Okajima Vernacular: Alien Kanzan's An
Popularization of the Chinese Vernacular Novel in
Eighteenth-Century Japan
Emanuel Pastreich.
University Illinois of
philosophy exclusively through and Chinese literature Japan almost known in
were
composed literary Chinese, language highest register written in that defined the of texts
a
imported intellectual register discourse within China and Japan into of the
paramount as
language topics. for the serious of from the middle of the seventeenth Yet treatment
literary slowly
language written semi-vemacular Chinese in vernacular century
texts
on, or
through Nagasaki,
Japan into filtered attracting of the of the attention of wide
port
range a
intellectuals. important figures popularization One of the the of Chinese in
most
interpreter Okajima Japan vernacular fiction in translator and the Kanzan
was
Through (1674-1728). glossaries annotations, his Chinese and vernacular fiction became
accessible wide
pushed Japanese of readers. efforts Chinese Kanzan's to range
a
significant, vernacular fiction into of serious, the realm literature if visible and made it
not
period. intellectual within the discourse language of the These written in
texts
new were a
spoken Chinese, closer
consequently, although reader, and easier for the Chinese to
were
for difficult Despite Japanese the intellectual. involved the initial difficulties in
more
they reading immensely popular such eighteenth became from middle the of the texts,
the with major inspiration that Chinese result vernacular fiction of century
a was source
for fiction. Japanese
Although
marginal first, curiosities
Chinese vernacular
such Shuihu novels
at
as
7J• •!• •r• [] • • (Tale zhuan Margin) Xiyouji of the (Journey and West) Water the to
brought the attention intellectual of wide infused audience and
with that all-
to
were a
important • •_ ¢1•1 significance of Ogyfi the Confucian when (1666- scholar Sorai
aura
1728) suggested understanding language
that of the Chinese essential
vernacular
to an was
comprehension the of suggested Chinese cultural the Sorai tradition. that
strong a
spoken language command of the Chinese would classics make the Chinese more
Japanese accessible the reader be because he would the able barriers
to
to
to
overcome
comprehension by syntactic Japanese erected the employed of transformation then
system
•ll•. literary reading in of the Chinese known kundoku
as
promotion The Sorai's central in language Chinese of vernacular
moment
came
publication dictionary •_ with his language, of the for Chinese Yakubun
sentei
a
(A
Translation) Tool for description systematic addition in of Chinese 1714. In
to
a
particles language explicitly in
which the language, foreign Chinese treated
was as a
Yakubun included language. discussion substantial of vernacular Chinese Sorai's sentei
a
emphasis foreign
the language, need through understand Chinese
and do
to
to on as a so
apprehension language the of specific Chinese vernacular had
As
strategy
to purpose.
a a
Shogunate loss for his influence within of Yanagizawa his the after
compensate
patron
•, •1] • •
Yoshiyasu (1658-1714) appealed fell from large Sorai the to power, 39
who wished of outside the educated samurai and of government constituent
to
commoners
publishing expanding
rapidly
advantage of the bid take themselves. His
educate
to
was a
when the authority throughout
the industry textual establish his
country moment at
to a
appeal general of the political him. The
closed of channels
strategy to
to
power were
writing, immensely prodigious academic scholar, private with Sorai's combined
was
scholarly works, well his publication of his through and
circulation successful: the
as as
of his influential thinker Chinese, primers Sorai became the dictionaries of and most age--
academy. controlling Confucian without
a
language, vernacular necessity learning Chinese
of the the Sorai's insistence
or on
appeal • •-•, particular readers. scholarship his He Confucian had of a Trwa
to part
as
background, regardless of language learning suggested by actual Chinese the that
anyone,
by beyond offered the understanding that privileged of culture Chinese could obtain
a
increasingly from readers, the Kansai academies. These Confucian established
area,
dictionaries of vernacular other copies well
bought of Yakubun sentei,
many as
up as
followed it. stories that vernacular primers, collections Chinese of and annotated Chinese,
publishing made these within Japan that in They of the revolution formed texts
part
more
nourished growing readership fiction Japan in for readily before• The available than
ever
imported China. gobbled from publishing flood of books the
domestic and
up new
Chinese, limits in
speaker and there clear fluent of vernacular Sorai
not were a was
what he classical idiom. outside the the limits of No command Chinese his
matter
may
language, living understanding Chinese he importance of the about the have said
was
training spoken
Chinese. in rely extensive inevitably with the talents of others forced to on
original and discuss Chinese the in that read instructor main the
The
texts
met to at group
•±, Nagasaki •
translator Society, the Yakusha Translation them, known the
was or as
command of Chinese the with his Okajima 1711 had dazzled Kanzan Kanzan. at
everyone
command Castle, delegation occasion when such reception Edo
of the Korean
at a rare a
reputation practical
of the immediate and the fact
in of of Chinese
country
was on use was
line. the
early eighteenth in Japan of the remarkable the intellectual world What is about
distinguished gained Confucian attention of such the and is that Kanzan respect century
a
training though classical tradition Ogyfi the Chinese in Sorai he had little scholar
even as
youth
hierarchy Tokugawa had been Japan. Kanzan's the of in and social spent
status
no
Nagasaki, interpretation practical study language the of Chinese of for in the the port
at
pupil
Although Sorai's Chinese classics. included extensive work the and had
star
not on
• •
]• •]• classicism, (1683-1759), of did look down advocate
Hattori Nankaku
on as an
2 general general of erudition, viewed his lack of in
for Kanzan
Kanzan
master
a was as
by study spoken defined Sorai's Chinese, field in the of China Ken'en essential
an as
academy.
