India – Tunisia Relations India Has Traditionally Maintained Cordial And
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Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
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ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. -
Tunisian Human Rights League Report on the Freedom Of
Tunisian Human Rights League The Press: A Disaster Victim Report on the Freedom of Information in Tunisia May 2003 PREAMBLE On the occasion of the international day of the press freedom, the Tunisian League for the Human Rights Defence puts at the hand of the public opinion this report about information and press freedom in Tunisia after it issued in 1999 under the title of “Press freedom in Tunisia” a complete study relevant to the press reality in Tunisia. The League insisted in its report, articles and activities on its interest in the press reality In Tunisia because this area knew a serious decline during the last years, which let the Tunisian citizens abandon it and appeal to the foreign press, since the Union is aware that the press is the reflective mirror of any progress that the country is likely to record and since It also realized that the freedom of expression is the way to issue general freedoms. This report focused on clinging to the recorded events and happenings that the last century had known and which show by themselves the decline that this field has known through hamper and pressure on journalists as well as the excessive similitude made between all mass media, which led to a national agreement about requiring the improvement of this field. This report is not limited to the various harms which affected the journalists and newspapers resulting from the authority control, but this report concerns every citizen who tries to put his rights of expression into practice mainly through the internet, but who also faced arrest and trial. -
Tunisia: Freedom of Expression Under Siege
Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege Report of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group on the conditions for participation in the World Summit on the Information Society, to be held in Tunis, November 2005 February 2005 Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege CONTENTS: Executive Summary p. 3 A. Background and Context p. 6 B. Facts on the Ground 1. Prisoners of opinion p. 17 2. Internet blocking p. 21 3. Censorship of books p. 25 4. Independent organisations p. 30 5. Activists and dissidents p. 37 6. Broadcast pluralism p. 41 7. Press content p. 43 8. Torture p. 46 C. Conclusions and Recommendations p. 49 Annex 1 – Open Letter to Kofi Annan p. 52 Annex 2 – List of blocked websites p. 54 Annex 3 – List of banned books p. 56 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) is a global network of 64 national, regional and international freedom of expression organisations. This report is based on a fact-finding mission to Tunisia undertaken from 14 to 19 January 2005 by members of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG) together with additional background research and Internet testing. The mission was composed of the Egyptian Organization of Human Rights, International PEN Writers in Prison Committee, International Publishers Association, Norwegian PEN, World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC) and World Press Freedom Committee. Other members of IFEX-TMG are: ARTICLE 19, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE), the Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Studies (CEHURDES), Index on Censorship, Journalistes en Danger (JED), Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), and World Association of Newspapers (WAN). -
Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control. -
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National Approaches to Extremism TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Intissar Kherigi, Khaoula Ghribi The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, under Grant Agreement no. 870772 This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870772 Consortium Members CONNEKT COUNTRY REPORTS Published by the European Institute of the Mediterranean D3.2 COUNTRY REPORTS ON NATIONAL APPROACHES TO EXTREMISM Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Director, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Intissar Kherigi, Director of Programs, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Khaoula Ghribi, Researcher, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication This publication is part of the WP3 of the project, lead by the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) Editors: Corinne Torrekens and Daphné de le Vingne Reviewers: Lurdes Vidal and Jordi Moreras Editorial team: Mariona Rico and Elvira García Layout: Núria Esparza December 2020 This publication reflects only the views of the author(s); the European Commission and Research Executive Agency are not responsible for any information it contains. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed). Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans Tunisia Overview1 COUNTRY PROFILE Government system During the period between Tunisia’s independence in 1956 and the 2011 Revolution, the Tunisian political system was a republican presidential system based on a single ruling party (the Neo-Destour Party, during Bourguiba’s period, and the Democratic and Constitutional Rally (RCD) party under Ben Ali’s era). -
Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction -
Internacionals CIDOB
CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International for Affairs Centre CIDOB • Barcelona notesISSN: 2013-4428 internacionals CIDOB Secular Social Movements Confront 64 Radical Temptations DECEMBER 2012 Francis Ghilès, Senior Researcher (CIDOB) ne year has passed since the Tunisians held orderly ing alcohol. Beyond headline news which often focuses on the and free elections, the first ever since the country be- Salafists, one key player is gaining power by stealth. UGTT was came independent from France in 1956. The coalition founded in 1946 and has influenced the country’s politics and Ogovernment which was constituted soon after and is domi- economics ever since. The union boasts over 500,000 members, nated by the Islamist Ennahda party has made progress on mostly in the state sector – 80 regional offices and 19 different drafting a new, democratic constitution but it has met strong sector groups. During the fight for independence in the early opposition as it attempts to gag the media, the judiciary and 1950s, UGTT played a decisive role and its charismatic secre- the trades union. The attack by the militias of Ennahda, the tary general, Ferhat Hached, was assassinated by the right wing Comités de Protection de la Révolution on the Union Géné- French group La Main Rouge on 5th December 1952. rale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT) headquarters, Place Mo- hammed Ali in the heart of the capital on 4th December as After independence in 1956, the sheer dominance of the ruling the union was celebrating the anniversary of death of its Parti Socialiste Destourien on public life made UGTT the focus founder, Ferhat Hached, is symbolic of a broader incapacity of lively debates if not opposition to government policies. -
Report of the Arab Forum on Asset Recovery
REPORT OF THE ARAB FORUM ON ASSET RECOVERY A. Opening Session 1. The opening session was chaired by Dr. Ali Bin Fetais Al Marri, Attorney General of Qatar, the panel of distinguished speakers featured H.E. Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Emir of Qatar; H.E Moncef Marzouki, President of Tunisia; a Video message from President Barak Obama, President of the United States of America; Mr. Mike Froman, U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor for International Economic Affairs, United States of America; H.E. Dr. Nabil el-Arabi, Secretary General of the Arab League; and Mr. Leonard McCarthy, Vice President, Institutional Integrity, World Bank. Dr. Al Marri opened the Forum by welcoming participants to Doha and stressing that the recovery of assets required the cooperation by all countries represented at the Forum. He further underscored both the ethical and legal responsibility of all states to aid in the return of stolen assets to the legitimate owners. 2. H.E. Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al Thani warmly welcomed all the delegations to Qatar and recognized that the Forum came at a crucial moment in the international effort to recover stolen and misappropriated monies and return the same to the Arab countries in transition. He emphasized that the goals of the Arab Forum on Asset Recovery require cooperation between countries and that while the measures taken thus far were laudable, it was hoped that the Forum would further advance efforts to facilitate the recovery and return of assets. 3. H.E. President Moncef Marzouki addressed the issue of asset recovery and economic freedoms in the context of the Arab Spring. -
The Impact of Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa
A MODEL OF REGIME CHANGE: THE IMPACT OF ARAB SPRING THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By OMAR KHALFAN BIZURU BA, Al Azhar University, Egypt, 1996 MA, Institute of Arab Research and Studies, Egypt, 1998 Ph.D. Nkumba University, Uganda, 2019 2021 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL April 21st, 2021 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Omar Khalfan Bizuru ENTITLED A Model of Regime Change: The Impact of Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. Thesis Director Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: _________________________________ Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Awad Halabi, Ph.D. Department of History ___________________________________ Barry Milligan, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Academic Affairs Dean of the Graduate School ABSTRACT Bizuru, Omar Khalfan, M.A., International and Comparative Politics Graduate Program, School of Public and International Affairs, Wright State University, 2021. A Model of Regime Change: The Impact of the Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa. This study examined the catalysts for social movements around the globe; specifically, why and how the Arab Spring uprisings led to regime change in Tunisia, why they transformed into civil war in some countries of the Middle East and North Africa (Syria), and why they did not lead to significant change at all in other places (Bahrain). -
What Does Mohammed Morsi's Death Mean for Egypt?
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION THE CURRENT: What does Mohammed Morsi’s death mean for Egypt? June 18, 2019 PARTICIPANTS: Host: Adrianna Pita, Office of Communications, Brookings Guest: Shadi Hamid, Senior Fellow, Center for Middle East Policy, Brookings (MUSIC) PITA: You're listening to “The Current,” part of the Brookings Podcast Network. With us today is Shadi Hamid, a senior fellow in our Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings. On Monday, former Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi, imprisoned since the mass protests and military coup that ousted him from office in 2013, died in Cairo. Shadi, what do we know so far about what happened? HAMID: Yes, so, Morsi died in court, obviously unexpectedly. He was there for an espionage trial. He's been charged with any number of things and he's been in and out of court since the coup in 2013. There have been concerns, repeated concerns from the international community about lack of adequate health care. He's had various health problems, and Egyptian prisons aren't exactly the best place to be if you have health problems, so that had been a concern for a long time. And I think international organizations are calling for investigations into what happened. What was the extent of his health care, or lack thereof? But, he died in court, which is a striking image. PITA: What has international reaction been so far from regional leaders and such? HAMID: So, at this point, there have been some interesting reactions from Erdoğan. So, Erdoğan called Mohammed Morsi a martyr. And Erdoğan is of the Justice and Development Party, the AK Party, in Turkey, which shares some similarities with the Muslim Brotherhood. -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021.