. Since the Jews and Christians have partly deviated from the Abrahamic creed and the pagan Arabs had totally strayed, the implication is that all Other', except Muslims (males?) are afflicted with safah to some degree. In other words it implies spiritual inferiority The practice of female infanticide in pre-Islamic times is described in the Qur'än as safah*n at Q. 6 : 140. Al-RazT believes that only the word safah can adequately describe the type of mind which could contemplate such an hei- nous deed.61) Only an impulse based on a fancy (mawhum) and an erroneous belief can justify the killing of new-born children believing that an increase

57) AL-RAZT, vii/14, 155-156. 58) AL-RÄZI, ii/4, 70. 59) AL-RAzT, ii/4, 70. 60) AL-RAZI, ii/4, 70. 61) AL-RAzT, vii/13, 209. 20 Ebrahim Moosa in dependants, especially female children, would aggravate existing conditions of poverty. This type of speculation is a reflex of safah equal only to jahl, which indicates a state of mind. Al-TabarT, in turn, describes killing children as being in a state of safah, an act of 'ignorance and a defective in- tellect3 (naqs 'uqul) and a 'weakness of forebearance,' (dafahlam).^2) Here the term Mlm is still employed but slides under the signifier, 'intellect.5 In Q. 7 : 155, Moses invokes God's mercy not to punish the Israelites for the crimes committed by the sufaha among them for engaging in calf-worship.63) Both exegetes are extremely brief here. Al-Tabari finds sufficient arguments in the opinions of the early exegetes to identify the sufaha with the calf-worshippers. Al-RazT comments that only an imperfect mind can en- gage in calf-worship.64) The same is the case with 72 : 4.65) Here the jinn acknowledge that the saßh among them said Outrageous things about God/ Al-Tabari cites the traditional opinion of Mujähid and Qatädah which assert that the saßh is the Iblls (Satan). Qatädah adds an interesting note to his interpretation. Just as Satan (saßh al-jinn) refused to bow to Adam in disobedience to God, so did Adam (saßh al-jinn) also disobey God by eating of the forbidden tree. The implication of this interpretation is that, even Adam the first human prototype and Prophet in Muslim belief, was thus a saßh. Adam ex- perienced temporary safah since he returned to obedience after repentance. It is clear that the thrust of the meaning of süßh in this instance is one of 'deviance' or 'spiritual depravity' since Iblis is the archetype of deviance and depravity. Al-RazT opines that the outrageous statements, shatat, made by the jinn (saßh) means 'to transgrees or go beyond the limits,' committing injustice (zulm).^6) Here again the recurring theme is that the quality of safah by its very nature is prone to immoderation and excess (fart) according to al- RazT.67) While on the theme of transgression and injustice, al-RazI points out that a major sinner (fäsiq) is also called a saßh, because of his spiritual and moral fickleness or lightness. There is a semiotic relation between the denotation and the sign. It means that a sinner 'does not carry any weight in the eyes of people of faith and knowledge'.68) This explanation fits with

62) AL-TABARI, v/8, 51. 63) AL-TABARI, v/9, 76. «*) AL-RAZI, viii/15, 17-18. 65) AL-TABART, xiv/29, 107-108. 66) AL-RAZI, xv/30, 155. 6T) AL-RAZI, xv/30, 155. 68) AL-RAZT, v/9, 185. The Sufahä' 21 the first part of the hadtth narrated by Abu Umarnah which states that hell- fire will be filled with sufahä9. Here safah is deemed to be a state of sin or deviancy, where sufahä9 is the equivalent of 'sinners5.69) It is interesting to note how the use of the term progresses from originally being used to denote a meaning of a conventional type, the fickleness of women, then it is used to describe a biological state of mental incapacity in the legal sense, and further employed to describe a spiritual state of affairs.

Re-Reading the Texts

It is just not sufficient to deconstruct the text without positing another reading. In order to achieve this, genealogical social analysis is a useful method to uncover the social processes concealed by hegemonic essentialist discourses and to implicate these discourses in those formative social processes.70) The word sufaha9 as we observed occupies a position of tactical polyvalence and refuses to adhere to a one-to-one (isomorphic) correspond- ence to reality. Despite the claim by our commentators to return the term s-f-h to an 'original· or 'prior' meaning, ranging from ignorance to deviance, we find that on closer examination the word declines to be subjected to fixed referential value. Sufahä9 do not pertain to a world of things, but to that of an idea, a concept. As signs they are complex enough in the sense that they need not designate one meaning only, but that it equally signifies larger re- alities outside its ostensible content. In other words, when the word sufahä9 or its derivatives are used, a iterability — the readiness to be grafted into new and unforeseeable contexts is an important feature. Each repetition occurs in a new context. No meaning is ever the same and no sign is identically repeated. Two motifs constantly recur in our analysis of sufahä9: wealth and the trait of femininity. We are indeed indebted to the commentators of Qur'an literature for reproducing their archival sources in the commentaries which make it possible for later readers to construct new readings. Al-Razi, for example, is the only one who constructs a hermeneutic that relates the concept of safah with wealth and material exchange. He does so when he meditates

