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The evolving imagery of Caspar David Friedrich: An investigation of his German and Baltic patriotism

Braysmith, Hilary Anne, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1991

UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

THE EVOLVING IMAGERY OF CASPAR DAVID FRIEDRICH: AN

INVESTIGATION OF HIS GERMAN AND BALTIC PATRIOTISM

DISSERTATION

Presented in P artial Fu lfillm ent of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

Hilary Anne Braysmith, B.A., M.A.

^ ^ ^

The Ohio State University

1991

D issertation Committee: Approved by

M. Herban

M. Curran

M. Fullerton Advisor Department of the History of Art Copyright by Hilary Anne Braysmith 1991 I could not have researched and written this dissertation with out the constant and selfless support of my family, especially that of my husband, Eric Daniel Braysmith, my mother, Jane M. Bray, and my grandmother, Lyla M. Boland, to whom this work is dedicated with much love and gratitude.

11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am indebted to my advisor, Dr. Mathew Herban III, for his guidance and insight and to my ersatz "Doctor

Father," Dr. Helmut Borsch-Supan fo r his advice during my stay in Berlin. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Drs. Michael

Curran, Mark Fullerton and Charles Hoffmann. In addition, thanks go to the Fulbright Commission, the

Germanistic Society of America, the Graduate Student

Alumni Research Award Committee, and the Kate Murnane

Travel Fellowship Foundation for making my research possible. F in ally, I could not have completed my dissertation without the assistance of Dr. Sibylle

BadstUbner, Wolfgang and Franziska Beck, Melanie Bray,

Betty Brunn, John Crawford, Cynthia Doe11, Kay

Eckhardt, Audrey Fessler, Pat Huffman, Larry Johnson,

Sharon Lakey, Elke L ic k fe tt, Kate Sauve, Mary Shenk,

Verena Tomazic, Mr. and Mrs. N ils Tuxen, Jefford

Vahlbusch, Valerie Le Vot and Susan Wyngaard. VITA

April 21, 1955 Born - Los Angeles, C a lifo rn ia

1977 ...... B.A. University of Redlands, Redlands, C a lifo rn ia

1986...... A.B.D and M.A., The Ohio State University

1987...... Fulbright and Germanistic Society of America Fellow to Berlin

1989 -pr e s e n t...... Assistant Professor, the University of Southern Indiana, Evansville, Indiana

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: History of Art

i v TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i i i

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF FIGURES ...... vi

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER PAGE

I. Intellectual Context: The FrOhromantik and C. D. F rie d ric h ’ s KunstwolTen ...... 8

II. Intellectual Context: C. D. Friedrich’s Id e n tity with Pomerania ...... 23

I I I . Source of Imagery: F ried rich ’ s C rite ria for Motif Selection ...... 46

IV. The Gothic Ruin and the Monk ...... 63

V. The Evolving Meaning of theGothic Church Ruin: 1800-1812 92

VI. The Evolving Meaning of the Gothic Church Ruin: 1812-15 ...... 173

VII. The Evolving Meaning of the Gothic Church Ruin: 1815-36 ...... 189

CONCLUSION...... 286

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 372

v LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURES PAGE

1. H istorical Pomerania Thirteenth- century-1919...... 292

2. Pomerania, Sweden, and Brandenburg, 1637-1720 ...... 294

3. Pomerania, Sweden and Prussia 1720-1815 .... 296

4. Pomerania, Sweden and Prussia 1815-1919 .... 298

5. Sites in Saxony Significant for Friedrich 1798-1837 ...... 300

6. Silver medal struck in Amsterdam, 1730, reproduction from Kestner-Museum, Hanover, Munzen und Medaillen zur Reformation. Hanover: Schluter Margildis, 1983, (Fig. 105, side B ) ...... 301

7. Ducat struck in Lubeck, 1730, reproduction from Kestner-Museum, Hanover, MQnzen und Medaillen zur Reformation. Hanover: Schluter M argildis, 1983, (Fig. 113, side B ) ...... 301

8. Silver medal struck in Brandenburg-Ansbach, 1730, reproduction from Kestner-Museum, Hanover, Munzen und Medaillen zur Reformation. Hanover: SchlOter M argildis, 1983, (Fig. 108, side B ) ...... 302

9. Origin unknown, 1629, reproduction from Kestner Museum, Hanover, Munzen und Medaillen zur Reformation. Hanover: Schluter M argildis, 1983, (Fig. 56, side A ) ...... 302

v i 10. Coin struck in Heilbrunn, 1717, reproduction from Heinrich Gottlieb Kreussler, Martin Luthers Andenken in Muenzen nebst Lebens-beschreibungen merkwuerdiger Zeitoenossen desselben. (Fig. 59, side B) ...... 303

11. Coin struck in Neustadt, 1717, reproduction from Heinrich Gottlieb Kreussler, Martin Luthers Andenken in Muenzen nebst Lebensbeschreibungen merkwuerdiger Zeit-genossen desselben. (Fig. 97, side B) ...... 303

12. Coin struck in the Electorate of Brandenburg, 1717, reproduction from Heinrich Gottlieb Kreussler, Martin Luthers Andenken in Muenzen nebst Lebensbeschreibungen merkwuerdiger Zeitgenossen desselben, (Fig. 143, side B ) ...... 304

13. Claude Mellan, Per katholische Glaube. 1642, engraving, reproduction from Hamburger Kunsthalle, Luther und die Folgen fur die Kunst. Hamburg, Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1983, (figure 166) ...... 305

14. Claude Mellan, Die Religion mahnt zur Wohltatigkeit. c.1640, engraving, reproduction from Hamburger Kunsthalle, Luther und die Folgen fur die Kunst. Hamburg, Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1983, (figure 167) ...... 306

15. Heinrich O liv ie r, Die H eilige A llia n z . 1815, o il on canvas, reproduction from W illi Geismeier, Die Malerei der deutschen Romantik. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1984, (plate 73) ...... 307

16. Josef W intergerst, Die Versohnung Ludwigs des Bavern mit Friedrich dem Schonen. 1325. 1816, o il on canvas, reproduction from W illi Geismeier, Die Malerei der deutschen Romantik. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1984, (p late 84) ...... 308

17. Carl Russ, Rudolph von Habsburg verweist der Wache die Verweigerung des Zutritts der Armen. 1811, oil on canvas, reproduction from W illi Geismeier, Die Malerei der deutschen Romantik. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1984 ...... 309

18. Anton Petter, Begegnung Maximilians I. mit Maria von Burgund in Gent 1477. 1813/14, o il on canvas,

v i i reproduction from W illi Geismeier, Die Malerei der deutschen Romantik. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1984 ...... 310

19. Ludwig Kohl, Gotischer Saal mit Rittern der Heiligen Feme, 1812, reproduction from W illi Geismeier, Die Malerei der deutschen Romantik. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1984 ...... 311

20. C. D. Friedrich,' Ideale Gebi rgslandschaft mit Wasserfal1. c.1793, sepia, reproduction from Borsch- Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 1 ) ...... 312

21. C. D. Friedrich, Landschaft mit durrem Baum im Rund. c. 1794, etching, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 )...... 313

22. C. D. Friedrich, Zwei kahle Baume im Rund. c.1794, etching, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 3 )...... 313

23. C. D. Friedrich, Quelle im Frederiksberger Garten I I . 1797, pen and ink, water-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde,. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag,1973, (fig . 9 ) ...... 314

24. C. D. Friedrich, Mondscheinlandschaft mit Ruine einer Wasserburg. c;1795, pen and ink, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag,1973, (fig . 4 ) ...... 315

25. C. D. Friedrich, Felsige Waldlandschaft mit Kreuz. before 1798, pen and ink, reproduction from Borsch- Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag,1973, (fig . 6 ) ...... 315

26. C. D. Friedrich, Emilias Kilde. 1797, pen, ink, w ater-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag,

v i i i 1973, (fig. 7) 316

27. C. D. Friedrich, Luisenauelle in Frederiksdahl. 1797, pen, ink, watei—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( f ig . 10) ...... 317

28. C. D. Friedrich, Landschaft mit Pavilion, c. 1797, pen, ink, w ater-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 12) ...... 318

29. C. D. Friedrich, Trauerszene am Strand. 1799, ink, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 0 ) ...... 318

30. C. D. Friedrich, SchloB Kriebstein in Sachsen. 1799, water-color or sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( f ig . 21) ...... 319

31. C. D. Friedrich, Szene aus S ch illers "Raubern". 1799, pen, ink, water—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( f ig . 22) ...... 320

32. C. D. Friedrich, Szene aus S c h illers "Raubern". 1799, pen, ink, w ater-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen, Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( f ig . 23) ...... 321

33. C. D. Friedrich, Herrenhaus mit Wirtschaftsgebaude am abfallender StraBe. 1799, etching, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 25) .... 322

ix 34. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena mit Begrabnis. c.1800, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 4 2 )...... 322

35. C. D. Friedrich, Auf einem Felsen sitzende Frau mit abgewandtem Gesicht. 1801, pen and ink, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 50) .... 323

36. C. D. Friedrich, Auf einem Felsen sitzende Frau neben einem durren. mit Efeu berankten Baum. 1801, pen, ink, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 5 1 ) ...... 323

37. C. D. Friedrich, Zwei Madchen unter einem Baum. 1801, pen, ink, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 5 4 ) ...... 324

38. C. D. Friedrich, Zwei Madchen vor einem Felsblock. 1801, pen, ink, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . ...55) ...... 325

39. C. D. Friedrich, Die Frau mit dem Spinnennetz zwischen kahlen Baumen. 1803/04, woodcut, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 6 0 ) ...... 326

40. C. D. Friedrich, Die Frau mit demRaben amAbgrund. 1803/04, woodcut, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 61) ...... 327

41. C. D. Friedrich, Knabe auf einem Grab schlafend. 1803//4, woodcut, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 6 2 ) ...... 327 42. C. D. Friedrich, Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine. c.1801, pencil, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 78) .... 328

43. C. D. Friedrich, Landwea mit Bach und BrOcke. c.1802, pen and ink, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 8 3 )...... 328

44. C. D. Friedrich, RuineEldena bei Nacht. c.1802/03, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 8 9 )...... 329

45. C. D. Friedrich, Fruhling. 1803, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 103). . . . 329

46. C. D. Friedrich, Sommer. 1803, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 104). . . . 330

47. C. D. Friedrich, Herbst. 1803, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 105). . . . 330

48. C. D. Friedrich, Winter. 1803, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 106). . . . 331

49. C. D. Friedrich, Gotische Kirchenruine. 1803/05, pen, ink, watei—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 118)...... 331

50. C. D. Friedrich, Felsen1andschaft. 1804, pencil, ink, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 119)...... 332

xi 51. C. D. Friedrich, Gebi rgslandschaft. 1804/05, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 122)...... 332

52. C. D. Friedrich, W allfahrt bei Sonnenaufgang. c.1805, pencil, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973,....(fig . 126) ...... 333

53. C. D. Friedrich, 1807, Der Sommer, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973,....(fig . 164) ...... 334

54. C. D. Friedrich, Der Winter(detail), 1808, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig ...... 165) ...... 335

55. C. D. Friedrich, Das Kreuz im Gebirge (Tetschener A lt a r ) . 1807/08, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 167). . . . 336

56. C. D. Friedrich, Der Monch am Meer. 1809/10, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 168) ...... 337

57. C. D. Friedrich, Abtei im Eichwald. 1809/10, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 169)...... 337

58. C. D. Friedrich, Morgen im Riesengebirge. 1812, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 190)...... 338

xi i 59. C. D. Friedrich, Winterlandschaft mit Kirche (detail), 1811, oil on cavas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 194). . . . 339

60. C. D. Friedrich, Gebirgskapelle im Nebel (detail), 1811, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 196) ...... 340

61. C. D. Friedrich, Hafen bei Mondschein. 1811, o il on paper, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 198)...... 341

62. C. D. Friedrich, Kreuz im Gebirge. c.1812, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 201)...... 342

63. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Ovbin. c.1812, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 203)...... 343

64. C. D. Friedrich, Grabmale a lte r Helden. 1812, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 205) ...... 344

65. C. D. Friedrich, Hohle mit Grabmal (Grab des Arminius) (d e ta il), 1813/14, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and J&hnig, C. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 0 6 )...... 345

66. C. D. Friedrich, Der Chasseur im Walde. 1814, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 207)...... 346

x i i i 67. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena. 1814, pen, ink, watercolor, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 1 2 )...... 347

68. C. D. Friedrich, Greifswald im Mondschein. c.1817, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 2 4 )...... 348

69. C. D. Friedrich, Stadt bei Mondaufgang. c.1817, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 27)...... 349

70. C. D. Friedrich, Blick auf Greifswald. c.1818, pen, ink, watei—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 5 2 )...... 350

71. C. D. Friedrich, Gartenlaube. 1818, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 2 53) ...... 351

72. C. D. Friedrich, Klosterfriedhof im Schnee (detail), 1817-19, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch- Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 254) ...... 352

73. C. D. Friedrich, Auf dem Segler(detail), c.1818/19, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 256) ...... 353

74. C. D. Friedrich, Die Schwestern auf dem Soller am Hafen. c.1820, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 263). . . . 354

xi v 75. C. D. Friedrich, Huttens Grab (detail), c.1823/24, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 3 16) ...... 355

76. C. D. Friedrich, Hochgebi rge (detail), c.1824, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 317)...... 356

77. C. D. Friedrich, Die Ruine des Klosters Eldena. c.1824, pencil, water-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 327). . . . 357

78. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena (detail), c.1825, oil on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973,.....(fig . 3 2 8 )...... 358

79. C. D. Friedrich, Der Watzmann.c. 1824/25, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973,.....(fig . 3 3 0 )...... 359

80. C. D. Friedrich, Meer mit aufgehender Sonne. 1826, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973,.....(fig . 3 3 8 )...... 359

81. C. D. Friedrich,Fruhling. 1826, sepia,reproduction from B6rsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 339). . . . 360

82. C. D. Friedrich, Sommer. 1826, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 340). . . . 360

xv 83. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena. c.1825/28, pencil, ink, watei—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 3 7 6 )...... 361

84. C. D. Friedrich, Ruinen in der Abenddammerung (d e ta il), c.1831, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 398). . . . 362

85. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine im Riesengebirge (detail), c . 1830/34, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch -Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig. 415) ...... 363

86. C. D. Friedrich, Herbst. c.1834, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 431). . . . 364

87. C. D. Friedrich, Winter, c.1834, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 432). . . . 364

88. C. D. Friedrich, Skelette in der Tropfsteinhohle. c.1834, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig. 433)...... 365

89. C. D. Friedrich, Engel in Anbetung. c.1834, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 4 3 4 )...... 365

90. C. D. Friedrich, Kreuz im Walde. 1830’ s, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 4 5 0 )...... 366

xvi 91. C. D. Friedrich, Der Traumer. c.1835, o il on canvas, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 451 ) ...... 367

92. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena. 1836, pencil, ink, water-color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 4 5 4 )...... 368

93. C. D. Friedrich, Ruine Eldena. c. 1837, pencil, sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig . 4 5 7 )...... 369

94. C. D. Friedrich, Die Greifswalder Jacobikirche als Ruine. c .1817/19, pencil and sepia, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, ( fig . 488). . . . 370

95. C. D. Friedrich, Die Greifswalder Jacobikirche als Ruine. c . 1817/19, watei—color, reproduction from Borsch-Supan and Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973, (fig. 489)...... 371

xvi i INTRODUCTION

Scholars investigating the work of the German

Romantic painter Caspar David Friedrich (1774-1840) have certainly concentrated on his use of symbolic imagery. Traditionally, they have collected the vague, sometimes conflicting, uses of similar motifs by various Romantic w riters and a rtis ts and ascribed similar meanings to like images in Friedrich’s art, thus employing a summarizing approach to lite ra ry and political Romanticism, in general, as well as to

Friedrich’s work, in particular.1 This is often done

1 Cf. Werner Sumowski, Caspar David Friedrich— Studien (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GmBH, 1970) for a comprehensive summary of a ll the scholarly e ffo rts which have placed Friedrich within Romantic in te lle c tu a l history. A recent example of this kind of scholarship is Tina Grutter, Die Bedeutung des Gesteins bei Caspar David Friedrich (B erlin: D ietrich Reimer Verlag, 1986); Grutter stated that Friedrich’s Weitanschauung and Kunstwollen were most closely a llie d with that of Nova!is (1772-1801 ) and the Fruhromantik. By relying on an analysis of the manifesto of the Fruhromantik. the six issues of Athenaeum (17), she hoped to unlock the meanings of F rie d ric h ’ s works. She noted that this approach/methodology is in the tradition of Friedrich scholarship (13).

1 selectively even within Friedrich’s work for these same scholars frequently exclude an interpretation of attendant symbols and s ite s . Thus, while they have documented F rie d ric h ’s relationship to and dependence on the thinkers and ideas of the German Romantic movement, they have mistakenly equated the general

Romantic impetus and characteristics of his a rt,

KunstwolTen. with specific iconographical meaning.2 I agree that an analysis of Friedrich’s oeuvre must include a discussion of the context and the original and lasting motivation of his art, his KunstwolTen. but the substantiation of Friedrich’s place in the Romantic movement and the c la rific a tio n of his KunstwolTen

2 For book length studies: cf. Helmut Bdrsch-Supan and K. W. Jahnig, C. D. Friedrich: Gemalde. Druckgraphik und bildmaBige Zeichnungen (Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1973); Gerhard Eimer, Caspar David Friedrich und die Gotik (Hamburg: Christoph von der Ropp, 1963); Gerhard Eimer, Zur D ialektik des Glaubens bei Caspar David Friedrich (Darmstadt: Copy Shop, 1982); Herbert von Einem, Caspar David Friedrich (B erlin, N.P., 1938); and Werner Sumowski, Caspar David Friedrich— Studien (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GmBH, 1970); and, for dissertations and an article: W illi Geismeier, "Zur Bedeutung und zur Entwicklungs- geschichtlichen Stellung von Naturgefuhl und Landschafts-darstellung bei Caspar David Friedrich" (Diss., Humboldt Universitat, 1966); Peter Marker, “Geschichte als Natur: Untersuchungen zur Entwicklungsvorstellungen bei Caspar David Friedrich," (Diss. U K iel, 1979); Karl-Ludwig Hoch, "Caspar David Friedrich, Ernst Moritz Arndt und die sogenannte Demogogenverfolgung," Pantheon 44 (1986): 72-75. cannot, in themselves, provide a satisfactory understanding of the meaning of specific works of art.

Furthermore, since most treatments of Friedrich’s paintings have been chronological, scholars have followed the practice of selecting works typical of a particular period, discussing some in-depth and others not at all, failing to explore any evolutionary development of the specific and related imagery that

Friedrich repeated throughout his oeuvre.3 Thus, two crucial questions remain unanswered: What does the image mean for Friedrich, specifically? and Does it always mean the same thing throughout his oeuvre?

To answer the first question, I traced the development of Friedrich’s apparent criteria for the selection of motifs, seeking out their meanings as they moved from ideas and literature to nature and its laws, concluding that Friedrich often transferred the specific cultural and/or natural history of specific places and monuments into the meaning of his work.

Because the specific places and monuments, in almost all instances, provide much of the meaning for the work, I am positing that Friedrich naturally expanded

3 Eimer’s Friedrich und die Gotik (1963) is the exception; the inadequacies of his methodology w ill be discussed in Chapter four. the meanings of the images of Gothic church ruins and,

in particular, evolved their meaning to reflect the more complex and changing conditions of the Napoleonic

(1806-1815) and Restoration (1815-48) eras by repeating them in subsequent works. I w ill prove that the natural and cultural history of the specific ruins

Friedrich chose to paint is the key, in almost all cases, to the meanings of his paintings and that he selected these motifs carefully, so that they would have topical and contemporary relevance and reference based on their individual histories.4

I maintain that F rie d ric h ’s iconographic development involved "the designation of motifs with inherent content, i.e., "meaningful" cultural and natural histories, and that it derived largely from intellectual and empirical experiences in his native

Pomerania. Thus, the answers to the two aforestated questions come from examining Friedrich not exclusively as a German Romantic but as a Pomeranian one. In fa c t,

I weight the adjective "Pomeranian" as more specific than "German" and "Romantic" in my investigation and fill in the sketchy impressions we have of this more

4 The special status of the cloister, Eldena, will be discussed in Chapters six and seven. have of th is more specific context which shaped

Friedrich’s national, cultural, political and religious id e n tity and values, one that changed and evolved because of the circumstances of the time. This part of the investigation involved immersing myself in

Pomeranian c u ltu ral history. This acquisition of

“synthetic intuition" enabled me to include in this discussion pertinent aspects of what can be considered general values and accessible knowledge in eighteenth and early-nineteenth century Pomerania. In other words, I am resurrecting F ried rich ’ s Pomeranian identity and its context.

My contribution to our appreciation of the richness of Friedrich’s identity, in general, and Pomeranian roots, in particular, is not a substitute for an analysis of imagery but assists us as we explore the content of his paintings by reconstituting their context. His a rt does not pursue an isolated path of its own; it is affected by and affects thoughts and events outside the realm of aesthetics or artistic concerns.5 Recognizing what issues and concerns are important to Friedrich at least lets us know where to look fo r meaning; or not to. Therefore, my assessment

5 Cf. Chapter one. of the multiplex character of Pomeranian culture and

history and of Friedrich’s values and the concomitant

national, political, religious and cultural

circumstances enables me to present a clearer, more compelling, understanding of Friedrich’s use of the

Gothic church ruin and attendant imagery than has yet

been provided.

The discussion, in Chapter one, provides a summary of Friedrich’s aesthetic context as documented by the scholarship to date; then Chapter two provides a reconstitution of the general Pomeranian context

relevant to his art. Both of these cultural factors helped influence Friedrich’s selection of motifs and settings, but in choosing them he transformed their significance from literary and cultural to ones representative of meanings natural to them, inherently, to him specifically, and to wider culture, generally.

His general iconographic development concerning his use of Gothic ruins, in particular, is examined in Chapter three. Chapter four contains a review of the general meaning of the Gothic, both as an image and a style, for the "German" Romantics. The final three chapters

(five, six and seven) set forth, chronologically, the evolving meanings of the specific images of the Gothic 7 ruin in Friedrich’s oeuvre. through what we can now understand as their evolving Pomeranian as well as

German phases. CHAPTER I Intellectual Context: The Fruhromanti k and C. D. F ried rich ’ s KunstwolTen

F rie d ric h ’s KunstwolTen developed out of and was based on the intellectual and theoretical foundations of the German Fruhromantik. This chapter provides a summary of those Romantic trends and forces that helped shape and characterize Friedrich’s own Weitanschauung.

The German Romantics conceived of a rt as a synthesis of nature, philosophy and religion (Siegel

27). These three realms had received new definitions and interpretations in the late eighteenth-century. It was thought that the best way to express this trinity was through a visual symbolic1 language suited to the age.2

1 A. W. Schlegel’s definition of beauty is the one from which a ll other Romantic d e fin itio n s derived and i t fostered the Romantic need to develop a symbolic language. Beauty is the in fin ite symbolized in f in it e terms (Kluckhohn 162).

2 Volkmann 180; Kluckhohn 128,162; Siegel 28,37- 38. Friedrich wrote: "A work of art must always bear within it the mark of its own time" (Hinz 105), (Ein Kunstwerk muss immer das Geprage seiner Z e it in sich tra g e n .)

8 The members of the Fruhromantik believed that God communicated to humans in three d iffe re n t languages: biblical, natural, and historical (Lankheit,

"Neuprotestantismus" 447). For the Romantics, nature is a divine symbolic language in which each natural object serves as a hieroglyph3 and every new observation of nature is a divine revelation (Kluckhohn

135). Art’s purpose was to recognize this meaning and to make it clearer, i.e ., to reveal God’s message

(Volkmann 180). To them, i t made more sense for a visual a r t is t to depict nature, the visual language of

God, thus tra n s la tin g from visual language to visual language rather than to give the Bible, the verbal language of God, a visual form. Friedrich wrote, "Art is the mediator between nature and human beings" (Hinz

90).4 In Friedrich’s mature work, nature and its laws

(especially as these laws apply to history) become the source of imagery and the means of revealing religion and philosophy in general,5 and, as will be

3 Kluckhohn 28-29,128; Volkmann 177-178; Lankheit, "Neuprotestantismus" 447.

4 Die Kunst t r i t t als M ittle r in zwischen die Natur und den Menschen.

5 Volkmann 163,166; Platte 7; Marker "Restauration 56a. 10

demonstrated, topical religious, cultural and political

issues, specifically.

The German Romantics were also preoccupied,

religiously and philosophically, and none more so than

Friedrich (Fiege 19, 80), with the meaning and operation of another avenue of divine communication— history.6 There are three significant aspects of their

insight into history relevant for this discussion: its divine meaning and importance, its polarization into a dialectic, and its cyclical development. Thus, as the eternal, divine poetry of the Weitgeist. history must be preserved and interpreted (Kluckhohn 107; Marker,

"Geschichte” 33). The German Romantics possessed a strong h is to ric a l awareness of th e ir own culture and traditions, expressing itself as a new interest in the preservation of myth, legend, and folk a rt of the

6 The phenomenon of historicism began in the late eighteenth-century (Honour 193-4) and affected various disciplines such as theology, ethnology and politics, as well as aesthetics (Shenk 37-39). It was not peculiar to Romanticism (Brion 18) but became characteristic of the nineteenth-century, in general. This discussion is not a comprehensive analysis of th is phenomenon and w ill only summarize those aspects of GermSrt Romantic historicism which affected F rie d ric h ’s Weitanschauung and aesthetic s e n s ib ility . Pomeranian historicism will be examined in Chapter two and will be continually referenced throughout the rest of the chapters, accompanied by a discussion of its influence on F rie d ric h ’ s work. 11 fatherland. Ludwig Achim von Arnim, Johann Joseph von

Gdrres, Ludwig Tieck and la te r, Jakob and Wilhelm

Grimm, a ll collected fo lk songs, fables, and legends

(Kluckhohn 104). Friedrich was also aware of local legends and wrote his own stories based on them (Eimer,

Dialektik 40-41; Eimer, Auge 23).

The "rediscovery" of the Christian religion in which the world of the Christian-German Middle Ages was revered and held in higher regard than traditionally accorded to A ntiquity encouraged a fascination with history and its laws (Korff 6). The Middle Ages were seen as p a rtic u la rly and peculiarly German (Robson-

Scott 11,85,128; Honour 4)7 and this especially justified the investigation of the history of the fatherland (Korff 6).

With history and nature subject to the same laws, i t was understood, of course, that God was the driving force of both (Marker, "Geschichte" 33). "That which was new in Romanticism was to see the human being, human history, culture, nature, and the universe as a totality that is subject to the same [organic] process

7 The Middle Ages were seen, in general, as the cultural achievement of Northern Europe, especially of the English and the Germans, (Vaughn 100; Andrews 10- 11) and the Gothic style, in particular, was held to be a German innovation (cf. Chapter four). 12

(Fiege 80)."8 These laws operated both dialectically and organically.

The romantic thought process was one of pairing opposites; i t was not lin ear (Kluckhohn 11).

Romanticism uncovered the deeper irra tio n a l forces of the human spirit. It pointed out the inadequacy and the frequent shallowness of the logical thought processes of the Aufklarung. which all too often sacrificed the complexities and contradictions of human psychology for the sake of schematic and un ilinear reasoning. Romanticism operated with the principle of polarity, with the reality of opposites (Pinson 41).

Such stylistic terms as light and dark were considered relative; they were not necessarilly understood as antonyms (Kluckhohn 22). But

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, fo r example, comprehended the world as an emanation of God whose original unity had broken apart in the p o la ritie s of lig h t and darkness, spirit and matter, soul and body, thought and extension (Kluckhohn 14). Such terms were predicated in their very division on the idea of an original unity and which, it was believed, would at some future time be reestablished (Kluckhohn 22).

8 Das Neue in der Romantik war, Mensch, Menschheitsgeschichte, Kultur, Natur und Universum als ein Ganzes zu sehen, das demselben (organischem) Prozess u n te rlie g t. 13

The realm of reason and the world of feelings, consciousness and unconsciousness, experience and idea, nature and spirit, the life of the senses and the longing of the soul, personality and community, national characteristics and universal vision, the specific and the general, the finite and the infinite, this world and the world beyond- -all these oppositional pairings, seen by the Enlightenment and related trends as antinomies, are seen by the Romantics as p o la ritie s , as related opposites that determine each other, whose tension produces the powerful stream of life , whose duality represents an original unity, and which are experienced and grasped as forces to be reunited in a higher unity (Kluckhohn 22).9

In specific relationship to history, polarities became dialectic. The anticipation of

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s dialectic and the notion of a lost unity which included the progression toward a reunification were the central points of

Romantic thought (Kluckhohn 4) and were adhered to by a ll the Romantics (Fiege 79-80). F rie d ric h ’ s own view

9 Das Reich des Verstandes und die Welt der Gefuhle, BewuBtheit und UnbewuBtheit, Erfahrung und Idee, Natur und Geist, Sinnenleben und Seelensehnsucht, Person!ichkeit und Gemeinschaft, nationale Eigentumlichkeit und universale Blickweite, das Besondere und das Allgemeine, Endliches und Unendliches, diesseitige und jenseitige Welt, alle diese Gegensatzpaare, von der Aufklarung und verwandten Richtungen als Antinomien angesehen, werden von den Romantikern als Polaritaten, als einander zugehorige, sich gegenseitig bedingende Gegensatze, deren Spannung den Kraftstrom des Lebens ergibt, die in Ihrer Zweiheit eine ursprungliche Einheit darstellen, und als in hohere Einheit wieder zu vereinen e rle b t und aufgefasst. 14 p aralleled or borrowed from N ovalis’ description of the synthesis as an eternal b a ttle or war between the thesis and the antithesis. He wrote:

With the progress of time there is an eternal war, fo r wherever in the world something new desires to form itself, even if it were extremely true and beautiful, it is nevertheless attacked by that which is old and existing, and only through b attle and struggle can the new gain acceptance and assert itself, until that time in which, displaced, it must yield to what is newer (Hinz 1 0 5 ).10

The preoccupation with opposing p o la ritie s is found not only in Friedrich’s writings but also in his compositional structure. It is especially evident in the contrast of horizontals and verticals, of physical bodies and space and, especially, of foreground and background ( Borsch-Supan, B i1dgestaltung 78). He organizes his space in terms of Schichten. or s tra ta , which are parallel to each other and to the picture plane and which are not meant to form a continuum

10 Mit dem Fortschreiten der Zeit besteht ein ewiger Krieg, denn wo in der Welt sich etwas Neues gestalten w ill, und ware es auch noch so entschieden wahr und schon, wird es dennoch vom A!ten, Bestehenden bekriegt, und nur durch Kampf und S tr e it kann sich das Neue Platz machen und behaupten, bis es wieder verdrangt dem Neuerem weichen muss. (Borsch-Supan, Bi1dgestaltung 16).11 These strata function as demarcations or walls, separating, compositionally, different periods of time and thus function dialectically (Borsch-Supan, BiIdgestaltung

44). As objects function as symbols, so too, do these spaces have a concrete content (Borsch-Supan,

B i1dgestaltung 44). Space, in its division, takes on temporal meanings and, thus, not only can history and the divine be expressed in objects, such as ruins, but spatially as well (Borsch-Supan, BiIdgestaltung 19-20).

The d ia le c tic was related to, and combined with, the notion of the cycle "...because Romantic thinking is a thinking in opposites and a cyclical thinking; not a thinking that progresses in a s trig h t line" (Kluckhohn

11 ).12 From the Middle Ages to the present, the times of day and seasons of the year were seen as cycles which correspond to the human life-cycle and often, when depicted, were momenti mori (Fiege 80). In 1803,

Friedrich produced in sepia a complete series of seasons (now lost) including within them the four times

11 This is especially true of the Kontrastreicher Sti 1 . i.e., style of contrasts, 1806-1816 (Borsch- Supan, BiIdgestaltung 77-78).

12 ...w e il das romantische Denken ein Denken in Gegensatzen und ein zyklisches Denken is t, nicht grad und einlinig fortschreitend. 16

of day in which he protrayed the eternal transformation

of l i f e as a cosmic cycle (P la tte 7). G o tth ilf

Heinrich von Schubert interpreted a later set of 1808

(now lost) as symbolically depicting the point between a previous lower existence and a future higher existence (Platte 7). These confirm from early on in the subject matter of Friedrich’s work the fusion of the ''cycle" and the dialectic.