Ch6shfi, of Mrri translator the Lord
had served for
Kanzan to two years as a
during industry expanding publishing description Japan the late seventeenth the of in For
a
early eighteenth regulation by the in maturation and later the and its century, government century
see
#g "•" Bookshops) •'• • (Tokyo: (Edo A., • honyasan • Nihon ---, •_ Y6z6 Edo Konda •t •
no
h6s6, 1977), 41-77. pp.
•j[l • • 2 [] Yanagisawa Hattori Nankaku's his in
makes reference
Kien
comments to
•- • f• zl• }]•. • • •, • Nihonfin • Suikoden miscellany Takashima Toshio • See Hitorine
to
shoten, 1991), (Tokyo: 7• Japanese) Daishfikan (The J•. 53. and the Shuihu zhuan p. 40
•)•, N •I.I apprentice beginning Previously •
had Yoshinari he in served 1692.
as an
J•q•ff•__ •fi, official, Chinese, in ts•ji of
translator the in Karakeiko lowest rank
very or
during visiting Nagasaki. study Sometime with his service there he had occasion the
to
• • Shuchang Wang scholar translator Japanese q:: famed scholar and the and Chinese
I-'_•j;•(1661-1713). Gentei Ueno
• []
•, records, Gentei, often Kokushisei in Ueno referred contemporary
to as
by language spoken scholar and nurtured the with Chinese it Chinese
contact
a was as was
by practiced it Chinese afforded the residence of merchants and officials culture
as was on
Nagasaki--an exception territory foreign general exclusion Japanese in the of nationals
to
developed spoken Gentei Japan. from of both the details of Chinese and mastery a
larger China the cultural tradition. Gentei had studied well
contemporary
as as
• 1•
1_13 Jiang emigr6 Ming Confucianism with Meishan from the who had fled
to an
Nagasaki. subsequently also medicine Chinese studied with made monk and He
a a name
Nagasaki including addition, Chinese, spoken in his of the doctor. command
In
as a
Hangzhou, dialects sought and of made him the after and teacher Canton translator most
Nagasaki. in later his built he called the he home of Three Pleasures"
In "Room
years a
• _• (sanrakushitsu Nagasaki ) district maintained Maruyama the • in of where he
a
distinguished represented of salon intellectuals. Gentei of intellectuals
group a new
China, presented but with that side of Chinese culture that the in conversant not was
practical knowledge academies. had of He China derived from of interaction with
years a
Chinese
merchants, bureaucrats and translator, and he established be
not content to
a mere
3 figure himself Nagasaki cultural in
the world.
as a
family known Little is background, although about since Kanzan's learned he
father, Chinese from likely than his other
translator from Kanzan
most not someone was a
family.
Nagasaki returned Yoshinari's after Mrri He continued death and work
to
to
as a
• •, pkj •j•. specializing affairs, •__ translator in Chinese nait•ji Nankin The serious
or
hardship resulting financial pitiful give salary from interpreting his led his him and
to set up
Kyoto off for find Reportedly job fortune his in he found his 1701.
translator
to
a as
7• degrading 4 study wished and Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism.
to
$-4k • •j• acquaintance Kyoto publisher he Hayashi the made (also In of the
Gitan
• • • •, Hayashi Kyfihee known
1711), who d. commissioned
translate
Kanzan
to
as
•lJ :•: late-Ming • /¢7• •J• the Huang-Ming yingliezhuan historical novel (earliest
extant
• edition, 1591) Japanese. into Huang-Ming yingliezhuan exploits describes the
and
:• •. Ming dynasty, :•; of the founder of the Yuanzhuang
Zhu
conquests Kanzan's
•1"•" •lj :•: /•
z•_ translation, •J• entitled kr-Min T•zoku (Tales eiretsuden of from Heroes
6 Ming August the
Language), the in printed Common preface in the his 1705. In
to
was
eiretsuden, Hayashi kO-Min Tsftzoku Gidan employment relates by for that when asked
•1i•,. 3 •, •t•.•£
7• Ishizald
zokugo Mataz6
bungaku
Nihon okeru
[] Kinsei Shina shi
ni
• • • •g • 5t• •J• • • • • History (A of Japan) Early Chinese Fiction Vernacular
Modem in
(Tokyo: shobr, Krbund6 1940), 62-63.
pp.
