The Sudans: Which Way?
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Redalyc.COORDINATOR's NOTE
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Alaminos, María-Ángeles COORDINATOR'S NOTE UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 33, octubre-, 2013, pp. 9-11 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76728723002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206 NOTA DE LA COORDINADORA / COORDINATOR´S NOTE María-Ángeles Alaminos 1 UCM / UNISCI The current crises in Sudan and South Sudan highlight the need for discussion and reflection on the key issues surrounding South Sudan’s secession from the North. This collection of articles considers those crises emerging between and within the Sudans and seeks to understand both Sudanese and South Sudanese internal dynamics and the way they relate to the external influence of major powers. The history of Sudan, formerly the biggest African country and often considered “a microcosm of Africa”, has been characterized by inequality between the center and the peripheries and by protracted internal conflicts that have shaped the country since its independence from British and Egyptian rule in 1956. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed in 2005 between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), brought an end to the second civil war in Sudan and granted the people of Southern Sudan the right to self-determination through a referendum. -
War Economy in Karima, Khartoum and Juba, Sudan Bruijn, M.E.De; Brinkman, I.; Bilal, H.; Wani, P.T
The Nile connection : effects and meaning of the mobile phone in a (post)war economy in Karima, Khartoum and Juba, Sudan Bruijn, M.E.de; Brinkman, I.; Bilal, H.; Wani, P.T. Citation Bruijn, M. Ede, Brinkman, I., Bilal, H., & Wani, P. T. (2012). The Nile connection : effects and meaning of the mobile phone in a (post)war economy in Karima, Khartoum and Juba, Sudan. Afrika-Studiecentrum, Leiden. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/18450 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/18450 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). The Nile Connection. Effects and Meaning of the Mobile Phone in a (Post)War Economy in Karima, Khartoum and Juba, Sudan Mirjam de Bruijn & Inge Brinkman with Hisham Bilal & Peter Taban Wani ASC Working Paper 99 / 2012 African Studies Centre P.O. Box 9555 2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands Telephone +31-71-5273372 Fax +31-71-5273344 Website www.ascleiden.nl E-mail [email protected] © Mirjam de Bruijn & Inge Brinkman The Nile Connection Effects and Meaning of the Mobile Phone in a (Post)War Economy in Karima, Khartoum and Juba, Sudan by Mirjam de Bruijn & Inge Brinkman with Hisham Bilal & Peter Taban Wani Leiden, The Netherlands February 2012 Please do not quote without the consent of the authors Table of Contents Foreword 5 Points of departure 5 Research methodologies 8 Main findings 9 Acknowledgements 11 1. Introduction 13 A vast country 13 Politics and borders 14 History of mobility 16 Box 1. Sending remittances: Old and new 17 Conflict and warfare in Sudan 18 2. -
The Secession of South Sudan: a Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition
College of Saint Benedict and Saint John's University DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU Political Science Student Work Political Science 2012 The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition Christian Knox College of Saint Benedict/Saint John's University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Knox, Christian, "The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition" (2012). Political Science Student Work. 1. https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students/1 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition An Honors Thesis College of St. Benedict/St. John’s University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for All College Honors and Distinction in the Department of Political Science by Christian Knox May, 2012 Knox 2 ABSTRACT: This thesis focuses on the recent secession of South Sudan. The primary research questions include an examination of whether or not South Sudan’s 2011 secession signaled a break from the O.A.U.’s traditional doctrines of African stability and noninterference. Additionally, this thesis asks: why did the United States and the international community at large confer recognition to South Sudan immediately upon its independence? Theoretical models are used to examine the independent variables of African stability, ethnic secessionism, and geopolitics on the dependent variables of international recognition and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. -
The Risk for Boys from Poor Communities to Drop out from School: the Case of Khartoum, Sudan