The Romantic Gottes- and Weitanschauung defined history as a divinely impelled dialectic, an organic and progressive process.13 Nature was a set of polarites and a cycle, always becoming and developing and moving toward a higher state (Grutter 19-20). Not only the present, but the future for Nova!is, Friedrich

Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling, Johann Ludwig Tieck and the majority of early Romantics, had its roots in the past, and that which was past was viewed as reaching into and molding the future (Kluckhohn 109). Thus, the understanding of history was the means to understanding the present and envisioning the future (Korff 10).

The view of history, nature and their laws, outlined above, was the basis of Romantic theology and, indeed,

13 Kluckhohn 16,142; Marker, Geschichte 203; Fiege 83. 17 of the Romantic relig iou s experience its e lf (Kluckhohn

131). Most early Romantics shared Nova!is’ concept that the original unity was a ‘goldener Zeit’ or paradise (Kluckhohn 117). The ultimate synthesis of the organic dialectic was to be the reunification of life in all its entirety—a return to the golden age

(Kluckhohn 117; Fiege 68). This was the source of the

Romantic longing for the infinite, the sublime and, ultimately, for death because through death one reached a higher state of existence (Kluckhohn 117). Friedrich also believed that the infinite, ultimately the Divine, was the goal of humanity (Fiege 83). He expressed this in a short poem:

Why— the question has often been asked of me— do you so often choose, as the object of your art, death, transitori ness, and the grave? To someday liv e e te rn a lly , One must often surrender oneself to death (Hinz 8 2 ).14

Worship was also bound up with the Romantic view of nature as the symbolic language of God. In fact, religious worship for Friedrich Schleiermacher, Nova!is

14 Warum, die Frag’ is t o ft zu mir ergangen wahlst du zum Gegenstand der Malerei so o ft den Tod, Verganglichkeit und Grab? Urn ewig einst zu leben, Mul3 man sich o ft dem Tod ergeben. 18

(Kluckhohn 135) and Ludwig Gotthard Theobul Kosegarten

(Sumowski 12) was the experience of God in nature in which the worshiper became one with the universe

(Kluckhohn 135).

This religious view of history extended to political and social conditions. In fact, social and/or national purification and regeneration were considered to be religious purifications (Fiege 57). The future of

Germany was perceived as a "neues Christentum” (Marker,

"Restauration" 53).

In the end, behind this concept of a goal- oriented, graduated 'Spiritualization’ stands the idea of 'natural’ history as a process that, in phases, moves ever higher. Like nature, relig ion is conceived as a constant succession of individual phases of development, an idea that is based on the assumption of a theory of process that connects all realms of the real (Marker, "Restauration" 56a). 15

It was also believed that the present was on the threshold of the second phase of the Reformation, an

15 Lezendlich steht hinter diesem Konzept der zielgerichteten, stufenweisen 'Vergeistigung’ die Vorstellung von der 'naturlichen’ Geschichte als eines sich in Phasen hoher bewegenden Prozesses. Wie die Natur wird die Religion als stete Abfolge einzelner Entwicklungsphasen begriffen, was seine Grundlage in der Annahme einer alle Bereiche des Wirklichen verbindenden Prozesstheorie hat. Age in which all denominational conflicts would be

eliminated (Marker, "Restauration" 54).

Friedrich’s first contact with these ideas of the

Fruhromantik probably occurred through Ludwig Gotthard

Theobul Kosegarten and Thomas Thorild, before he left

Greifswald to study in Copenhagen (Sumowski 13).

Kosegarten’s influence was of great importance for the

development of Friedrich’s Weitanschauung16 because his

philosophy was a compendium of the intellectual

currents of the time (Sumowski 13).

Because the belief in the revelatory character of nature, in the hieroglyphic substance of its parts, in the primacy of meaning over form, in the use of feeling as a means to knowledge, in the transcending of the aesthetic experience— aspects of Romantic theory found la te r in Friedrich— a ll these are already present in Kosegarten (Sumowski 1 3 ).17

Kosegarten’s sermons on the shores of Rugen also could have stimulated in Friedrich or reinforced in his

16 Kosegarten was also important for Friedrich’s iconographic development. This will discussed in Chapter three.

17 Denn die Ansicht vom Offenbarungscharakter der Natur, vom Hieroglyphischen ihrer Teile, die Zweitrangigkeit des Formalen zu Gunsten der Bedeutung, der Einsatz des Gefuhls als Erkenntnismittel, die Transzendierung des asthetischen Erlebnisses— spater auch bei Friedrich faBbare Faktoren der romantischen Theorie— sind schon bei Kosegarten vorhanden. 20 thinking the notion of equating natural phenomena with

religious concepts and even the idea of celebrating the sacraments, including Communion, in nature (Sumowski

12).

Christ’s 'Bible was the heavens and the earth.’ His texts were the red of dawn and the red of evening, planting and harvest, vineyards and fig tre e , birds in the heavens, flowers in the fields. The observation of nature is 'worship in the spirit and in truth (Sumowski 12). ’18

Thomas Thorild, a Swedish professor at the

University of Greifswald, imbued in Friedrich the ideas of Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock, Johann Gottfried

Herder, Anthony Ashley Cooper, the 3rd Earl of

Shaftesbury, and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, and of pantheism in general (Sumowski 14). Thorild’s ideas that are echoed in those of Friedrich include:

The belief in the divinity of nature, the cult of individuality, the interpretation of the work of art as a rule-free depiction of an inner world of images, 'transparent’ feeling as a factor that determines consciousness, finally the belief in ingenious intuition, as a phenomenon of the

18 C hristi 'Bibel waren Himmel und E rde.’ Seine Texte waren Fruhrot und Spaterot, Saat und Ernte, Weinberge und Feigebaum, die Vogel unterm Himmel, die Blumen auf dem Felde. Naturbetrachtung wird 'Gottesdienst im Geist und in der Wahrheit.’ 21

release from temporal existence into the absolute (Sumowski 1 4 ).19

Then, Friedrich’s experience at the art academy in

Copenhagen (1794-1798) reinforced the Romantic points of view already encountered in Greifswald, most notably through acquaintance with English literature and garden theory (Hinz 8-9), the importance of fantasy, and the emphasis on nordic m entality and myth, especially

Ossian (Eberlein 17;Sumowski 49-50). However, the rigorous demands of academic training did not allow

Friedrich the opportunity nor encourage him to express himself or explore the Romantic relationship to nature

(Sumowski 15,48). He did not copy from nature very often and was mostly trained in figure drawing

(Sumowski 48) and the Baroque formation of space

(Sumowski 15).

Thus, when Friedrich took up residence in Dresden in

1798, the general notions of the Fruhromantik were

19 Ueberzeugung von der G o ttiic h k e it der Natur, In d iv id u a lita ts k u lt, Deutung des Kunstwerks als regelfreie Darstellung einer inneren Bildwelt, *transparentes’ Gefiihl als bestimmender Bewu(3tseinsfaktor, schlieBlich der Glaube an die geniale In tu itio n , als Phanomen der Entbindung zeitlicher Existenz ins Absolute. A fuller understanding of the significance for Friedrich of Greifswald/Pomerania, aesthetically, culturally, and intellectually will be included in Chapters two and three. already widespread (Hinz 9) and he was knowledgeable of them. In this same year, August Wilhelm von Schlegel,

Nova!is, Johann Gottlieb Fichte and Schelling all met in Dresden which, at this time, was one of the major cultural centers of Germany. Whether Friedrich actually met this group is not known, but he did not re a lly need to, because in the progressive atmosphere of Dresden in general, he would easily have come into contact with th e ir ideas (Fiege 18). Werner Sumowski summed up the kind of influence Dresden Romanticism had on Friedrich’s development: "Their theory... sublimated out of the materials that Friedrich came to know in Greifswald, aided the breakthrough to a new art" (1 5 ). 20

20 Ihre Theorie, [der Dresdener Titerarischen Romantik] aus den Materialien sublimiert, die Friedrich in Greifswald kennengelernt hatte, forderten den Durchbruch zu einer neuen Kunst. CHAPTER I I Intellectual Context: C. D. F rie d ric h ’ s Iden tity with Pomerania

In the previous chapter it was noted that

Greifswald, Copenhagen and Dresden were environments which prim arily informed and encouraged F ried rich ’ s aesthetic development or his Kunstwollen. Greifswald

(and Pomerania in general), however, determined other facets of Friedrich’s identity. This "identity" does not include only his personality, but rather the complex issues, values, and concerns important to him, including, but not limited to, his understanding of aesthetics. The reconstruction of Friedrich’s identity is based on an investigation of Pomeranian in te lle c tu a l history, particularly a Pomeranian cultural model of general knowledge, issues and values, from c . 1740-1840.

This analysis includes long-standing traditional b e lie fs , legends and concerns whose origins pre-date this period.

Although scholars have described Friedrich as a

Pomeranian and noted the frequency of Pomeranian motifs repeated throughout his oeuvre. It seems surprising

23 24 that they have overlooked Pomerania’s importance in the formation of Friedrich’s rich and complex identity.

They have, consequently, also overlooked the fact that

Pomeranian motifs have Pomeranian meanings, or re fle c t a Pomeranian Weitanschauung. 1

1 Eberlein noted that Pomeranian motifs dominate Friedrich’s oeuvre ( "Zeichenkunst 1122) but does not make the leap to the possibility of Pomeranian content. For example, he said: "This ruin [Eldena] which he repeatedly draws is the symbol of the decayed church and of past splendour" (1126). ("Diese Ruine [Eldena], die er immer wieder zeich n ete... war ihm das Symbol der verfallenen Kirche und der vergangeneri H e rrlic h k e it.") In discussing what tasks are yet to be done in Friedrich scholarship, Sumowski remarked that one must investigate Friedrich’s predilection for nordic motifs to discover if they are a matter of personal taste or if they reflect a deeper meaning (24). Sumowski also reiterated that Friedrich’s contemporaries saw him as a nordic or Pomeranian and B altic painter: "Contemporaries saw an essential relationship between artist and countryside. For... the first of his [F rie d ric h ’s] reviewers, for example, and fo r Ruhle von Lilienstern Friedrich was 'of a completely nordic- Ossianic nature, raised in its icy air and by the chalk cliffs of the dark, flowing Baltic sea’" (24-25). ("Die Zeitgenossen haben hier eine Wesensverwandschaft zwischen Kunstler und Landschaft gesehen. F u r... den ersten seiner Rezensenten beispielsweise, und fur Ruhle von Lilienstern war Friedrich 'ganz nordisch- ossianische Natur, groBgezogen in ihrer eisigen Luft und an des baltischen Meeres dunkel umfluteten Kreidekusten. ’ ) Borsch-Supan stressed F rie d ric h ’s close ties with his homeland (Gemalde 14). Grotte stated that Friedrich’s homeland is the source of his art and also that Friedrich’s contemporaries described him as a B altic and Pomeranian painter. "His contemporaries saw in him the painter of Rugen and the Baltic" (5 ). ("Schon die M itw elt hat in ihm den Maler Rugens und der pommerschen Ostseekuste gesehen"). Eimer lis te d the Pomeranian motifs (ships, Eldena, fishermen, Rugen, north German cities) Friedrich depicted but does not suggest any Pomeranian content (Auge 43). Wilhelm- 25

An investigation of Pomerania is warranted not only because of the number and importance of Pomeranian images in F rie d ric h ’ s works, and the need to see

F rie d ric h ’ s id e n tity as more than a personality preoccupied by aesthetics, but also because his contemporaries acknowledged him to be nordic, a northern German painter, and because w ithin the

Pomeranian in te lle c tu a l trad itio n it s e lf the distinctive aspects of an individual’s identity were closely bound up with place of birth and shared

Pomeranian, Swedish-Pomeranian and B a ltic culture as distinct from other regions.2

We know that Friedrich was not exclusively or primarily involved in formal concerns. We know he was preoccupied in his art with nature, history, politics

Kastner, Rohling and Degner devoted a book to the topic of Friedrich and Pomerania, maintaining that F rie d ric h ’ s personality and outlook were ty p ic a lly Pomeranian. However, th e ir argument was not based on an investigation or documentation of Pomeranian culture and its effect on Friedrich, but rested on Nazi assumptions about racial characteristics (10-11,15). Furthermore, they did little more than list works with Pomeranian m otifs. They did not suggest Pomeranian meani ngs.

2 M oller, "Dec. 1804" 383; Janken, "GrundriB" 6-7; Giesebrecht, "Gothes" 142. 26 and religion.3 Thus, to understand the meaning of his paintings clearly requires a knowledge of the topical and contemporary issues in each of these areas as they a ffe c t or re la te to Pomerania.

The synthetic intuition which enables the formation of an in te lle c tu a l model for Swedish-Pomerania (c.1740-

1840)|was achieved through a reading of works pre dating Friedrich’s birth or contemporaneous with his work, emphasizing those published in Pomerania, especially Greifswald. In determining which sources to examine, current bibliographies on Pomerania were not employed because they do not indicate which works were widely read, known, or considered to be seminal by the

Pomeranians of the period in question. Instead, I examined the periodicals published in Pomerania as listed in the Kirchner index, c.1750-1830.4 By this

3 Cf. Chapter one.

4 I read only those which are still extant and available through inter-1ibrary loan at the Freie Universitat, Berlin. In addition, I then ordered the most pertinant or frequently cited books, journals, e tc ., not a ll of which were necessarily published in Pomerania. While there were newspapers existing during the same period they are located in the city archives of Stralsund, and therefore unavailable to me. I was unable to discover if there were any school textbooks from F rie d ric h ’ s time s t i l l extant. 27 means, I was able to piece together common knowledge, values and traditions.

The term "Pomerania" can be a slippery one, but the best working definition is primarily a geographic one.

The expanse of h is to ric a l Pomerania, lasting from the thirteenth into the twentieth-'century, began near

Reibnitz in the West and extended to Leba in the East.

Pomerania was divided into Vor-Pomerania and H inter-

Pomerani a. Vor-Pomerani a stretched from the Reibnitz to the Oder and up to, but not including, Kammin, and

Hinter-Pomerania from the Oder and the city of Kammin to Leba (see figure 1). The East and West geographic borders remained constant, but what lay between underwent changing p o litic a l p a rtitio n s and allegiences, especially after the Thirty Years War

(1618-1648).

In 1637, the last Duke of Pomerania died, childless.

Despite an agreement between the Dukedom of Pomerania and the Electorate of Brandenburg which guaranteed

Brandenburg’ s acquisition of Pomerania, Vor-Pomerani a was ceded to Sweden and became known as Swedish

Pomerania and Brandenburg acquired Hi nter-Pomerania

(see figure 2). The Elector was in no position to argue, as Gustav I I Adolph, the King of Sweden, had occupied a ll of Pomerania since lib e ra tin g Northern

Germany from Imperial troops in 1630 (Benthien 17). In

1720, some of Swedish Pomerania, including the traditional Pomeranian capital of Stettin, became part of Prussia5 (see figure 3). This was the result of the

"nordische Kriege" (1700-1720/21), which Sweden lost.

Swedish Pomerania was greatly reduced in size and lost its capital of Stettin. The new capital of Swedish

Pomerania became Stralsund.

Swedish Pomeranians enjoyed an unusual status. They were Swedish subjects but retained th e ir old Pomeranian national identity and constitution, thus they were f a ir ly autonomous. Only m ilita ry and tax a ffa irs were administered by the Swedes; members of government and c iv il servants were required to be native Pomeranians

(Benthien 17). At the same time, they were Germans.

The King of Sweden, as Duke of Pomerania, was a voting member of the Holy Roman Empire (Benthien 17). Then, in 1806, after the dissolution of the Holy Roman

Empire, King Gustav IV Adolph (1778-1832) announced he would introduce Swedish law and the Swedish constitution into Pomerania, abolish serfdom and create

5 Brandenburg is known as Prussia since 1701. 29

a completely new government (M oller, "Aug. 1806" 265-

2 6 8 ).6

In August, the new parliament met in Greifswald and,

as the Swedish constitution required, the four estates,

including the peasants, were represented.

Thus, Greifswald at that time experienced a unique event, one that no German city ever experienced, neither before nor a fte r: an assembly of the Stande [estates] including representation for the peasants, in accordance with the Swedish model (Benthien 19).7

6 In his proclamation, the King announced that he wanted to elim inate the special status of Swedish Pomerania and, i t would seem, make i t a legal part of Sweden. He said: "As King of a free and law abiding people, We have the special satisfaction of creating for Our Pomeranian and Rugenian subjects a future in which they, in th e ir duties to Us as well as in their civil justice and p rivileg es, equal and secure, under the protection of equitiable laws, shall no longer form a separate part of the Swedish people, but rather shall now enjoy in brotherly unity the constitution that has guaranteed the welfare of that same people fo r centuries" (Haken, "Walten" 174). (Als Konig eines freyen und dem Gesetze gehorchenden Volkes, haben Wir die besondere Zufriedenheit, Unseren Pommerschen und Rugenschen Unterthanen durch diese Veranderung eine Zukunft zu verschaffen, wo sie, sowohl in Rucksicht ihrer Pflichten gegen Uns, als in ihren burgerlichen Gerechtigkeiten, gleich und gesichert, unter dem Schutze billiger Gesetze, nicht mehr einen abgesonderten Theil des Schwedischen Volks ausmachen, sondern in bruderlicher Vereinigung die Verfassung geniessen sollen, welche die Wohlfahrt derselben schon seit Jahrhunderten verburgte.)

7 Greifswald erlebte also damals einen einzigartigen Vorfall, den weder vorher noch spater je eine deutsche Stadt mitgemacht hat: eine Standeversammlung mit einer Vertretung des The period 1807-1815 was one of turmoil and confusion in Swedish Pomerania. In addition to recurring Napoleonic occupations, the region experienced the deposing of King Gustav IV Adolph, the accesion of Charles X III (1748-1818), his adoption of

Bernadotte as his heir, and reunification with Hinter-

Pomerania when ceded to Prussia in 1815 (see figure 4).

The la tte r was cause fo r both celebration as well as consternation and sorrow because the relationship to

Sweden was not merely a political situation arranged to s u it the crowned heads of Europe. There existed a great affection and admiration for and loyalty to the

Swedish King on the part of his Pomeranian subjects, including F rie d ric h .8 Gustav I I Adolph and his successors guaranteed the teaching and preservation of

"the pure word of God," i . e . , Lutheranism, in Swedish

Pomerania (Caroc 85). The King was the Defender of the

Faith, a responsibility that the Prussian Royal House

Bauernstandes nach schwedischen Muster.

8 Friedrich named his f i r s t born son Gustav Adolph, after the King. He dedicated the Tetschener A!tar (fig. 55) to 'his King’ (Reitharova and Sumowski, 43). Eimer feels that personal contact and a relationship may have existed in Dresden, in 1804, while the King visited there (Pi alekti k 115). 31

could not claim because it had converted to Calvinism

in 1613.9

Since the days of Gustav Adolph, Sweden, of course, was considered to be the most secure fortress and mightiest bulwark of Lutheranism. Again and again, speeches and sermons hailed the Lutheran preachers’ friendliness to Sweden... They attempted to prove in allegorical interpretations of scripture that Sweden was the promised land and that Pomerania and Sweden were sisters (Heyden, Ki rchengeschichte v o l.2 113).10

The Swedish Royal House of Wasa had rescued and continued to protect Lutheran Pomerania. Long a fte r the death of Gustav I I Adolph, the Pomeranian clergy continued to praise the King and express gratitude to him in prayers and sermons.

Especially the clergy in Pomerania never tire d of g lo rifying the Swedish King in hymns of praise... Members liked to close the sermon with the words: 'May the days of our King be lik e the days of the sun.’ In Pomerania, the King’s comparatively mild rule preserved for Sweden

9 Heyden stated that the conversion of the Elector caused a great uproar in Pomerania because of the inheritance agreement between the Dukes and the Electors. The Pomeranian church historians, Cramer, Micraelius and Balthasar recorded the fear and despair very clearly (Greifswalds 130).

10 Galt doch Schweden s e it den Tagen Gustav Adolfs als sicherste Burgschaft und festes Bollwerk des Luthertums. Reden und Predigten bekunden immer wieder die Schwedenfreundlichkeit der lutherischen Prediger.... Man sucht mit allegorischer Schriftdeutung zu erweisen, daB Schweden das Land der VerheiBung und Pommern und Schweden Schwestern seien. 32

thankful memories and sympathy long a fte r 1815 (Heyden, Greifswalds 1 3 6 ).11

However, there had always existed cultural ties even

deeper than those based on strong and compelling

political and religious bonds and the cultural

exchanges between bordering countries. There was an

ancient as well as a modern shared racial and cultural

identity ([Dahnert], “Neuigkeiten" 48). The Swedes and

both the Voi— and Hintei—Pomeranians claimed to be

descended from the same ancient pagan t r i b e . 12 In

fact, there was a kind of pan-Baltic or nordic culture

which included Scandinavia and Vor- and H inter-

Pomerania (Giesebrecht, "Gothes” 143), one recognized

well into the nineteenth century.

Sweden and Pomerania are related, are sisters, formerly sisters in the darkness of heathenism, since both honored Donar and in the same fashion, sisters in the light, since both accepted Christianity, and now sisters in Protestantism

11 Namentlich die Geistlichen in Pommern wurden nicht mude, in Lobeshymnen den Schweden Kdnig zu verh errlich en. . .Gern schloQ man die Predigt mit den Worten: ’Mogen die Tage unsers Konigs sein wie die Tage der Sonnen.’ . . . Das verhaltnisma(3ig milde Regiment sicherte Schweden dankbare Erinnerung und Sympathie noch lange uber 1815 hinaus in Pommern.

12 Both the ancient cultural and racial bonds will be discussed at length in my analysis of Abtei im Eichenwald (fig. 57) and Der Monch am Meer (fig. 56) in Chapter five. 33

through their acceptance of Luther’s teachings (Heyden, Greifswalds 1 3 6 ).13

Goethe called on poets to describe what was peculiar

and characteristic about their country, and to focus on

that which set it apart. What is particularly a prooos

to this argument is that Goethe was referring

specifically to Baltic poets (Giesebrecht, "Gothes"

142). Ludwig Giesebrecht (1827) used Goethe’s

exhortation as his point of departure to encourage

Baltic historians, and indeed all participants in

Baltic culture to do the same ("Gothes” 142). He went

on to comment that such a c tiv itie s as preserving what

is peculiar to the Baltic regions is popular in

Pomerania and in Scandinavia:

And there I find first, on both sides of our [B a ltic ] sea, a growing and pleasurable interest being taken in the closest details of home; this reveals itself in more than one fashion. Around the whole shore of our sea, one can notice lively research and learning

13 Schweden und Pommern seien verwandt und Schwestern, einst Schwestern in der Finsternis des Heidentums, da beide gleicherweise Donar verehrten, Schwestern im Licht da beide das Christentum angenommen, und nun Schwestern im Evangeliurn dureh die Hinwendung zur Lehre Luthers. about national histories ("Gothes" 1 4 3 ).14

The "Nordische A1terthumsgesellschaft" (Seat in

Copenhagen) was founded at the same time as the

"Gesellschaft fur Pommersche Geschichte" (the primary

seat was in Stettin; the secondary was in Greifswald).

The two were in contact and exchanged information of

mutual historical interest and relevancy (Giesebrecht

and Haken, "Bericht" 43-44). Giesebrecht frequently

reported on Scandinavian research of old nordic

literature because the findings were useful in understanding ancient Pomeranian trad itio n s

("Gesellschaft" 308-322).

All Pomeranians f e l t a kinship to Scandinavia, especially to Sweden. They were all part of the same

B altic, nordic fam ily. But Swedish Pomeranians f e l t this even more keenly. In their histories, Swedish

Pomeranians wrote about Pomerania as a whole, talking about both Hintei— and Vor-Pomerania as a unit, with a shared tradition and history. When, in their writings,

14 "Da finde ich nun zuerst dieseit und jenseit unsres Meeres eine noch immer im Wachsen begriffene Lust an dem zunachst liegenden Heimischen, die sich auf mehr als eine Art kund giebt. So macht sich rings urn die Ufer unsres Meeres ein reges Forschen und Bilden in den Nationalgeschichten bemerkbar." 35 they arrived chronologically at the political division of Pomerania into Swedish and Hinter-Pomerania, they concentrated on the history of Swedish Pomerania and did not dwell on the history of Hinter-Pomerania.

Thus, as mentioned e a rlie r, the term “Pomerania" can be slippery and i t should now be clear why. I t can refer to a geographic location with a unified religious, intellectual, cultural and historical id e n tity . I t means this for both Swedish and Hintei—

Pomeranians. But for Swedish Pomeranians there is an additional and special cultural, religious, political, intellectual and historical identity that is shared with Sweden. Even a fte r Swedish Pomerania was ceded to

Prussia in 1815, strong cultural tie s were maintained with Sweden until 1939 (Benthien 19-20).

Friedrich was born and grew up in Greifswald, the second economic and f i r s t in te lle c tu a l center of

Swedish Pomerania. Greifswald was a university city and, even a fte r the p o litic a l division of Pomerania, the University s till served both Pomeranias. There was no University in H inter- Pomerania. The years ca.

1740-1840 have been selected as the temporal perimeters for the investigation of Pomeranian intellectual history because this is the period that most directly affected Friedrich. This period, likewise, has a fortuitous correspondence to the beginning and first flowering of Pomeranian h is to ric a l awareness and of

Pomeranian intellectual and scholarly activity. The

Swedish Pomeranian h is to ria n , Friedrich Ruhs, w riting

in 1802, reported that in the mid-eighteenth century there was an unusual amount of lite ra ry and scholarly a c tiv ity at the U n iv e rs ity .15 In 1739, the “deutsche

Gesellschaft," with the King of Sweden as its patron, was founded to study German language and history. I t published its findings in its own journal entitled critische Versuche. A second learned society, the

"Sammler fu r die Geschichte und das Recht des

Vaterlands" was formed in 1742 to c o lle c t, assemble and evaluate everything that could enrich the understanding of the Pomeranian constitution and general Pomeranian history (278). The most prominent scholars of the time were members (279). Ruhs claimed that this society set an in flu e n tia l example fo r the investigation of the fatherland’s history and spawned an enthusiasm for the study and preservation of Pomeranian monuments and archi ves.

15 Heyden also confirmed this (Greifswalds 174- 176). 37

Its [the Society’ s] example awakened a general eagerness to study the history of the fatherland and a competitive urge to collect documents [perhaps also literary monuments] to aid in the study of that history (280).16

Pomeranian historians were quite aware of the works

on Pomerania or by Pomeranians before, and during,

their own time, citing and reviewing them and thus

defining a common body of knowledge for both H inter-

and Vo r-Pome ran i a . 17 They also knew the location of

sources, the books of the great Pomeranian historians,

primary documents, archives and collections. For

example, Johann Friedrich Zollner reported (1797) that

T. H. Gadebusch had a well-known collection of

16 Sie erwerckte durch ihr Beyspiel einen allgemeinen Eifer fur das Studium der vaterlandischen Geschichte und eine wetteifernde Neigung, Denkmaler und Hulfsm ittel zum Nutzen derselben zu sammeln.

17 For example, Gadebusch quoted Friedeborn and Micralius (15). Moller praised Gjorwell’s work on Swedish political history ("Oct. 1790" 336), Gesterding’s Pommersches Museum. ("Nov. 1790" 365-366) and S e ll’ s Versuch einer Geschichte. . . ("Sept. 1798" 276-278). Ruhs pointed out the most recent literature on the history of Pomerania (both Hinter and Vor Pomerani a ) . e.g. Sammlung gemeiner und besonderer Pommerscher und Rugischer Landesurkunden. Gesetze. Privilegien. Vertrage. Constitutionen und Nachrichten by Dahnert, continued by G. v. Klinkowstrom (Stralsund 1802) or Bevtrage zu nahern KenntnilB der Schwedisch- Pommerschen Staatsverfassung. als S u d p Iementband zur Gadebuschischen Staatskunde by H. C. F. Pachelbel (B erlin 1802) and recommended Zollner (381). C. G. N. Gesterding cited "Micrali" several times (159). manuscripts and books on Pomeranian history (154, 365).

The University lib ra ry possessed a large collection on

Pomeranian history because Albert von Schwarz, professor of history, donated his extensive private library to the University;18 the cities of Greifswald and Stralsund were equally rich in archives and primary documents (Niemeyer, e t. a l . 89). Johann David Jancken commented (1779) th at there are so many public lib ra rie s in Pomerania th at he would not bother to l i s t them as his readers were well aware of them ( “GrundriB"

25) and J. D. Reichenbach noted (1786) that Stralsund had a large collection of coins, including over 1000 ancient Greek and Roman examples ( "Allgemeine" 82).

Karl Schildener and Johann Gottfried Quistorp co authored a short art history of Pomerania in 1826 (34-

74). Thus, the importance of Pomeranian history was an a p rio ri assumption for the Pomeranian historians. A common notion of the time was that geography and climate played a determining role in history and

18 The authors do not say when Professor von Schwarz made his donation. 39 culture. In fa c t, history and culture were, by definition, peculiar and local.19

I t is important to note that this consciousness of historical past and traditions was not limited to intellectuals, but the peasants and fisherfolk had preserved much history and tradition orally. Johann

Friedrich Zollner reported (1797) that, on the island of Rugen, local legends had been preserved and recounted by people who had never read what Tacitus or

Pliny wrote about Rugen or the German tribes. The natives of the island could s till recount how Hertha, the Earth goddess, was worshiped there (259-260).

Although the smallest and most remote of the German universities, the University of Greifswald was not intellectually isolated or out-of-touch with scholarly achievements, or academic, scientific, political and religious issues and events in Germany, or even Europe.

19 Schwartz, Kurze 4-5; Moller, "Dec. 1804" 383; Janken, "GrundriB" 7. Jancken even described the specific national characteristics of Pomerania stressing honesty, gravity and a hopefulness or optimism which produces a liv e ly in te lle c t but is tempered by a tendency toward melancholy ("GrundriB" 6- 7). These qualities and their happy combination allow the Pomeranian to reflect on things more profoundly than the French, for example, because the French are too optim istic and, though mentally liv e lie r and quicker, are not as thorough in their thinking ("GrundriB" 7). 40

In addition to a preoccupation with the investigation and preservation of Pomeranian history and tra d itio n s , educated circles in Greifswald and Swedish Pomerania were very aware of and interested in Swedish, pan-

German, and European trends and events. One of the most important sources of information in the Greifswald community about events outside of Pomerania was T. G.

P. Moller’s Neue Critische Nachrichten. This weekly publication (1775-1807) was primarily a review of recent books and periodicals in various disciplines and languages, though M oller concentrated on works in

German. The following abbreviated list gives an idea of the kinds of works M oller summarized and reviewed.

Voyage pittoresaue au Cap Nord. by A. F. Skodebrand (Colonel au Service de S. M. Le Roi de Svede et Chevalier de l ’Ordre de I ’epee). Stockholm, 1802 (Jan. 1804 1-3).

Ueber die Trennung und Wiedervereinigung der getrennten christlichen Hauotpartheien. mit einer kurzen historischen Darstellung der Umstande. welche die Trennung der lutherischen und reformirten Parthei veranlaBten. und der Versuche. die zu ihrer Wiedervereinigung gemacht wurden. by Plank. Tubingen, 1803 (Feb. 1804 57-59).

Immannuel Kant vermischte Schriften. 3 vols. Halle, 1799 (Aug. 1799 143-144).

Reinhold. Fichte und Schelling. by Jakob Fries. Leipzig, 1803 (Jan. 1804 3-7).

Hygiea: Zeitschrift fur offentliche und private Gesundheitspf1ege. Ed. by Dr. G. Oeggl. Frankfurt am Main (Aug. 1804 254). 41

Utkast till Forelasningar ofver Svenska H is to rie n . by E.M Fant. Stockholm, 1803 (July 1805 229-232).

Geschichte der Phvsik. by J. C. Fischer. Gottingen, 1806 (Sept. 30, 1807 314-315).

Reise durch Kursachsen und die Oberlausitz nach den evangelischen Bruedergemeinen Barbv. Gnadau. Herrnhut. Nieskv und Kleinvelsa nebst einer Schilderung des buergerlichen. religioesen und sittlichen Zustandes der evangelischen Bruedergemeinde. N. A. 1806 (Feb. 1806 58-63).

