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Historical Association of Deutsche Bank Bank and History Historical Review No. 19 April 2009 Remembering Karl Klasen Karl Klasen was born in Hamburg on He was awarded a doctorate in 1933 for his April 23, 1909. His family lived close to the thesis on an international law topic. port, where his father, a stevedore by trade, Although civil service was initially on his worked as an inspector at Lütgens & agenda after passing the state examinations, Reimers. Looking back on his childhood, Karl Klasen quickly realised it would be advisable Klasen described how his father’s hard not to continue down the path towards the working day, which began at 6 in the judges’ bench in a national socialist regime. morning, determined every aspect of the He became a member of the SPD in 1931 family’s life. Their circumstances were before joining the Reichsbanner Schwarz- »comfortable yet modest«. In spite of this, Rot-Gold (a multiparty Socialist Democratic Klasen’s parents managed to send both sons paramilitary force set up during the Weimar to university. Karl Klasen started reading law Republic in 1924), which regarded itself as a in 1928. In the first semesters of his studies, dedicated custodian of Germany’s he was employed as a working student at democratic traditions. After working as an Hamburg Port and travel guide at Hapag – assistant judge in a civil court for four the same shipping company where he would months, by coincidence, an opportunity chair the supervisory board three decades arose for him to join Deutsche Bank. Klasen later. was offered a position in the Legal Department of the main Hamburg Branch, where he was employed as a legal adviser from October 1935. -
The Rise of the Socialist Party in France: a Study of the National Relevance of Local Elections As Illustrated by Lyon, Nantes and Rennes
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1989 The Rise of the Socialist Party in France: A Study of the National Relevance of Local Elections as Illustrated by Lyon, Nantes and Rennes Heather Allison Lehr College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Lehr, Heather Allison, "The Rise of the Socialist Party in France: A Study of the National Relevance of Local Elections as Illustrated by Lyon, Nantes and Rennes" (1989). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625536. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-pjfp-6s90 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RISE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY IN FRANCE: A Study of the National Relevance of Local Elections As Illustrated by Lyon, Nantes and Rennes 1971 - 1983 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Heather Lehr 1989 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Approved, April 1989 DEDICATION For my parents TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS....................................... v ABSTRACT............................................. vi INTRODUCTION................................. -
The Algerian War, European Integration and the Decolonization of French Socialism
Brian Shaev, University Lecturer, Institute for History, Leiden University The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism Published in: French Historical Studies 41, 1 (February 2018): 63-94 (Copyright French Historical Studies) Available at: https://read.dukeupress.edu/french-historical-studies/article/41/1/63/133066/The-Algerian- War-European-Integration-and-the https://doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619 Note: This post-print is slightly different from the published version. Abstract: This article takes up Todd Shepard’s call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party’s European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France’s colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism. Cet article adresse l’appel de Todd Shepard à «écrire à la fois l’histoire de la guerre d’Algérie et l’histoire de l'intégration européenne» en examinant le Parti socialiste. L’internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l’histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Profile Persönlichkeiten Der Universität Hamburg Profile Persönlichkeiten Der Universität Hamburg Inhalt
FALZ FÜR EINKLAPPER U4 RÜCKENFALZ FALZ FÜR EINKLAPPER U1 4,5 mm Profile persönlichkeiten der universität hamburg Profile persönlichkeiten der universität hamburg inhalt 6 Grußwort des Präsidenten 8 Profil der Universität Portraits 10 von Beust, Ole 12 Breloer, Heinrich 14 Dahrendorf, Ralf Gustav 16 Harms, Monika 18 Henkel, Hans-Olaf 20 Klose, Hans-Ulrich 22 Lenz, Siegfried 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 Miosga, Caren 26 von Randow, Gero 28 Rühe, Volker 30 Runde, Ortwin 32 Sager, Krista 34 Schäuble, Wolfgang 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 36 Schiller, Karl 38 Schmidt, Helmut 40 Scholz, Olaf 42 Schröder, Thorsten 44 Schulz, Peter 46 Tawada, Yoko 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 48 Voscherau, Henning 50 von Weizsäcker, Carl Friedrich 52 Impressum grusswort des präsidenten Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Hamburg Dieses Buch ist ein Geschenk – sowohl für seine Empfänger als auch für die Universität Hamburg. Die Persönlichkeiten in diesem Buch machen sich selbst zum Geschenk, denn sie sind der Universität auf verschiedene Weise verbunden – als Absolventinnen und Absolventen, als ehemalige Rektoren, als prägende Lehrkräfte oder als Ehrendoktoren und -senatoren. Sie sind über ihre unmittelbare berufliche Umgebung hinaus bekannt, weil sie eine öffentliche Funktion wahrnehmen oder wahrgenommen haben. Die Universität Hamburg ist fern davon, sich selbst als Causa des beruflichen Erfolgs ihrer prominenten Alumni zu betrach- ten. Dennoch hat die Universität mit ihnen zu tun. Sie ist der Ort gewesen, in dem diese Frauen und Männer einen Teil ihrer Sozialisation erfahren haben. Im glücklicheren Fall war das Studium ein Teil der Grundlage ihres Erfolges, weil es Wissen, Kompetenz und Persönlichkeitsbildung ermöglichte. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. -