Yousif & Mohammed. Space and Culture, India 2020, 8:1 Page | 187 https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v8i1.711 RESEARCH OPEN ACCESS The Risk for Boys from Poor Communities to Drop out from School: The Case of Khartoum, Sudan Nagwa Babiker Abdalla Yousif†* and Shadia Abdel Rahim Mohammed¥ Abstract In the current world, poverty and education are interconnected. Low level of education is the cause of poverty, as extreme forms of poverty do not allow many children to get a good education. This study investigates the risk factors that significantly increase the likelihood of pupils dropping out of school in Khartoum, Sudan. To accomplish the research, two factors are selected, namely absenteeism and low performance of pupils from poor, disadvantaged communities. A comprehensive interviewing is used to collect the necessary primary data along with the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) data. The life of pupils is characterised by multi-dimensional poverty apace with illiteracy, displacement and large family size, parents' engagement in low paid jobs. The pupils presented multiple reasons (related to poverty) for their absenteeism and low performance. The results indicate that pupils are not clear with their future perspectives whether to drop out of the school or to continue their studies. The study concludes that poverty is the main reason for absenteeism and low performance that increases the likelihood of pupils dropping out of school. Keywords: School Education; Poor Communities; Absenteeism; Migration; Performance; Sudan †Assistant Professor, College of Humanities and Sciences, Department of Sociology, Ajman University, Ajman, United Arab Emirates * Corresponding Author, Email: [email protected]; [email protected] ¥Professor, School of Rural Extension Education and Development, Ahfad University for women, Omdurman, Sudan. -
Improving Institutional Capacity for Early Warning
IfP-EW Cluster: IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY FOR EARLY WARNING IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY FOR EARLY WARNING SYNTHESIS REPORT Terri Beswick January 2012 This initiative is funded by the European Union About IfP-EW The Initiative for Peacebuilding – Early Warning Analysis to Action (IfP-EW) is a consortium led by International Alert and funded by the European Commission. It draws on the expertise of 10 members with offices across the EU and in conflict-affected countries. It aims to develop and harness international knowledge and expertise in the field of conflict prevention and peacebuilding to ensure that all stakeholders, including EU institutions, can access strong, independent, locally derived analysis in order to facilitate better informed and more evidence-based policy and programming decisions. This document has been produced with financial assistance of the EU. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of IfP-EW/Clingendael and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the EU. To learn more, visit http://www.ifp-ew.eu. About Clingendael Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, is a training and research organisation on international affairs. Within Clingendael, the Conflict Research Unit (CRU) conducts research on the connections between security and development with a special focus on integrated/comprehensive approaches to conflict prevention, stabilisation and reconstruction in fragile and post-conflict states. Specialising in conducting applied, policy-oriented research, linking academic research with policy analyses, the CRU translates theoretical insights into practical tools and policy recommendations for decision-makers in national and multilateral governmental and non-governmental organisations. The CRU was founded in 1996 as a long-term research project for the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, focusing on the causes and consequences of violent conflict in developing countries and countries in transition. -
1 Name 2 History
Sudan This article is about the country. For the geographical two civil wars and the War in the Darfur region. Sudan region, see Sudan (region). suffers from poor human rights most particularly deal- “North Sudan” redirects here. For the Kingdom of North ing with the issues of ethnic cleansing and slavery in the Sudan, see Bir Tawil. nation.[18] For other uses, see Sudan (disambiguation). i as-Sūdān /suːˈdæn/ or 1 Name السودان :Sudan (Arabic /suːˈdɑːn/;[11]), officially the Republic of the Sudan[12] Jumhūrīyat as-Sūdān), is an Arab The country’s place name Sudan is a name given to a جمهورية السودان :Arabic) republic in the Nile Valley of North Africa, bordered by geographic region to the south of the Sahara, stretching Egypt to the north, the Red Sea, Eritrea and Ethiopia to from Western to eastern Central Africa. The name de- the east, South Sudan to the south, the Central African or “the ,(بلاد السودان) rives from the Arabic bilād as-sūdān Republic to the southwest, Chad to the west and Libya lands of the Blacks", an expression denoting West Africa to the northwest. It is the third largest country in Africa. and northern-Central Africa.[19] The Nile River divides the country into eastern and west- ern halves.[13] Its predominant religion is Islam.[14] Sudan was home to numerous ancient civilizations, such 2 History as the Kingdom of Kush, Kerma, Nobatia, Alodia, Makuria, Meroë and others, most of which flourished Main article: History of Sudan along the Nile River. During the predynastic period Nu- bia and Nagadan Upper Egypt were identical, simulta- neously evolved systems of pharaonic kingship by 3300 [15] BC. -