69) Al-Razi's discussion is also edifying in so far that he enlightens us about another term näqis al-aql, which is synonymous to safth and often employed to refer to women in hadlth literature. 70) STEVEN SEIDMAN, 'Theory as Narrative with Moral Intent/ in Postmodernism and Social Theory, Steven Seidman & David G. Wagner (eds.) (Cambridge, Mass & Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 70. 22 Ebrahim Moosa on Q. 4: 5 and 2 : 282 and shares his philosophical insights on these verses.71) It relates to the way Islam had moderated the unbounded and excessive generosity of thejähifäyyah.72) In terms of the Quran, neither thoughtless generosity nor debilitating niggardliness was acceptable. In the new urban context of Makkah, and later in Madmahj wealth became an important status symbol within the mercantile community. This can be gleaned from the Qur'än where the re-distribution of wealth as a form of self-sacrifice is end- lessly encouraged. The shift is towards moderate financial behaviour in- stead of the extravagant generosity of pre-Islamic times.73) The literary record of jahiliyyah poetry informs us that the excessive, and at times, thoughtless generosity of pre-Islamic Arab men was the subject of criticism and chastizement by their wives. Al-Hufi's collection of pre- Islamic poetry depicting the image of women during pre-Islamie times di- rects us to another important insight in our reading ofsufaha9.7*) It appears

71) This verse prescribes the rules for commercial transactions and reads: 'And if he who contracts the debt is a safih or dalf, and is not able to dictate himself, then let him who watches over his interests dictate equitably' (Q. 2 : 282). Al-Tabari says it means the person is capable of verbally dictating the terms of a future credit contract, excluding thereby mute or illiterate person. But the person in question remains incapable of making a mental distinction between a correct dictation and an incorrect one. The general tenor of the verse suggests that it includes anyone who is incapable of dictating a contract properly, .al-jähil bi 9l-imlä9, irrespective whether such a person is a minor or major, male or female (al-Tabari, iii/3, 122). Al-RazT explains scuflh here to mean a lack of intelligence (*aql) that would in common parlance be known as a lack of common sense, despite having reached the legal age of puberty (al-Razi, vii, 112). 72) IZUTSU, Ethico-Religious Concepts in the Quran, 80-81. 73) Al-Razfs parenthetic explanation of wealth is a valuable insight into the moral-economic elan of the Qur'an, which has gained very little attention of scholars. The need for wealth, he argues, is imperative. He believes that as long as an individ- ual does not have leisure and self-sufficiency (farigh al-bal), it is not possible to attain the ends of moral good in this world and felicity in the hereafter. Self-sufficiency cannot be attained without wealth which enables one to derive benefit from what is good and avoid that which is harmful. Whoever, approaches the world as a means to an end, would find happiness in the afterlife. If the world is approached as an end in itself, it becomes the greatest obstacle to success in the afterlife. Al-Razfs understanding of wealth and material gains and its relationship to salvation underscores the new social and economic patterning which was operative in Makkah and MadT- nah during nascent Islam. 74) AHMAD MUHAMMAD AL-HuFf, al-Hayat al-Arabiyyah min *l-Shier al-Jahili, (Cairo: Maktabah Nahdat Misr, 1962/1382), 322-238; also see AHMAD MUHAMMAD AL-HüFT, al-Mardh 9Shi*r al-Jahiti (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-'Arabi, 1382/1963), The Sufahä' 23 that the wives were frustrated with their spouses' indiscriminate spending habits and excessive acts of generosity. It is in that context that the 'nagging wives' accused their husbands of being safahl Many a husband, like the leg- endary figure of Arab generosity and hospitality in the second half of the sixth century, Hätim al-TäX was said to have divorced his wife for her criticism of his extravagant habits of generosity and hospitality75) What is not mentioned in the tafslr literature is that pre-Islamic women thought that their spendthrift husbands were unable to manage wealth properly — sufaha. In turn, the husbands projected the charge on women accusing them of being niggardly and extremely uncharitable. The men at the time made the point by saying that women lacked the intelligence to comprehend (näqisat al-aql) the social rewards and status associated with their acts of indulgent generosity. From the male view, women were afflicted by safah and were found to be lacking the standard of civility (hilm), the highest moral value in pre-Islamic ethics. In one semiotic shift, the blame originally placed on men is metamorphosed into blame on the women.76) With the arrival of Islam, socio-economic reforms were gradual but with a far-reaching impact on society. The prophetic reforms with regard to women were calculated and cautiously given effect. Despite the limitations of the prophetic reforms affecting women, by today's standards, the pervasive male chauvinism (muruwwah) of Arabia even had difficulty in coming to terms with these minor reforms which awarded women new powers at a social and cultural level. It is also plausible, that since the male was conven- tionally privileged to be the 'breadwinner' (qawwäm/qawwamun) the opposite sex was deprived of managing wealth, not by divine decree, but by social custom. And, since male society took a dim view of womens' financial management skills, they invariably expressed their prejudice in terms of the notion of safah. Thus, when the word safah was used in the Qur'an, it is not at all surprising that the social memory of its Arab male readers denoted it as a feminine and negative trait.