Each week he also included a section called

"Vermischte Nachrichten. “ which contained the latest news: obituaries of noted individuals and scholars; date, places and topics of dissertation defences; recent recipients of professorships; and scholarly works in progress. The following demonstrates the kinds.of items he reported.

Eck, the editor of Nordische Bevtrage. was named professor of Philosophy at the University of Leipzig (March, 1805 96).

Reports on the phenomenon of soup kitchens in London and indicates where the interested reader can obtain information on them (Sept. 30, 1807 224).

C. F. Pfeffel, former state minister of the Palatinate, died in Paris earlier this month (March, 1807 96).

F. Schlictegrol1, resident of Goth and editor of Nekrolog. has received a position at the Bavarian Academy, Munich (A p ril, 1807 120). 42

Mr. de la Lande, well known astronomer and member of the Legion of Honor, died 3 April in Paris at the age of 79 (April, 1807 120).

C. J. Almquist, defended his dissertation "Specimen Academicum de Linguae Svencanae Aetatibus" on 22 June. His advisor was Professor Wallenius (June, 1807 208).

J. Baggesen, the well known Danish poet, has published a new edition of his work (June, 1807 207).

Prof. Rumi, well known Hungarian scholar and resident of Jglo, is working on a grammar book and primer of modern Greek. It will be published by Doli in Vienna (Sept. 19, 1807 304).

Prof. Bredow, resident of Helmstadt, is presently researching in Paris (Sept. 19, 1807 304).

In Bohemia there are now two Slavic language journals available. SIawin. edited by Joseph Dobrowski, and Hasatel Ceskv. edited by Johan Negedly (Sept. 19, 1807 304).

From time to time, Moller listed course offerings at the University. The offerings for the Summer term of

1799 confirm that the students and faculty kept abreast of current issues in the various disciplines, in 43 addition to more historical subjects ("March, 1799"

98-102).20 A sample lis tin g :

Die neuere Kirchengeschichte, M. Ziemssen Die Ontologie und Cosmologie mit Rucksicht auf Kantischen Lehrsatze, Prof. Muhrbeck Kants Religion innerhalb der Granzen der bloBen Vernunft, Prof. Parow Eine Vergleichung der a lte rn und neuern Philosophie, Parow Einleitung in die Historie uberhaupt, Moller Uni versa!geschichte, Moller Die Geschichte der heutigen Europaischen Staaten, Moller Die Teutsche Reichshistorie, Moller Die Schwedische S ta tis tik , Moller Die Schwedische sowol als allgemeine Litteratur, Thorild Die Aesthetik, Wallensius Swedish, Overkamp Drawing, Quistorp

The course offerings also indicate that the

University of Greifswald served as a cultural bridge between Sweden and Swedish Pomerania. Furthermore,

Gustav I I I Adolph (1746-1792), in his role as patron, worked to bind the University even closer to Sweden, visiting in 1775 and reforming the curriculum,

20 During the eighteenth-century, the University had continued to add to the curriculum and improve its f a c ilit ie s . W riting in 1786, Reichenbach notes that since 1750 the University observatory has been improved, the lib ra ry holdings increased, the new subjects of astronomy, Swedish and Pomeranian Staatsrecht. and natural history are being offered, and the University has added botanical gardens ("Allgemeine" 74-75). 44

especially strengthening the natural sciences (Benthien

80).

The [reforms] show the efforts of the Swedish government to strenghten the conections of the Pomeranian university to Sweden, and i t was certainly no accident that, especially in the following decades, the University of Greifswald played an increasingly strong role as a cultural bridge between Germany and Sweden (Benthien 80).21

Until now, the difficulty with providing the direct and general influences of thinkers, currents of thought and current events on Friedrich has been limited by the fact that we never knew what he knew or could have known. Friedrich need not have actually read philosophical works, for it is highly probable that he knew them summarily, or through reviews. An in te lle c tu a l model of Pomerania allows a reasonable certainty as to the current ideas and events Friedrich came into contact with as well as providing a sense of his traditional beliefs and values. In the following chapters, especially five, six and seven, I will refer to, and expand more s p e c ific a lly upon, this general

21 Der RezeB la(3t das Bestreben der Schwedischen Regierung erkennen, die pommersche Hochschule enger an Schweden zu binden, und es war sicher kein Zufall , dal3 die Rolle der Universitat Greifswald als Kulturbriicke zwischen Deutschland und Schweden besonders in den folgenden Jahrzehnten starker in Erscheinung tr a t. 45 model, thus plumbing the meanings of Friedrich's works more thoroughly than has been done before. CHAPTER I I I Source of Imagery: Friedrich’s Criteria for Motif Selection

In the chapter "KunstwolTen" it was noted that, in

F rie d ric h ’s mature works, imagery and symbolic language is grounded in nature and its laws. His criteria for selecting an image and its significance thus derives from and reveals his perception and valuing of what he finds in nature. In addition, human history (including legends and myths) and natural history (including geographic and geological characteristics) of the place or specific monument depicted are the main bearers of content and, thus, an important aspect of motif selection, providing the interpretive key and indicating the expressive emphasis.

Even when his motif is not specifically a Pomeranian one, i t is Pomeranian in te lle c tu a l and empirical currents and events that play a major role in selection. First, these entrenched Pomeranian points- of-view and traditions will be described, then the development of Friedrich’s criteria for the selection

46 47 of motifs and th e ir meanings w ill be traced as he moved from literature to nature and its laws, including human and/or natural history of specific places and monuments.

Helmut Borsch-Supan, in his dissertation, traced and provided a periodization for Friedrich’s stylistic development,1 proving that he derived his composition of extreme contrasts from actual visual experiences in his native Pomerania, especially on the island of Rugen

(Bi1dgestaltung 77,82). I posit that Friedrich’s iconographic development toward motifs with

"significant” or "meaningful" human and natural histories also derived largely from intellectual and empirical experiences in Pomerania, and that the island of Rugen again played a pivotal role in the process.2

1 According to Borsch-Supan ( Bi 1dgestaltung). the periods of Friedrich’s stylistic development are: 1. Fruhsti1 bis 1801 (65) 2. Vorbereitung des Kontrastreichen Stils 1801-06 (70) 3. Kontrastreichersti1 1806-1816 (77-78) 4. Stilkrise 1816-C.1820 (92) 5. Stil der Assimilation c. 1820-1830 (98) 6. Spatsti1 c. 1830-37 (108)

2 Grotte pointed out that, in 1806, Friedrich returned to Griefswald and the surrounding area and made some sketches. Although he held that these sketches show Friedrich’s break with tradition and a move in his own direction, (9) Grotte never explained what he meant by "break with tradition" or elaborated on the characteristics of Friedrich’s "own direction." 48

Rugen was crucial for Friedrich’s iconographic

development because it had many rich historical and

cultural associations. Kosegarten’s contemporary writings elevated Rugen, with its nordic legends and peculiar geology, f ir s t to pan-Pomeranian and then to pan-German significance and reverence.

He [Kosegarten] found in Rugen a piece of Ossian’s world on German soil ... in addition to the connections to Nordic mythology for which Klopstock had awakened a nationalistic excitement. On Rugen, there were walled ramparts, temple districts, megalithic graves, stoneworks, all in a mumber nowhere else to be found on German s o il: a sacred island from Germanic prehistory had been discovered. And these monuments were surrounded by legends and fairy tales, and represented the locations of the wild events of Nordic prehistory. The intensified s e n s itiv ity to nature found in the period of Storm and Stress became intoxicated by the grandeur of the steep coastal cliffs, the only such cliffs on German seas. But the idyllic parts of Rugen were also admired (Grotte 6 ) . 3

3 Er [Kosegarten] fand in ihr auf deutschem Boden ein Stuck der Welt Ossians. ... den Ossianischen Ziigen traten die Beziehungen zur nordischen Mythologie [hinzu], fur die Klopstock die vaterlandische Begeisterung erweckt hatte. Auf Rugen fanden sich Wallburgen, Tempelbezirke, Hunengraber, Steinsetzungen in einer Anzahl wie nirgendwo sonst auf deutschem Boden: eine heilige Insel deutscher Vorzeit war aufgefunden. Und diese Denkmale waren umwoben von Sagen und Marchen und bildeten die Schauplatze wilder Geschehnisse nordischer Frtihgeschichte. Das gesteigerte Naturgefuhl der Sturm- und Drangzeit berauschte sich an der Gro(3artigkeit der Steilkuste, der einzigen an Deutschlands Meeren. Aber auch die idyllischen landlichen Teile Rugens wurden bewundert. 49

Kosegarten’ s f i r s t RCigen poem was published in 1776

and by 1800 he was conducting tours. Friedrich’s drawing instructor, Quistorp, led sketching trips and

archeological tours to Rugen which included medieval as well as ancient German monuments (Grotte 7-8). To visit Rugen was to step back into the primitive nordic and teutonic past and to bring back to life all its

legends, myths, and h istorical events associated with this most primeval of places and peoples.

Around 1800, as travel accounts and v is its by prominent persons show, the island was a great attraction. An investigation of this fact would show th is attractiveness to have been caused especially by the interest in Ossian at that time. F rie d ric h ’ s Rtigen-studies of 1801 and 1802, and his early sepias are documents of th is movement. They must be considered together with the melancholic, pathetic figure compositions from the Mannheim sketchbook, which were made at the same time. Later, pantheistic tendencies suffused the sentimental feelin gs, and the grand motifs of Rugen— Stubbenkammer, Arkona, Rugard— become primeval landscapes with symbolic content (Sumowski 7 ) . 4

4 Die Insel besaB urn 1800, wie Reisebeschreibungen und Besuche prominenter Person!ichkeiten beweisen, groBe Anziehungskraft. Eine Untersuchung wurde ergeben, da!3 die Ursachen dieser Aktualitat vor allem in der Ossian- Begeisterung der Zeit liegen. Friedrichs Rugenstudien von 1801 und 1802 und seine fruhen Sepien sind Dokumente dieser Bewegung. Sie mussen mit den gleichzeitigen me!ancholisch- pathetischen Figurenkompositionen des Mannheimer Skizzenbuches zusammen gesehen werden. Spater uberdecken pantheistische Tendenzen die sentimentale Gesinnung, und die grolBen Motive Rugens— Stubbenkammer, Arkona, Rugard— werden zur Urlandschaften mit 50

Werner Sumowski’s observation re ite ra te s the cultural importance of Rugen in its relation to myth and human and natural history. Sumowski also documented Friedrich’s early dualism in his source of imagery— literature and historical, geographic and geological associations of place, i.e., its "identity" or "individuality."5

I t has already been mentioned th a t, w ithin the

Pomeranian in te lle c tu a l tra d itio n it s e lf , the distinctive aspects of an individual’s identity were closely bound up with one’s place of birth and shared

Pomeranian, Swedish-Pomeranian and B a ltic culture as d is tin c t from other regions.6 However, i t is necessary to understand another aspect to th is Pomeranian attitude. Timothy Mitchell (1984) has convincingly argued fo r the influence of Abraham Gottlob Werner’ s

(1779) theory of h is to ric a l geology on F rie d ric h ’s depictions of Der Watzmann (fig. 79), 1824/25, and

Hochgebi rge (fig . 76), 1824 ("Der Watzmann" 452).

However, similar thoughts about geological history and

symbolischen Gehalt.

5 The importance of literary sources will be taken up in subsequent chapters.

6 Cf. Chapter two. 51

its importance already existed prior to and concurrent

with Werner’s theory in Greifswald.7

The question must then also be asked what these

phenomena and revelations of God’ s laws and human

nature expressively reveal. This question is based on

a reading of writers such as Ernst Moritz Arndt,

reviewed by Moller in 1804,8 and Schwartz (1745) (Kurze

4-5), who felt that the individuality of a particular

culture was largely determined by geological and

geographic factors. Schwartz, in his forward to Kurze

Einleitung zur Geographie des Norder-Teutschlands

Slavischer Nation und mittlerer Zeiten insonderheit der

Fuerstenthueme Pomern und Ruegen (1745), wrote that human history can determine or affect the place in which i t occurs but, also, that geography and geology interact and affect history too.

The general connection between things in the world also extends to events and locations. It is known from innumerable experiences ju s t what sort of exact relationship they both have to one another. One hasn’t even said enough by calling it a relationship. There is even a reciprocal influence at play between them. Through th e ir

7 Most especially the notion that the ocean is the primal geological cause out of which mountain peaks and their geological stratification developed, cf. Dal in 3- 10; Schwartz, Kurze 4-5; Franck, "DenkmSler" 30-32; L. G. Kosegarten 60-63.

8 "Dec. 1804," 383. 52

characteristics, the locations determine the historical events that happen within them, and these in turn determine the locations. As a result of such a close relationship, it is not surprising that, from just one of these things, without considering the other, not much can be perceived. The historical event makes the locations known. They add to the characteristics that nature has given them with moral, political characteristics and with characteristics brought about by art and invention... But h is to ric a l events are not any less formed by their locations. This natural connection has made it inevitable that historiography has had to be aided by geographical and topographical descriptions (4-5).9

So too, Kosegarten’s sermons on the shores of Rugen appear to have stimulated or re-inforced Friedrich’s

9 Note: Schwartz begins repaginating in chapter one. Der allgemeine Zusammenhang der Welt-Dinge erstreckt sich auch Uber die Begebenheiten und Oerter. Es ist aus unzehligen Erfahrungen bekannt, in was fur einer genauen VerhaltnilB sie beyde mit einander stehen. Man sagt nicht mahl genug daran, dal3 man es ein Verhaltni(3 nennet. Es ist gar ein Wechsel— Einflu(3 unter ihnen. Die Oerter bestimmen durch ihre Beschaffenheit die Geschichte, die darinnen vorgehen, und diese die O erter. Wegen einer so nahen Verwandschaft ist nicht zu verwundern, wenn man sich aus dem einem diser Dinge, ohne auf das andere zu sehen, nicht recht vernehmen kann. Die Geschichte machen die Oerter bekannt. Sie vermehren die Eigenschafften, die die Natur ihnen verliehen hat, mit sittlichen, politischen und durch Kunst und Erfindung bewirckten. Aber die Geschichte werden nicht minder von denen Oertern g e s ta lte t. Diese naturliche Verknupfung hat unumganglich e rfo rd e rt, der Geschichts-Kunde mit Geographisch-und Topographischen Beschreibung aufzuhelfen. 53

idea of translating natural phenomena into religious

symbols.10 This is especially true since his

theological views also correspond to the laws of

natural history, as they were then understood.

Kosegarten preached that God’ s presence is f e lt in

every place and in every natural event.

Kosegarten takes up Hamann’ s thesis of the double revelation in scripture and nature, and Herder’s symbolism of the natural phenomena: in every location and in every event [that takes place in] a landscape, God is present. Adam, Moses and Elijah experienced God’s presence directly and humankind can duplicate this in the experience of nature (Sumowski 1 2 ).11

Because of its steep chalk cliffs, origin in an

Uraebirge.12 numerous dolmen, and reputation as the

site of ancient pagan civilization and ritu al,13 Rugen

was a shrine to natural and archeological wonders.

Indeed, the geological, geographical (as Germany’s

10 Cf. Chapter one.

11 Kosegarten nimmt Hamanns These von der zweifachen Offenbarung in Schrift und Natur und Herders Symbolismus der Naturphanomene auf: An jedem Ort und in jedem Ereignis der Landschaft ist Gott gegenw&rtig. Der Mensch kann das d irekte Gotteserlebnis von Adam, Moses, Elias im Naturerlebnis nachvolIziehen.

12 The geological significance of Urgebirge will be discussed in chapter seven.

13 Franck, "Gotzendienst" 96-98 and "Denkmaler" 30-32, 38. 54 northern most point) and cultural significance of RUgen were inseparable and interconnected and all contributed to the content of Friedrich’s depictions. This meaning

% based on the natural and human h isto ries of a particular place— its '’individuality"—was later extended to the object and monument (especially the

Gothic ruin) Friedrich depicted.

The events of human or natural history and their effects on natural and human objects were divine hieroglyphics and were to be studied, preserved and interpreted. When depicted, they had a specific content because God had touched them in a particu lar way through His laws of history and nature. The objects and/or places themselves are the bearers of meaning and content. They are the equivalent of the

Urkunde. or primary document, for the art and cultural historian.

Pomeranian historians based th e ir histories on the interpretation of Urkunden (plural). It was the source of the true content of history. Johann Bugenhagen, the f i r s t modern Pomeranian h isto rian , set the example for a ll who came a fte r him when he based his history on the gathering and in terp retatio n of Urkunden (Gadebusch 55

[6 ]14). T. H. Gadebusch, in his Geschichte von

Pommern. 1771, stressed Urkunden as the means to

reconstruct and interpret history, ([2]), as did Johann

Jacob Sell in 1796 (3-4) and Ruhs in 1802 (280). I t was a commonly held fact that historians must rely on

Urkunden to write history (Niemeyer et.al. 89;

Giesebrecht and Haken, "Bericht" 6). Johann Gottfried

Ludwig Kosegarten (the son) wrote (1827) that, although many of the Pomeranian Urkunden in the University

library have been published already, the Pomeranian

Historical Society would publish more in order to facilitate the effort of the historian, (61). Franck, a historian of natural history, emphasized the use of primary truths and, in terms of h is to ric a l methodology, equated geological and archeological primary evidence.

Franck suggested (1817) that the archeological monuments on Rugen are themselves as revelatory as the

"monuments” of natural history such as the c l i f f s of

Arkona and Stubbenkammer ("Denkmaler” 2 9 -3 0 ).15

14 Gadebusch does not provide pagination.

15 One reason Abraham Gottlob Werner’ s methodology of geological history was so influential in Germany and on Friedrich was that it was based on "direct evidence" or primary truths (Mitchell, "Der Watzmann" 460). Thus, the h is to ric a l awareness of Pomeranians and a

methodology based on primary sources by th e ir

historians, both of natural and human history, were the

compelling reasons why Friedrich expanded his criteria

for motif selection to include the identities of

specific places, objects and monuments. Furthermore,

the analysis of his works containing Gothic ruins will

bear th is out.

Before Friedrich arrived at his mature criteria for

motif selection, he found the inspiration fo r his

images and th e ir meanings in lite ra tu re (Mobius,

"Eichen” 38). In fact, there is nothing deeply

symbolic about his early works; they are really only

assemblages of Romantic or Sentimental motifs

possessing an evocative function (Sumowski 17,19;

Mobius, "Gemalde" 4 -5 ). Such works as

Mondscheinlandschaft mit Ruine einer Wasserburg (fig .

24), ca. 1795, are catalogues of popular Romantic

images of ruins, moonlight and bridges, or Ideale

Gebirgslandschaft mit Wasserfall (fig. 20), ca. 1793, which is simply a presentation of the motifs of

literary Romanticism. Sometimes Friedrich merely 57 illustrated texts such as Friedrich Schiller’s ‘‘die

Rauber" (1779/80) (fig . 31 or 3 2 ).16

At the same time he was attracted to literary m otifs, Friedrich also depicted scenes of English landscape gardens, e.g., Emilias Kilde (fig. 26), 1797, and Luisenauelle in Frederiksdahl (fig. 27), 1797.

These lite r a ry and gardening subjects are connected because the primary function of the English garden was also mood inducing (Robson-Scott 28-29, 34-35).

Also early in his career Friedrich attempted to be a literary artist, illustrating his own texts (Eimer,

Dialektik 37, 40, 41 ). These efforts paralleled Philipp

Otto Runge’s illustrations of Tieck’s vignettes (Eimer,

16 Perhaps Friedrich was attracted to S c h iller because S c h ille r was known in Greifswald as an admirer of nordic, especially Swedish culture.

Schiller had a great deal of respect for the Swedish house, which he thanked for most of what Germany had gained in spiritual culture since the Reformation. He was also well disposed to all that was Swedish (Moller, "Sept. 1805" 294).

(Schiller hatte eine groBe Ehrfurcht fur das schwedische Haus, dem er das Meiste von dem verdankte, was Teutschland an geistiger Cultur seit der Ausfuhrung der Reformation gewann. Er war auch allem gut und gewogen, was Schwedish war.) 58

Dialektik 41).17 This effort is important for two

reasons. In these works, Die Frau mit dem Spinnenetz zwischen kahlen Baumen (fig . 39), 1804, and Die Frau

\ mit dem Raben am Abgrund (fig . 40), 1804, for example, we can see that Friedrich is developing a symbolic language where, increasingly, natural objects, e .g ., the spider’s web, the raven, dead trees, the precipice and the butterfly, (images all associated with death or decay) bear the meaning.18 Secondly, they reveal a knowledge of local myth and legends and a need to include them as part of the content.19 Later, instead of by direct illustration, Friedrich will incorporate local myths, tra d itio n s and associations into the

17 E.g., Trauerszene am Strand (fig. 29), 1799, or Auf einem Felsen sitzende Frau neben einem diirren. mit Efeu berankten Baum (fig . 36), 1801, or Die Frau mit dem Raben am Abgrund (fig . 40), ca. 1804.

18 Borsch-Supan and Jahnig 229, 257, 258; Eimer, Auge 29.

19 Eimer documented that Friedrich wrote his own story based on a local legend. Friedrich then tried to illustrate its main themes of death, redemption, s a c rific e and the notion that nature reflects the moods and conditions of humans (Dialektik 43). Friedrich’s own legend, in which nature must also be redeemed, inspired the early melancholic figures of 1801 in the Mannheim sketchbook and the wood cuts (Dialektik 40- 41). Lichtenstern also discussed the influence of local myth on Friedrich’s own writing and his. illu s tra tio n s based on i t (81). This legend that Friedrich wrote is published in Eberlein (Bekenntnisse 67-70). 59

content more subtly. In addition to the general

philosophical reasons outlined in "Kunstwollen" and

derived from the Pomeranian attitud es discussed above,

there was an important artistic experience which

encouraged Friedrich to move from lite ra tu re to natural

symbols (Sumowski 58; M itc h e ll, “Vedute" 419) and

motifs with inherent content—the vedute. Working as a

vedute painter, Friedrich moved away from depicting a

dominant human figure with attendant natural symbols,

as in Frau mit Spinnenetz. 1804.

In making a vedute. the a r t is t is concerned with

different kinds of content and composition than the

figure-dominated landscape painter (Mitchell, “Vedute1'

415). There is "a compositional refocusing from the entire experience to specific details of nature and an

interest in the distinctive, realistically rendered details of odd forms...". (Mitchell, "Vedute" 415). In practicing the vedute format, Friedrich had to learn to concentrate on the individuality or unique characteristics of a specific place or natural formation.

Vedute did not provide the impulse that gave rise to Friedrich’s new landscape form, but, rather, offered ready examples of a formula fo r focusing on nature’s distinctive shapes. Vedute provided visual evidence that the interest in such configurations and objects as were found in nature 60

was widespread. By abandoning the general rules of landscape painting, Vedute permitted these d etails to remain the center of attention. Friedrich sought to utilize such configurations as the Vedute suggested in order to organize these distinctive shapes into a language without divesting them of th e ir in d iv id u a lity . Vedute displayed scenes of in te re s t: Friedrich desired scenes of import (M itc h e ll, "Vedute" 419).

Thus, the vedute Herrenhaus mit Wirtschaftsgebaude am abfallender StraBe (fig. 33), 1799, was pivotal for

Friedrich’s development toward an expanded criterion fo r motif selection which incorporated human and natural histories. The difference between this finished vedute and its study is striking. Friedrich has added a gallows (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig 244) which is a reference to the name of the actual place he is depicting— "Mordgrund" (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig 244).

In Herrenhaus. 1799, Friedrich is concerned with incorporating the peculiar character of a specific location into the meaning of the work. Although this is an unsubtle visual pun, its significance for

F rie d ric h ’ s development is that meaning depends, in part, on an actual place and/or monument.

M itchell argued (1982) that the surrounding landscape became a setting for the specific object

( "Vedute" 415). While this is true when using the vedute method, the artist learns to concentrate not only on the peculiar qualities of an object but on the

significance of setting as well. Thus, for Friedrich, this is more complex than singular. In Herrenhaus.

1799, instead of focusing meaning on ju s t one object,

Friedrich has focused on several and, in addition, on the significance of the place. Borsch-Supan has noted that Friedrich assigned symbolic meaning to the scene depicted in vedute. e.g., Landschaft mit Pavillion

(fig. 28), ca.1797; SchloB Kriebstein in Sachsen (fig.

30), ca. 1799; and Landweg mit Bach und Brucke (fig .

43), 1802.

By 1803/04 with Felsen!andschaft (fig. 50), ca.

1804, Gebi rgslandschaft (fig . 51), 1804/05, and

W allfahrt bei Sonnenaufgang (fig . 52), ca. 1805,

F rie d ric h ’s Kunstwollen. founded on the assumptions of the Fruhromantik. was complete (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig

281). For these works, the source of F rie d ric h ’ s imagery, symbolic language, and meaning was nature and its laws (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig 283).

As the meanings and uses of the Gothic ruin then evolved throughout his oeuvre. Friedrich relied increasingly on the criterion of the natural and human histories, i.e., the "identity" or "individuality" of the specific Gothic motif he depicted to bear meaning. Friedrich’s stylistic and compositional maturity was evident by 1806 (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig 24, 291).

However, his iconographic m aturity, as i t relates to

■ \ the Gothic ruin, was attained in the companion pieces,

Der Monch am Meer (fig . 56), 1809/10, and Abtei im

Eichwald (fig. 57), 1809/10, where his choice of motif reflects this new criterion and unites with his content-laden style. Friedrich abandoned literary themes and general associations and created a new kind of landscape history painting. CHAPTER IV The Gothic Ruin and the Monk

This is an exploration into and summary of the general meanings of the Gothic and the monk as motifs integral to German Romanticism. Since th e ir meanings do apply, in general, to F ried rich ’ s works, they should be understood as authentications of his iconographic origins in lite r a r y Romanticism and English Garden theory and indicative of his place in the Romantic movement. This is only their general significance, however, for this understanding does not offer specific meaning in Friedrich’s oeuvre: the general significance does not take into account Pomeranian meanings, the development of Friedrich’s criteria for motif selection and his move away from literature as the primary source of his motifs. Thus, I will also discuss the important

Pomeranian and pan-Baltic meanings of and associations with these two motifs. But an analysis of their evolving meaning in F rie d ric h ’s oeuvre w ill occur in the three subsequent chapters.

63 The general philosphical and aesthetic appreciation

of and theoretical justification for the use of gothic

imagery in Romantic painting, and in the a rt of

Friedrich, whether as a ruin or as an otherwise intact

structure, derives ultimately from the English Gothic

Revival. This renewed taste for the Gothic was

symptomatic, in general, of a change of direction and

point of view called the Romantic movement (Robson-

Scott 34). The revolt against neo-classicism began in

England where the requisite receptivity for this new

taste firs t developed. The Gothic Revival had two main

generating forces. The first was literary and the

second was the metamorphosis in taste from the

classical landscape garden to the English landscape

garden (Robson-Scott 28-30).

The literary impetus was supplied by two early gothic poets, Edmund Spenser1 and John M ilto n ,2 who consciously exploited the gothic mood (K. Clark 283).

Spenser invented almost a ll of the tra d itio n a l "props" or images needed to evoke the mood: graves, owls, craggy cliffs, death, decomposition and ruins (K. Clark

28).

1 E .g .jin the Faerie Queen. 1590-96.

2 E .g., I I Penseroso. 1645. 65

The art of landscape gardening in England was

strongly influenced by seventeenth-century landscape

painters, especially the French Claude Lorraine (1600-

1682) and the Italian Salvatore Rosa (1615-1673). One

of the most obvious elements of their art was the ruin,

an element also employed by the landscape gardner.

Their classical ruins soon gave way to the preferred

gothic ruin, partly because there was an abundant

genuine supply on hand, but also fo r lite ra ry reasons

(Robson-Scott 28-29). The landscape garden was

supposed to provoke a mood,3 indeed, the very same mood

of melancholy and nostalgia induced by the poets. This

mood consisted of all the various ingredients of

eighteenth-century Romantic graveyard poetry, the

School of Melancholy and Night, Ossian, etc. These

English trends were enthusiastically imported by the

3 "Prospects were not for the eye alone but were pleasurable because they excited the imagination and produced sensations of grandeur, melancholy and gaiety" (H.F. Clark 165). Theoretically, as one viewed the different views or prospects of the garden, one’s imagination was stimulated by the arrangement of the objects, ruins, trees etc. in such a way that the proper mood was induced (H.F. Clark 165). Paulson (1975) described the viewer’s experience: "What he saw was v irtu a lly a page from an emblem book, and page followed page as he strolled along the garden path, each temple or urn a separate experience" (Paulson 21). 66

Germans (Robson-Scott 34-35)4 and were connected thematically to the Gothic ruin because it was the

reminder of the transience of all things (Frankl 380),

referred to human old age and decay, the relentless and superior power of nature (Eimer, Gotik 25) and was considered a northern European stylistic achievement

(Ltitzeler 16; Clarke 571).

Eventually, the "gothic style" came to be appreciated aesthetically because it imitated nature.

Previously, the term "gothic" had meant barbarous, tasteless, uncouth, ignorant, superstitious, clumsy, formless, irre g u la r, unharmonius, asymmetrical, overladen, arbitrary, and even unnatural (Robson-Scott

14). It required but a small step to transform this pejorative definition into admiration. Gothic architecture came to be characterized in the early nineteenth-century by the very same qualities so adored in the landscape garden, e.g., wildness, irregularity, v a rie ty , boldness, lack of symmetry and freedom from rules (Robson-Scott 25-26). "Gothic" came even to be

4 In 1794, Friedrich entered the Copenhagen Academy, one of the major centers of early Romanticism and of "Nordischen Pietismus" (Hinz 9). The Academy was also the most lib e ra l in Europe and was greatly influenced by the School of Sentimentality, the cult of Ossian and English garden theory (Fiege 12). 67 considered as imitative of nature in its application of plant and arboreal forms; thus, the so-called classically "negative" elements of the Gothic were now extolled by such influential thinkers as Shaftsbury,

Joseph Addison and Alexander Pope (Robson-Scott 26-27).

The wild and untamed character of nature in the English landscape garden became incomplete unless accompanied by a Gothic ruin (K. Clark 61-62).

Both the Classicist and the Gothicist were united in their exaltation of nature as the great norm and c rite rio n of a rt. Both were agreed that the aim of art was the imitation of nature; where they differed was in their interpretation of the term. To the Neo-Classicist, nature stood for regularity and simplicity; to the Gothicist it stood for irregularity and variety. Gothic architecture, then, regained aesthetic respectability under the mantel of nature, but of a nature which had reversed its meaning owing to the impact of the new ideals of landscape gardening (Robson-Scott 27).

The Germans made a fundamental distinction between the "gothic" and the Classical styles. Georg Forster and A. W. Schlegel determined that the Classical relates to all things human, to what exists; it is a tactile art of the present. The "gothic," on the other hand, is not of this world; it is a spiritual, an art of longing and not of possession (Robson-Scott 102).

The "gothic" is a manifestation of the Infinite 68

(LUtzeler 25). The German Romantics saw the gothic

style as a hymn to God, a sublime manifestation of as

well as an offering to the Divine, which was loaded

with mystical, religious feeling, devotion and

symbolism (Honour 156-8). "It was this vision of the

Gothic as the direct and concrete expression of the

In fin ite which made i t especially dear to the Romantic

generation" (Robson-Scott 135).5

Goethe’s essay "Von deutscher Baukunst" (1772-3)

lauded the organic, yet physically incomplete, unity of

the Strasbourg cathedral, and appreciated its imitation of nature. The essay is predominantly the recording of an aesthetic experience. He described the impact of the cathedral on the imagination and emphasized the virtues of the artist-genius and free spirit, praising the freedom from classical a r t is tic rules evident in the monument (Robson-Scott 86).

In addition to its aesthetic meanings and qualities of transcience, artistic freedom, symbol of the

5 Honour (1979) wrote that Gothic architecture was seen as symbolic, as a sublime manifestation of Christianity (156) and that the German Romantics, especially, interpreted the Gothic in religious terms in contrast to Greek architecture which was viewed as rational, finite and concrete (158). Furthermore, the vertical thrust and soaring vaults were interpreted as mystical and transcendental (156-8). 69

infinite, imitative of nature and evocative of mood,

the "gothic" took on a richer meaning for the Germans

because they perceived it to be a specifically German

' achievement (LUtzeler 16). Actually, this was not a new

association. In an anonymous Life of Brunelleschi

attributed to Manetti (c. 1450-80, in manuscript form),

there was a succinct history of the architecture of

Greece and Rome and its destruction at the hands of the

Vandals and the Goths. This was the first time that

the Germans were seen as the creators of the Gothic

style (Robson-Scott 4). In reference to Gothic

architecture, the terms "medieval," "barbarian," and

"German" were a ll synonymous (Honour 4). Giorgio

Vasari (1511-1574) also attributed Gothic architecture

to the Germans. Its German origins were substantiated

by Johann Ulrich Konig in his "Treatise on Good Taste,"

in 1727 (Robson-Scott 11).