4 Ishizaki, 73.
p.
• •2• •;:, • Huangming yingliezhuan, •
known
also Yunhe is
qizong
anonymous
as
an
z(• d? ,•J• • •, • Zhongguo [] •j Jl• See novel dated • 1591. xiaoshuo ttyao
tongsu
zongmu
Summary (General Chinese Fiction) Zhongguo (Beijing: Vemacular 1990), wenlian, 53.
to p.
6 •11(•t5 •g_•. gundan • Alternate title: Tsf•zoku Gen Min 41
in zhuan Shuihu yingliezhuan and Huang-Ming translate him asked
he Kanzan,
to
novel
first yingliezhuan the
Huang-Ming popular demand. The
was to
response
Ming dynasty be surrounding of establishment intrigues the concerning and
to the battles
fascinating infinitely and fresh seemed have it such to translated into Japanese. As
must
classical Japanese previously limited the reading been
had
whose
readers
Japanese
to
'•. •. • •J• (Military • • gundan subtitle, Gen Min Tsftzoku
Japanese tradition. The
Min• appeal give
intended it Dynasties) and from the to Yuan of to Heroes Romance
was
history. public reading Chinese
for larger the
although original, is without it basically the faithful is translation
not Kanzan's to
general reading clearly aimed
translation mistranslations.
Such and at omissions
a was a
audience curiosity. such the As of Chinese audience drawn
events out contemporary to
theatre j6ruri overlapped that for with puppet doubt eiretsuden
Tsftzoku k6-Min for
no
against
Ming the battles play the
about Monzaemon's Chikamatsu
flocked that
to
see
depicting play the opened This in Kokusenya when it 1715. kassen Manchus entitled
employs Chinese various against Manchus loyal Ming the
official battles of fantastic
a
in
such Chinese pronunciation. of The given expressions in Chinese
terms
use
proper
early during the language general
Chinese pronunciation in interest reflected
proper a
fiction. reading vernacular of spilled into the eighteenth fascination that
century,
over
a
yingliezhuan, Shuihu Huang-Ming
imports from China Along with such recent
as
knowledge
with intellectuals Japanese
considerable achieved zhuan some
among renown
vernacular
translated had been but seventeenth late Chinese from the of century, not
or
employed Hayashi in Gitan Kanzan Japan. published accessible format in in to annotate
an
published in first installment the which he zhuan of of Shuihu Japanese edition kundoku
a
Chl•gi
edition, Suikoden known annotated This of death. Kanzan's the 1728,
as year
reprint of Margin), •:/t• the is • 7.k Japanese (Loyal Righteous of the Tales and Water
a
original 8 with kaeriten Chinese published features the Kyoto that in Shuihu zhuan
text
(declensional kana) • added 4• order in • okurigana markers) 9 (syntactic ,• and 0 to
spoken is
knowledge Chinese.
of It readers without accessible Japanese
make it not
to a
a
7:• •lJ •J printed Japan). in (text Chinese in translation, annotated wakokubon rather but
an
readership the in implies that there
annotations
kaeriten inclusion of such The
was a
as
literature, did that, just who literature works of Chinese for vernacular
Kyoto not
as area
language.
mastering spoken Chinese in
interest have
strong
a
9 entirely The first installment work of Chftgi the Suikoden be Kanzan.
not
may
likely
chapters and only Hayashi first published by contains the Gitan in 1728 most
ten
was
installment, which included the produced by second least in the But Kanzan, next part.
at
Hayashi by Hayashi Gonbee subsequently
Gitan and chapters, released
ten was
project •ff, 1757--1ong death. The Hayashi family, aider Kanzan's in also of the
was
the that interrupted. Judging subsequently
from the slow
progress, assume we can
notice, priority.
What deserves family version Hayashi annotated did consider the
not a
Suikoden, Chftgi far of extremely high quality annotations the and of however, is the text
stories, Sh6setsu short vernacular huaben Chinese collections of the better than two
•k•. •1I•
Wagakuben T6kai's Quotation Shinozaki Ishizaki, from 81. essay p.
(Wenfan baihuiben 100-chapter fuller with the Ch•gi based the edition Suikoden is text
on
Nihonfin, Suikoden 65. of Shuihuzhuan. See edition to p.