363-368; Muhammad Nabil TarTfi, "al*shier al-jahili wa qadaya al-mujtamaeal-arabi al-qadim" al-Turath al-Arabl·, 25 & 26 (1989), 53-61. 75) AHMAD MUHAMMAD AL-HuFi, al-Marahfl al-Shi*r al-Jahill, 363-368. Also see C. van Arendonk, EP art. 'Hatim al-TaV for his mother Ghunayyah's extreme generosity which led to her brothers obtaining a declaring that she was incapable of managing her affairs. 76) See FEDWA MALTI-DOUGLAS, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Dis- course in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 48— 53; also see FATIMA MERNISSI, Women and Islam: An Historical and Theological En- quiry, Mary Jo Lakeland (trans.) (London: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 125-129. 24 Ebrahim Moosa It becomes clear that the narrative language of the Qur'an relates to some aspect of the imaginary social consciousness (cultural imaginaire) of the Arabs. Embedded within the cultural imaginaire of the narrative are the hidden signifiers of chauvinism, economic power and sexuality which characterizes the discourse both metaphorically and metonymically.77) Un- der the new reformist conditions of Islam, the female threat of castrating the male was objectified as the radical Other3 (safah). This guaranteed and ensured her exclusion from the economic and social order by invoking the memory of safah. With this threat in mind, one discovers in the tafslr literature examined above, that all the signifiers for safah were switched with the view to coalesce on metaphors which were suggestive of castrating the female intellect. Male potency, the phallic signifier, had the exclusive right to activate meaning without threat. The female 'will to power5 at the economic level, whether by criticizing male extravagance in pre-Islamic times or managing wealth according to the newly acquired rights of women in Is- lam, generates the necessary contradiction which is essential for social action and transformation. It is within language that these power relations were constructed. This discourse prevails into the formative Islamic text where it was emphasized that women were defective in intellect and discretion (näqisät al-aql), as reported in a statement attributed to the Prophet.78)

77) COWARD & ELLIS, op. cit. 99. 78) Some scholars argue that this hadith is fabricated, see FAZLUR RAHMAN, cThe Status of Women in Islam: A Modernist Interpretation/ in Separate Worlds, Hanna Papanek & Gail Minault (eds.) (New Delhi: South Asia Books, 1982), 292. Other scholars do not deny the veracity of this hadith but construe a different meaning for it. See eABD AL-HALIM ABU SHUQQAH, Tahrir al-Marahfl *Asr al-Risalah (Kuwayt: Dar al-ellm, 1990/1410), 24-25. Given the endless polemic that this hadith generates, I prefer to treat it as a 'text' which forms part of a larger socio-cultural tabloid of Arab thought. Al-RazT goes to extreme apologetics to overcome the problem of women and safah, which seems to be embarrassing by his standards. Safah in women and children, or even in men is not a quality of censure or derogation (dämm) he says, nor does it imply disobedience to Allah. Such persons are called sufaha because of a natural shallowness of intellect and an inability to discern harm from injury which render them unfit to manage property. In other words the characterizations is not an inherent feature of women. He goes on to argue that the Qur'an encouraged the protection of property in a variety of ways, Q. 17 :27, 29; Q. 25 : 67. Al-Qadilbn al-!Arabi to the contrary argues that safah is an attribute of derogation since the Prophet has been reported to say that women are deficient in intellect and religion - näqisät fi *aql, näqisät fi 7 din. See Muhammad b. 'Abdullah ibn aKArabl, Ahkäm al-Qur'än, ! 1 Mu- hammad al-BajawT (ed.) (Cairo: HalabT, 1968/1387), 1:318. The Sufaha 25 Conclusion