Gothic architecture was generally viewed with

disfavor and was "blamed" on the Germans (Robson-Scott

4). In "Von deutscher Baukunst," (1772-3) however,

Goethe enthusiastically affirmed that the Gothic was a

German achievement, setting up that association which

combined Gothic architecture and German nationalism, 70 finding in the German past a partriotic and aesthetic

ideal (Platte 84).

To the aesthetic appreciation and to the erroneous, but intense, national associations must be added the religious implications the "gothic" held for the

Germans. "Gothic" was the emphatically Christian style for them. In the first half of the nineteenth-century,

"gothic" was considered to be the most appropriate style of religious architecture by both Catholics and

Protestants (K lin k e rt 15). In Swedish Pomerania, the

Protestant style is almost exclusively "gothic." In

Greifswald, i t was and remains the only ecclesiastical style. This is because when the Reformation was established in Pomerania, the existing Catholic churches were simply converted into Protestant ones.

Therefore, the Gothic, in Swedish Pomerania, is the

Christian architectural style with Lutheran associations (Heyden, Greifswalds 96; Heyden,

Kirchengeschichte 207, 210).

There are, however, specifically Pomeranian and

Baltic associations with and meanings of the "gothic."

Johannis M ic ra e lii in his history of ancient Pomerania

(Antiouitates Pomeraniae. Oder Sechs Buecher vom A!ten

Pommerlande. 1723) claimed that the German trib e referred to by Tacitus (who called them the Suevis) and

by Pliny the Elder (who called them the Goths), whose descendents now inhabit Sweden, Norway, and part of

■ \ Denmark and Germany, o rig in a lly came from Pomerania

(Micraelii A3-A4).

But at the same time, Pomerania and that which borders on it, as the highly intelligent Josephus Scalinger liked to say, is the right ancient fatherland of the Goths, by whom the world has been so affected (Micraelii A4).6

From Pomerania, the Goths migrated to Scandinavia and the rest of Germany and eventually destroyed the

Roman Empire. Schwartz, in his Kurze Einleitung zur

Geographie des Nordet—Teutschlands Slavischer Nation und m ittle re r Zeiten insonderheit der Fuerstenthueme

Pomern und Ruegen (1745), agreed with M ic ra e lii’s account entirely, equating the original Pomeranians with the ancient German peoples or Goths described by

Tacitus and Pliny. Schwartz claimed, too, that the

Goths never e n tire ly deserted Pomerania but kept i t as a permanent homeland and place of retreat (5 -7 ).7

6 Aber gleichwol is t Pomerellia und was damit grentzet, wie der hochvernunfftige Josephus Scaliger hat pflegen zu sagen, das rechte uralte Vaterland der Gothen, von denen die Welt so sehr getummult is t.

7 Schwartz begins repagination in chapter one. These page citations are in the first chapter. 72

Janken wrote (1752) that the Pomeranian Goths were

the origin al inhabitants of Pomerania and la te r settled

Sweden ( "Vorbericht" 98-99) which is why J. C. Dahnert

maintained the Scandinavian and Pomeranian cultures are

so closely connected ( "Neuigkeiten" 48).

The d e fin itio n s of “Der Gothe" in the Grammatisch- kritisches Worterbuch der Hoch-deutschen Mundart (1793-

ISO 1) and in the Worterbuch der Deutschen Sprache

(1808) are the same. They both stated that it is the name of a former Germanic trib e which migrated from the

B altic coast to Sweden.8 However, according to the

8 Grammatisch-kritisches Worterbuch der Hoch- deutschen Mundart (1793-1801), the Goth, the Gothic woman: the name of a former Germanic people that especially distinguished itself through its wanderings from the coasts of the Baltic Sea to Sweden, the Black Sea, Pannonia, It a ly , France and S p ain... . The King of Sweden as well as the King of Denmark s t i l l carry the name of these Goths in their titles" (756). ("der Gothe, die Gothinn: der Nahme einer ehemahligen Germanischen Volkerschaft, welche sich vornemlich durch ihre Wanderungen von den Kusten der Balthischen Meeres nach Schweden, dem schwarzen Meere, Pannonien, Ita lie n , Frankreich und Spanien auszeichnete.. .So wohl der Konig von Schweden, als der Konig von Danemark fUhren diese Gothen noch jetzt in ihren Titeln").

And "Gothic, belonging to the Goths, similar, based on their customs and tastes. The Gothic taste, the Gothic architectural style, which is characterized by long, thin columns, high pointed vaults and arches, and excessive embellishments and points in the decorations" (756). ("den Gothen gehorig, ahnlich, in ihren Sitten und in ihrem Geschmacke gegrundet. Der Gothische Geschmack, die Gothische Bauart, welche sich durch lange diinne Saulen, hohe spitzige Gewolbe und Bogen, und QbermaBige Schnorkel und Spitzen in den 73

Neu-Vermehrtes historisch- und geographisches allgemeines Lexicon of 1747, the Goths (Gothen) were most likely a Swedish people who eventually settled in

Pomerania, Prussia and part of Saxony a couple of centuries before Christ (542). Olaf Dal in, the Swedish

Professor of history, agreed with this later version in his book Geschichte des Reiches Schweden (1756).9 He claimed th at the Goths migrated from Sweden to the

Baltic coast and settled all of lower Germany as well as Holstein, Jutland and the Danish islands (53).

Dal in is well aware of the difference of opinion as to who settled where firs t and stressed the fraternal

Verzierungen auszeichnet"). "Der Gothe," in Campe, 1808, said the same: "The name of an old German people that migrated from the Baltic Sea and spread itself out in Sweden, on the Black Sea in Pannonia, Italy, France, Spain. ... The Kings of Sweden and Denmark s t i l l call themselves Kings of the Goths (425)." ("der Name einer alten Deutschen Volkerschaft, welche vom Baltischen Meere auswanderte und sich verb re ite te in Schweden, am schwarzen Meere, in Pannonien, Ita lie n , Frankreich, Spanien u. Die Konige von Schweden und Danemark nennen sich noch Konige der Gothen").

9 Dal in ’s work was well-known in Greifswald. Dahnert reported that he was working with Prof. Benzelstierna on a German translation of H. Dal in’s famous multi-volume work on the history of Sweden, "The only considerable work of its kind which has already drawn some of the world’s attention to itself..." (48) (..die als das einzige betrachtliche Werk in ihrer Art, die Aufmerksamkeit der Welt zum Theil schon auf sich gezogen h a t. . . ) 74

nature of the cultural and racial relationship between

the Germans and the Swedes:

The dispute among the Swedes and Germans about age is a laughable and childish dispute. The Germans claimed that the Swedes had their origin in the Germans, and the Swedes contended that the Germans were their children. But, if you will allow me, both of them are in the wrong. The one people can say that i t comes from the other as much as a brother can make himself into the father of the other. But we do know that they have one single origin in Scythia, and that from the beginning have had one religious practice, one set of customs, and one language ( 5 5 ) .10

Either the Pomeranians brought the Gothic culture

and style to the Swedes or vice versa. Despite the

family dispute as to priority, one thing is certain—

fo r the Pomeranians, the Gothic style had s p e c ific a lly

shared pan-Baltic racial, cultural, national and

religious meanings. I t was, a fte r a l l , an original

Baltic achievement with Lutheran associations.

10 Es ist ein lacherlicher und kindischer Streit unter den Schweden und Deutschen urn das A lter gewesen. Die Deutschen haben gesagt, die Schweden stammeten von ihnen her, und die Schweden dagegen, daB die Deutschen ihre Kinder seyn. Aber mit Erlaubni(3 sie haben beide Unrecht. Das eine Volk kann so wenig sagen, daB es von dem andern hergekommen, als ein Bruder sich zu des andern Vater machen. Aber deswegen stehet doch fest, daB sie einerley Ursprung aus Scythien, und von Anfang einerley Gottesdienst, einerley Gewohneiten, einerley Sprache gehabt. Friedrich often depicted the Gothic ruin accompanied

by the image of the monk. Hans Ost in Einsiedler und

Moenche in der deutschen Malerei des 19. Jahrhunderts

(1971) explained the meanings of monks in secular works

of art in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He

pointed out that there is no specific monk iconography

intended; a monk does not stand fo r St. Hieronymous or

St. Anthony, etc. (77). Rather, the image of the monk symbolized an ascetic life (21), was associated with

individualism, as one who lives apart from society

(31), and with personal freedom because he has no human ties (32). While the states of loneliness and isolation

(Ost 31-32) accompany the monk’s freedom and

individualism, (Ost 31-32) these were not entirely negative conditions in the minds of the Romantics, but were necessary to the life of the divinely inspired monk and poet who experiences and praises God’s magnificence in the natural world. Due to this special relationship to God and nature, the motif of the monk was especially popular with Protestants because the monk represented the states of pantheistic, sentimental and melancholic contemplation so essential to the new nature relig io n and Romantic point-of-view (Ost 50,

53). The image of the monk was not a Roman Catholic motif nor was it denominational in character (Ost 50).

In fact, the Nazarenes did not use it (Ost 123). In

the eighteenth century, the hermit and monk even had

the reputation fo r overcoming denominational and class

differences, especially in Germany and Bohemia (Ost 34-

35). There was, for example, a retreat on the grounds

of the Count of Sayn-Wittgenstein for separatists who

were inclined toward the lifestyle of a hermit. They

came from Germany, Switzerland and France and were made

up of members of the middle class and the nobility of

different faiths (Ost 35). The Romantic depiction of

the monk in nature was the means of establishing the

proper mood of the landscape garden or painting (Ost

69). Instead of a Catholic monk, the viewer beheld an

anonymous romantic fig ure who defined a mood, a

relationship to nature, a general religious sensibility

(Ost 70) and represented the idea of spiritual quest.

But, in fact, there is no record that Friedrich ever used the word "monk,” instead he used the word

"Priester," which in his low German d ialect stood for clergyman, regardlesss of denomination (Eimer,

Dialektitk 65).

The Romantics also fused the image of the monk with that of the pilgrim (Ost 66, 69), so that pilgrims took on the identical role of evoking mood, bearing the

pantheistic Weltanschauung of pious devotion, and

representing a general sense of isolation or loneliness

(Ost 67) and spiritual journey. This fusion of monk and pilgrim is supported by the fact that during the eighteenth and nineteenth-centuries in Germany and

Austria, hermits or monks were often caretakers of shrines or pilgrimage places (Ost 24). The Romantics associated all of these characteristics with the artist who, like the monk, withdraws from society for communion with God and nature (Ost 39).

That Friedrich was aware of these associations has already been established in the scholarship.11

However, there are s p e c ific a lly Pomeranian aspects associated with monks, ones not discussed in the

Friedrich literature. In the Lutheran stronghold of

Pomerania, monks were respected as the bearers of

Christianity to pagan Pomerania.

The Pomeranian h istorian, C. Schottgen, in "Das

Andenken der Pommerischen Bekehrung, durch Bischoff

Otten geschehen" (1774-5), wrote that it mattered to

11 Von Einem and von Lorck already made the connection between English art and theory of the eighteenth-century and the work of Friedrich (73; Ost 217). Erika BQlau established F rie d ric h ’s awareness of English landscape garden theory (Ost 111). the Lutheran that the Catholic St. Otto von Bamberg

brought the Church of Rome to Pomerania on his mission

in 1124. His mission was a sign of God’s grace because

this was the first contact with the "Morgenrot," or

lig h t of C h ris tia n ity , for those ancient Pomeranians

living then in spiritual darkness (5). Believing that

history progressed according to divine purpose and law,

Schoettgen explained further that God was working through Otto to end the darkness of heathenism in

Pomerania (4) and th at even the Lutheran Church recognized that God employed the Catholic Church to defeat paganism (5 -6 ). Another Pomeranian historian,

Dahnert, concurred, stating that, despite the fact that

Catholicism is not the highest or purest form of

Christianity, it is better than paganism and that

Pomeranians can respect th e ir fo re fa th e rs ’ zealousness, concluding that "it will not be a shame for our ancestors if history reveals that they were diligent papists, that is, that they became Christians in accordance with the basic teachings of those times"

("Gedanken" 1 ) .12

12 ...so wird es keine Schande fUr unsere Vorfahren seyn, wenn die Geschichte erweiset, daG sie eifrige Pabstler, das ist, Christen nach den Grundlehren damaliger Zeiten geworden. The ascetic and hermitic motifs in Kosegarten’s

Leaenden (1804) are non-denominational (Ost 115) and reflect the values of early eighteenth-century

Protestant Pietism (Ost 114). Although Kosegarten was a Protestant minister, he, like Dahnert and Schottgen, praised the good qualities of Catholicism and wished that many of its original principles had been adopted by Protestantism, e.g., adoration of the heros of early

C h ris tia n ity and the adherence to s tr ic t ascetic virtues. While he stressed the Romantic poetic and sentimental qualities ascribed to the Catholic forefathers, he did not urge his contemporaries to live and believe as they did but to imitate them in their spiritual devotion (Ost 115).

Twice, Friedrich communicated similar views saying

"What our primeval ancestors [fathers] believed and did in childish simplicity, we should believe and do in our p u rifie d knowledge" (Hinz 8 6 ).13 While Friedrich admired the simple piety of the religious art and artists of the past, he warned against the simplistic im itation of them and the commission of the mistakes that the Christian artists of the past were wont to

13 Was unsere Urvater in kindlicher Einfalt geglaubt und getan, das sollen auch wir bei gelauterter Erkenntnis glauben und tun. 80

make. Instead, Friedrich urged his contemporaries to

maintain the purer convictions of the present while

imitating the virtues of their forefathers.

That which pleases us in the old pictures is especially their pious simplicity. But we do not wish to be s im p lis tic , as many have been and imitate their errors, but rather we want to be pious and imitate their virtues (Hinz 91).14

Pomeranians, then, perceived monks as the source of

C h ris tia n ity and s p iritu a l role models. In addition,

monks were seen outside their religious context as the

preservers of Pomeranian history and the creators and

guardians of the Urkunde— the source of knowledge.

Dahnert, in "Anmerkung von der Nutzbarkeit der

Pommerschen Mdnche im Pabsthum in Erhaltung

Historischer Urkunden und Denkmale" (1752), acknowledged the Pomeranian debt to monks who had not only recorded medieval Pomeranian history but, in addition, had preserved the records of the Pomeranian pagan past (118). In fact, Dahnert ascribed the preservation of much German history to Pomeranian monks.

14 Was uns an den alten Bildern erfreut, ist vor allem die fromme Einfalt. Wir wollen aber nicht einf& ltig. werden, wie v ie le getan, und ihre Fehler nach&ffen, sondern fromm werden und ihre Tugenden nachahmen. 81

But we wouldn’t know anything of this raw and partly iron period. We would have reports of the events of the intermediate period that would be even sketchier than those of world populations undertaken by the children of Noah after the flood, i f we had not had these monks. The history of the Germans would havp entered into a yet deeper darkness than in the I I . and I I I . Saecuto post. C.N. since the druids and bards were our historiographers and since the world gave birth to no new Tacitus who could have saved i t from destruction (118).15

Johann Jacob S e ll, in Versuch einer Geschichte des

Pommerschen Handels16 (1796), stated that before the

sixteenth-century Pomerania had no secular historians, only monks and clergy kept records (3). It was the

institution of the cloister and one of the functions of the monks to preserve Urkunden and Pomeranian history

(3-4). Gadebusch described (1771) how the great

Pomeranian Reformer, Johann Bugenhagen, had to gather

15 Wir wurden aber von diesen rauhen und zum Theil eisernen Zeit gar nichts wissen; Wir wUrden von den Begebenheiten der m ittle rn Z e it noch magerere Nachrichten haben, als von denen nach der Sundfluth durch die Nachkommenschaft des Noah unternommenen Welt- Bevdlkerungen, wenn wir diese Monche nicht gehabt hatten. Die H istorie der Deutschen wurde noch in eine tieffere Dunkelheit gerathen seyn als im II. und III. Saecuto post. C.N. da die Druiden und Barden unsere Geschichtschreiber waren und die Welt keinen Tacitus mehr hervorbrachte, der sie noch dem Untergange hatte entreissen konnen.

16 Moller reviewed S e ll’ s book, Versuch einer Geschichte des Pommerschen Handels ("Sept. 1798" 276- 278). 82

the necessary Urkunden and information from the

cloisters in order to write his comprehensive history

of Pomerania. "He [Bugenhagen] tra v e lle d through

Pomerania and searched a ll archives, especially the

cloisters, which were the richest containers of old

reports"([6] no numbers).17

Jancken, in "Von der altesten Zeiten" (1778), wants to give the learned Pomeranians of the past, who have contributed so much to European culture and to the fatherland, a kind of immortality by provoking his

readers into imitating these historians (218-219).

Thus, not only are the roles of monks and pilgrims fused by the Romantics but, in the Pomeranian tradition, the roles of monks and of historians are blended, as well. These Pomeranian monk-historians are religious as well as scholarly exemplum v irtu ti.

In his discussion (1796), Johann-Joachim

Steinbruck, like Sell, linked the above described associations ascribed to monks with those of the c lo is te r. According to Steinbruck, both monks and cloisters represented piety and were the institutions best suited to the spreading of Christianity,

17 Er [Bugenhagen] durchreisete Pommern und durchsuchte alle Archive, hauptsachlich aber die Kloster, als die reichsten Behalter alter Nachrichten. 83

performing the "sacred" function of preservers of

knowledge, especially Pomeranian history ( 1 ) . 18 He

stressed that in their roles as furtherers of

Christianity, places of learning and keepers of the

past, they were crucial to the well being of the Holy

Roman Empire itself (3). Therefore, the flourishing of

German culture was founded on these two co-related

institutions— the monk and the cloister.

The monk and the c lo is te r have a positive relationship in Pomeranian Lutheran thought, as w ell.

In commemorative images of the Lutheran Reformation, there was a precedent for associating the image of a monk in a church or cloister and the rediscovery of

"pure" Christianity (in the Lutheran sense). Martin

18 "The spiritual convents were in former times the most useful structures. Christian dogma could not have been better propagated and introduced, nor the blind worship of idols done away with, as by means of these institutions. Every Bishop tried in his parish to accomplish both, and ordered his subordinates to perform the same tasks; and thus one could see the higher convents as our academies and the clo isters as the lower schools" (Steinbruck 1). ("Die geistlichen Stifter waren in den ehemaligen Zeiten die nuztlichsten Anlagen. Die c h ris tlic h e Lehre konnte nicht besser ausgebreitet und eingefuhret, und dagegen der blinde Gozzendienst abgeschaffet werden, als durch diese Anstalten. Ein ieder Bischof suchte in seinem Sprengel beides zu befordern, und ubertrug gleiches Geschafte auch seinen Untergeordneten; und daher konnte man vormals die hohern S t ift e r als unsere Akademien, die Kloster aber als die niedern Schulen ansehen"). 84

Luther (1483-1546) was a Saxon monk in the order of St.

Augustine and there was a commemorative coin in a

Pomeranian c o lle c tio n 19 in which Luther, dressed as a

monk, is in a church or cloister.

Another [coin] depicts, on its main side, the in te rio r of a church or a c lo is te r. One sees a monk (D. Luther) on his knees, who is taking out a book from under a table; on the book one reads "Evangeliurn." The marginal inscription [on the coin] reads: Perierat et inventus est 1515. (He was lost and now has been found again). On the obverse side, the interior of a temple: in the foreground a Jewish priest before an altar, holding an open book with both hands, on which one can read the word "Law." On the side of the a lta r , i t reads: Anno Reform. 1617. Outside of the temple, one sees the church with a tower in the distance. The marginal inscription says: Inveni quern d ilig e t anima mea. (I have found him whom my soul loves) (Zollner 41) . 20

19 Zollner described this coin and its location in Reise durch Pommern nach der Insel Ruegen und einem Theile des Herzogthums Mecklenburg im Jahre 1795. 1797 (41).

20 Eine andere [Munze] s t e l l t auf der Hauptseite das Innere einer Kirche oder eines Klosters vor. Man sieht einen Monch (D. Luther) auf den Knien liegen, der unter einem Tische ein Buch hervorzieht, vorauf man lie s e t: Evangel ium. Die Umschrift heil3t: P erierat et inventus est 1515. (Er war verloren und ist wieder gefunden worden.) Auf der Kehrseite das Innere eines Tempels: im Vordergrunde ein judischer Priester vor einem Altar, mit beiden Handen ein aufgeschlagenes Buch anfassend, auf welchem das Wort Gesetz zu lesen ist. An den Seiten des A ltars steht: Anno Reform. 1617. AuGer dem Tempel sieht man in der Ferne die Kirche mit einem Thurme. Die Umschrift heiGt: Inveni quern diliget anima mea. (Ich habe gefunden, den meine Seele lie b t ). Hence, the monk need not necessarily be actively

engaged in his role as pilgrim; the cloister as co symbol can also be understood as an essential part of

his id e n tity and purpose. Id en tity and purpose have a positive Lutheran meaning and explain, in part,

Friedrich’s use of monks with or without abbies and cloisters. There is nothing inconsistent about using these images even though Friedrich felt strongly that the art of each time period must represent and reflect

its own historical position and not repeat that of a past e ra .21 However, images acquire meanings and the

German Romantics, while conscious of entering a new age, did not re je c t the past. They were well aware of th e ir h is to ric a l roots and sought to found the new era on the traditions of the old (Grutter 35).

It is striking that Friedrich’s first depiction of a monk in Gotische Kirchenruine (fig . 49), 1803, occurred just after Ruhs published, in 1802, a sixteenth-century post-Reformation recounting of Catholic celebrations in

21 He said, "A work of art must always carry the impression of its time with itself" (Hinz 105). (Ein Kunstwerk mul3 immer das Geprage seiner Zeit in sich tragen. ) 86

Pomerania, which included a description of outdoor

processionals.22

When the festival of the palms was over, the entire clergy, small and large, went into the parish, behind in the cemetery; there a four-sided hut was set up..; that was called Christ’s grave, two ministers carried a crucifix there, the entire procession came along outside, so that no one person remained in the church; there the sexton held his speech, laid the cross into the g ra v e ,... They stood around fo r the longest tim e ... then once again with the cross in the church and dragged it into the sacristy until Good Friday.. .then it had to go back out (Riihs 174).23

Ruhs remarked that this manuscript is a "treasure" and a valuable contribution toward revealing knowledge about the customs of our forefathers (163).

The notion of celebrating the Eucharist in nature rather than in a church, which Kosegarten advocated, has already been mentioned in my chapter on

KunstwolTen. However, Sumowski pointed out that, in addition to Kosegarten, two other influential thinkers had similar thoughts and equated the experience of nature itself with the sacrament of communion.

22 Professor Borsch-Supan informed me in a conversation (May, 1988) that a drawing by Friedrich of RCihs, c. 1802/3, was just discovered in the Landesmuseum in Schleswig-Holstein. This seems to prove a direct contact for this viewpoint.

23 I relied on this translation by Cynthia Doe11 because I was unable to read the original. 87

Thus, the human being in front of nature would symbolize a meeting with Christ. Taking up A. W. Schlegel’s idea of life as a ‘constant Last Supper’ [Berlin Lectures], one could consider the lonely examination of nature as Communion. According to Th. Schwarz, who was a friend of Friedrich, the essence of the Last Supper is present in nature, so that in the experience of nature ‘the same experiences’ as in the Sacraments can be obtained (Sumowski 2 3 ).24

Thus, in W allfahrt bei Sonnenaufgang. c.1805, which

features a processional of monks in nature bearing a

crucifix, Friedrich is not merely depicting an old

fashioned Catholic ritual but is transforming a

tra d itio n a l Pomeranian Catholic ceremony into a

contemporary celebration of the Eucharist which

conforms to Romantic and Protestant pantheism and

Kosegarten’s and Schwartz’s preaching.25 This view is

24 Der Mensch vor der Landschaft wiirde also eine Christusbegegnung symbolisieren. Man konnte, A. W. Schlegels Idee vom Leben 'a ls bestandigem Abendmahl’ aufgreifend [Berliner Vorlesungen] die einsame Naturschau als Kommunionr betrachten. Nach Th. Schwarz, der mit Friedrich befreundet war, sind in der Natur die Substanzen des Abendmahls vorhanden, so dal3 im Naturerlebnis und im Sakramenterlebnis 'die gleichen Erfahrungen erworben werden’ .

25 Borsch-Supan himself noted that in Wal1fah rt bei Sonnenaufgang. nature has been transformed into sacred architecture and that the traditional altar has been replaced with a c ru c ifix between the bushes. "The two trees flanking the path remind us of a portal; the c ru c ifix between the bushes replaces an a lta r as the goal of the procession. The foreground is thus seen as sacred architecture transformed into nature" (Borsch- Supan and Jahnig 282-283). (Die beiden den Weg substantiated by Friedrich’s own non-denominational

description of the figure of the monk in Der Monch am

Meer. 1809/10, he wrote: " It’s a sea piece; in the

foreground a desolate, sandy strand, then the rough

sea, and then the sky. On the strand walks a man deep

in thought, in a black robe;..."26 While he clearly

paints and describes a figure of a non-denominational

character, he has not secularized the image or

meaning.27 He goes on to imply the religious

significance of the painting and its companion piece,

Abtei im Eichenwald. 1809/10 (Borsch-Supan, "Berlin"

74-75). The image of the monk is still Christian, or

rather, one of its functions is to evoke Pomeranian

Protestant pantheistic s e n s ib ilitie s and meanings.

Images of monks or monk-like figures in Friedrich’s

works are not meant to bear any specific Roman Catholic

meanings but embrace the general eighteenth-century

flankierenden BSume erinnern an ein Portal; das K ruzifix zwischen den Buschen t r i t t an die S te lle eines A ltars als Ziel der Prozession. Damit wird der Vordergrund als in Natur ubersetzte Sakralarchitektur aufgefa(3t. )

26 Es ist nemlich ein Seestuk, vorne ein oder sandiger Strand, dann, das bewegte Meer, und so die Luft. Am Strande geht tiefsinnig ein Mann, im schwarzen Gewande;... (Borsch-Supan, "Berlin" 74).

27 Friedrich’s denominational preference will be discussed in Chapter seven. meanings of piety, spiritual quest, individualism, freedom, loneliness, melancholy and Christian pantheism, as well as the specifically Pomeranian

'Lutheran meanings of prim itive C h ristian ity, guardianship of history and knowledge and the discovery of "pure" C h ris tia n ity . These are the general associations the motif of the monk is meant to convey in Friedrich’s works. Significantly, their inspiration, as fa r as Pomeranian meanings are concerned, is not literary, but derives largely from

Pomeranian history and cultural tradition, and in this sense, are important in Friedrich’s movement away from literature as the main source of his motifs and their meanings. (Additional meanings specific to Der Monch am Meer and its companion-piece, Abtei im Eichenwald will be discussed in the next chapter.)

The only remaining point to examine is Eimer’s contention that the Herrnhutter or Moravian Brethren influenced Friedrich. In Zur Dialektik des Glaubens bei Caspar David Friedrich (1982), Eimer maintained that there is clear HerrnhCitterish iconographic inspiration in Friedrich’s work (83). This derives from his probable contact with one of th e ir communities in southern Saxony and northern Bohemia which he is known to have visited on sketching trips (Eimer,

Dialektik 84). Eimer postulated different kinds of

influences, notably their practice of worshiping out-

of-doors (90-91) and their emphasis on an anti-rational

religious experience (83). Using W allfah rt bei

Sonnenaufgang (fig . 52), c.1805, as his main example,

Eimer sought to prove his thesis. Yet, the only proof

Eimer offered are certain p a ra lle ls in Weitanschauung and the proximity to Dresden. Even i f Friedrich did have contact with the Hernhutter as early as 1803, as

Eimer suggested, the experience of God in nature and the importance of feeling and intuition were not beliefs arid practices peculiar to this small and isolated Christian sect. On the contrary, they were wide-spread Romantic notions whose adherents in

Greifswald were known to Friedrich personally, as has already been established in the literature.

Eimer’ s claim that W allfahrt bei Sonnenaufgang is a depiction of a Herrnhutterish communion celebration, simply because members of this relig iou s community were known for carrying the crucifix in religious processionals out-of-doors, is too exclusive. Eimer assumed that Friedrich would never describe a Catholic procession (although he never explained why he would 91

not) and that, therefore, he must be depicting a

Herrnhutter ritual (Dialektik 90-91). Strikingly

absent from his argument is a discussion of the monkish

garb the figures are wearing or, indeed, any reference

to the clothing preferences of the Moravian Bretheren.

In fact, the Herrnhutter preachers wore brown suits

( Reise durch Kursachsen 246-248) and the celebration of

communion was not stressed, occurring every four weeks

without a procession (Reise durch Kursachsen 363). When

it does take place, the preachers wear white not brown

(Reise durch Kursachsen 363).

The third Herrnhutterish characteristic that Eimer

tried to locate in Friedrich’s oeuvre is the avoidance

of traditional religious iconography. He never

narrates the Bible, never depicts God the Father,

except in the Tetschener Altarpiece (fig. 55), 1807/8,

the Holy Ghost or the apostles (Pialektik 82). The

rejection of this kind of religious painting and

predilection for the divine hieroglyphics of nature

have already been discussed in my chapter on

Kunstwollen. This iconographic point-of-departure was

again part of the general Romantic Weltanschauung and some of its influential exponents or their works were

known to Friedrich prior to 1803. CHAPTER V The Evolving Meaning of Friedrich’s Gothic Church Ruin: 1800-1812

This discussion of the evolving meaning of the

Gothic church ruin in Friedrich’s oeuvre is divided

into three periods, 1800-1812, 1812-1815 and 1815-1837.

This results from an iconographic division, rather than

a stylistic one.1 In the first period, 1800-1812, the

Gothic church ruin is a Baltic image,2 often standing

for Friedrich’s Swedish-Pomeranian identity and

influenced by Pomeranian contributions to a unified

1 I will discuss mainly finished works, with occasional exceptions, and works of which a reproduction 1s availab le, though the works themselves are no longer extant. I will occasionally examine drawings whose state of completion allows for their inclusion in this discussion. Friedrich’s lost painting of the cathedral of MeiBen as a ruin and for which there is no reproduction, will be discussed in Chapter seven, based on Friedrich’s description of it.

2 In this discussion, the terms "Swedish and Pomeranian" and "Baltic" are synonymous. They do not include all the geographic regions of the Baltic area but re fe r to the two major groups of "Goths," Swedish and Pomeranian, who created B a ltic culture.

92 Baltic-Germanic culture.3 In the second period, 1812-

1815, the Gothic ruin is used to discuss, separately,

f i r s t German and then Swedish Pomeranian concerns. In

"\ the third period, 1815-1837, Friedrich uses Gothic

ruins as reflective of German events and concerns.

Often, the Gothic ruin references ancient German

traditions and achievements as a way of critiquing the

contemporary situation, but in all three periods the

triumphs and culture of the ancient Goths are, for

Friedrich, always Pomeranian in origin.

Friedrich scholars have depended on literary

references and meanings to unlock his paintings,

substituting summaries of literary texts for the

meanings of specific works of art. Using literature as

a point of departure is not without merit but the methodological pitfall has been to elevate the written word to the role of aesthetic Roseta stone. It is true that relying on literature is tempting because

Friedrich begins his career with works possessing

3 I think that of the two theories regarding the o rig in al homeland of the Goths, Sweden or Pomerania, Friedrich held to the latter because it was certainly the more widespread view among Pomeranians and because i t makes Pomerania the geographic and cultural mediator between the B altic and Germanic peoples, both of whom are descended from the Goths. strong sim ilarities to English graveyard poetry and the

Gothic revival, e.g., Ruine Eldena mit BeqrSbnis. 1800

(fig. 34), Die Frau mit dem Raben am Abarund. 1804, and

W inter. 1803 ( fig . 48). Sometimes he actually illustrates the texts of Schiller, as in Szenen aus

S ch illers RSubern. 1799 (fig s . 31 and 32), and the later illustrations of 1800/01 (BS-46 and 47). The easy analogy of motifs to early Romantic lite ra tu re and the outright illustration of literary texts have caused these scholars to conclude that Friedrich’s uses of the

Gothic were generically or specifically literary in inspiration and meaning. Dobrzecki founded her lite r a ry approach of decoding F rie d ric h ’ s symbolic imagery on the fa c t that both Runge and Friedrich illustrated the literary ideas and philosophical trends of the FrOhromantik (13-14) maintaining that Friedrich, therefore, was not only a literary painter but that he was fully convinced of the primacy of literature as a source fo r imagery by 1800 (79). Mdbius, also relying on motif analogy, stated that Friedrich’s original use of Gothic ruins, including depictions of Eldena, was literary in inspiration or derived from English

Graveyard poetry ( "Wirkungsgeschichte" 4-5). This belief in Friedrich’s reliance on literature

also seems to be justified by his early aspiration to

be a literary artist by illustrating his own texts, as

well as those of others, such as Schiller (Eimer,

Dialektik 41). Eimer and Reitharova claimed that

Feuer in e in e r got.isc.hen. K irch en ru in e. c.1801 ( f i g .