Nihonfin, Suikoden 49-71. to pp. 42
seigen/Jx • • =-• [• ]• kigen, • and Sh6setsu that Oka Hakku annotated and Sawada
m•published • [] respectively. Issai in 1751, and 1743
already important Shuihu had zhuan topic study become of
the
among
an new
independent generation of emerging by scholars Hayashi Kyoto in time the Gitan
published installment translation, imperfect rendering the second of the
rather 1757, in
a
7J• • •, • •. ch•gi •w( 10 • Tsf•zoku Suikoden entitled full last installment of this The
complete translation
why remains zhuan, until
Shuihu 1790. It the not mystery was a
talked about of work fiction vernacular Chinese the first in of the seventeenth most part
complete
available translation in after other Chinese of century, novels not was
even
considerably fame less had been circulation in time. for By there several
1790
some were
original Japanese loosely novels
based circulation in the themes ofShuihu
but zhuan
on
no
translation. direct
•r,•_, •(• Hayashi proprietor Gitan the publishing the of Bunkaid6
successful
was
a
house, •£ • and also ukiyoz6shi author •J• the (realistic of novels) -• several narratives
•-• •_-• himself
Gitan both student in academy, Kogid6 Jinsai's
Confucian It6
a was
]• • _.•,
popular and eighteenth early fiction of the
in strong
He supporter
century. a
• published ,• •J• Ry6i's -y (1610-1691) Asai collection of stories of the strange
InuharikoJ•-•-, in Ry6i's the 1692, after death. Inuhariko
consists tales of of the
year
supernatural • • early Ming • culled from Jiandeng •_• the collection xinhua and
situated in Ry6i Japanese renderings original his of the Chinese classical
context.
a gave
emphasis. tales
didactic Kogid6
The eighteenth early
head of the the in
It6
century,
a
• • )•
•,• T6gai (1670-1736), praised
organization Gitan' primarily Bunkaid6
not s as an
profit, concerned with
but learning spread rather with the people, of
the
among
as
published.l• by evidenced other it works
published • • ula'yoz6shi Gitan stories, •, Tamakushige in and 1695 two
_:•,•i•--•
Tamahahaki in loosely Ry6i's 1696, &which both he based tales. Since Gitan
on
already had interest Chinese in supernatural tales the of from late the seventeenth
an
likely
receptive he promotion Chinese of Kanzan's fiction. vernacular century, He
to
was
example
Japanese of
intellectual
with
serious
popular commitment both
to was an a a
fiction learning. and Confucian Sorai
why have made for vernacular
argument may
an
help Chinese studies of project, the in Confucian the interest but alternative this in
were
tradition already Chinese of culture
there.
was
Osaka,
Kyoto left briefly for Kanzan Edo in 1706, returned
took and then
to
up
study Shogun's the academy Edo, Confucian guidance in under Hayashi
the
&the dean at
•JJ•l,
[• (1644-1732) H6k6 distinguished in After he exchange 1711. himself the with
at
emissaries Ogyfi that Korean hired
Sorai instructor of Kanzan
Chinese
year, as an
language
academy his Ken'en responsible Edo. in language for Kanzan the classes at
was
spoken in Chinese that all the taught students alongside attended. Ken'en He another
Suikoden •o
Nihonjin gives description of the inconsistencies textual of translation the
to
a
(pp. 85-92).
neither As the
wakokubon the
version translation
mentions
the
annotator,
can nor
we
only it •-• I•
that • Suyama kLI based is Nant6 Kanzan's work.
identifies the Kanzan
assume on
as
edition,
Chftgi &this his (see in Nihonjin, Suikoden Suikoden kai 59).
The annotator second
to
p.
installment
published the translation and thirty
almost death,
after Kanzan's and most
were years
are
likely by another hand.
n for Hayashi See the bungaku
T6gai daifiten. Gitan the in
Nihon It6 entry this makes
• 7•.
• • short remark in entitled
Bunkait6 ki essay a 43
0baku •:: • speaker Chinese, priest (1697-1768) Daich6 of the Chinese fluent descent of
• •
spoken Ryfijin
Temple. then who abbot the Daich6 the studied Chinese also at
was
Gentei.12 tutelage ofUeda under the
distinguishing premodern Japan feature of is One interactions between the close
specialized period, the carders tradition. crafts and the of the intellectual earlier
From
an
7J• •f;'[• I• •l• painter (1558-1637) craftsman Hon'ami such the and Kretsu
could
men as
essentially acquire remain artisans but still considerable fame with the educated elite of
damning degree their time. be craftsman it in the that often To
Korea
not
to
a was was or
specialist possible China; properly it for such who educated
Kanzan
not a was was as
acquaintance important Confucian tradition within the make the of the
to most
impact development. intellectuals of his Sorai have their His closeness and
to
an on era
flexibility points Chinese, knowledge spoken the social order. His Japanese the of of
to
a
learning previously trivial, considered field of followers
valued Sorai's
to among a was
possible degree knowledge specialized specific than in of crafts where Korea greater
was
expected study frowned
and the scholar devote his full attention the of
to to upon was was
the classical The famous tradition.