The tafslr literature of al-Tabari and al-RazT dealing with the notion of safah show that between the third and sixth Islamic centuries a reconfiguration of social thought had occurred. The causes and the range of social forces responsible for this change cannot be traced to micro events and are only identifiable in broad generalisations. One of the explanations is that the Is- lamic 'text' which was originally cast in the discourse of an Arab humanist ethics was being reconfigured in a logocentric Islamic environment which reached its apogee in the fifth Islamic century. Early Muslim intellectual history was mainly cast in terms of an Arab ontology. Later a thought gravi- tated around a triumphalist and majoritarian Muslim discourse. The under- standings and meanings of the Qur'an gradually became sanitized of the pre-Islamic ethos to be replaced by knowledge and epistemes framed in Is- lamic terms. The first and second generation Qur'an authorities made the contextual meaning of the Arabic language the basis of understandig safah, and for them it meant 'women.3 In other words, the dominant contextual meaning prevailed in the interpretation of the Qur'an. However, another shift is de- tected, the emergence of a new 'textual5 meaning of the Qur'än. The latter meaning which attempted to subvert the dominant 'contextual' meaning was not always given adequate prominence. It was commentators like al- RazI and al-TabarT gave that prominence to the textual meaning. In terms of the demands of their own peculiar context they suppressed certain reported interpretations in order to stabilize meaning. This makes the sugges- tion even more compelling that exegetes over the centuries suppressed or erased various levels of signification of words and concepts. It confirms the point made by Arkoun that in various stages of history the Qur'än was

used as & pretext and not as a text, according to our modern linguistic and historical definitions. This means that the original Qur'anic text is rewritten, re- produced within the historical development of a given community. Revelation is represented as a substantial, unchangeable, divine reality but, at the same time, is manipulated according to the immediate, concrete needs of the social actors.79) At the very heart of this description lies the figurative expression of femininity In chauvinistic Arabia femininity was not only abjured and rejected

79) ARKOUN, op. cit., pp. 77—78; ARKOUN, £Logocentrisme et verite religieuse dans la pensee islamique' in Essais sur la pensee islamique (Maisonneueve & Larose, 1984), 188. 26 Ebrahim Moosa but constituted a negative polarity in the social imaginaire. Calling women sufaha informs us of a cultural model of behaviour which existed at the time. We can only grasp the genesis and archaeology of this cultural behaviour in a partial manner äs we examine the literary ruins of fading traces. In dealing with these socio-linguistic structures the classical commentators had at least two discernable attitudes, either to remain silent or provide a plethora of comments which render the meaning ambiguous, if not obscur- ing it totally.80) When the commentators do pause to make some definitive comment on the sufaha they often contradict each other as al-Tabarl and al-RazT did on the strength of different philological and lexical opinions. What this identifies is the predominant role of grammatical and semantical explanations, which supercede the anthropological and cultural discourses prevailing in the exegetical texts. Our authors were fully aware of the tensions generated by conflicting historical reports and linguistic usuages related to sufaha. By resorting to certain principles of interpretation and axioms they believed they could have unmediated access to truth and knowledge. Simultaneously, they could not ignore the fact that sufaha was reported as meaning women, children or both, and a plethora of other meanings. Despite their attempts to re-interpret meanings they were unable to resolve the contradictions inherent in their methodology. This methodology required that at least theoretically, there should be an equal commitment to transmitted knowledge (naql) and discursive (*aql) knowledge. The episteme underpinning their methodological grid was to generate logical consistency and epistemological stability81) But such stability is false since the semiotic process allows for the con- tinuous desymbolization and resymbolization of signs and symbols.82) The sign/symbol ofsafah is desymbolized from its original nexus and then resymbolized into several frames of meaning. This was a practice under- taken by the exegetes of old and will continue to be the case as long as hu-

80) See WADAD AL-KADI, 'The Term 'Khalifa'in Early Exegetical Literature/ in Gegenwart Als Geschichte, Axel Havemann & Baber Johansen (eds.) (Leiden: EL J. Brill, 1988), 392-411, where early commentators are silent on key terminology. 81) See FAZLUR RAHMAN, Islamic Methodology in History (1st edition, Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1965), 24. The thrust of Rahman's argument is that scholars in classical Islam recognised the need for stability in the socio-religious fab- ric and thus theorized law and its accompanying disciplines in such a manner that it hampered creativity and originality in Muslim intellectual life. 82) See MOHAMMED ARKOUN, 'Rethinking Islam Today, Positivism and Tradition in an Islamic Perspective/ Diogenes, 127 (Fall 1984), 82-100. Tin· Sulahu' 27 man IMMIIU» will want to know. For to know i» to interpret. IVrhaps Arkoun ha.x a point when he MIVS that the reveuletl text

«•('imiionly anil regularly tw of iM'riiM-t exi.nl

83) MOHAMMED ARKOUN, 'The Notion of Revelation: From AM al-Kitab to the So- cieties of the Book/ in Gegenwart Als Geschichte, Axel Havemann & Baber Johansen

(eds.) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988)5 77.