42), Ruine Eldena bei Nacht. c .1802/03 (fig. 44), and

e a rly m elancholic images from the Mannheim sketchbook,

1801, e.g., Auf einem Felsen sitzende Frau mit

abgewandtem Gesicht (fig . 35), Auf einem Felsen

sitzende Frau neben einem ddrren mit Efeu berankten

Baum ( f i g . 36) and Zwei MSdchen unter einem Baum ( f i g .

3 7 ), were very lik e ly meant to accompany h is poetry or

his other writings in book form (Eimer, Dialektik 41).

Eimer maintained that the "legend” Friedrich wrote4

in s p ire d the m elancholic fig u re s found in the Mannheim sketchbook and also his wood cuts of 1803/04 (Eimer,

4 This legend, in which nature, like humankind, must be redeemed, is reprinted in Eberlein, C. D. Friedrich. Bekenntnisse. pages 6-8. It is a variation on an actual Pomeranian/Rugian legend published in Schartz, Kurze Einleitung zur Geographic des Norder- .Te.uts.chlands Slavischer Nation und m ittlerer Zeiten insonderheit der Fuerstenthueme Pomern und Ruegen. pages 96-98. 96

Dialektik 40-41).5 These woodcuts, e.g. Die Frau mit

dem Spinnenetz zwischen kahlen BSumen. Die Frau mit dem

Raben am Aborund and Knabe auf einem Grab schlafend

(fig. 41), were most likely intended as book

illustrations8 and parallel Runge’s illustrations of

Tieck’s vignets of Autumn, 1803 (Eimer, Dialektik 41).

Eimer, in Caspar David Friedrich und die Gotik

(1963), did attempt to provide a chronological analysis

of Friedrich’s use of the Gothic motif, both the ruins

and the intact structures, but relied entirely on

literary texts for the key to meaning. While Eimer

implied that the Gothic could have different meanings

at different times, he never explained why it could

3 Eimer said that Friedrich wanted to be a literary artist by compiling legends and illustrating them. Unlike Runge, he did not find a publisher (filalsistik 37).

8 Bdrsch-Supan and Jflhnig 257-258; Eimer, Dialektik 37. 97

moan one th in g one tim e, and not a n o th e r.7

Unfortunately, he divided the discussion into

categories which were not explained, cross-referenced

or consistent.8

While Sumowski did not investigate the meaning of

Friedrich’s use of the Gothic, he succinctly stated the

problem of interpretation.

In F r ie d r ic h ’ s works, general and d ir e c t connections to the tradition could be traced. Of course, he did not invent new motifs, but employed

7 Eimer stated that the Gothic ruin in Ruine Eldena (fig. 78), ca. 1825, is a "positive" image because it refers to the origins of the Gothic style in the imitation of regenerative nature, pointing to similar meanings in English poetry (14). Again citing English poetry, he claimed that the Gothic refers to the transience of human life and old age (25). However, the Gothic ruin in Der Dorn von Meissen als Ruine (BS-425), c.1835, is a pessimistic view of the future of the Gothic style (37). On the other hand, the Gothic ruin in Huttens Grab (fig. 75), 1823/24, is also pessimistic, but Eimer does not te ll us why (35).

8 The categories are landscapes with crosses, visions, depictions with terraces (Sdllerbilder), ruins/windows, frozen music, Oybin, Meissen. These categories are not cross-referenced, leaving the reader to wonder, why, for example, are visions with terraces d if f e r e n t from v is io n s w ith o u t them? Or why are windows and ruins discussed tog eth er and not windows and intact structures? Why does he switch from discussing types of images to depictions of actual monuments such as Oybin and Meissen? 98

current images from the eighteenth-century and reinterpreted [my emphasis] them (5-6).9

Thus, Sumowski recognized that Friedrich transposed

meanings of common eighteenth-century motifs and

encouraged scholars to investigate to what extent and

how Friedrich did this in order to arrive at meaningful

interpretations (6). This is the crucial point that every one but Sumowski has missed.10

9 Bei Friedrich w&ren generelle und direkte ZusammenhSnge mit der Tradition zu verfolgen. Er hat ja keine neuen Motive erfunden, sondern gSngige Bildtypen des 18. Jahrhunderts aufgegriffen und umgedeutet [my em phasis].

10 BQrsch-Supan did note that Friedrich changed the meaning of the evergreen in Der Chasseur im Walde (fig . 66) 1814. Whereas it had stood for the Christian point of view and life style, now it represented the patriots in the Wars of Liberation (Bdrsch-Supan and J&hnig 327). However, he did not pursue the notion of evolving/ changing meaning. Without pursuing the notion that the meaning of symbols can evolve, MSbius claimed that, "suddenly" in Abtei im Eichwald. Friedrich makes the Gothic ruin stand for the expression of his own life s itu a tio n .

Der KOnstler hat im Bild nicht nur den 'Eindruck* festgehalten, den die Ruine auf seine Sinne machte, sondern auch den 'Ausdruck’ sein er eigenen Lebenssituation gestaltet, deren BedQrfnisse und Ansprtiche er im Angesicht der mittelalterlichen Form pldtzlich deutlicher zu artikulieren imstande war ( "Wirkungsgeschichte 1 2 -1 3 ).

According to MSbius, Friedrich moved from a content of literary sentimentality and mood to a strong personal statement of a political nature ("Wirkungsgeschichte" 5). Mobius deduced, unconvincingly, that because the Gothic as a style was believed to imitate nature and its Friedrich appears to have started out with vague

literary inspiration (Mdbius, “Die Eichen" 38),

therefore it is fruitful to use literature to provide

some sense of general meaning for his works, especially

the early ones. But I contend that Friedrich’s works,

including his early pieces, are not primarily literary,

especially because of the Swedish and Pomeranian

cultural implications of his chosen Gothic images. His

early depictions, even when artistically

unaccomplished, are not the mere visual mimicking of an

imported literary trend, but possess strong provincial

relevance. Furthermore, as I contended earlier,

Friedrich was a history painter, i.e ., he produced an

art capable of expressing the course of history and

employed historic places and referenced historic

c u lt u r e .11

freedom of growth, this meaning then becomes analogous to middle class needs for growth and freedom despite feudal political and economic obstacles ( "Wirkungsgeschichte" 7 - 8 ) . In e x p lic a b ly , Mttbius then stated, rather than argued, that the Gothic also symbolizes a fatherland that is free from feudal conflicts ("Wirkungsgeschichte" 7-8).

11 Although a landscape painter, Friedrich already saw himself as a painter of important themes in 1801 when he registered at the Dresden Academy Art Exhibition as a history painter (Sumowski 4). 100

Friedrich’s early works do not evidence as clearly a

conscious evolution in meaning as do the mature works.

While they do evolve, their development is one toward

the incorporation of Baltic motifs, meanings derived

from the histories of the monuments themselves and

references reflecting changes in political, personal,

religious and cultural circumstances.

In the period 1800-1812, there are three threads in

F r ie d r ic h ’ s iconography th a t must be follow ed— his use

o f Swedish and Pomeranian m otifs and references, the

inherent meaning of the monuments and, finally, the

combination of Baltic images with specific monuments or

locations as a means of referring to contemporary

political, religious, and/or cultural concerns. Thus, we w ill see that Friedrich’s iconographic development

in the firs t period culminates in the companion pieces

Abtei im Eichwald. 1809/10, and Der Mftnch am Meer.

1809/10. It is in these that he first expands his citing of traditional Swedish and Pomeranian themes and motifs, including contemporary political as well as religious and cultural references, integrating them, successfully, with the inherent meaning of the monument or lo c a tio n he d ep icted . 101

Ruine Eldena mit Begrabnis. c.1800 (fig. 34), is the

earliest known work of Friedrichs in which he depicted

a Gothic church ruin. Iconographically, we must

approach it in'five ways: firstly, as an indication of

Friedrich’s relationship to the themes of the English

Gothic revival and his religious beliefs, secondly, as

a measure of his artistic maturity, thirdly, as

evidence of concern with Swedish and Pomeranian motifs,

fourthly, as the firs t example of the incorporation of

the history of the monument into the content of the

work, and, finally, as a kind of self portrait.

Let us start with the first approach. In this

sepia, Friedrich has given us almost all the

ingredients of the Gothic revival: a ruin, graves, dead

trees, the approach of night and a funeral procession

bearing a coffin through the gate of a cemetery. At first, it may appear that Friedrich, at this early stage, simply quotes the vocabulary of English graveyard poetry in order to stimulate the proper mood in the viewer. Yet, this sepia is more than a wallowing in human mortality. Friedrich gives the mood a profounder meaning by contrasting these signs of grief, mourning and even fear with that of the light struck penitent kneeling before the illuminated crucifix (BCrsch-Supan and JShnig 252) which assures the petitioner of the redemptive power of faith. He relates the imagery and mood to the realities of the s p ir itu a l journey each must make and to the one spiritual truth— redemption, i.e ., a return to the

Golden Age for the individual and the culture—that makes the misery on earth meaningful, subordinating it to Divine Law. He does not yet combine the personal religious experience with other topical political themes. As already pointed out, this layering of references will preoccupy him later and finds its first harmonious integration in Abtei im Eichwald. 1809/10 and Der Monch am M eer. 1809/10.

Compositionally, it is difficult to interpret

Friedrich’s earliest Gothic images because they are not constructed with multiple layers of meaning according to the clear organizing principles he develops by 1808 in Der Winter (fig. 54 ). Ruine Eldena mit Begrflbnis is compositionally immature. Friedrich relies almost entirely on the images themselves to convey the p o la r itie s and the cycle o f l i f e (c r u c if ix and lig h t ) and death (tree, coffin, funeral, etc.) rather than on sophisticated compositional devices. Later, he will develop a compositional system that w ill allow him to order images logically and also express the sequence of

time and its laws of operation.12 In Ruine Eldena mit

Beorabnis. he makes use o f the simple method o f sharp

contrast of darkened foreground (below), funeral

procession, and glowering clouds (above) with a middle

ground of strongly illuminated window frames in the

ruin and crucifix. However, there is no clear

compositional ordering to these images. For example,

the view of the west end of the ruin is emphasized

which is appropriate for the vanitas message but it is

compositionally disconnected from, and out of scale

with, the funeral procession on the right. Thus, the viewer is unable to discern a logical compositional and

spiritual progression from the funeral procession, to the west end and, finally, to the highlighted hope of

resurrection. There is no doubt that Friedrich's

inspiration for these themes derives, in part, from the

English Gothic Revival.13 However, there are also

Pomeranian or Swedish and Pomeranian cultural sources and meanings evident in this work. For example, there

is a Pomeranian funerary precedent for the figure kneeling before the crucifix. Pomeranian gravestones

12 Cf. Chapter one, especially pages 10-16.

13 Cf. Chapter four. 104

often showed the deceased (sometimes with his or her

family) kneeling in prayer before a crucifix (Heyden,

Qreifswalds 125). Second, the English may have

priority when it comes to fits of weeping before Gothic

ruins, but Friedrich’s work cannot be interpreted as

merely a local, provincial imitation of the English

because the Pomeranians considered the Gothic as one of

their great cultural achievements.14

Another of Friedrich’s Pomeranian references, one which he combined with the form of a Gothic ruin, is a

view of the west end of Eldena seen from the south west, adding the cemetery w all and gate and the r o llin g

hills (Bdrsch-Supan and J&hnig 251). The cloister seems to ris e up from the advancing and receding waves of these hills. Together with this wave analogy,

Friedrich is making a play on the German word "das

Schiff" which is indicative of both nave and ship.15

14 Cf. Chapter four especially pages 70-74.

15 Gotische Ruine am Meer. c .1805/6 (BS-127), and Gotische Ruinen am Wasser. c.1808 (BS-160/161), are all works without any reproductions. According to brief written descriptions, all are depictions of a Gothic ruin by the sea (BS-284, 296). In the case of the two Gotische Ruinen am Wasser (BS-160/161), the passage found in the "Morgenblatt fOr gebildete Stande" stressed the "nordic" elements of the works. *2wey Blatter welche gothische Ruinen an der MeereskOste vorstellen, recht nordisch, fast wild, mit groBer Kunst behandelt’ (BOrsch-Supan and Jahnig 296). However, the fusing of these two images and the play on the word 105

This is how he can fuse and analogize the significance

of motifs essential to his Swedish and Pomeranian

Gothic context: ship and nave, waves and h ills, and

X mast and tree. With these, Friedrich asserted his

Baltic roots in much of his art and, in these, we realize that these images make up a large portion of

his Baltic identity.

The term "Pomeranian” has the duel meaning and

association of either dwellers by the sea or by forests

(M ic r a e lii book s ix , 273)

And because it stretches itself out along the sea, it was given in ancient times the name that one c a lle d Pomorswa, th a t means more or less, next to the sea. I almost wanted to say, that Pomerania was an old Swedish German word th a t means more or less 'a t the s e a ’ ...S in e e many heaths, woods, and tre e s e x is t in Pomerania, one c a lle d them th e re fo re the "Bohmmahrer" or “Bohmmarser" (th a t is, those who live by the trees), and out of that made Pomaren or Pommern (M ic r a e lii book s ix , 2 7 3 ).. . 18

"das Schiff" are quite obvious in the prowlike shape of the interior of Eldena and its proximity to the ocean in Winter. 1803 (fig. 48), and especially Winter. 1834 (fig. 87) and is quite striking when compared to Auf dem Segler. 1818/19 (fig. 73). The adjoining on the same parallel plane of the ship on the sea and the nave of Eldena in Ruine Eldena. 1814 (fig. 67), also serves to combine these two images. This topic w ill be pursued with these and other works later in the discussion.

18 Und weil es sich am Meer her strecket, hat es von A lte rs den Nahmen bekommen, daB mans Pomorswa geheissen, das ist so viel, als nSchst dem Meere. Ich wollte fast sagen, daB Pommern ein a lt Schwedisch 106

The ancient Goths were known for dwelling and

worshiping in forests (SchSttgen 11). One of the two

great architectural achievements of this people were

Gothic churches, which, in turn, were inspired by

groves and tre e s 17: "Goethe, Heinse, Fo rster and Tieck

described gothic towers as giant trees and gothic

church naves as gloomy groves" (Sumowski 1 0 8 ).18 The

second was the ship which also derives from trees,

especially oaks (Mbller, "Sept. 1805" 287-288).19

The ship, like the Gothic style, was an important

manifestation of Swedish and Pomeranian culture, both

pagan and Christian. In general Romantic thought, it

stood for the journey of the soul and death (Bbrsch-

teutsch Wort ware, das so viel heisset, als Beim oder Peim Meer...Denn weil in Pommern viele Heiden, Waider und B&ume seyn, so hat man s ie fO g lich die Bohmmahrer oder Bohmmarser (das i s t , d ie bey den B&umen wohnen) nennen, und daraus Pomaren oder Pommern machen kOnnen.

17 Friedrich equates trees and Gothic architecture in such works as Kreuz im Gebirge. c.1812 (fig. 62), Kreuz im Walde. 1820’s (fig. 90), and Ruinen in der Abenddammerung. c.1831 ( f i g . 8 4 ).

18 Goethe, Heinse, Forster und Tieck beschreiben gotische TQrme als riesige Baume, gotische Kirchenschiffe als dammerige Haine.

19 In Die Schwestern auf dem Sdller am Hafen c .1820 (fig. 74), Friedrich stresses the sim ilarity between the Gothic church and its towers with the ships and t h e ir masts. 107

Supan and J&hnig 2 2 9 ). I t also has th is meaning in

local Pomeranian thought. In the eighteenth-century

journal "Pommersch Rugianischen Intel!igenzen" one

finds folksy, moralizing themes in which death,

tran sien ce and redemption are fe a tu re d top ics and are

equated with the ship or ship imagery (Heyden,

Greifswalds 175). 'Death is the entrance to the harbor

of peace, and the means to a final happiness, a salvation from the tyranny of worries and from the

fearful cry of the emotions’ (Heyden, Greifswalds

1 7 6 )!20

But the ship is a complex image, having more than

religious implications. The ancient Goths, both

Pomeranian and Swedish, lived by the sea and were great sailors and traders (J&ncken, "filtesten" 221). The

Pomeranian historian, M icraeliii, basing his account on

Tacitus, reported that the Goths lived by the ocean and described those in Sweden as powerful sailors (A4). In legend, the Goths were the descendants of God’s chosen sailor, Noah (Dalin 15-16, 37). Dalin (1756) pointed out that the name Sweden originally meant Sea Kingdom

20 'Der Tod i s t Eingang in den Hafen der Ruhe und Mittel zu letzter GlQckseligkeit, ist Erldsung von der Tyrannei der KUmmernisse und dem Angstgeschrei der Leidenschaften! ’ 108

(4 6 -4 7 ) and th a t the old word fo r Swede,

"Scandinavian," comes from "skane" or boat (47).

Just as no p a rt o f the world is more thoroughly penetrated by seas than this Northern part, no peoples in the world were stronger sailors than the old Swedes. They lived from one season to another on the waves, and sailed through all the seas of Europe. One part nourished itself by trading, another by fishing... (Dalin 48).21

The Christian Pomeranian Goths continued their seafaring ways and founded the league of sea trading c it ie s known as the Hanse. Even the word "Hanse," noted Vogt (1806), is an ancient Gothic word.

The old Goths themselves called their honorable and wealthy citizens 'Hansen* or 'Freehansen.’ Thus, this was not the name of a people or a state, but of a group or federation. As the ancien t Germans, armed as a land army, were c a lle d the 'heermanien* (Germania), the princes and cities collected together for common protection called themselves the 'Hanse* [Hansa] (Vogt, "Hanse" 142).22

21 Wie kein W e ltth e il mehr von Seen durchbrochen gewesen, als dieser Nordische, so waren auch keine Vdlker s ta rk e re S eefahrer a ls d ie a lte n Schweden. Sie lebten von einer Jahrszeit zur andern auf den Wellen und durchstrichen alle Meere von Europa. Ein Theil nahrte sich vom Handel, ein anderer vom Fischen...

22 Schon die alten Gothen nannten ihre ehrbaren und wohlhabenden BGrger Hansen oder Freyhansen. Es war also kein Volks-oder Staats-sondern e in Bundesnamen. Wie die alten Duetschen zur Landwehre grUstet das Heermanien (Germania) hieOen, so nannten sich die zum gemeinschaftlichen Schutze verbundenen FGrsten und Stadte die Hanse. 109

In Geschichte des Hanseatischen Bundes (1802-1808),

Sartorius confirmed that the Hanse was originally a

Baltic achievement of those bordering Dukedoms of

Pomerania and Mecklenburg (vol.1 54-55). Stralsund and

Greifswald were two of the original seven cities which

founded the Hanse (Sartorius vol.1 61 ).23 Sartorius

explained that the Hanse developed because of the long

seafaring tradition of this region (vol.1 79).

With its Hanseatic associations, the ship is an

emblem of peaceful and prosperous exchange and a sign

of civilization (Smidt, "Skizzen" 1-2). As well, it

stands for an ancient pagan and Christian Gothic way of

life and achievement— a typical Gothic/Baltic

attitude.24

The Gothic, as a motif, runs throughout Hanseatic

imagery. The look of the Hanseatic city was dominated

by a skyline of splendid Gothic churches.25 In 1800 an

23 The other five were LUbeck, Rostock, Riga, Wismar and the German s e ttle m e n t, Wisby, on the island of Gotland (Sartorius vol.I 61).

24 A major Greifswald industry, even after 1815, was ship building (Berghaus 224).

25 Some examples of Friedrich’s works depicting city skylines which feature Gothic architecture in association with ships are: Hafen bei Mondschein 1811 (fig. 61); Greifswald im Mondschein. 1817 (fig. 68); Stadt bei Mondaufgang. c.1817 (fig. 69); Blick auf Greifswald. c.1818 (fig. 70); Auf dem Segler. c.1820 110 anonymous German traveler recorded and published his trips to the Hanseatic cities of LUbeck, Hamburg and

Bremen. He described LUbeck, the seat of the Hanseatic league, as a city of magnificent upward rising Gothic towers ("Brief eines Reisenden" 279) and referred to the Gothic Hanseatic league building as ’sublime’

("Brief eines Reisenden" 284). In his description of the d e le g a te s ’ seats in it s assembly room, he stressed the motif of the Gothic church tower: "One finds curious decorations on the sides of the benches; these are namely wooden Gothic church towers in miniature which, otherwise, are twice as tall as a man" ("Brief eines Reisenden" 284).28

As the Gothic style of church architecture was co opted by the Protestants during the Reformation, so too did the ship become an image of Protestant prosperity and power. Almost all the Hanseatic cities (and all of the Pomeranian ones) converted to Protestantism

(S a rto riu s v o l.3 3 0 ). In additon, th e re had been a distinct Catholic threat to this prosperity and power

(fig. 73); and, Die Schwestern auf dem SQller am Hafen. c.1820 (fig. 74).

28 Sonderbare Verzierungen findet man an den Seitenlehnen der BSnke, es sind nemlich gothische hdlzerne KirchenthUrme in Miniatur, die aber dessen ungeachtet doppelte MannshShe haben. 111 during the T h irty Years War which had been routed. The

Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I I named General

Wallenstein (occupying the Baltic area), Admiral of the

Baltic. Wallenstein assembled a fleet at Wismar with the intenion of taking RUgen and Stralsund as a prelude to the invasion of Sweden and complete dominion over the Baltic (Heyden, Greifswalds 136).

Wallenstein besieged Stralsund which was one of the main fortresses on the Pomeranian coast and known for its good harbor (Gjoerwell 91). In the seventeenth- century, Stralsund was s till one of the most powerful

Hanseatic cities (Gjoerwell 118). Stralsund was the only city attacked by Wallenstein during the Thirty 0 Years War to withstand the siege. Her victory was due, in part, to assistance from Sweden’s Lutheran monarch,

Gustav II Adolph (Gjoerwell 118).

The kings of Sweden were responsible, since the

Thirty Years War, for promoting and protecting shipping.

During the period of Swedish dominion over Pomerania, shipping and trade, extending even as far as the Mediterranean Sea, were booming because the Swedish fla g helped p ro te c t them from the pirates of the so-called "Barbaresks," and the Greifswald shipbuilding industry’s increase was 112

commensurate with that of the sea traffic of the Pomeranian harbors (Berghaus 225).27

Before his defeat by Napoleon, Gustav IV Adolph was

* \ concerned with the bettering of the Greifswald harbor

and wanted to improve shipping by making a harbor in

Kleinen Zicker on Rugen (MOller, "Aug. 1806” 268).

Even after 1815, Pomeranians continued to register

their ships in Sweden in order to receive the

protection of the Swedish crown. Prussia did not have

a fleet and could not protect Pomeranian shipping

interests (Berghaus 225).

The ship, then, was closely associated with the

Gothic style in their mutual derivation from trees, in

terms of the look of Hanseatic member cities and in the

decoration of the Hanse’s own parliament. The ship is

an emblem of Gothic trade and prosperity and, like the

Gothic style itself, stands for Christian Gothic power,

piety and cultural achievement, firs t Roman Catholic

and then Lutheran P ro te s ta n t.

27 Zur Schweden-Zeit standen Schifffahrt und Handel, auch nach den Hafen des Mitteliandishen Meeres, in hoher BlUthe, wiel die Schwedishe Flagge vor den Piraten der s. g. Barbaresken deckte, und mit dem ausgebreiteten Seeverkehr der Pommerschen Hafenpiatze ging der Greifswalder Schiffbau Hand in Hand. 113

A ll o f these c u ltu ra l fusions and references add to

the re lig io u s message o f the work. Both kinds of

"ships"—a sailing vessel and a nave— imply voyages of

the soul and resurrection. The dead trees and church

ruins stand for former, earthly life and places of

worship, the condition of which corresponds to the

condition of the deceased and confirm Pomeranian

identity. The promise of resurrection includes a cultural as well as an individual one. The modern

Goths look forward to a higher cultural achievement.

The Gothic monument Eldena not only serves, in

general, as a summary of Gothic achievement and

id e n tity but, because o f i t s unusual h is to ry , becomes, s p e c ific a lly , the symbol o f a B a ltic and Germanic political and religious union or synthesis. Eldena,

located an easy walk from Greifswald (see figure 2), was originally situated in an area simultaneously claimed by the B a ltic a llia n c e o f the Kingdom of

Denmark and the P r in c ip a lity o f RQgen and by the

Germanic Dukedom of Pomerania.28 As a result, Eldena enjoyed the protection of both and was granted holdings in both territories, (Pyl, Eldena 2) thus uniting religiously two cultural and political antitheses.

28 This disputed area was known as Wusterhusen (Pyl, Eldena 3-4). 114

On the other hand, Eldena’s location in Wusterhusen, in the north of the county of GUtzkow, in an area which was claimed by both RQgen and Pomerania, had the happy advantage th a t the rulers of both areas granted the cloister privileges and lands, partly to assert themselves as the lawful rulers and partly to secure the good w ill of the abbot and the church (Pyl, Eldena 2.29

Friedrich again incorporates the history of Eldena,

specifically, by combining the common Pomeranian motif

of the woman kneeling before the crucifix with a

reference to one of the names of the cloister. In

medieval Cistercian records and histories of their

cloisters, the name Eldena30 was sometimes confused

with St. Helena (Pyl, Eldena 12 footnote 2) who was

instrumental in building the Church of the Nativity and

the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and was credited with

29 A n d ererseits h a tte d ie Anlage Eldenas im Lande Wusterhusen, im Norden der Graffschaft GUtzkow, in einem Gebiete, dessen Besitz zwischen RQgen und Pommern streitig war, die wohlthatige Folge, da(3 die Herrscher beider L&nder, theils urn sich die Rechte als LandesfGrsten zu bewahren, theils urn sich das Wohlwollen der Aebte und den Schutz der Kirche zu sichern, das Kloster mit zweifachen Privilegien und Grundbesitz in beiden LSndern ausstatteten.

30 The name Eldena, in fact, refers to the river the cloister is built near (Pyl, Eldena 1). The river was called Hildafluss. The cloister was sometimes called Hilda or S. Helena (Pyl, Eldena 8, 12) but by the fourteenth-century the name had evolved into Eldena (Pyl, Eldena 6). 115 finding the true cross ("St. Helena"). Friedrich uses the woman kneeling before the crucifix to refer to St.

Helena’s discovery and, thus, one of the names for

Eldena. He thereby transfers the associations of

Christ’s birth, death and resurrection to Pomerania and, specifically, Eldena.

The choice of Eldena as the actual setting supports both the notions of individual and cultural extinction and resurrection because the monument its e lf had a similar experience. Eldena was founded c.1207 by

Cistercian monks from the cloister Esrom on the Danish island of Seel and (Pyl, Eldena 10). Esrom was destroyed in a war that Jaromar I of Rugen and his father-in-law, Kanut VI of Denmark, were conducting against Pomerania from 1188 to 1198 (Pyl, Eldena 12,

20-21). The monks at Esrom firs t resettled in another cloister somewhere on the Pomeranian mainland named

Dargun. Dargun, too, was razed during this same war.

Then Prince Jaromar I and his w ife H ildegard founded

Eldena and re-established the Danish monks there (Pyl,

Eldena 20-21). Eldena remained a Cistercian monastery until its secularization in 1535 (Pyl, Eldena IX).

Eldena is a place of resurrection, becoming the rebirth o f Esrom and Dargun and because i t was given by the 116

duke in 1634 to the University in order to further the

cause of Protestantism (Pyl, Eldena 539-40). It is

also strongly associated with death because it was

secularized or destroyed by the Reformation (1535) and

set on fire by Catholic troops in the Thirty Years War

(c.1634) (Pyl, Eldena 539). In 1800, the cloister was

facing a more thorough and final form of destruction.

The administrator of Eldena advocated that the ruin be

com pletely removed in order to use the b ricks fo r

further building at the University (MSbius,

"Wirkungsgeschichte" 3). The frequency of Eldena’s

deployment in scenes emphasizing the death-phase of the

cycle or dialectic leads to the conclusion that it

served as an a d d itio n a l symbol o f death in F r ie d r ic h ’ s w ork.31

An awareness of the Swedish and Pomeranian allusions and the encorporation of the history of Eldena in Ruine

Eldena mit Begrabnis cannot lead to the usual

interpretation of this sepia as merely an example of

Friedrich’s being influenced by the English Gothic

Revival, for the work is a statement of Swedish and

Pomeranian cultural achievement and synthesis, a

31 In the twenties and thirties, Friedrich expands this meaning, which I w ill demonstrate in Chapter seven. 117 promise of renewal and a description of the essential qualities of a Swedish and Pomeranian soul or identity and symbolizes a Swedish Pomeranian and German synthesis, as well. While Ruine Eldena mit Begrabnis is an aesthetically weak work, never-the-less it can be thought of as the firs t glimmering of Friedrich’s hope in a resurrection of Swedish and Pomeranian or Baltic culture. When one considers the importance for German

Romantic thought of the symbols of the Gothic church and the oak tree and forest, this is a strong reminder that the richest contributor to if not the outright founder of. much of Baltic-Germanic civilization lies to the north, Pomerania. It is at least possible to suggest here that the traditional view of Friedrich’s relationship to the English Gothic Revival should be rethought. Rather than his taking a fancy to a foreign movement and then producing localized variants of it, perhaps Friedrich was attracted to the English Gothic

Revival because it put into words and general intellectual circulation feelings which confirmed and extolled the native cultural achievements of his homeland.

Henceforth and throughout his oeuvre. Friedrich w ill o fte n weave to g eth er s ig n ific a n t aspects or 118 characteristics of Swedish and Pomeranian culture.

Eldena mit BearSbnis is the earliest known example of his use of the Gothic for this type of ethnic cultural portraiture. It is also a kind of self-portrait not only because of Friedrich’s strong identification with

Pomerania but because of his personal identification with the monument of Eldena itself. Finding in it a reflection or counterpart to his own mortality and hope fo r im m o rta lity , he not only uses Eldena as a symbol o f death but of his own death. In the lost sepia Mein

Beorabnis. c .1803/04 (BS-112),32 Friedrich depicts his own funeral taking place in front of a Gothic ruin.

The description of the work at the Dresden exhibition in 1804 stated that it was a Gothic ruin "from

Friedrich’s homeland" which, as Borsch-Supan argued, is most probably Eldena (BSrsch-Supan and JShnig 279).

Helping to confirm this idea further, Friedrich’s description of one of the phases of Abtei im Eichwald treats his depiction of the ruin as a self-portrait.33

32 Borsch-Supan provides a description based on contemporary descriptions but there is no reproduction e x ta n t.

33 This description w ill be discussed below. As stated earlier, Feuer in einer gotischen

Kirchenruine. c.1801 (fig. 42), and Ruine Eldena bei

Nacht. c .1802/03 (fig. 44), are examples of Friedrich’s desire to be a literary artist and may even illustrate specific texts.34 These works, like all his works early or late, depict the seasonal cycle or the laws of nature in operation. But they do not derive, primarily, from his mature criteria for motif selection. For the most part, these scenes are analogous to literary themes or motifs, perhaps his own, and are intended to evoke a mood (Mobius, "Eichen"

38). Friedrich is melancholic in character, concerned mainly with death. Thus, the works are most likely a working out of his own fears and preoccupations (Eimer,

Dialektik 41). Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine and Ruine Eldena bei Nacht have themes in common: the dream, the p ilg rim and journey, and the ru in .