from the Analects that define the
to
passage came
separation
applied gentleman specialist" crafts, (junzi from the of intellectuals "the is
not
a
:•) • 7f• • 13 weight Japan less carried much bu than it did elsewhere. qi in
Academy first interacted of Sorai's Edo with the members in Ken'en Kanzan
at
Trgai Kogid6 from and later with Kyoto It6 and his students the until in 1711 1724 to
at
together study his death in dictionaries of series of for the 1728. vernacular He put
a
literary • translating addition activities Chinese such in the classic Japanese Taiheiki
to
as
-• • annotating into vernacular the fashion. Chinese and Shuihu zhuan in kundoku He
tirelessly study of worked the vernacular Chinese. promote to
Among achievements, primer systematic Chinese, Kanzan's the
for vernacular
•]• • •-• •.
(Essentials major Chinese), 'y6 of Trwa Vernacular stands
out
zan as a
reception language. the landmark in Chinese of vernacular wide 'y6 Trwa
presents
a zan
expressions complete Chinese of idiomatic vemacular with their Chinese
range proper
pronunciations explanations. beyond Japanese addition, 'y6 and the Trwa In
zan moves
primer including by lengthy by bounds for of Chinese also narratives written Kanzan
two a
language. Although ostensibly presented models of Chinese vernacular both tales
as are as
language, examples literary they gain strength vernacular of Chinese their from their
clearly qualities, appeal sensibility, and the reader's rather than
to to meant
were
some
practical spoken vocabulary. Chinese need for
appended likely inspired The stories Japanese zan'y6 other Trwa
two try
to to
using literary compositions. Chinese their hand in creative vernacular their One of
at
many
•z• •tJ•Heian Shrkr's/f'• •" inspired by Chinese works vernacular in this is
Matsumuro
text
•.• •1] •[z 4-•
•d•, karyfiroku pleasure Kyoto record of the of from the 1720s. quarters a
language found Shrk6 and others Chinese offered vernacular novel schema for
a
presenting familiar the world around them.
published
expanded time and 'y6 for the first Trwa revised and in Kanzan 1716
zan
•2 Ishizaki, 73-93. pp.
• •
13 • • bunjinga •_ 3•: Tsuji •" Jk •q• See "Nihon seiritsu" I• Nobuo's article
a)
no
•_• ,• kenky• (The painting) Japanese •Z • formation •A• literati of in krla hikaku bunka
Edo
©
no
• $3• •'• Ryren 3• • (Comparative • pf Period), Cultural -• Studies the Edo ed. Minamoto Late
(Tokyo: Perikan, [:q 1990), 238-370. pp. 44
of
lengthy Like
narratives. these addition of with the
later it
many two
two
years
and Edo. simultaneously published Kyoto in It dictionaries, zan'y6 Tdwa Kanzan's
was
published
and
organized Chinese systematically lexicon of vernacular first the
usage
was
organized
in the zan'y6 of widely fascicles Tdwa Japan. The six in circulated
are
three-character and devoted two-character following
first kan The
to
was manner.
,14
]• •
transcribed pronunciations, Tdon Chinese expressions with the in Chinese
proper
second The below. translation written furigana vernacular Japanese
and left in the
to a
including characters, consisting expressions of three
consist of
third fascicles and
or more
9-• •,
previously known chengyu
expressions, idiomatic Chinese
to not
set
or
many
dialogue fragments in gives of fascicle fourth tradition. kanbun The within
the
Japanese
kinship subjects: practical glossary small spoken The fifth fascicle is
Chinese. terms,
on a
primer introduce those point animals, fish, of the and shellfish. tools, aspects The to
was
of the direct which, ties language of their because Chinese aspects of the concrete to
literary it
Chinese
life, into made their Chinese had contemporary not was as
way
practiced Japan. in
of the consists 'y6, of edition Trwa fascicle, added in the sixth 1718 The two
zan
general based in Chinese and vernacular above, original in written narratives mentioned
transcription of these Ming. the
plot of the late stories In the short huaben
structure
on
of indications the and pronunciations character for each the Chinese narratives both
two
which is by translation Japanese supplied. followed
stories The Chinese
tones
a
are are
according rendering • the (syntactic Chinese ayomikudashi into -V essentially • • set to
opposed Chinese, reading)
version of the conversion within kanbun of rules to
an as
idiomatic Fukushima in the is found Japanese such translation into
contemporary
as
• • appended •lJ • gakubun (1561-1624) Sorai's tale
sentei.