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message After the Oath*
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message after the Oath* At the general assembly of the House of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic, on Wednesday, 12 March 1946, the President of the Republic read the following message: Gentlemen: Right Honourable Senators and Deputies! The oath I have just sworn, whereby I undertake to devote myself, during the years awarded to my office by the Constitution, to the exclusive service of our common homeland, has a meaning that goes beyond the bare words of its solemn form. Before me I have the shining example of the illustrious man who was the first to hold, with great wisdom, full devotion and scrupulous impartiality, the supreme office of head of the nascent Italian Republic. To Enrico De Nicola goes the grateful appreciation of the whole of the people of Italy, the devoted memory of all those who had the good fortune to witness and admire the construction day by day of the edifice of rules and traditions without which no constitution is destined to endure. He who succeeds him made repeated use, prior to 2 June 1946, of his right, springing from the tradition that moulded his sentiment, rooted in ancient local patterns, to an opinion on the choice of the best regime to confer on Italy. But, in accordance with the promise he had made to himself and his electors, he then gave the new republican regime something more than a mere endorsement. The transition that took place on 2 June from the previ- ous to the present institutional form of the state was a source of wonder and marvel, not only by virtue of the peaceful and law-abiding manner in which it came about, but also because it offered the world a demonstration that our country had grown to maturity and was now ready for democracy: and if democracy means anything at all, it is debate, it is struggle, even ardent or * Message read on 12 March 1948 and republished in the Scrittoio del Presidente (1948–1955), Giulio Einaudi (ed.), 1956. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Edinburgh Research Explorer
Edinburgh Research Explorer A Panacea for all Times? Citation for published version: Howarth, D & Rommerskirchen, C 2013, 'A Panacea for all Times? The German Stability Culture as Strategic Political Resource', West European Politics, vol. 36, no. 4, pp. 750-770. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.783355 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1080/01402382.2013.783355 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: West European Politics Publisher Rights Statement: © Howarth, D., & Rommerskirchen, C. (2013). A Panacea for all Times?: The German Stability Culture as Strategic Political Resource. West European Politics, 36(4), 750-770. 10.1080/01402382.2013.783355 General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. Sep. 2021 A Panacea for all Times? The German Stability Culture as Strategic Political Resource David Howarth and Charlotte Rommerskirchen West European Politics, Vol. 36, No. 4. Abstract The German Stability Culture is frequently pointed to in the literature as the source of the country’s low inflationary policies and, at the European Union (EU) level, the design of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). -
Abbreviations
ABBREViations AGCM Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (Authority Guaranteeing Competition and the Market) AGCOM Autorità per le Garanzie nelle Comunicazioni (Commu- nications Regulatory Authority) ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe AN Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) ANCI Associazione Nazionale dei Comuni Italiani (National Association of Italian Local Authorities) ANM Associazione Nazionale Magistrati (National Associa- tion of Magistrates) BNL Banca Nazionale del Lavoro CdL Casa delle Libertà (House of Freedoms) CEI Conferenza Episcopale Italiana (Assembly of Italian Bishops) CGIL Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (Italian General Confederation of Labor) CIA Central Intelligence Agency (US government) CIPE Comitato Interministeriale per la Programmazione Economica (Interministerial Committee for Economic Planning) CISL Confederazione Italiana Sindacati Lavoratori (Italian Confederation of Trade Unions) CL Comunione e Liberazione (Communion and Liberation) CONSOB Commissione Nazionale per le Società e la Borsa (National Commission for Companies and the Stock Exchange) COVIP Commissione di Vigilanza sui Fondi Pensione (Supervi- sory Body for Pension Funds) CSM Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura (Governing Council of the Judiciary) DC Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democratic Party) viii Abbreviations DCA Democrazia Cristiana per le Autonomie (Christian Democracy for the Autonomies) DICO Diritti e Doveri delle Coppie Conviventi (rights and obli- gations of cohabiting couples) DPEF Documento -
The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U.