Returning to Eldena mit BegrSbnis in the context of these themes, the notion of spiritual journey is suggested by the inclusion of the funeral procession, the figure before the crucifix and the nave/ship analogy. In both Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine

34 Chronologically, next in the discussion would have been the lost sepia Ruine Eldena. c.1801 (BS-43), a variant of Ruine Eldena mit Bearabnis. 120

and Ruine Eldena bei Nacht. the journey takes the form

of the ruin, representing the end of the pilgrimage on

earth, and is also indicated in the dream state of the

sleeping figures. As both Dobrzecki and Sumowski point

out, dreaming, for the German Romantic, is a mortal’s

means of temporarily reuniting with God before the

final reunification in death (Dobrzecki 181; Sumowski

25). In fact, the dream can induce a state of past

unity similar to the one experienced in the Golden Age,

a subconscious memory of which exists in us a ll, and,

in the dream, we can experience that future unity which

awaits us a ll. "The memories of the beginning and

awareness of the end [death] can speak in it [sleep],

dreaming, and dream-like states” (Dobrzecki 18).35

The s e ttin g o f a l l these works adds to the sense o f

sleep and death, thus helping produce the melancholic

mood. The ru in , shadows and darkness a llu d e to death or eternal sleep (Dobrzecki 106) and, in Feuer in einer

gotischen Kirchenruine and Ruine Eldena bei Nacht. the moonlight gives the surroundings a dreamlike quality,

rendering a fam iliar place strange, mysterious, even magical (Dobrzecki 104-105). For the Romantics, the

35 In ihm [S c h la f] konnen sich dann in Traumen und traumahnlichen Zustanden Erinnerungen an den Ursprung und Ahnungen des Endes auBern. 121

mood that moonlight awakens is that of the feeling of

longing and even premonition (Dobrzecki 105), a feeling

Friedrich wishes to produce in the viewer (Dobrzecki

106). This dream-state allows one to attain a

mystical, though temporary, reunification with God and

nature.

Vogt (1806) reported that the German penchant to be

pilgrims and to wander can be traced back to the very

first tribal migrations ("Politische" 190). The

activity and characteristics of the pilgrim and the

pilgrimage were not only considered to be Germanic, but

also specifically part of the Swedish and Pomeranian

tradition. Specifically, Reichenbach (1786) stated

that wandering or traveling is a characteristic of

Baltic peoples, as is the yearning to return home

( "Allgemeine" 56). Giesebrecht (1827) made the same

claim, saying that traveling or wandering is a

Pomeranian tra it ("Gothes" 146). Both RUhs (1802) and

Schildener (1817) noted that this nomadic habit was true of the ancient Pomeranians (207; 8). Then, in

Christian times, the activity of making a journey was characteristic of those living in the Baltic Hanseatic cities. Almost all of these cities, including

Greifswald and Stralsund, had three churches reflecting 122

Hanseatic beliefs centralized on travel: St. Marys’ , in

her role as 'Stella Maris’—guider of sailors; St.

Nicholas’ , the protector of seafarers; and St. James’,

the protector of pilgrims, travelers and strangers <■ (Heyden, Greifswalds 24-25). Of these three, St. James

was especially popular and revered. Many places

throughout Pomerania had churches and chapels dedicated

to him (Heyden, Greifswalds 22-23).

[...] the German colonists in the early period p re fe rre d , as they began th e ir t r i p from th e ir old homelands to strange places, to place themselves under the protection of St. James and probably dedicated the church in their new home to him, as we can see in the example of Stettin (Heyden, Stralsunds 11).38

Thus, pilgrimage, travel and wandering are identical to

ancien t and modern Pomeranians, who, lik e th e ir sainted

patrons, were constantly in motion, ever mobile. It is not surprising that Friedrich’s staffage consists m ainly o f p ilg rim s , tra v e le rs and wanderers (Sumowski

2 3 ).

38 Denn es stellten sich die Deutschen Kolonisten in der Fruhzeit fdr ihre Reise aus der alten Heimat in d ie Fremde m it V o rlie b e unter den Schutz des St. Jacobus und weihten auch wohl in der neuen Heimat ihm ihr Gotteshaus, wie es beispielweise von Stettin bezeugt ist. The m otifs o f wanderer, death and dream are

obviously united in Ruine Eldena bei Nacht. While they

operate in Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine. too,

they rely more on a blending of Old and New Testament

references and l i t e r a r y te x ts fo r o rig in and meaning and, thus, explain the anecdotal staffage of Feuer in

einer gotischen Kirchenruine.37 The man standing on

the ladder looking out one of the windows appears to be

a reference to Jacob and his dream.30 Jacob was an old

testament pilgrim who, through a dream, saw a ladder entering the gates of heaven and experienced a

temporary union with God and heaven (Genesis:28;12-13).

The same image, taken in context with the name of the church "Heiligen Kreuz," also stands for the Descent from the Cross. The Gospel of St. John records that

Mary Magdalene reported to Peter and "the disciple whom

Jesus loved," presumably John, that the body of Christ had been removed from the tomb. Both John and Peter ran to verify this and John outran Peter, entering the

37 The reproduction in B5rsch-Supan and J&hnig does not reveal all of these figures but they are just visible in the photograph located in the National Galerie, (East) Berlin. The figures are only outlined; they are not complete.

38 In German, the name fo r Jacob is the same as fo r James— "Jakob." 124

sepulchre before him (John 20: 1-4). This account

explains the presence of the running figure in the middle of the nave. The group of one standing and two

sleeping figures refers simultaneously to Christ and the sleeping disciples in Gethsemane and the risen

C h ris t and the s o ld ie rs sleeping beside the tomb. The two men with their backs to the ruin are perhaps the pilgrims on the road to Emmaus who have yet to encounter the risen Saviour but who serve to remind us that the state of pilgrimage includes epiphanies and temporary reunification the same as the state of dreaming.

In Ruine Eldena bei Nacht. it appears that Friedrich e lim in a te s the ladder and most o f the fig u r e s ,39 probably because they are too anecdotal or even too literal, something as a painter of the laws of history, rather than as a traditional history painter, Friedrich tries to avoid. In his second version, he replaces the quasi-Biblical illustration with the invocation of mood supported by Eldena, a monument associated with the death and resurrection of Christ in Eldena mit

Begrabnis and uses the sleeping pilgrims to indicate

39 The work is no longer extant and it is impossible for me to be absolutely certain that Friedrich did not include ladders somewhere in it. 125

the processes by which we can attain temporary reunion

w ith God and n a tu re .

For Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine. Friedrich

uses the ruin of the cloister Heiligen Kreuz, located a short walk from the city of Meissen. He will use this

ru in only once more and the work, u n lik e th is one, will be a finished one. It is highly unlikely that

Friedrich knew the history of the monument well enough to incorporate it into the content of the work. Rauda

(1917) said that Heiligen Kreuz is discussed in only one published work on Medieval architecture in Saxony, prior to his, and this appeared after Friedrich’s death

(V).40 It is also impossible for Friedrich to have gleaned in fo rm atio n from the guide books o f the tim e and unlikely that the local residents could have enlightened him. Wertheim, in his Reise durch

Kursachsen. (1793-4) did not mention Heiligen Kreuz at a ll, although he discussed the four churches located in

Meissen itself (223,vol.I :193-194). Leonhardi had only th is im precise comment: " H e ilig e Kreuze is a preliminary work combining fields, gardens and meadows that lie along the road from Leipzig to Dresden"

40 The book is : P u ttric h , L. Denkmale der Baukunst des Mittelalters in Sachsen, vol.II Leipzig 1844-50 (Rauda V III). 126

(v o l.II 93).41 Because Leonhardi mentioned, neither

Heiligen Kreuz’s proximity to Meissen nor the fact that

it was a ruin, it is unlikely that he ever saw it.

Although writing much later, Rauda, too, remarked on

the obscurity of Heiligen Kreuz, noting that many

tourists come to Meissen to see the cathedral, the

Albrechtsburg and the porcelain factory but none know

of the cloister Heiligen Kreuz, even though it lies

close to the city gates (X-XI).42

Friedrich chose this monument for this work because

of its name and association with the death and

resurrection of Christ but he could not have been aware of any deeper inherent content that its history could offer. In a sketch of Heiligen Kreuz from 1800,43

Friedrich included a ladder which may indicate that there had, in fact, been a ladder there and that this observation triggered the in itial Jacob and Descent

41 Heilige Kreuze ist ein aus den an der StraBe von Leipzig nach Dresden liegenden Feldern, Garten und Wiesen zusammengesetztes Vorwerk.

42 My own experience trying to visit the ruin indicated that none of the locals knew it by name and only a few knew of the existence of a ruin a short walk from the city.

43 The sketch, inventory number C 1919-114, is in the Dresden Kupferstichkabinett and is published in Caspar David Friedrich: Das gesamte graphische Werk. Rogner and Bernhard, Munich, 1974, page 237. 127

from the Cross references. Perhaps Friedrich fe lt

drawn to Heiligen Kreuz because he himself had made a

kind of pilgrimage there and had, in effect, discovered

this forgotten ruin, a journey analogous to St.

Helena’s. Or maybe its isolated, desolate condition conjured up fe e lin g s and s ta te s o f mind s im ila r to those he experienced at Eldena. In any case, it is significant that Friedrich completed his depiction of the motifs of the dream and the journey with the ruin

Eldena which also allowed for a more direct combination of personal and Swedish and Pomeranian references and the implied individual and cultural resurrection.

The development of Friedrich’s criteria for the selection of motifs and their meanings, as it drew upon rich Baltic iconographic meanings as well as nature and its laws, including the human and/or natural history of s p e c ific places and monuments, was uneven. F rie d ric h started moving in this direction but occasionally made detours, as in the case of Heiligen Kreuz.

Gotische Kirchenruine. c .1803/05 (fig. 49),44 a drawing with watercolor, is a later work than Feuer in einer gotischen Kirchenruine and the only completed one

44 I will not discuss the lost work, Mein Beorfibnis. c .1803/04 (BS-112). using the cloister Heiligen Kreuz.45 Friedrich again

makes use o f the name. The ruined shape of the "holy

cross" and its significance are repeated in the small

'cross on the wall4® and in the crucifix the monk47 is

holding. The cross on the wall, like the larger cross

of the building, is half in shadow and half in light,

making them symbols of death and of resurrection,

establishing the dialectical tension of these two

polarities. Their synthesis in a higher state of

existence is found in the fully illuminated crucifix

which the pilgrim/monk holds before him. The monk

partakes of this spiritual moment as he would have

passed from the illuminated nave through the arched doorway into shadow proceeding towards the illuminated

landscape, or from light, to darkness, to light again.

The c o n fig u ra tio n and dedicatory name of th is monument

imitate and support the activity or process of redemption.

45 Very likely he ceases to depict it because it has no known history of which Friedrich can make use.

45 The small cross on the wall appears, in reproduction, to be a Swastika but is, in fact, a Greek cross.

47 This may be the firs t time Friedrich uses the motif of the monk which, as explained previously, is a Protestant motif. The monk-cum-piIgrim gazes upon the crucifix, an

activity which reflects the Pietist notion of imitatio

Christi. The Pietists held that an individual is saved

through a continual emotional revelation, rather than a

single confession of faith. The individual must

imitate Christ in his private life rather than merely

believe in Him (Kaiser 7). Imitatio Christi stressed

the imitation of Christ through an individual,

emotional experience of the Passion (Kaiser 7). The

pilgrim/monk’s adoration of the crucifix expresses this

notion of participation and Friedrich extends the

activity to the ruin itself which becomes a kind of

stigmata manifested in and by nature. The Pietists sought confirmation of their salvation in their experiences of the world (Kaiser 5, 9) and the ruin or stigmata functions as this assurance of redemption.

The idea of continued revelation of God in nature is further embodied in the theme of retreat into nature and p ilg rim a g e . P ietism was not a movement outside

Lutheranism so much as an opposition to strict orthodoxy (Kaiser 5-6). The years 1675-1730 were those of its flowering. After 1730, the borders between

P ietism and orthodox Lutheranism began to d isso lve

(Kaiser 13). This is not to suggest that Friedrich was 130

a Pietist but to say that imitatio Christi and other

Pietist notions were assimilated into mainstream

Lutheranism and into general Romantic religious

\ sentiment (Kaiser 27-30). For example, the Pietists

believed that humankind and the world progressed dialectically toward perfection—toward a return to the

Golden Age (Kaiser 14, 52). In fact, the German

Romantic notion of the Golden Age has its origin in

Pietism (Kaiser 50). Another sim ilarity is the idea that nature is a divine language (Kaiser 27-28).48

In Gotische Kirchenruine. Friedrich fuses a

Pomeranian Catholic ritual with a demonstration of the

P ro te s ta n t notion o f im ita tio C h r i s t i . On Palm Sunday and Good F rid ay, the Pomeranian C atho lics used to commemorate C h r is t’ s Passion by bearing a c r u c ifix to a cemetery, entombing it and "resurrecting" it when they returned it to the church. According to the belief of imitatio Christi. the individual undergoes a journey of repeated eucharistic epiphanies in nature equivalent to the Sacrament of Communion. The adoration o f the crucifix emphasizes this dimension of imitatio Christi-

48 MSller reported that Prof. Beyer, in his "Magazin fur Prediger," published a year’s worth of sermons on different objects in nature. Beyer said that by observing nature we are led to honor and glorify its Creator ("Sept. 1805" 287-288). -that an emotional revelation in nature is equivalent

to the partaking o f the body and blood o f C h ris t.

Friedrich also shows the continuity and weave of

historical periods by showing sacrament in Lutheran

terms o f both the body and the blood or the bread and

the wine. The four walls of Heiligen Kreuz which make

the shape of a cross also correspond to the recorded

d e s c rip tio n o f C h r is t’ s tomb as foursided in th is

ritual. The ruin, also functioning as a vanitas

emblem, a p p ro p ria te ly represents the tomb, allow ing the

pilgrim/monk, bearing the crucifix, to participate in

Christ’s Passion. The ruin’s role as a "stigmata’'

confirms his salvation.

Friedrich never depicts historical religious figures

such as Christ, and Gotische Kirchenruine is no exception. The monk gazes not at Christ but at a work

of art—the crucifix. In this, Friedrich demonstrates that art mediates between the human being and nature

(Hinz 90). Nature without art is insufficient for

redemption; there must be a mediator. Thus, if art mediates between nature and human beings becoming a pathway to God or between human beings and God, then the role of the artist is very similar to that of 132

priest.49 In Gotische Kirchenruine. Friedrich is

revealing the role of art and posits a synthesis

between nature and art as the perfect ideal. This is evident here where nature creates art by decaying the building until it forms a cross, and the artist/priest

Friedrich creats art showing the operation of natural

laws and an epiphany in nature.

The image is a synthesis of p ilg rim , monk and artist/priest and when brought together with the name and configuration of the cloister Heiligen Kreuz, the crucifix and the portrayal of a Pomeranian commemoration of Christ’s Passion, conveys im itatio

Christi. the continual eucharistic celebration to be found in the experience of nature; this is revealed by the mediator’s synthesis of art and nature.

In Pietism there is a tension between the temporary attainment of union with creation through emotional

Communion and the human condition which is perceived to be isolated and forlorn (Kaiser 18-19). This tension exists here, in the motif of the lonely monk, and in many of Friedrich’s works, notably Per Winter. 1808

(fig. 54), and Per Mdnch am Mear. 1809/10.

49 Sumowski reported that in Romantic theory, the creative process was not one of creating form per se, but was considered to be a sacred act (19). 133

In Feuer in einer gothischen Klrchenruine and Ruine

Eldena bei Nacht. the focus on the end of life ’s journey and permanent reunification with God is only a foretaste experienced in the dream. When Friedrich firs t implements the format of the life and seasonal cycle in 1803, he does not focus on the end of the journey but on the process, on the journey itself, moving from the morning’s mountain top and childhood

(FrOhlinc. fig. 45), to overlooking the noontime valley and youth (Sommer, fig. 46), entering the afternoon valley and adulthood (Herbst. fig. 47) and ending at the sunset shore and old age (Winter, fig. 48). Thus, the metaphor of the journey came to function in two ways: to in te g ra te a s e rie s of re la te d images temporally and spatially and to provide a teleological focus or d e s tin a tio n (Roppen and Sommer 11). The impulse or motivation behind Friedrich’s use of the journey is the notion of renewal— the pilgrimage to God which results in regeneration. By depicting the process in terms of seasons and times of day, Friedrich can demonstrate that the laws governing life ’s journey that all humans make are the same for the individual, nature and history. The destination is the same—the ultimate fusing of God, nature and humankind. Like the 134

Pomeranians, history was perceived as constantly moving, as a journey moving toward another Golden Age

(GrUtter 29). There is no stasis in Pomerania or in history. Everything and everyone is becoming, is proceeding; the wanderer is in process— a soul seeking to return to its heavenly home—and history is moving toward a new Golden Age.

The return home as a literary motif can be realized in art in the resolution of opposites, by depicting the process of dissolution which makes a new unity or the idea of the Golden Age visible. The return home is not a circle, but rather a s p ira l movement: the retu rn is on a higher level (Grtitter 31) .30

Winter (fig. 48), like Eldena mit Begrabnis. is an expression of Swedish and Pomeranian identity, more overtly Baltic in its conscious combination of ruin and sea, pilgrim and journey. This time Friedrich places

Eldena on the shore, and beyond it s p ro w -lik e shape we see the sea stretching towards the setting sun, or perhaps even more specifically, to RGgen. As the old pilgrim confronts the grave, the nave/ship rises in

50 Die Heimkehr als Element des Dichters ist im kOnstlichen Raum realisierbar, in der AuflOsung des Entgegengesetzten, das nur in der Darstellung dieses Auseinanderbrechens d ie neue E in h e it, d ie Idee des Goldenen Zeitalters, veranschaulichen kann. Diese Heimkehr ist nicht ein Kreis, sondern eine Spiralbewegung: RGckkehr auf hdherer Ebene. 135

ruined dignity against the vastness of winter sea and

sunset.

Friedrich does not always allude to ships every time

he uses a Gothic ruin. There must be hints or clues in

the work to lead to this conclusion, such as placing

Eldena on the coast and g ivin g her west end a p ro w -lik e

shape as in Winter (fig. 48), or as in Ruine Eldena mit

Begrabnis in which he placed the cloister in rolling

hills. It is most appropriate for him to employ a

Pomeranian monument, e s p e c ia lly Eldena, w ith which he

id e n tif ie s so s tro n g ly and which represents Swedish

Pomeranian or Gothic achievement.

Friedrich traces the entire process of imitatio

Christi in which the individual’s whole life-cycle consists of revelations in nature and, culminating in

Winter (fig . 48), approximates Christ’s experience of death and resurrection. The use of Eldena to depict the individual’s death and resurrection, a monument already associated with Christ’s crucifixion, tomb and resurrection in Friedrich’s previous works, underscores an interpretation of imitatio Christi in which the

individual’s life-cycle is identical to Christ’s.

Furthermore, the use of Eldena with its unique history and the m o tifs o f the ship and the pilgrim age w ith 136

their Swedish Pomeranian associations allows Friedrich

to transfer the notion of imitatio Christi to Swedish

Pomeranian culture. It, too, undergoes the same

process of the life-cycle as the individual with the

promise of resurrection despite the fact that it, like

Eldena itself, faces the threat of extinction.

In Der Winter. 1808 (fig. 54),91 Friedrich reveals creation’s unity through eucharistic pilgrimage as containing decay and death. While this existed in

Gotische Kirchenruine. Friedrich states it here more emphatically, showing a stronger correspondence between the condition of the ruin, the season and the physical condition and age of the monk. He stresses this isolation and anticipation of death through the starkness of winter, with its abundant presence of snow and lack of direct sunlight, the decreptitude of the monk’s age and his journey toward the cemetery through the age-racked trees and ruin (Borsch-Supan and JShnig

299-300). Fusing old age, monk and winter, he contrasts Der Winter to its pendant Der Sommer

(Landschaft mit Liebespaar). 1807 (fig. 53), with its

51 Chronologically, Gotische Ruine am Meer. c .1805/6 (BS-127) and Gotische Ruinen am Wasser. c.1808 (BS-160/ 161), come before Der Winter but they are not extan t and th e re are no reproductions. youthful pair of lovers. They represent a unity of

love and fe llo w s h ip whereas the lonely monk’ s p artn er

is death. Thus, nature and the figure(s) are

harmoniously synchronized in terms of their physical

and emotional states, Der Winter’s being a melancholy

integration. Friedrich again brings the pilgrim

together with the crucifix, now placing it inside the

ruin, more specifically converting the ruin into

Christ’s tomb. The monk, crucifix, ruin and nature all function as indicative of an epiphany but the

separation of crucifix and monk, and his isolation in the foreground, serve to heighten the feeling of

lone!iness.

As well as being the antithetic pendant, compositionally Der Winter also functions dialectically through the emphatic division of its space into two strata: the background and the cemetery, symbolizing the realm of death, are separated from the foreground, the domain of the living (BSrsch-Supan and J&hnig 299).

To underscore this spatial and temporal division,

Friedrich depicts a view of Eldena that stresses a planar configuration functioning as both a boundary and a gateway through which one must pass to the mystery beyond. In his works so far, the Gothic style is a specific

Baltic achievement which is associated with the

Pomeranian contributions to a united Baltic-Germanic culture and stands for the context of Friedrich’s

Swedish and Pomeranian identity. Friedrich’s next pair of paintings featuring the pilgrimage is Abtei im

Eichwald. 1809/10 (fig . 57) and Der MOnch am Meer.

1809/10 (fig. 56). Whereas the previous pair moved from Der Sommer to Der Winter, from highlands to shore,

Abtei im Eichwald shows the approach to the ruin in

Winter. But in Der M5nch am Meer Friedrich eliminates the screen of trees and the ruin. He brings the monk to the very threshold of the sea where he stands small, yet heroic, before nature’s vastness.

In Abtei im Eichwald. the foreground is separated from the background by a planar screen of ruin and trees. But at the same time, as the discussion will re v e a l, he now allu d es to pagan and C h ris tia n B a ltic traditions, investing them with contemporary political and cultural relevance. While Friedrich does expand the scope of his content to incorporate poltical and cultural references, he is not primarily concerned with them as secular issues but as religious. It is true that any political and cultural references would be, 139

generally, religiously significant because everything,

human life as well as human history, is symptomatic of

a religious teleology. In this work, Friedrich evokes

the knowledgeable viewer’s awareness of the history of

the places or objects he depicts as the means to

communicate this expanded content. While for Eldena,

F rie d ric h may p erso n ally have had reg ion al and

historical associations, viewers of his works containing the monument would not readily have shared

them since h is to r ic a l studies o f th is monument had not yet been written.

In both Abtei im Eichwald (1809/10) and Der Monch am

Meer (1809/10) Friedrich presents an iconographic synthesis of his Swedish and Pomeranian heritage. He assembles, in these companion pieces, images bespeaking and invoking the shared cultural legends, architectural accomplishments, religious convictions, political situations and historical destinies of his then united fatherlands— Sweden and Pomerania. As this analysis w ill demonstrate, Friedrich expanded the original conception of Der Mdnch am Meer to include specific references to the dethronment and banishment of 140

Gustav IV Adolph by fusing his identity with that of

his revered predecessor, Gustav II Adolph, and by

adding the companion piece, Abtei im Eichwald.

The discussion of these two paintings must include a

historical overview of the events leading to the dethroning of Gustav IV Adolph in 1809, along with an explication of the titles, legends and achievments of

Gustav II Adolph (1595-1632) which were subsequently transferred to his descendants, all rulers of the House o f Wasa, (Heyden, G reifsw ald 136) but which were especially prominently employed during the reign of

Gustav IV Adolph (Eimer, Dialektik 109).

As early as Februrary, 1809, the signs of an aristocratic revolution in Sweden were evident because the king announced that he would never agree to peace with Napoleonic France52 (Berlinische Nachrichten von

Staats-und gelehrten Sachen April 5, 1809)—a position which was impossible to maintain. In 1805, Sweden had mobilized against Napoleon, leaving the security of neutrality. Even after the Peace of Tilsit, July 1807,

52 The King’s politics were always anti-Napoleon, rather than anti-French. In 1803, Gustav IV Adolph went to Germany w ith his w ife , Princess F rie d e rik e von Baden, in order to try to persuade the Holy Roman Empire to oust Napoleon and return the Bourbons to the throne ("Gustav IV (Adolf)"). 141

the king, against the advice of his generals and his

c a b in e t, had refused peace w ith France. He had not

relented even though this meant Sweden remained the

only continental enemy' of France and, as a consequence,

had been im m ediately attacked in Pomerania. Early in

1808, Russia and Denmark-Norway— the new allies of

Napoleon— had driven the Swedes from Pomerania (Barton,

"Autocracy" 266).

Again the war was mismanaged, leading ultimately to m ilitary insurrection on the Norwegian front under Lieutenant-Colonel Georg Adlersparre and the king’s arrest in Stockholm by a group of officers led by General C .J . A d le rc re u tz, on 13 March 1809 (Barton, "Autocracy" 266).

Gustav IV Adolph abdicated on March 29, 1809, in favor of his son but this was not an acceptable solution (80:135). Then, in April, Sweden relinquished

its claim to Swedish Pomerania (Berlinische Nachrichten von Staats-und gelehrten Sachen April 6, 1809) and, in

May, the Swedish parliament unanimously decided to bar

Gustav IV Adolph and his heirs from the Swedish throne

(Berlinische Nachrichten von Staats-und gelehrten

Sachen May 30, 1809).

Despite the king’s ineptitude and his emotional instability, his dethronement was not popular among his sub jects. 142

Recent research, however, has made it increasingly clear that the aristocratic revolutionaries of 1809 were far from representing the nation as a whole. There remained widespread sympathy for Gustav IV Adolf and his family within all classes; most markedly, however, among the non-noble order. The clerg y and the peasantry seem to have remained basically unshaken in their loyalty, and on the whole the burghers too, despite the commercial dislocations of the war (Barton, "Autocracy" 265).

The revolution and dethroning of the King inspired strong popular reactions in support of the king in the following year and a half (Barton, "Autocracy" 265).

Furthermore, the exclusion o f the young Prince Gustav, the heir, produced a strong legitim ist reaction

(Barton, "Autocracy" 271).53

Pomeranians revered the kings o f Sweden, e s p e c ia lly

Gustav II Adolph. Many of his traditional epithets common in Pomerania were also applied to his heirs.

In their sermons [those of the Pomeranian clergy], they called him David the brave, Solomon the wise, Samson the strong, and they called Sweden the Northern Zion... . In general, sadness gripped the country as the report was made that the king had fallen at LUtzen. The love for Gustav Adolf was transferred in the future to his successors, as Sweden was given half of Pomerania in the peace tre a ty of MUnster and Osnabrdck in 1648, and

93 In fact, royalism and anti-aristocratic sentiments had always gone hand-in-hand in Sweden (Barton, "Autocracy" 269). 143

remained in the country [o f Vorpommern] u n til 1815 (Heyden, Greifswalds 136).54

The iconography of Gustav II Adolph and legends about him were renewed and applied to Gustav IV Adolph during the Napoleonic era, with the King personally encouraging and overseeing this transfer (Eimer,

Dialektik 106, 109, 112). Thus, the identities of the two Gustav Adolphs were fused o fficially and popularly, as they are in Friedrich’s companion pieces.

It is appropriate to identify the figure of the monk as referential to the official royal persona of both kings. Gustav II Adolph was, first and foremost, the pious rescuer of Protestant Germany. In fact, Gustav

II Adolph himself was very active in the establishment and perpetuation of this image. Gustav IV Adolph was also known for his great piety (Barton, "Autocracy"

275). Pahl (1806) records that the king was as pious as his great ancestor, Gustav II Adolph (150-152),

54 In ihren [der Geistlichen Pommerns] Predigten nannten s ie ihn David den Tapferen, Salomo den Weisen, Simson den Starken und nannten Schweden das nordische Zion....Allgemein war die Trauer im Lande, als die Nachricht eintraf, der KSnig sei bei LUtzen gefallen. Die Liebe fQr Gustav Adolf Ubertrug man in der Zukunft auch auf seine Nachfolger, als Schweden mit dem FriedensschluB von MQnster und OsnabrOck 1648 halb Pommern a ls Reichslehen e r h ie lt und bis 1815 im Lande v e rb !ie b . 144

taking an active role in maintaining and spreading

Lutheranism throughout his realm. For example, in a

published letter to the Pomeranian provincial

government, in 1798, the King remarked that the

p ro v in c ia l government was as o b lig a te d as the monarch

in the furthering of the cause of Christianity and the

highest respect for revealed religion. He also

admonished the members of government that they would

bear the responsibility for any apathy toward

Christianity or the appeal of heresy if their own lack

of righteousness encouraged the people in these

directions ("Nachricht" 199).

The kings of Sweden were the Defenders of the Faith

not only in Sweden but in fulfillm ent of their ducal

responsibilities in Pomerania. After the Diet of

Treptow in 1534, Pomerania converted as a state to

Lutheranism. Because Erasmus von M a n te u ffe l, the

Bishop of Kammin, refused to accept and implement this decision, the dukes took on the role of head of the church. This was a legal obligation because the new

Pomeranian church constitution required the duke to preserve and care for the purity of Lutheran doctrine

in Pomerania (Heyden, Kirchengeschichte v o l.II 26-27).

The historian Caroc (1752) wrote that Sweden’s takeover 145

of Pomerania not only prevented anarchy, because the

last duke had died childless (81), but that the Swedish

crown insured the teaching and preservation of the pure word of God in Pomerania (Caroc 85).55

The king o f Sweden was more than ju s t Defender o f the Faith in Swedish territory. He was understood to

be the head and defender of the Protestant Church, holding a position similar to that of the Pope. Vogt

(1809) described the Napoleonic era dethroning of the heads of the two Christian communities as similai—

Gustav IV Adolph, the "Guardian Angel" of the

P ro testan t Church, and the Pope (who was made a secular prince) ("ReligionshSupter" 1, 4-6).

Gustav IV Adolph took his role as defender of the

Faith so seriously that it was, in fact, the main factor in his attempts to resist Napoleon. It was religiously inspired. He renounced the Peace of T ilsit

("Ueber das Walten Gustavus" 342), even though his generals pointed out that France would immediately

55 With the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, Gustav IV Adolph abolished the Pomeranian church constitution and introduced the Swedish one. Because the Holy Roman Empire no longer existed, he was no longer legally obligated to preserve the Pomeranian constitution. In a legal sense, Pomerania became more Swedish than German (Heyden, Kirchengeschichte v o l.II 126). 146

launch an attack on Pomerania which the Swedes could

not defend. To th is he re p lie d th a t he had sworn a

holy oath on the Eucharist never to make peace with

Napoleon, even i f i t cost him his crown.

'You may well be right; and I myself wish that it could be different: but I have taken Holy Communion on i t and sworn not to make peace w ith Napoleon, even if it costs me my crown; and thus it is for me a matter of conscience.156

In his abdication speech, Gustav IV Adolph, no

longer Defender of the Faith in any official capacity,

announced his intention to devote the rest of his life

to serving God.57

'Thus, We consider it to be a sacred duty, to lay down these Our royal offices and accoutrements f r e e ly and o f Our own v o litio n by th is a c t, so that We may live the days remaining to Us for the honor of God.*58

58 *Sie mOgen wohl Recht haben; und ich wdnsche selbst, es kdnnte anders seyn: allein ich habe das h e ilig e Abendmahl darauf genommen und geschworen, m it Napoleon keinen Frieden zu machen, und s o llt e es mir die Krone kosten; und ist es also fUr mich Gewissens- Sache ( “Ueber das Walten Gustavus" 343).’

57 The abdication speech made on March 29, 1809, was reprinted in Nikolaus Vogt, "Die Religionshaupter." Europaische Staats- Relationen 14 (1809): 1-6 on page 2. It was also reprinted in Berlinische Nachrichten on June 24, 1809.

58 '...so halten Wir es fllr eine geheiligte Pflicht, diese Unsere KOniglichen Verrichtungen aus eigenem Antriebe und freyw illig durch gegenwfirtige Acte niederzulegen, urn Unsre noch Gbrigen Tage zur Ehre Hence, to the Pomeranians, who equate the role of monk with the historic preserver of tradition and law, the roles of Gustav IV Adolph and that of monk are also synonomous, reflecting the king’s official and well known private piety, position as head of the Protestant

Church and also the Swedish royal reputation as the great preservers of tradition and law.59 In addition, both Gustav II Adolph and his descendant, Gustav IV

Adolph, had been active in restoring and/or preserving the laws and traditions of the.Holy Roman Empire. In fact, Gustav II Adolph’s intervention in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire was not just of religious significance but was also interpreted as having had a positive influence, politically. The historian

GjOrwell (1763) emphasized that the Swedish king had not only rescued Protestant Germany but also restored the Empire’s constitution because the Emperor had broken its laws (100). Gjorewell went on to point out that the causes of the Holy Roman Empire and the

Protestant Church were the same, i.e ., the preservation

Gottes zu verleben’ (Vogt, "Religionshaupter" 2).