Masanori
to
• • •[J • kidan prefaced
huaben-style Wa-Kan stories These
two
as are
and individually Someone Japan), Saves (Fantastic and titled "Sun Ba of China and Tales
• Jk • fk •, "• ) °'Derong defu and (Sun Does
into Good Fortune" jiuren Ba
Comes
a
•r fCft ¢•r • • • ). youbao xingshan (Derong Rewards" Deed and His Good Gets
sophisticated
original primer, works show language Although placed these
within
two
a
a
studying project of entire they the sensibility. that literary this For
suggest reason,
exploring speech
with the do and do with actual Chinese had less vernacular
to
to more
register language. possibilities of in inherent
a new
''•5 literary gives of the xingshan youbao of"Derong
examination closer A
sense a
allegory of particularly
of the primer, manifested this in sensibility this in
latent
act
very as
__• • (1684-88), period what J6ky6 plot the in of the translation within the Set story.
youbao" xingshan the visit "Derong reader, relates for the the would have been past
recent
Yangzhou. Derong a
from Nagasaki of wealth and Derong, Chinese of Li
status
to man
Nagasaki wishing China, it first- and landscape while in of heard of the beautiful had to
see
of Japanese the home residence hand,
Japan takes
visits merchant. He
at
man up a as a
1•[•. IN, arrival, of the
occasion Derong After has Ichir6 his Hara courtesans to many see
syllabary hiragana, pronunciation that 14 rendering imperfect into of Chinese rather The
a
Nanjing the be based
articulation,
assumed 'y6 in is
Tdwa much for does allow
to
not on zan room dialect.
ffff •- • • •-• Chinese Classified • (Dictionary of in fisho • ru•jf• 'y6
in Trwa Trwa
zan
kenkyfikai, 1972), • • 7, •_• volume :• (Tokyo: • Kikuya Categories), Koten Nagasawa ed. p.
294. 45
Nagasaki, worthy complains is artificial and their conduct of but their that not
appearance
Imagining Derong in beauties Japan, found of mention. that there be
true to
never are no
Nagasaki. questions again pleasure Japanese friend of the his He quarters
to retums
why, spite Ichir6 Japan, beauties be found. Ichir6 the of fine climate of in
to to
are no as
problem merely is that Derong has them that the
yet. suggests not
seen
•Z, ]•I
days Ichirr's, Ichirr's of arrives Hisasuke and home few later friend A at
a
speaks beauty concubine Derong wishes herself order in of who sell
to to to
young as a a
immediate does make Derong
her from When
poverty. parents not
response an save
indicating it, Derong
either interest the lack of Ichir6 remarks that
not to
appears or
truthfully, speak anything complains Li believe he is told. Ichir6 that when Master "even I
extraordinary (p. 266). that this end
will does believe it" Hisasuke laments not up woman
worthy. less of the property
someone
uninterested, point explains problem he is but Derong this that the that is At
not
simply beauty making interview
decision.
is that he the before in An
must person see a
Derong
arranged due in The and is taken the home of the woman's
to course. woman
according
Derong invites into wine the rules of father the home and him
to proper serves
impoverished etiquette. simple is home the His home and bare. that remains the All in
are
by father, proud the samurai.
Derong of is startled the swords but and
poor armor a
between of this the refined character and careful and the strong
contrast manners man
vulgar Nagasaki previously. gives habits of the The samurai his merchants he had
met
• • •
explains [] Naiki his and that he moved location Yasuda in
present
to
as name
Nagasaki following superior. Although
earlier the orders of his he had twenty
years some
first, completely supporting savings region. himself this he unfamiliar them used in
at
up
her, give Recently had fallen medicine his his wife sick and there eldest
to as was no
• daughter Otoyo for had in •
sell herself concubine the made her mind
to return up as a
required Impressed by her mother. her determination sacrifice herself
to to treat money
by mother, consequently for her Yasuda Naiki is moved her devotion and does try not to
dissuade her from her
purpose.
by Otoyo's inquires why Derong is also sentiments. moved noble first He to as
explains
Naiki does sell his that sword is Naiki the the of the
not
weapons. essence
16
proceeding samurai, the define Derong of his warrior. is further
to nature essence a
as
by loyalty begins moved the lord. devotion of Naiki his and honorifics in He
to
to use
beauty.17
addressing exceptional Otoyo Naiki. also that is He notes
an
spitting Otoyo Derong When discovers that closer look he takes she is the
at a
• •, image
of his sister Yulan China. for in His desire sadness he her and
turns to own
droops by his head--a Hisasuke mistaken and Ichir6 indication of lack of
gesture
a as an
Derong exactly only interest. tells Naiki Otoyo that his sister Yulan would like her look if
clothing changed.
were
praises Otoyo Derong filial for her then and takes her sister. He
act as a sworn
gives liang silver, humbly promises her of Naiki which she the 300 accepts.
to
repay
gives enough
provisions dowry Derong also kindness. her that she
to as a ensure can
distinguished family. throughout Derong's
benevolent makes famous him act marry a
•
•fS. 17 [] Zhenguose
Otoyo's particular formulation This hints role for metonymy at
as
Japanese culture. 46
Nagasaki.
Nagasaki and business in to his return finished
Derong has to When
prepares
temple.