The Crisis in South Sudan
Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Lauren Ploch Blanchard Specialist in African Affairs September 22, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43344 Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Summary South Sudan, which separated from Sudan in 2011 after almost 40 years of civil war, was drawn into a devastating new conflict in late 2013, when a political dispute that overlapped with preexisting ethnic and political fault lines turned violent. Civilians have been routinely targeted in the conflict, often along ethnic lines, and the warring parties have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The war and resulting humanitarian crisis have displaced more than 2.7 million people, including roughly 200,000 who are sheltering at U.N. peacekeeping bases in the country. Over 1 million South Sudanese have fled as refugees to neighboring countries. No reliable death count exists. U.N. agencies report that the humanitarian situation, already dire with over 40% of the population facing life-threatening hunger, is worsening, as continued conflict spurs a sharp increase in food prices. Famine may be on the horizon. Aid workers, among them hundreds of U.S. citizens, are increasingly under threat—South Sudan overtook Afghanistan as the country with the highest reported number of major attacks on humanitarians in 2015. At least 62 aid workers have been killed during the conflict, and U.N. experts warn that threats are increasing in scope and brutality. In August 2015, the international community welcomed a peace agreement signed by the warring parties, but it did not end the conflict. -
The Influence of South Sudan's Independence on the Nile Basin's Water Politics
A New Stalemate: Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 The Influence of South Sudan’s Master thesis in Sustainable Development Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Jon Roozenbeek Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Uppsala University, Department of Earth Sciences Master Thesis E, in Sustainable Development, 15 credits Printed at Department of Earth Sciences, Master’s Thesis Geotryckeriet, Uppsala University, Uppsala, 2014. E, 15 credits Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 Master thesis in Sustainable Development A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Supervisor: Ashok Swain Evaluator: Eva Friman Master thesis in Sustainable Development Uppsala University Department of Earth Sciences Content 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 6 1.1. Research Aim .................................................................................................................. 6 1.2. Purpose ............................................................................................................................ 6 1.3. Methods ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.4. Case Selection ................................................................................................................. 7 1.5. Limitations ..................................................................................................................... -
Soil and Oil
COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE COALITION FOR I NTERNATIONAL JUSTICE SOIL AND OIL: DIRTY BUSINESS IN SUDAN February 2006 Coalition for International Justice 529 14th Street, N.W. Suite 1187 Washington, D.C., 20045 www.cij.org February 2006 i COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE COALITION FOR I NTERNATIONAL JUSTICE SOIL AND OIL: DIRTY BUSINESS IN SUDAN February 2006 Coalition for International Justice 529 14th Street, N.W. Suite 1187 Washington, D.C., 20045 www.cij.org February 2006 ii COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE © 2006 by the Coalition for International Justice. All rights reserved. February 2006 iii COALITION FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE ACKNOWLEDGMENTS CIJ wishes to thank the individuals, Sudanese and not, who graciously contributed assistance and wisdom to the authors of this research. In particular, the authors would like to express special thanks to Evan Raymer and David Baines. February 2006 iv 25E 30E 35E SAUDI ARABIA ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT LIBYA Red Lake To To Nasser Hurghada Aswan Sea Wadi Halfa N u b i a n S aS D e s e r t ha ah raar a D De se es re tr t 20N N O R T H E R N R E D S E A 20N Kerma Port Sudan Dongola Nile Tokar Merowe Haiya El‘Atrun CHAD Atbara KaroraKarora RIVER ar Ed Damer ow i H NILE A d tb a a W Nile ra KHARTOUM KASSALA ERITREA NORTHERN Omdurman Kassala To Dese 15N KHARTOUM DARFUR NORTHERN 15N W W W GEZIRA h h KORDOFAN h i Wad Medani t e N i To le Gedaref Abéche Geneina GEDAREF Al Fasher Sinnar El Obeid Kosti Blu WESTERN Rabak e N i En Nahud le WHITE DARFUR SINNAR WESTERN NILE To Nyala Dese KORDOFAN SOUTHERN Ed Damazin Ed Da‘ein Al Fula KORDOFAN BLUE SOUTHERN Muglad Kadugli DARFUR NILE B a Paloich h 10N r e 10N l 'Arab UPPER NILE Abyei UNIT Y Malakal NORTHERN ETHIOPIA To B.A.G. -