59 Vogt (1809) described Sweden as the lawgiver to Europe ("Enthronung des KOnigs” 7). 148

of law, (109) and that, legally, the king had acted at

the request of the three estates represented in the

Imperial parliament (136). Furthermore, the Swedish

king returned the Empire to peace by reestablishing justice in accordance with its traditional

constitution. As a result, most Germans were grateful and not only respected him but loved him as w e ll.

The in te rn a l unrest had disappeared under a great and good king and had sim ultaneously suffocated itself...th e subjects and Estates not only held their Gustav Adolf in great honor, they also loved him—the father of the fatherland, the king of the people, the hero of the army. They were in agreement with him for he wanted the best for all (Gjorewell 108-109).60

Like his ancestor, Gustav II Adolph, Gustav IV

Adolph was a great defender of the laws and traditions of the Holy Roman Empire. From 1803 through 1805, the king traveled throughout Germany trying to raise a coalition against Napoleon. When the Duke von Enghien was kidnapped from German territory and shot by the

French, the king, as Duke of Pomerania, demanded that

80 Die innerlichen Unruhen waren unter einem grossen und guten Kdnige verschwunden und hatten sich gleichsam selbst e rs tik t... Die Untersassen und St&nde ehreten ihren Gustaf Adolf nicht nur, sondern sie lie b te n auch den V ater des Vaterlandes, den Kdnig des Volks, den Helden des Kriegsheers in ihm. Sie waren m it ihm einstim m ig, denn er w o llte das BeBte des Allgemeinen. 149

the Empire avenge itself, for its territory had been

violated. He was the only one in the German parliament

who reacted so strongly, but no one was willing to back

his suggestion (Voss 116).

In internal affairs, Gustav IV Adolph labored to

preserve the integrity of the constitution and the

individual member states by defending the rights of

smaller states against encroachments by larger states.

He warned the Emperor in parliament that the

undermining of the rights of weaker members was not

only unconstitutional but would render the Empire

incapable of defending itself against foreign

aggressors. Furthermore, he pleaded with the Emperor

to resist any foreign pressure or interference which would imperil the dignity and independence of the

Empire ("Interesse des deutschen Reiches" 300-301).

The House o f Wasa, then, was seen as the defender o f the German Empire from the aggressions of both member or foreign states. In their role as preservers of the traditions and law of the Holy Roman Empire, a role associated with the tradition of Pomeranian monks,

Swedish kings could also be portrayed, appropriately, as monks. 150

There was another historical parallel between the

careers of the two Swedish Kings relevant to

Friedrich’s use of the image. In the Thirty Years War,

rescue had come from the North, from Sweden, and during

the Napoleonic Wars this was widely expected to happen

again. In Geist der Zeit.81 Arndt described the Swedes

as freedom loving and went on to say that even if all

o f Europe succumbs to tyranny, Sweden w ill remain fre e

and w ill "punish” and “redeem” the world. M d ller

(1806) also promised that the avengers and liberators

of Napoleonic Europe shall come from the north (MSller,

"June 1806" 179-180). Friedrich spoke of the retreat of Bonapartist troops from Dresden as "pursued by the sword of the north" (Eberlein, Bekenntnisse 64).82

Both kings were viewed as martyrs while preserving and defending the combined causes of Protestantism and the integrity of the Holy Roman Empire; Gustav II

Adolph died in the Thirty Years War and Gustav IV

Adolph was dethroned and defeated in the Napoleonic

Wars. Thus, for Friedrich as for Pomeranians,

61 Geist der Zeit (1806-18) was published in four parts. Part one was published in 1806, part two in 1809, part three in 1813 and part four in 1818.

82 ...vom Schwert des Nordens verfolgt. 151

martyrdom, as in Christ's, symbolized by the ruin and

crucifix, became a powerful emotional symbol.

Gustav II Adolph had died at the battle of LUtzen,

accounts of which appeared in the "Neueste Nachrichten

von der Schlacht bei Liltzen und dem Tode Kdnig Gustav

Adolphs" in 1790 (Mdller, "March 1790" 81-84) and in

the "Neu-vormehrtes historisch- und geographisches

allgemeines Lexicon" in 1747, in an article entitled

"Gustavus Adolphus." Swedes and Saxons had combined

forces to defeat the Imperial troops at LUtzen, but the

king was forced to postpone engaging the enemy because

of heavy fog, another Friedrich image. As soon as the

sun started to disperse the fog, the king attacked. As

he led the charge, the fog settled again. Wounded, the

king fell from his horse and a retreating enemy soldier

shot him in the head because there was no time to take

him prisoner. Inspired by his death, the Swedes

avenged their king, winning the battle.

Thus, along with the monk, the presence of fog in

both Abtei im Eichwald and Der MSnch am Meer cannot

help but bring home to a Pomeranian viewer the striking

historical sim ilarities between and fusion of the

identities of the two kings. While Gustav II Adolph died on German s o il in a fog, a v ic to ry was won. And, 152 while Gustav IV Adolph suffered a dynastic death in defense of the interests of the Holy Roman Empire, a victory was hoped for. Significantly, Gustav IV Adolph had made a much publicized visit to LUtzen in 1803 to commemorate the death and v ic to ry o f h is ancestor

(M61ler, "July 1804" 230-232).

Friedrich’s equation of the exile and dynastic death of Gustav IV Adolph is portrayed iconographically by firs t portraying the funeral procession in Abtei im

Eichwald and, then, the isolated heroic monk before the fog shrouded sea in Der Mflnch am Meer. After the b a ttle a t LUtzen, Gustav I I Adolph’ s body had been borne by a procession through Pomerania, loaded on a ship and taken back to Sweden.83 In Abtei im Eichwald. the procession o f monks, bearing a c o ffin , moves through the nave/ship toward the west end, and it is towards Sweden that the monk looks from the Pomeranian shore. Thus, Friedrich has transformed the Gothic

Eldena into an emblem of the kings of Sweden and

Pomerania, for one of the traditional titles of the

Swedish kings was the King of the Goths.84

83 Heyden, Kirchengeschichte v o l.II 83; Micraelii book f iv e 221.

84 "...The king of Sweden as well as the king of Denmark s t i l l c a rry the name o f these Goths in th e ir title s" (Grammatisch-kritisches WQrterbuch der Hoch- The ancient Goths combined the roles of king, priest and historian-preserver of the law, selecting their kings from among their learned philosophers and priests

(JSnken, "Vorbericht" 99). Both Gothic kings and priests were required to be historians. In fact,

JSnken the Pomeranian historian, states (1752) that the ancient political-religious system was founded on h is to ry and t r a d it io n and th a t the ro les o f r u le r - priest and historian were one: "Who wants to be king and priest must understand politics and politics is founded on history: therefore the ancient Pomeranians were politicians and historians" ("Vorbericht" 99 ) . 85

This custom for selecting kings which, in effect, meant that the ancient Goths, as the modern, also combined church and s ta te and l e f t i t to p rie s ts to decide matters of state: "Yes, the priests combined politics w ith in t h e ir r e lig io u s fu n ctio n and had gained so much

deutschen Mundart. "der Gothe") ("...So wohl der KOnig von Schweden, a ls der Kdnig von Dflnemark fQhren diese Gothen noch j e t z t in ihren T it e ln ) and "The kings o f Sweden and Denmark s t i l l c a ll themselves kings o f the Goths" (WOrterbuch der Deutschen Sprache. "der G othe"). (D ie KOnige von Schweden und Dflnemark nennen sich noch K 6 nige der Gothen").

05 Wer Kbnig und Priester seyn w ill, muS die Politk wissen, die Politik stUtzt sich auf die Historie: daher sind die alten Pommern Politici und Historici gewesen. 154

a u th o rity th a t w ith t h e ir word war was e ith e r begun or ended" ("aitesten" 233).88 Thus, historically, there was a cultural and an iconographic continutity between the pagan and Christian Gothic custom for the

requirements of kingship and the blending of the sacred and secu lar ro le s o f the monarch. Both pagan and

Christian "Gothic" kings had to be priests and historians, defenders of the faith as much as preservers of history and tradition.

Friedrich makes other references to these pagan and

Christian Gothic continuities because of their contemporary ramifications. For example, the pagan forefathers practiced human sacrifice in their holy groves ("O pfern der a lte n Schweden" 53, 5 9 ). F ir s t , what is the import of sacrifice as it relates to Gustav

IV Adolph’s dethronment and, then, where were these practices located?

The following (1803) description of these sacrifices appeared in the article "Von den Opfern der alten

Schweden. Aus dem Lateinischen des Bischofs Lindblom” in Nordische Blatter Oder Bevtrage zur Bessern

08 Ja die Priester verknOpften mit ihrem Religions Wesen die Politik, und hatten sich darin so a u t o r is ir e t , daS auf ih r GutdUnken der Krieg entweder angefangen oder beygeleget ward ("filtesten" 233). 155

Kenntniss der natOrlichen Beschaffenheit. der Sitten. der National-Cultur und der politischen Verfassung der

Nordischen Reiche (1803) (48-61).67

Soon they accustomed themselves to such horrible spectacles, and murdered without scruple—whenever the state was threatened by a general calamity— those of their citizens whom the unanimous w ill of the people or the lottery had made into sin offerings. But these unfortunates were far from fearing death as a great evil; rather, they gave themselves over to death with the greatest stead fastness, since they hoped in th is manner to attain a lasting fame in their fatherland and eternal blessedness in the place of the dead. If the anger o f the gods was not dim inished by these offerings, then the people attributed the guilt to the kings and began to undertake measures to appease the god by killing the kings ("Opfern der a lte n Schweden" 5 9 -6 0 ).88

Thus, when misfortune threatened the ancient

Goths they would perform a human sacrifice in order to

87 Mdller reviewed Nordische Blatter ("1804" 230- 2 3 ).

88 Bald gewdhnten sie sich an solche heillose Schauspiele, und mordeten— wann dem Staate ein allgem eines UnglOck drohete— ohne Bedenken vor den Alt&ren ihrer Gdtter diejenigen ihrer MitbOrger, welche der einstimmige W ille des Volks oder das Loos zu SOhnopfern bestimmte. Diese UnglOcklichen waren jedoch weit entfernt, den Tod als ein schweres Uebel zu ftlrchten, sondern sie ergaben sich in demselben mit der grdssten Standhaftigkeit, indem sie dadurch bleibenden Nachruhm in ihrem V aterlande und in dem A u fe n th a lts o rt der Verstorbenen ewige Seligkeit zu erhalten hofften. Bes&nftigte sich auch durch diese Opfer der Zorn der Gdtter nicht, so schoben sie die Schuld auf die Kdnige, und gingen selbst damit urn, durch deren Tod den Gottheiten GnQge zu leisten. appease their gods. Should this not have the desired

effect, they would sacrifice the king. Again Friedrich

is apparently drawing on the parallel between the past

and the fate of Gustav IV Adolph who was "sacrificed"

as a result of grave misfortune. In ancient Pomerania

and Sweden, th ere was also the ancient custom of s e lf -

sacrifice. When the Scandinavian high priests or the

high priest of Rtigen grew too old to serve, they

willingly sacrificed themselves to the gods. According

to Franck (1817), this practice of voluntary self-

s a c r ific e was common among w a rrio r heros and

Scandinavian kings, as well (Frank, "GOtzendienst”

110). Like the pagan Gothic priests and kings, Gustav

IV Adolph had sacrificed himself by willingly

abdicating in favor of his son. In 1807, prior to his

abdication, the king announced his readiness to perform

this traditional royal obligation of self-sacrifice,

claiming that he knew how to die as a king. Thus, he would take the love and respect of his subjects into that grave where the ’honorable ashes of my brave ancestors, the kings rest*(Vogt, "Enthronung" 61).09

69 'ehrwtirdige Asche meiner tapfern Vorfahren, der K6 nige ruht.* 157

In addition, the custom of sacrifice involved the

ritual of judgment. In writing about the ancient justice system in Pomerania, the historian D&hnert

reported (1752) that the pagan Pomeranians used to hold their courts of law out-of-doors, often in a grove of holy oak trees ([Dfihnet], "Statue des Rolands" 149).

Ostensibly, Friedrich uses the oak trees in Abtei im

Eichwald to stand for a place of judgment, underscoring the tradition of kingly sacrifice, represented by the coffin, so that the community, represented by the participants in the procession, may survive.

The oak trees in Abtei im Eichwald. unlike those in his previous works, are arranged like a grove.

Friedrich also uses the ancient pagan oaks to reiterate the "oak-like" Gothic Christian structure, fusing the sites where the destinies of Gothic priest-kings were enacted. As oak groves were these sites for the ancient Pomeranian Goths so the churches were these places for the Christian Goths, firs t Roman Catholic and then Lutheran (Schdttgen 11). Thus, pagan and

Christian past is again translated into the present.

Friedrich’s contemporaries were aware.of the rituals and meanings associated with the oak tree. This is borne out by the fact that, in Friedrich’s own day, 158

ancient oak trees were preserved in Pomerania as

reminders of the practices and beliefs of their

Pomeranian forefathers (SchQttgen 11).

While Friedrich fuses images and eras, he also

d is tin g u is h e s between them as he does in his use o f the

dead pagan oak tree and the ruined Gothic church. By

this means, he also demonstrates a certain continuity

of ritual and tradition between past and present. In

Abtei im Eichwald. there is an open grave where the

altar of the church once was and the funeral procession

is e x itin g the church, in d ic a tin g th a t one age is over.

Yet the traditions of or characteristics associated with what we now identify as integral to Swedish and

Pomeranian culture, e.g., oak and oak groves, church and ruins, nave and ship, procession and lone figure, do not replace one another. Instead, one builds on,

leads to or emerges out of the other. As the Gothic church/ship rises out of the pagan oaks, we realize that, culturally, there is an essence that is peculiarly Swedish and Pomeranian present and that the strengths of these traditions persist into the present as hope o f the fu tu r e .

This continuity is a physical fact of site significance, as well. When Bishop Otto von Bamberg 159

christianized Pomerania in the twelfth century, he

pointedly built churches on pagan sacred sites (ZSllner

471). It was well known that, throughout Pomerania,

cloisters and churches appeared on these ancient sites,

just as Christian priests supplanted pagan ones

(ZOllner 283). Friedrich makes this association patent

by placing his Gothic churches in oak groves

reminiscent of those of the pagan Goths.

The ritual of pagan sacrifice is, of course,

Christianized, too. Friedrich refers to the comparison

commonly made in Pomerania between the deaths of the

Swedish kings and the sacrifice of Christ for His flock

(Eimer, Dialektik 107). In its own time, Gustav II

Adolph’s death at the Battle of LQtzen was compared to the Passion of Christ (Eimer, Dialektitk 111). This royal example of im itatio Christi is underscored by

Friedrich through his use of the monk and funeral procession which fuses Eldena, as the tomb of Christ in his Eldena mit Beorabnis and Der Winter (fig. 54), with

Eldena as the tomb of the king in Abtei im Eichwald.

The dark shade o f brown F rie d ric h uses fo r Eldena which is repeated in the monk’s robe is, in Friedrich’s oeuvre, associated with death. In his sepia cycle of

1803, and in subsequent sepia cycles, Friedrich moves 160 from a very light, transluscent brown in FrOhling (fig.

45) to a dark, much more opaque brown in W inter ( f i g .

48). In these sepias, Eldena is always depicted with graves in winter in the darkest brown of any season or object in the series. Abtei im Eichwald is an oil painting which allows Friedrich a range of hue choices, unlike the sepia, yet Friedrich s till selects an extrem ely dark, opaque brown fo r Eldena and the monument is again shown as a van itas emblem. The monk, too, is assigned the very same color as Eldena, serving to link the pendants coloristically and also to transfer the associations of Eldena— death, tomb and resurrection of Christ—to the martyred Gothic kings of

Swedish Pomerania . 70

Friedrich selected the island of RUgen as the location for his monk because it was known historically as a location connected with ancient ritual, that of judgment; RUgen, in fact, means "to judge." "One also calls the outdoor place of judgment the field-judgment or a law-place because RUgen means 'to judge’ in German vernacular" ([DShnert, "Statue des Rolands" 149).71

70 No order in Swedish Pomerania wore brown robes. The Franciscans wore grey (Heyden, Greifswalds 47), the Domincans w hite (Heyden, G reifsw alds 51) as did the Cistercians at Eldena (Pyl, Eldena 22)

71 Man nannte es [the outdoor place of judgment] 161

But Friedrich chose RUgen for other reasons, as well.

RCigen is Pomerania’s and Germany’s northernmost point

and as such i t is c lo s e s t to Sweden. "From RUgen, one

can s t i 11 see the steep coasts o f Denmark and

Sweden..." (Eggert 7) . 72 It was the location of the

last seat of Swedish Royal government in Pomerania, the

last place where Gustav IV Adolph was king of all the

Goths . 73

Der Monch am Meer was begun firs t, probably in 1808

and finished by October 13, 1810, when it, along with

Abtei im Eichwald. was exhibited in its final version.

Abtei im Eichwald was begun no e a r lie r than August,

1809. There were several phases for Der Mdnch am Meer and a t le a s t one fo r Abtei im Eichwald . 74 There is an auch schlechthin das Feldgericht oder das Rugland einem Rechtsort, denn RUgen heiBt in der deutschen Mundart urtheilen oder Rechtsprechen.

72 Von RUgen erblickt man noch die steilen KUsten D&nemarks und Schwedens...

73 The last seat of Swedish royal government in Pomerania was Bergen on RUgen. The capitol had to be moved from Stralsund ("Ueber das Walten Gustavus" 343- 345).

74 Christian August Semler, February, 1809: "One sees the sea whose waves, throwing off greenish foam, are strongly moved by wind, and over these there is a gray sky heavy with spray. The foreground is a strip of white sandy beach around which a few sea gulls are floating, On the merits of the depiction, art experts will have to judge; to me, the gray, quiet tone of the whole, nowhere disturbed by a flaring up of white

4 162

color, appears splendidly achieved, and the sky appears just as pure as in Friedrich’s sepia drawings which, as the newest programme o f the Weimar Friends o f A rt shows, were so well received in your own city. But what pleased me most in this painting was the significance that the artist was able to give this simple scene through the use of a single figure. A bald-headed old man in a brown robe stands on that beach, almost totally turned toward the sea, appearing, as his posture and e s p e c ia lly the hand supporting the chin show, to be sunk in deep thought. No one w ill doubt that the infinite, which stretches out before him in the broad, gloomy distance, is the object of his contemplation; one feels drawn to think along with him; each observer gives him different thoughts, for each is led by his individuality to give the grand and serious object a different spiritual aspect; in the meantime, all these thoughts converge, and there is a point at which they meet" (BSrsch-Supan, Schinkel Pavilion 10- ID. (Man sieht das Meer, dessen grunliche Schaum aufwerfende Wellen vom Winde m&Big bewegt sind und darCiber eine graue, von DUnsten schwere Luft. Den Vordergrund macht ein S treif des weiBen sandigen Strandes, urn den einige Mbwen schweben. Ciber das Verdienstliche der AusfUhrung mogen Kunstverst&ndige richten; mir schien der graue, ruhige, nirgends durch aufflackerndes Wei© gestdrte Ton des Ganzen trefflich gehalten und die Luft ebenso wahr zu seyn, als in Friedrichs Sepiazeichnungen, die auch bei Ihnen, wie das neuste Programm der weimarischen Kunstfreunde bezeugt, so viel Beifall gefunden haben. Was mir aber vorzOglich an diesem Bild gefiel, war die Bedeutsamkeit, welche der KOnstler der einfachen Szene durch eine e in zig e Figur zu geben gewuBt h at. Ein kahlkdpfiger Alter in einem braunen Gewande steht auf jenem Strande, fast ganz gegen das Meer hingewendet und scheint, wie seine Stellung und besonders die das Kinn hinstCitzende Hand anzeigen, in t ie f e s Nachdenken versunken. Niemand w ird wohl z w e ife ln , daB das UnermeBliche, was sich vor seinen Augen in die weite dtlstere Ferne ausbreitet, der Gegenstand seines Nachdenkens ist; man fQhlt sich angezogen, mit ihm zu sinnen; jeder leiht ihm vielleicht andere Gedanken, weil jeder von dem groBen und ernsten Gegenstande eine andere g e is tig e Ansicht zu nehmen, durch seine Individual its t bestimmt wird; indessen convergieren 163

undated written fragment extant in which Friedrich

describes an earlier phase of Der Monch am Meer.

Apparently, it refers to a period between the autumn of

1809 and summer of 1810. It records a description

tw ice removed from the f in a l versio n. doch a l l e diese Gedankenreihen, und es g ib t einen Punkt, wo sie zusammentreffen.)

Marie Helene von KQgelgen, June 22, 1809: “I also saw a large painting in o il, one that in no way speaks to my soul: a wide, endless sky. Under it, the unquiet sea and in the foreground a strip of light-colored sand, on which a darkly-clothed or disguised hermit is crawling around. The sky is clear and apathetically calm, no storm, no sun, no moon, no tempest— indeed, a storm would have been a comfort and pleasure, since one would then have seen some life and movement somewhere. On the endless surface o f the sea one sees not one boat, not one ship, not even a sea monster, and in the sand, not even one green reed. Only a few sea gulls flutter about and make the lo n e lin e s s even more lo n ely and more horrible" (Borsch-Supan, Schinkel Pavilion 11). (Ein groBes Bild in Oel sah ich auch, welches meine Seele gar nicht anspricht: ein weiter, unendlicher Luftraum. Darunter das unruhige Meer und im Vordergrund ein Streifen hellen Sandes, wo ein dunkel gekleideter or verhGllter Eremit umherschleicht.• Der Himmel ist rein und gleichgOltig ruhig, kein Sturm, keine Sonne, kein Mond, kein Gewittei— ja, ein Gewitter ware mir ein Trost und ein GenuB, dann sShe man doch Leben und Bewegung irgendwo. Auf der ewigen Meeresfiache sieht man kein Boot, kein Schiff, nicht einmal ein Seeungeheuer, und in dem Sande auch n ic h t e in grQner Halm. Nur e in ig e MOwen f la t t e r n umher und machen d ie Einsam keit noch einsamer und g ra u s ig e r.)

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, September 18, 1810: "on Friedrich. His wonderful landscapes, a churchyard in fog. An open sea" (Bdrsch-Supan, Schinkel Pavilion). (Zu Friedrich. Dessen wunderbare Landschaften, Ein Nebelkirchhof, Ein offenes Meer.) 164

Since we have been talking about [or: have mentioned] descriptions, I want to impart one of my descriptions to you, about one of my pictures that I have recently finished; or actually, my thoughts about a picture; because it probably can’t be called description. It ’s a sea piece; in the foreground a desolate, sandy strand, then the rough sea, and then the sky. On the strand walks a man deep in thought, in a black robe; seagulls are flying around him, fearfully shrieking, as if they wanted to warn him not to dare to venture out onto the tumultuous sea.— That was the description; now come the thoughts: And even i f you pondered from morning to evening, from evening until waning midnight; s till you would not think through to, would not fathom, the impenetrable beyond! With insolent arrogance, you think of becoming a light for posterity, of deciphering the darkness of the future! Of finally knowing and understanding clearly what is holy revenge, only seen and known through faith. Deep, to be sure, are your footprints on the desolate, sandy strand; yet a soft wind is blowing over i t , and your tra c k w ill be seen no more: Foolish one full of vain arrogance!— I am now working on a large picture, in which I intend to depict the secret of faith and of the future. What can only be seen and known in faith, and what will eternally remain a riddle to the fin ite knowledge of human beings: (for myself, too, is what I want to depict and how I want to depict it is, in a certain sense, a riddle) Down low, with snow-covered grave stones and grave mounds, stand the remnants of a Gothic church, surrounded by an cien t oaks. The sun has gone down and, in the twilight, the evening star and the firs t quarter of the moon are shining over the ruins. Thick fog covers the earth, and while one s till can clearly see the upper part of the walls, the forms toward the bottom [of the picture] become ever more u n c e rta in and ever more indistinct, until, as one gets closer to the ground, everything loses itself in the fog. The oaks stretch their arms up out of the fog; below, 165

they have already disappeared (Borsch-Supan, "Berlin" 74-75 ) . 75

75 Da hier einmal von Beschreibungen die Rede ist, so w ill ich Ihnen eins meiner Beschreibungen mitheilen, Uber eins meiner Bilder so ich uniangst vollendet habe; oder eigentlich, meine Gedanken, Uber ein Bild; denn Beschreibung kann es wohl n ic h t genannt werden. Es i s t nemlich ein SeestUk, vorne ein 6 der sandiger Strand, dann, das bewegte Meer, und so die Luft. Am Strande geht tie fs in n ig e in Mann, im schwarzen Gewande; MQven fliegen Sngstlich schreiend urn ihn her, als wollten sie ihn warnen, sich nicht auf ungestUmmen Meer zu wagen. - Dies war die Beschreibung, nun kommen die Gedanken: Und s&nnest du auch vom Morgen bis zum Abend, vom Abend bis zur sinkenden Mitternacht; dennoch wUrdest du nicht ersinnen, nicht ergrUnden, das unerforschliche Jenseits! Mit UbermUthigem DUnkel, erwegst du der Nachwelt ein Licht zu werden, zu entratseln der Zukunft Dunkelheit! Was Heilige Ahndung nur ist, nur im Glauben gesehen und erkannt; endlich klar zu wissen und zu Verstehn! Tief zwar sind deine FuBstapfen am 6 den sandigen Strande; doch ein le is e r Wind weht darUber hin , und deine Spuhr wird nicht mehr gesehen: ThSrichter Mensch voll eitlem DUnkel! Jetzt arbeite ich an einem groOen Bilde, worin ich das Geheimnis des Glaubens, und der Zukunft darzustellen gedenke. Was nur im Glauben gesehn, und erkannt werden kann, und dem endlichen Wissen der Menschen ewig ein R&tsel bleiben w ird: (m ir s e lb s t is t was ich darstellen will und wie ich es darstellen w ill, auf gewisse Weise e in R S tsel) Unten, m it Schnee bedekten Grabmaiern, und GrabhUgeln, stehen die Ueberreste, einer gothischen Kirche, umgeben von uralten Eichen. Die Sonne ist untergegangen, und in der DSmmerung le u c h te t Uber den TrOmmern stehend, der Abendstern und des Mondes erstes Viertel. Dicker Nebel deckt die Erde, und wflrent man den obern Theil des GemSuers noch d e u tlic h s ie h t, werden nach unten, immer ungewisser, und unbestimmter die Formen, bis endlich sich alles, je nSher der Erde, im Nebel verliert. Die Eichen streken nach oben die Arme aus dem Nebel, wSrent sie unten schon ganz verschwunden. 166

Karl Friedrich Frommann visited Friedrich’s atelier

on September 24, and saw yet another revised version of

Der Monch am Meer where it was a night scene, whereas

his record of Abtei im Eichwald corresponds to

Friedrich’s . 76 Friedrich reworked both Der Monch am

Meer and Abtei im Eichwald between Frommann’s v is it and

their arrival in final form at the Berlin Academy

Exhibition on October 13, 1810.

76 Karl Friedrich Frommann, September 24, 1810: "Morning, visit Friedrich. View of different paintings by him. Four small ones o f views from his window. Several others in sepia, typically Friedrich, two large landscapes in oil, the one a winter scene with six or eight bare trees surrounding a chapel, in the background a lamp which makes a nice lig h t and the fog extends magically into the fore-, middle-, and background. The other one, [a scene of] the Baltic, with waves twinkling prettily by the light of the last quarter of the moon and the faintly shinning morning star (unreadable word) in the dark with own (unreadable word, that must be either likeness or portrait). Thin application of color: how long can such delicate oil paintings last?" (B5rsch-Supan, Schinkel Pavilion 11- 1 2 ). ( "Vorm ittags Besuch bei F rie d ric h , Ansicht verschiedener seiner GemSlde. Vier kleine aus dem Fenster genommen und dargestellt. Mehrere andere auch in Sepia, alle in seinem Charakter, zwei ganz groBe Oel-Landschaften, die eine im Winter mit sechs oder acht kahlen BSumen, urn eine Kapelle, in deren H intergrund eine Doppellampe e in schOnes L ich t macht und wo der Nebel sich im Vor-, M ittel-, und Hintergrund magisch h in z ie h t. Die andere d ie Ostsee m it schdn blinkenden Wellen beim letzten Viertel des Mondes und dem schwach b litze n d e n M orgenstern.. . (u n le s e rlich e s Wort) i. Dunkel mit eigenem.. . (unleserliches Wort, das B ild n is oder P o rtrS t heiBen muB). Schwaches Auftragen der Farben: Welche Dauer werden diese feinen Oelgemaide haben")? Between F r ie d r ic h ’ s d e s c rip tio n , Frommann’ s v i s i t and the final versions of the two works, several im portant changes took place. The most s tr ik in g o f the alterations are the change from a stormy or troubled sea to a q u ie t one and the replacement o f the monk’ s black h a b it w ith the brown one in Der Mbnch am Meer and the addition of the monks and processional in Abtei im

Eichwald. Thus, even though there is an early text by

Friedrich revealing his thoughts on these two major works, we cannot rely on it to provide us with his definitive insight. In his own words Der MQnch am Meer was "recently completed," yet we know two more versions fo llo w e d . In h is comments, F rie d ric h does not decode the works for us but writes of his initial feelings for them as pendants, describing the gist of his mood and re lig io u s mind s e t. The te x t in d ic a te s his emotional wrestling with a disappointment or great difficulty, for the final focus of his thoughts has to do with the inscrutable will of God and his resignation to trust in it. As he put it, even if one meditates in nature for long periods of time, one can never experience a final re v e la tio n and understand God’ s w i l l — a t le a s t not before death. There is no specific indication as to the cause of these reflections. What we now know about 168 the character of his landscapes up to this point, the

in itial general form and changes he made in these landscapes and the contemporary contextual relevance of his images, leads us to conclude that the crisis was both personal and n a tio n a l.

In the final versions, Friedrich amplified his personal feelings to include images referential to larger political and cultural circumstances. Rather than simply using Swedish and Pomeranian motifs as vehicles of personal, emotional and religious expression, the progress in his work was consistant in enriching the wider Swedish and Pomeranian associations— its historical achievements, identity and political and cultural traditions. He selected these images and their associations for both personal and

Swedish and Pomeranian h is to r ic a l and c u ltu ra l significance and for their contemporary relevance.

Thus, these two companion pieces, Der MSnch am Meer and

Abtei im Eichwald. are pivotal in Friedrich’s development.

BOrsch-Supan claims that these pendants are self portraits, a claim, that at least for Abtei im

Eichwald. is substantiated by Friedrich’s own text.

The radical reconceptualization of these two works and 169 the added layers of meaning which occurred between

September 24 and October 13, 1810, do not mitigate their personal aspects, rather it appears to build on them. Friedrich works out of the personal into the historical, where his personal experiences and disappointments become the key for and are shared with his wider social, cultural and political context.

Friedrich doubtlessly had a personal loyalty to Gustav

IV Adolph and identifies with his king, seeing him as the embodiment of Swedish and Pomeranian culture. In

1824, years after the King’s banishment, Friedrich named his only son Gustav Adolph.

Friedrich, out of patriotic motives, dedicated his firs t major oil painting, the Tetschener Altar, c.1808

(Reitharova’and Sumowski 43), to Gustav IV Adolph, who at the time was personally engaged in the battle for

Finland (Eimer, Dialektik 131). When the Countess von

BrUhl (later Countess von Thun) wrote her fiance the

Count von Thun on August 6 , 1808, that she was unable to purchase the painting later to be known as the

Tetschen altar she said:

I spoke with M iltiz about your commission for the p a in te r F rie d ric h , and he [gave] me your answer on the day of our departure. The beautiful cross cannot be had! The good Scandinavian has dedicated it to his king and, although he has no opportunity to get it to the king, and, until that 170

time could probably finish a few other pieces, he s till doesn’t want to give it up (Reitharova’and Sumowski 4 3 ) . 77

Two things are striking.about this lettei— the Countess

identified Friedrich culturally as the "good

Scandinavian" and patriotically that he planned to give

the work to "his king."