Derong reception for newlyweds him
throw families China, of the the at
a
a
enjoys
Naiki
that
in order family
with
the showers
to
a assure money
more even
off Derong
harbor
family the day the old The comfortable to out to next see comes age.
Shanghai.
for
bound
of fleet boat
a one on
around powerful gale wells
however,
reach the When the boats
up
sea, open a
occupied by only leaving the boat flotilla and the in engulfing boats of the them,
two
praying
for their voices raise of the members completely untouched. The
Derong
crew
feeling death is point, that this goddess
of At the Chinese Mazu, their lives
to sea.
perfect in the
with sits dry clothes and changes of into imminent, Derong composure set a
thinking his home. of cabin
parents at
begins talk boy and possession incense of the takes Suddenly herself to
Mazu
of actions by
noble the moved Heavenly Father through that the She relates him.
was so
it allow and the from boat
this Nagasaki decided that he has in storm Derong
to
spare one
body. his leaves
unconscious topples
boy Mazu safely. incense The
to return as
over
in
famous become
his actions saving and them praises for Derong The
as
crew
nearly
that disaster of the hear Derong's When they Japan. in had been parents China
as
again.
makes Japan He travel high they forbid him contact the
him befell
to to
seas,
on
Japan with direct His adopted family via letters. Japan in with his thereafter contact
close.
to
comes
a
Chinese, vemacular lively readable compelling
tale in being and addition In to
a
allegory elaborate read be
Rewards"
His Good Deed and
Gets "Derong Does
an as can
a
which the languages in Japanese and the equivalency Chinese between the two
on
isomorphic. Derong is mutually absolutely presented
but linguistic bodies
separate
as are
and culture of,
in, Japanese transplanted but Japan; he is Chinese merchant
not to
a
equivalent that physical beauty
Nagasaki prostitutes
of language. the in seeks He to
out a
he the All
China, find but he of
the which he knew
cannot
women one. among
women
''18
speaking of. They artificially worth "falsely dressed. and
made
not up are
are
sees
equivalent
finding in challenge of opening the initial tale of the The
presents an
question underlies larger that
the reflects China. Such beauties of Japan
the
to a move
Japanese. The Chinese and equivalents
of the idioms between form 'y6: how T6wa to
zan
language, became of
contrived overtly behavior and prostitute, artificial with her
usage a
period. Tokugawa during involving language the play literary for favorite
metonymy
language found analysis within vemacular of Chinese careful it in the Moreover,
part
was
employed by
later supplied schemata the Chinese that learn vernacular the
movement to
pleasure speech of the descriptions distinctive their of the quarters. intellectuals in patterns
parallel happy
with pleasure formed society, the other within
internalized quarters As
a an
Japanese within culture. literary existed tradition it Chinese the
as
beauty wishes sell who of Japanese tell Derong Hisasuke arrives When to
to
a
by
virtue family, moved her and Derong is concubinage in order her herself into
to
save
two
universality
of the
introduced this in themes visit. The
off her
story
sets to
are pay a
• (li ). the O•: Beauty universality of behavior beauty (mei ) and the represents
proper
differently through represented
the countries physical reality both but that is
to
common
reality moral that unites the respective languages Proper behavior and represents customs.
• 1• •J • •j• • • 18 ,,Weizhuangfiashi chi" weizu 47
pattemings propriety despite Japan their cultural differences: basic social the of China and
undergird regardless universality of social interactions variations. all of local is the that It
particularity Otoyo beauty of and Derong moral action draws while the culture that to
keeps her distance from him. at
a
samurai, Otoyo's father has which Yasuda Naiki the noble class
represents
a no
ready explanation equivalent China which find his in in and for Derong
can own no
society. high elderly of Derong understand sentiments and the the Yet
to
comes man
(in language assume) Chinese social Japanese in accordance. The shifts his of
we use
underlying national's the order finds Chinese because in values the
acceptance
eyes a are
universality starting point: 'y6 thematizes the that it takes China The
T6wa
as zan a same.
different, but it is commensurable that the values in is different and be understood must
as
accepted embodies The Chinese tradition is each culture the priori
part not
are same. as a
"Derong Deed and Japanese of the cultural whole Good Gets His Rewards." in Does
a
difference, only profound by reinforced Cultural similarities discovered after cultural
are
misunderstandings clearly tale, of the and articulations that dot the gestures
constant are recognized.