Migrants in Need of Protection
A report of the Scalabrini migration study centers The Scalabrini migration study centers consist of the Centro de Estudios Migratorios (CEM) in Brazil, the Centro de Estudios Migratorios Latinoamericanos (CEMLA) in Argentina, the Centre d’Information et d’Études sur les Migrations Internationales (CIEMI) in France, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) in the United States, the Centro Studi Emigrazione Roma (CSER) in Italy, the Scalabrini Institute for Human Mobility in Africa (SIHMA) in South Africa, the Scalabrini International Migration Network (SIMN) in the United States, and the Scalabrini Migration Center (SMC) in the Philippines. This report was edited by J. Kevin Appleby, Senior Director for International Migration Policy for CMS and SIMN, and by Donald Kerwin, Executive Director of CMS. The editors would like to thank Fr. Leonir Chiarello, c.s., Executive Director of SIMN, for his leadership and support during the process. Published by the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) 307 E 60th St., 4th Floor, New York, NY 10022 www.cmsny.org Cover Photo: Alun McDonald/Oxfam, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 “A boy walks home to camp Jamam, South Sudan.” International Migration Policy Report: Responsibility Sharing for Large Movements of Refugees and Migrants in Need of Protection A report of the Scalabrini migration study centers June 2017 Asia | Africa | Europe Latin America | North America International Migration Policy Report June 2017 Table of Contents 1 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................1 -
Curriculum Vitae
ASSATA ZERAI, Ph.D. Professor, Department of Sociology, Associate Chancellor for Diversity; University of Illinois 3102 Lincoln Hall MC-454, 702 South Wright Street, Urbana, Illinois 61801 | 217-333-7119 [email protected] EDUCATION University of Chicago Ph.D. in Sociology Dissertation: Preventive Health Strategies and Child Survival in Zimbabwe 1993 University of Chicago M.A. in Sociology 1988 Anderson University B.A. in Sociology 1986 EMPLOYMENT University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Associate Chancellor for Diversity 2016-present University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Professor of Sociology 2016-present University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Affiliate, Women and Gender Studies 2016-present University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Director, Core Faculty, Center for African Studies 2015-16 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Associate Dean, Graduate College 2014-2016 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Associate Professor of Sociology 2002-2016 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Director of Graduate Studies for Department of Sociology 2007-2012 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Core Faculty, Center for African Studies 2009-2016 ASSATA ZERAI, PH.D. PAGE 2 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Associate Professor, African American Studies and Research 2002-2006 National Development and Research Institutes, New York, NY Research Fellow 2003-2005 Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY Associate Professor, Department of Sociology 2002 Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology -
Review “African [Women] A-Liberate Zimbabwe”
Review “African [Women] a-Liberate Zimbabwe” [1] : Review of Reclaiming Zimbabwe: The Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation by Horace Campbell, David Philip Publishers, Cape Town, South Africa, 2003. Shereen Essof The crisis of the state and governance in Zimbabwe has divided Zimbabweans, the country's southern African neighbours and the international community. Given Africa's big challenges – HIV/AIDS, trade, debt, food shortages, environmental crises and unending civil wars ravaging failed states – it is striking that such significant symbolic political investment has been made in the fate of a small country (12 million people) with a rapidly declining economy no particular strategic significance. There is no doubt that the Zimbabwean situation is serious, or that President Robert Mugabe bears responsibility for the deep political crisis pervading the country, state-sanctioned repression and the mismanagement of the economy. The standard of living in Zimbabwe is worse today than it was in 1980. Some 65% of Zimbabweans are living either in poverty or extreme poverty (Campbell, 300). By July 2003, Zimbabwe had a currency shortage and an inflation rate of 450%. Its citizens face long queues for everything from bread to petrol. An agriculturally productive country has been reduced to seeking food aid. Further, Zimbabwe has one of the highest rates of HIV/AIDS infection on the continent, giving rise to a staggering 2 000 deaths per week. The pandemic has devastated Zimbabwe's social fabric and its productive and reproductive capacities (4, 169-70, 300), a tragic reality that has been aggravated by the sexist and homophobic public policies and practices of the Mugabe regime.