daughter Otoyo concubine When Naiki's oldest offers herself" for in
return
a as
finding hope beauty Japan. the the has Derong visits of he
in in On
true not
money, seen
"exceptional
beauty" examination, Derong Otoyo closer confirms that is fact but in
at an
''19 spitting image time the realizes that she is "the of his sister
he
younger same own
possibility point Otoyo The Derong Yulan. of union between and is ruled this and
out at
a
mirroring replaced by perfect equivalent Japan. Otoyo China between and is the
to
a
exactly marrying Derong's her, Derong sister China--and the than in
Rather
age. same
helps perfect parallel sister and takes her his
Japanese. her another A
to sworn marry as
perfect family is established that maintains distance between Chinese world of the
a
family
parallelism exactly of Derong Japanese and the of Naiki. Such mirrors the
act a
representation origin translation tale. that lies behind this of and The the in Kanzan's story
study recapitulated plot. story's of translation is within the
clothing exactly only Otoyo that The remark like Yulan her would look if
were
analogies changed writing Ogyfi echoes other which Sorai's in in he claims that he and his
distinguish only followers have mastered Chinese Japanese that their outfits culture
so
equivalents, they separated by Chinese. them from The but the
true two
are women are
cultural of details &the tradition each.
throughout Nagasaki, Derong's famous benevolent him his makes
act encounter
as
high throughout with the Thus, will him famous China. make Mazu the
events
on seas
parallel contained propagated Derong stories about that Japan both in and generate
are
by original China who hear of his those Japanese actions. The Chinese and translation
supplied
representing divergent could be viewed traditions. those two
as
between
The treacherous Japan Ogyfi lies and China recalls that Sorai's
ocean
preface linguistic Yakubun in which of the
distance sentei represents to water
expanse an
languages. between Japanese Chinese and the god Chinese the On the Mazu stormy
sea,
(a deity universality recognizes Japan) who righteous Derong's of does exist in the not
in Chinese Japan actions within action universal moral is tale, the realm. Moral within the
constantly but it be translated conditions. and mediated conform local
must
to to
again, by Derong forbidden however, is Japan his travel that in the parents to to so
•i•,• •, • ,• •9 • "Fangfu
wuer" yiyang --. wanran 48
Close letter.
format: the
written relationship cukures the between the end reverts to
two
a
but of the sides and Japanese Chinese story, parallels the between form and ties
exact
Otoyo, and and Derong place
takes between
union point sexual of is No there
contact.
no
written word. the exchanges reduced they all after to
part
are
includes Rewards" His and
Gets Good Deed language "Derong of Does The
a
reader for understand difficult
colloquialisms been would have that Chinese to
a
many
and
stilted is far language
Chinese, spoken its familiarity but with without more
some
spoken
for Chinese in
huaben short
employed Chinese unwieldy in that than story,
or a
much
been,
Kanzan have
translator First, his skills not whatever that
was
may matter.
as a
''2°
tale
this
in
her take having else phrases
stylist.
"suffer Such of
so are someone as
a
they although Chinese, spoken practice for
useless rather make
them awkward
to
as
as
conclude that
might
far literary
Chinese. One certainly for do to go not as so
proper pass
language of alien introduction
in the
lies reader for the the interest in this
story an
more
work Kanzan's
conversation. In
example in Chinese for vernacular
of of than
use proper
a
is literary he in that of the drifting realm the into study is vernacular Chinese of the
utility.
their oddness, phrases bringing for their
in
not
1"¢0 • 21 I• •
includes
Chfigai by
Shirakashi 'y6 afterword the TOwa The
a to
zan
language), zoku
(or vernacular commonplace relationship
culture of the short
statement
on
,22
simply, •ff• worthy of language), He (literary •'H, culture and elevated states
note.
ga
single
refined, with the refined
the single lead vulgar transformation with
"the to
a
can
a
spoken
''23 study
of the early theoretical
this lead the
In transformation
text
to on
way.
can
commonplace understanding
necessity
of Chfigai for the Chinese,
argument presents
an
of vulgar
refined and
leading The
the part ladder in culture
step to a are way.
a a
as
depend each other. continuum, and such
on as
professional with pivotal translator played
Okajima role strong
Kanzan
a as a
a
Sorai, Ogyfi the ties spoken nonetheless had close Chinese who command of
most to
large
publications,
Kanzan's result of important of the
Confucian scholar As
a age.
a
of develop command opportunity the intellectuals Japan had in of number strong to
a
Chinese vernacular reading for the language audience the and became vernacular Chinese
had been Although vernacular fiction Chinese Japan the time. flowed into works that at
popularity acquired and annotations,
and it translations
Kanzan's read before
more new a
zan'y6 significance, importantly, him. Such works
Trwa after
gave a new as new a
reading narrative. Chinese significance of vernacular seriousness the and to
.• •
• • Y¢]• Jk 20 yi" "'Bei zhi taren you
• •. • •_• 21 Zen'an Kakiuchi Identified also as
•2h
•possible •ow criticism, l•era• is it works of a•e•ar• s•lar •is •
to
m•y as
general. specific l•age culture • refer •
zo• •d •er to ga or
• • •
• • •
• • •
•bian
ke• •o" •bian kezhi • zhi "Su
• • ya, ya ze ze 49