Eimer has gone so f a r as to p o s it a personal

relationship between Friedrich and Gustav IV Adolph,

instigated while the king was in Dresden in the summer

of 1804. It was the king’s practice to invite his

subjects to his court wherever he was during his German

trip in 1803-05. Eimer feels that it is very possible

that the king, or his representative, personally

supported Friedrich (Eimer, Dialektik 115, 119-120).

Friedrich’s choice of imagery makes it obvious that

he stro n g ly id e n tif ie s w ith Swedish-Pomerania and the

shared heritage of Swedish and Pomeranian pagan and

C h ris tia n Goths. The House o f Wasa and, in F r ie d r ic h ’ s

life time, Gustav IV Adolph reigned over and attempted

77 Ich habe mit M iltiz wegen Ihrem Auftrag am Mahler Friedrich gesprochen und er hat mir seine Antwort noch den Tag von unserer Abreise (gegeben). Das schSne Kreuz ist leider! nicht zu haben' der brave Norde hat es seinem KOnige v e re h rt, und obwohl er keine Gelegenheit hat es ihm zukommen zu lassen, und bis dahin wohl auch noch e in ig e andre Stucken v e rfe rtig e n kOnnte, so w ill er es doch n ic h t geben. to preserve that heritage. The king stood for Swedish

Pomerania as a political and cultural entity and as the head of its Church. Friedrich also identified with

Eldena’s isolation and decay; the king, too, had become like a Gothic ruin, as had Swedish-Pomeranian culture under the Napoleonic onslaught. Friedrich chooses a monk, first for himself and then for the king, as well as the embodiment o f his c u ltu re . The king, as God’ s anointed, was Defender of the Faith and tradition and

Friedrich fostered and preserved them through his art, the creation of which was a “sacred act" (Sumowski 19).

Both are m e d ia to r-p rie s ts , one as a r t i s t , one as king.

In this chapter, I have examined the Swedish and

Pomeranian significance of Friedrich’s imagery and traced his development toward encorporating the inherent meanings of the Gothic ruins he chose to depict, his motives for selecting them and how they function with their attendant imagery and symbols. In the period 1800-1812, there had existed a synthesis between the Baltic and Germanic cultures both in fact and in Friedrich’s oeuvre. During this period,

Friedrich asserted the Baltic contributions to and foundation of this union, by stressing the Baltic origins of the Goths and their achievements and 172 including the inherent meaning of Eldena. In Abtei im

Eichwald and Der Mflnch am Meer he f i n a l l y encorporates contemporary events into his works, but focuses on

■ \ Swedish and Pomeranian concerns. In the next period,

1812-15, we w ill see Friedrich isolate in separate works the two extremes of his cultural identity,

Swedish-Pomerania and Pomerania-Germany. CHAPTER VI The Evolving Meaning of the Gothic Church Ruin: 1812-1815

In the period 1812-15, the meaning of the Gothic church ruin in Friedrich’s oeuvre swings between representing Pomeranian-German and Swedish-Pomeranian culture and concerns. This iconographic pendulum reflects a division in loyalties to two fatherlands that are now caught up in different historical circumstances. The fact that his two, formerly united, fatherlands were then undergoing separate histories and, it appeared, would continue to do so must have been difficult for Friedrich, personally and iconographically, because he was used to expressing a cultural synthesis by means of the unified cultural symbol of the Gothic style. In 1812, Friedrich began to face the fact that the Gothic church ruin, previously representative of the shared characteristics of his two fatherlands, was no longer able to serve as a symbol declaring and confirming their relationship.

Furthermore, Friedrich was, prior to this period,

173 174

accustomed to defining and illustrating "Gothic"

traits, and especially one of the characteristic

strengths of the Goths— a sense of "national

\ consciousness"— as recorded by Tacitus (c.98) and cited

by Schildener (1817) (8-9). In 1812, when Friedrich finally recognized the dissolution of the Holy Roman

Empire and Swedish and German c u ltu ra l and p o lit ic a l unity, he could not think or act as a typical Goth in this regard. He could no longer maintain a single cultural and political loyalty; it became impossible to u n ite in one p a in tin g and w ith one s e t o f images

references to both his heritages and fatherlands.

Thus, his use of the Gothic in Ruine Ovbin. c.1812

(fig. 63), and Ruine Eldena. 1814 (fig. 67), alternates between Baltic and German statements.

The Ruine Ovbin. c.1812, reflects Friedrich’s continuity with the previous Pomeranian period, especially his reliance on the notion of imitatio

C h r i s t i . and h is use o f the Gothic s ty le and the monument Oybin, in particular, to reveal German concerns.

In Ruine Ovbin. Friedrich artistically creates a harmonious synthesis between nature and man which together reveal a more complete version of imitatio 175

Christi than any of his previous works. In Ruine Qybin.

he d ep icts the id e a l church.

Christ’s life cycle of birth, death and

resurrection, which the individual Christian is to

emulate, is expressed here in both the divine language

of nature and the human language of art. The lily in

front of the statue of the Madonna and child 1 and the

thorns at the foot of the crucifix symbolize the

beginning of Christ’s earthly history, His birth, and

its conclusion, His Passion. As in Gotische

Kirchenruine. the ruin of Oybin contributes to the

r e lig io u s expression. The th ree windows in the east

end of the church, deprived of their stained glass and

due to their weathered condition, now have the shapes

of attending angels (Grundmann, "Riesengebirge" 82).

Angels were featured participants in watershed events

of Christ’s life : Annunciation, Gethsemane,

Resurrection and Ascension. They are now the viewer’s

visions, his or her reassurances, and attend the

viewer’s redemption implied in the sacrament of

Communion which is represented in the grape and grain

plants growing on the altar. The altar is borne up by

1 The madonna is presented in Protestant form, i.e ., with out the nimbus (Eimer, Dialektik 178). 176

statues of two adoring angels which function as

counterparts to the ethereal angelic forms created by

nature. The sky has taken the place of the stained

glass (Eim er, D ia le k t it k 178) and the church has become

roofed, literally, by heaven itself. What appears to be a ruin, or church in decay, is actually a synthesis

between nature and art. It is this combination of human and natural religious expressions which provides

the ideal place of worship as a perpetual imitatio

C hristi. for nature and sa.crament exist as one.

Bdrsch-Supan noted the combining of art and nature

into a new kind of church in earlier works by

Friedrich. Refering to Felsen1andschaft. c.1804 (fig.

5 0 ), he wrote:

Through the statue of the Madonna erected on the rocks, at whose feet the tiny praying figure is kneeling, the landscape is interpreted as a sacred space and thus as a new form of the church . 2

BOrsch-Supan also discussed Friedrich’s equating of natural phenomena w ith a rc h ite c tu re and even w ith an altar in Wallfahrt bei Sonnenaufgang. c.1805:

2 Durch die auf dem Felsen errichtete Madonnenstatue, zu deren FGBen die winzige Gestalt eines Beters kniet, wird die Landschaft als Andachtsraum und damit als eine neue Form der Kirche gedeutet (BSrsch-Supan and JShnig 281). 177

The two tre e s fla n k in g the path remind us o f a portal; the crucifix between the bushes replaces an altar as the goal of the procession. The foreground is thus seen as sacred architecture transformed into nature . 3

In Friedrich’s time, the monument of Oybin, located near Z itta u in southern Saxony (see fig u re f i v e ) , was a perfect synthesis between nature and the aesthetic expressions of humankind. The cloister walls are made of the same natural materials as the c liff they rest upon and consist of hewn and mortared stone. Both c liff and church are covered in moss and there are trees literally growing out of both the c liff and constructed sections (Peschek 13, 25). Peschek wrote a history of the monument in 1802,4 pointing out that the view of the cloister walls could not help but provoke awe in the viewer as both the work of God and humankind.

Quiet wonder fills each person, must fill each person who comes here for the firs t time. The

3 Die beiden den Weg flankierenden B&ume erinnern an ein Portal; das Kruzifix zwischen den BOschen tr itt an die Stelle eines Altars als Ziel der Prozession. Damit wird der Vordergrund als in Natur Gbersetzte Sakralarchitektur aufgefaBt (BSrsch-Supan and JShnig 2 8 2 -2 8 3 ).

4 Oybin was also ideal because it was extremely popular. Since the first edition of Peschek’s tourist guide, Der Ovbin bev Zittau in 1802, Oybin has become a tourist attraction. 178

view is unique after its fashion... One is filled with holy respect for the creator, and with wonder a t what human hands can do when one goes fa rth e r forward and, through a turn to the right, walks behind the rocky wall of the church, and thus can look up on these walls that were formed both by nature and by human beings (Peschek 31-32).5

The fact that Oybin rises up out of solid rock also attracted Friedrich because for him rock was a symbol of enduring faith . 8 The co-existence of c liff rock and stone church enabled Friedrich to cite the actual condition and construction of Oybin.

There are several circumstances in the history of this monument that make it, in terms of imitatio

Christi. Friedrich’s ideal church. The cloister church underwent a death and rebirth itself, resulting in what a Romantic would consider a purified or improved state.

This, too, was described by Pescheck. He wrote that

5 Stilles Staunen erfO llt Jeden, muB Jeden erfdllen, der zum erstenmal hieher kommt. Der Anblick ist einzig in seiner Art....Man wird mit Ehrfurcht gegen den SchOpfer, und m it Bewundrung dessen, was Menschenhande vermdgen, e r f O l l t , wenn man w e ite r vorwdrts geht, durch eine Wendung zur Rechten hinter die felsige Wand der Kirche gelanget, und nun so an diesen von der Natur und von Menschen w echselseitig gebildeten WSnden emporsieht.

8 In Gebiroskapelle im Nebel. 1811 (fig. 60), the chapel is similar in form and size to the rocks. In this way, Friedrich can depict the equivalence of church and rock as symbols of steadfast faith (Bdrsch- Supan and JShnig 3 1 9 -3 2 0 ). 179

Luther’s Reformation, a "necessary revolution," ended the cloister’s usefulness (Peschek 79). Since the

Reformation, the only noteworthy event in the history of this monument occurred on March 24, 1577, a Sunday.

A heavy thunderstorm broke forth (a rare occurrence for this area) and the cloister was struck by lightning and caught fire (Peschek 85-86). "On this terrible day lightning struck different parts and set the building on fire" (Peschek 8 6 ) . 7 It was by this act of God that

Oybin became the monument that appealed to Friedrich.

Peschek maintained that the effect of the lightning and the resulting fire was an improvement on the appearance of the cloister. He said:

...thus it was probably the case that, during the ruination of the then present building, which occurred in 1577 during a storm, and which w ill be often mentioned in the historical part [of this book] the monument was moved, and th a t in consequence a freer more [pleasing] area was created in the middle of the church courtyard (31 ) . 8

7 An diesem furchtbaren Tage nun schlug der B litz an verschiedenen Stellen hier ein, und setzte die GebSude in Brand.

8 .. . s o war es j a wohl ein moglicher F a ll, daB bey dem 1577 durch ein Ungewitter erfolgten Ruin der hiesigen Gebaude, dessen im geschichtlichen Theil mit Mehrerm erwahnt werden wird, das Monument verrtlckt wurde, und in der Folge auf der Mitte des Kirchhofs einen freyern, mehr in die Augen fallenden Platz bekam. 180

The "freer" more open appearance and greater integration with nature conform to Friedrich’s views of an ideal place of worship and imitatio Christi. Like a phoenix, the monument rose out of its own ashes as a direct result of Divine intervention. This rendered it meaningful to Catholic and Lutheran alike. This

"resurrected" and purified place of worship, then, had undergone its own life cycle and now existed on a higher plane.

Friedrich chose Oybin because it represented a synthesis of art and nature through the action of the

Divine mediator, fu lfillin g the requirements of imitatio Christi and becoming a place of pilgrimage.

To reach the cloister of Oybin, one must actually make an arduous pilgrimage (Peschek 2-3 ) . 9 It is located high on a mountain and the journey is difficult, even dangerous (Peschek 3, 18,24). For example, after the pilgrim has climbed the cliffs to reach the cloister at the top, the sublime experience does not end (Peschek

13); one must then climb the stairs to the church, stairs then no longer safe (Peschek 24). Peschek warned that the height of the stairs and the

9 Actually, there are three possible paths to take, all of them strenuous (Peschek 3). 181 precariousness of their condition could possibly cause an attack of dizziness: "Most of the steps are s till attached only on one end, and hang free on the other; when one looks, this produces a horrifying view, one that can make dizzy those whose nerves are weak

( 2 4 )." 1° peschek then went on to describe the journey as "the king of pilgrimages" which, despite the difficulties, offered a reward to those who completed it. "Between highly towering, frightening rock masses, the expectant stranger then travels, rides, or walks toward the goal that should reward him for his difficult journey" (5 ) . 11 In fact, Peschek noted that the reward was, in part, visual in effect and occurred during the difficult journey. As the traveller toiled up the mountain, he or she caught sublime glimpses of

Oybin (Peschek 8-9, 13). "To the expectant eye the desolate remains of the old cloister with its walls

10 Die meisten Stufen sind nur noch an einem Ende f e s t , und hSngen am andern fre y , welches im Hineingucken einen furchtbaren, bey Nervenschwachen Personen Schwindel erregenden Anblick giebt.

11 Zwischen hochauf gethClrmten schauerl ichen Felsmassen fahrt, reitet oder geht nun der erwartungsvolle Fremdling dem Ziel entgegen, das seinen beschwerlichen Weg belohnen soil. 182 covered by moss and tre e roots appear c lo s e r and closer" (Peschek 13).12

The experience of Communion during the pilgrimage,

■ V important to the theology of imitatio Christi. had a historical precedent at Oybin because the Catholic monks used to set out bread and wine along the way for pilgrims making their way to the cloister (Peschek 15).

I f Ruine Ovbin is compared to Ruine Eldena m it

Begrabnis. 1800, and Gotische Kirchenruine. 1803, the development of Friedrich’s depiction of imitatio

Christi can be traced. In Ruine Eldena mit Begrabnis the conditions of nature and the ruin reflect the idea of death. While the crucifix is present, neither nature nor the ruin bear any other sign of redemption.

Only the crucifix, i.e., the work of art, does. There is no reassuring transformation in the world. With

Gotische Kirchenruine. it becomes clear that imitatio

Christi requires nature’s participation; nature, must confirm salvation by providing a eucharistic epiphany and, like the individual Christian, must imitate

Christ’s Passion. In Gotische Kirchenruine. nature impacted on the church so that it became a kind of

12 N&her erscheinen dem erw artungsvollen Auge h ie r die Oden Reste des alten Klosters mit ihrem bemoosten und von Baumwurzeln gespaltnen Gem&uer. stigma of the cross, a sign of redemption, on the face of nature itself. In both Gotische Kirchenruine and

Ruine Ovbin both nature and the ruins confirm salvation. While in Gotische Kirchenruine. the mood is melancholic; in Ruine Ovbin. it is not. Friedrich concentrates on resurrection rather than crucifixion, and the monument its e lf has many advantages in terms of content, over Heiligen Kreuz. Because Eldena is ap p aren tly a symbol emphasizing the death aspect o f the dialectic and cycle for Friedrich, the works with

Eldena tend to be gloomier in mood. This is certainly so in both Ruine Eldena mit Begrabnis 1800, and Der

Winter. 1808 (fig. 54). In these works Friedrich dwells on the vanitas aspects of Divine Law. Whether or not the Gothic ruin in Friedrich’s oeuvre is to be interpreted as a positive or negative symbol, depends entirely on which ruin he chooses and on which features he chooses to emphasize and include.

A second dissim ilarity is that Friedrich avoids the nave and ship analogy and thus, any Baltic implications. Eldena is a symbol, simultaneously, of

Swedish and Pomeranian culture and of a Baltic and

Germanic political and religious union making it inappropriate to discuss specifically German issues. 184

Oybin, on the other hand, located on a mountain in

Saxony, far from the sea, was appropriate to represent a German political and cultural ideal, a confidence in the secular resurrection of his German fatherland.

Ruine Ovbin was painted during the Napoleonic Wars and

reflects Friedrich’s interest in his other fatherland’s success. It is a statement of German cultural and political nationalism, similar to other nationalistic works of this time, such as Grabmale alter Helden (fig.

64), 1812, or Grab des Arminius (fig. 65), c .1813/14.

The Gothic may be a Baltic achievement but Oybin was founded, personally, by the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles

IV, in 1369. Furthermore, the notion of pilgrimage was secularized by the German patriots Ernst Moritz Arndt and Adam M u lle r in to a p a t r io t ic one (K aiser 43-46) and its goal, the new Golden Age, was also secularized to mean a new empire for his (German) father and (Kaiser 185

51) -13 The notion of imitatio Christi now applied to the German n a tio n .

In tra c in g the emergence o f modern nations out of

\ states, Kaiser (1973) emphasized the importance of the

recognition of a cultural unity rather than the political boundries of territorial princes and, second, the centralization of power within this new cultural area. Most western nations experienced this. In

Germany in the early nineteenth-century, however, there were, simultaneously, declarations of a cultural nationalism, on the one hand, and, on the other, there was a rise of territorial patriotism, a loyalty to traditional borders (32-33) and identities. These two polarities are evident in Friedrich’s work of this period. Friedrich encorporates national German concerns in Ruine Ovbin. applying imitatio Christi to

Germany while, in Ruine Eldena 1814 (fig. 67), he

13 Friedrich was a member of a patriotic circle in Dresden. These patriots not only wanted to get rid of Napoleon but u n ite Germany under a democratic constitution. Members of this circle included: G. F. Kersting, Adam MOller, Gerhard von KQgelgen, Ferdinand Hartmann, Henrik Steffens, Ernst Pfeul, RQhle von Lilienstern, Theodor Kdrner and Heinrich von Kleist. Their ideas were similar to those of Fichte, Schleiermacher, Arndt, Stein, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau and Jahn (Grlitter 36-37). 186

expresses his territorial loyalty, applying imitatio

Christi to Sweden and its territories.

In Ruine Eldena (fig. 67), Friedrich returns to

landscape as self-po rtrait, as Swedish and Pomeranian cultural portrait as well as individual and territorial

imitatio Christi.

Friedrich confesses his Baltic territorial patriotism in Ruine Eldena by writing on the water color "Die Abtei Eldena in Schwedisch Pommern im Januar

1814" and again combining the Swedish and Pomeranian motifs of Gothic church and ships. In this work,

Friedrich fuses them by placing the ruin on grassy waves near the sea and positioning the larger ship on the same parallel plane as the nave and the smaller one parallel to the outward jutting wall of the ruin.

The death theme is carried through by the use of

Eldena, the ships and also, once again, by transforming them into the tomb of Christ. The relationship of the ships to each other is the same as the two walls; both ships are perpendicular to each other as are the walls, together forming a four-sided configuration. The tomb effect is heightened by the fact that the arcade on the wall parallel to the picture plane is either blind or blocked off whereas the actual arcade of Eldena is 187 open. The only penetration of the wall is the tiny window.

Instead of using the crucifix to symbolize the cycle

\ o f death and re s u rre c tio n , F rie d ric h has added the angels of death and resurrection. The shadow on the grass forms an angel in profile and corresponds to the black sail of the small ship. The angel of life appears, f r o n t a lly , in the small window o f the w all of the ruin. It and the sail of the large ship are unpainted and have, consequently, the purest unblemished white to be found in the work.14 Nature again provides confirmation of redemption which becomes the means to celebrate Communion. The work is a portrait of Friedrich’s own life cycle, the manifestation of imitatio Christi in his life and in the life of his other fatherland, Swedish Pomerania.

14 The contrast of black and white sails signifying death and life respectively has a long t r a d it io n in Western thought. The most famous example is the Theseus legend. In addition, the use of ship imagery to indicate death and life is found in the northern European tradition as well. A section of Fragment I I I of James Hacpherson’s Fragments of Ancient Poetry (1760), attributed (incorrectly) to the ancient Scottish Bard, Ossian, reads:

Sad on the sea-beat shore thy spouse looketh for thy return. The time of thy promise is come; the night is gathering around. But no white sail is on the sea; Friedrich’s once culturally and politically unified fatherlands are divided, thus affected by different historical circumstances. The iconographic pendulum, evident in Ruine Ovbin and Ruine Eldena. reflects the division of Friedrich’s loyalties to two fatherlands. In 1815, it becomes clear that the cultural split would remain for quite some time. By 1815, the Gothic ruin is no longer adequate for expressions of general Baltic and Germanic unity and shared heritage because there is no longer a unity of historical experience. In the next period, 1815-1837, Friedrich chooses the Gothic ruin as a German motif, one with which he can reference the contemporary German situation. CHAPTER V II The Evolving Meaning 'of the Gothic Church Ruin: 1815-1837

In the period 1815-1837, Friedrich used the Gothic

ruin to evolve German concerns, focusing on topical

religious and constitutional issues. In this period

Gothic became synonymous w ith an cien t German.

Friedrich never relinquished his Pomeranian identity and the Pomeranian origins of the ancient Germans and their achievements. But only in three exceptional cases w ill the Gothic again stand for both his heritages. Although the analysis of the evolving meaning of ships in Friedrich’s oeuvre lies outside the bounds o f th is discussion, i t is obvious th a t, from

1815 on, Friedrich used ships to reiterate his Baltic identity and roots. In the first period, 1800-1812,

Friedrich had used the Gothic church ruin as a joint symbol w hile also combining i t w ith the ship, reflecting the characteristic of seafaring as typical of and peculiar to the Baltic peoples. Friedrich returned home to Greifswald in 1815 and sketched almost

189 nothing but ships, fishing boats, anchors, etc., and

the paintings of the mid-to-late-teens are primarily of ships, boats or the ocean. It was as if he was

reassuring himself that this aspect of his past was s till viable and continues into and shapes the present.

We have seen Friedrich expand his meanings to encorporate contemporary events and issues in Abtei im

Eichwald and Der Monch am Meer and, to a lesser degree, in Ruine Ovbin. The dethroning of Gustav IV Adolf and, then, the annexation of Swedish Pomerania by Prussia jolted Friedrich into the reality of contemporary circumstances. From 1815 on, he used the Gothic ruin to concentrate on topical political, especially constitutional, and religious issues. Friedrich applied imitatio Christi to the new purified German

Protestant church of 1817, the German constitution and its ancient Gothic foundation— the family unit.

Friedrich is concerned with a pilgrimage to a higher existence rather than being preoccupied with individual salvation. Also during this period, beginning with

Huttens Grab. Friedrich asserted the Gothic as a democratic style1 and thus combated princely attempts

1 As w ill be discussed below, a "democratic style," for Friedrich, meant one which was associated w ith p o p u lis t or grass roots movements and achievements, e.g., the Pomeranian church constitution, 191 to feudalize2 and transpose it into a style of princely achievement and a u th o rity .

Klosterfriedhof im Schnee. 1817-19 (fig. 72), is the

largest painting Friedrich painted up to that date.

While it shared certain obvious sim ilarities with Abtei im Eichwald. it differed in significant ways.

Friedrich emphasized the slender towering choir, altered the spatial organization to give it an architectonic arrangement and added concentric rings of motifs whose center was the clergyman before the altar.

BSrsch-Supan pointed out that the overall impression, unlike Abtei im Eichwald. was not one of church decay but of its magnificent survival.

The ruin of the choir, powerfully exaggerated as to its height, illustrates, in contrast to the other small remains of the church, not so much the rather than with authoritarian, reactionary policies and institutions.

2 To feudalize an idea or image means to co-opt it for monarchist or even absolutist purposes of propaganda. It involves placing this idea or object, e.g., the Gothic style, within a medieval context or tradition which is presented as the Golden Age of German history. All the prosperity, social harmony, religious devotion and cultural achievement projected onto the medieval period are seen as resulting from the feudal political structure. Feudalizing eliminates all grass roots and p o p u lis t movements and ideas from participating in collective cultural accomplishments, emphasizing that these accomplishments are princely in origin and are gifts from benevolent rulers to their s u b je c ts . 192

powers of destruction as the miracle of its preservation. Since the choir s till contains the altar with the glowing cross, in front of which stands a priest, and since the choir extends high into the illuminated heavens, it is to be understood as a symbol o f the in d e s tru c tib le essence of the Christian religion (Borsch-Supan and JShnig 3 5 2 ).3

The procession of monks entering, rather than exiting, the church, and heading toward the altar, represented another difference. On the altar stands a cross and before it, with arms upraised in greeting or blessing is a Protestant minister. Finally, instead of using

Eldena, Friedrich depicted the church of St. James in

G reifsw ald as a ru in .

These differences in Klosterfriedhof im Schnee r e f le c t a d if f e r e n t se t o f re lig io u s and c u ltu ra l concerns from those found in Abtei im Eichwald. In

Klosterfriedhof im Schnee. Friedrich shapes traditional and contemporary Pomeranian re lig io u s and c u ltu ra l references into a celebration of the unification of the

3 Die in der Hbhe gew altig tlb e rs te ig e rte Ruine des Chores veranschaulicht im Gegensatz zu den Ubrigen geringen Resten der Kirche nicht so sehr die KrSfte der Zerstdrung als das Wunder ihrer Erhaltung. Da der Chor noch den Altar mit dem leuchtenden Kreuz enth<, vor dem ein Priester steht, und da er hoch in die Lichtzone des Himmels hineinragt, ist er als Sinnbild eines unzerstdrten Kernes der christiichen Religion zu verstehen. 193

Calvinist and Lutheran denominations in Prussia and its territories in 1817.

On September 27, 1817, King Frederick William III of

Prussia called on Lutherans and Calvinists alike to share the Sacrament of the Eucharist on October 31, in honor of the three hundredth anniversary of the

Reformation (Foerster vol.1 271). The King stressed especially the "breaking of bread" because the two different rituals of Communion had been a key cause of dispute between the two Protestant denominations,4 preventing their prior union (Foerster vol.1 283). The churches of both denominations responded with a willingness to participate (Foerster vol.1 278-279).

The king then announced the union of the two churches and published its establishment throughout his lands

(Foerster vol.1 274-275). After decades of discussion and hope, a united Protestant church, the "Evangelische

Kirche,"5 also called the "Kirche der Union" was born.

"Once there was the possibility of a unified church o rg a n iza tio n and r it u a l the image o f ‘ a s in g le

4 Foerster vol.1 278-279; Wendland 107.

5 I am translating the term "evangelisch" as Protestant. 194 protestant Church’ loomed large on the horizon”

(F o ers ter v o l.1 283).®

Friedrich reflected this new Reformation, in which not only the former impurities of Catholicism but now the impurities of Protestantism, have been eliminated, as taking place in St. James of Greifswald. It is important to understand his selection of St. James and examine why he chose to depict this intact structure as a ruin; this will be elucidated before explaining how the rest of the imagery confirms Friedrich’s enthusiasm for this new church.

The church of St. James is the smallest and, historically, the least important of the three located in Greifswald. But of them, only St. James is qualified in terms of its history and historical significance to play manger to the new Christian era.

During the Napoleonic Wars, the French forces occupying the city had inflicted considerable damage on St. James and turned i t in to a f i e l d bakery. I t was in 1817 th a t this church was renovated and rededicated (Heyden,

Greifswalds 198). Furthermore, the original altarpiece

8 "Nun erst war die Mdglichkeit einheitlicher kirchlicher Ordnungen und Formen gegeben und es erhob sich am Horizonte das Bild ‘einer evangelischen K irc h e .’ " 195 of St. James, depicting the First Communion, was destroyed by the French in 1807 (Baier et. a l. 128).

In Klosterfriedhof im Schnee Friedrich focussed on the new communion, making th is p a in tin g a kind o f replacement for the lost altarpiece,- and, at the same time, it also celebrated the triumph of the German church over the Napoleonic anti-Christ.

The special Pomeranian reverence for the pilgrim saint, James, has already been mentioned but there are historical and cultural reasons to explain the popularity of churches dedicated to him, beyond the parishioners’ admiration for their patron’s wandering nature. When Bishop Otto christianized Pomerania, he founded Sts. Peter and Paul in Stettin. This church was attended primarily by the Wends, a Slavic people.

When the Saxons settled the area, they demanded German priests in Sts. Peter and Paul which led to rivalry between the two groups. In response to this competition, Jacob Beringer, in 1187, founded St. James for the Germans.7 Since then, the church of St. James was known as the "Kirche der Deutschen" (Friedeborn

37). When it was built, it stood outside the city

7 [Dahnert], "alten Einwohnern" 188; Friedeborn 36-37. 196

(Friedeborn 24), as Friedrich portrays it here. Thus,

Friedrich fused St. James of Greifswald with St. James

of Stettin—the Church of the Germans.

He did this to demonstrate the reunification of

a l l o f Pomerania8 which occurred in 1815 and to

indicate the position Greifswald held in religious

affairs, as well as to celebrate the new Church of the

Germans.

Since 1541 and continuing into Friedrich’s time, the

general synod of Pomerania met regularly in Greifswald.

At these meetings important church and theological questions were raised and answered, including major

issues such as heresy (Heyden, Greifswalds 109-110).

Friedrich chose St. James of Greifswald to stand for and blend w ith the Church o f the Germans because

Greifswald was the administrative center of the firs t

Reformation. Surely, the church Friedrich presented the viewer represented, simultaneously, a united

Pomerania and the new Church of the Germans, which

8 The c a p ito l o f a l l o f Pommerania in 1815 was Stettin, which, prior to the division into Swedish and Prussian Pomerania in the eighteenth-century, had been the traditional capitol of the entire dukedom 197 like the pilgrim saint, James himself, was progressing to a higher state.9

Friedrich takes an intact, newly renovated church

\ and paints it as ruin in order to integrate it with nature, making it an ideal church. It is also ideal in that it is neither Lutheran nor Reformed. The Church o f the Germans has a l i f e cycle s im ila r to F r ie d r ic h ’ s oth er id e a l church, Oybin; i t has been destroyed and resurrected.

One of the practical effects of the Church Union was the standardization of ritual and display of religious objects. A royal commission recommended that the altar d is p la y two burning candles, a simple cross and an open

Bible (Foerster vol.1 222-223). In Klosterfriedhof im

Schnee. Friedrich replaces the Lutheran crucifix with the cross of the Union and, on the altar, he has placed two candelabra. Although the pastor’s position

9 Apparently, the symbolism and iconography of St. James in K lo s te rfrie d h o f im Schnee apply to Garten!aube. c.1818 (fig. 71), and explain the adjustments Friedrich made between the sketch and the final painting. Friedrich based his painting, Garten!aube. on a sketch of the view from his fam ily’s garden in Greifswald. The sketch depicts the actual view, that of St. Nicholas, but in the painting, Friedrich replaces St. Nicholas with St. James and adds the grape vines as a Eucharistic symbol, turning the work into a depiction of the "vision" of the new church of the Germans. 198

prevents a full view of the altar in the painting, we

have only to look at a sketch of an altar Friedrich

made around 181710 to recognize Friedrich’s commitment

to this new church. This drawing is an exact

transcription of this royal recommendation.11

Friedrich’s depiction of the processional of monks

bearing a coffin into St. James directly refered to two

Pomeranian religious traditions and legends which

pertain to the conversion to Lutheranism by the entire

dukedom. Friedrich updated his references,

incorporating the Church of the Union into Pomeranian

religious practice and history.

Saxony may have been the c ra d le o f the Reformation

but Pomerania was one of the firs t places Lutheranism took hold (Janken, “Annahme" 100). The rapid spread of

Lutheranism throughout Pomerania was due, in large part, to the enthusiastic efforts of monks “whose eyes had been opened to the word of God" (Sell vol.3 450).

The h is to ria n S e ll wrote:

10 This altar sketch is in the Germanisches Museum, Nurnberg, inven to ry number 3669-14 and is reproduced in Eimer, Zur Dialektik des Glaubens bei Caspar David Friedrich, illustration 18. It is dated c . 1817.

11 The new altar display was introduced in 1816 into the Garrison churches in Potsdam and Berlin and a description was also published (Foerster vol.1 233). 199

In the monastery Belbuk glowed the dawn of the Reformation; even the abbot Bolduan, many monks, and students, had t h e ir eyes opened and they spread among the citizens of Treptow the light of the Gospel. The sown seed quickly sprouted and produced many fru its. From Treptow, the enlightened ones departed,1 ike apostles for other cities, so that their light might shine (vol.3 450)12

Eldena’s secularization in 1535 resulted from the fact

that several of the monks converted to Lutheranism

while s till living in the cloister (Pyl, Eldena SSI-

32). This is not to suggest that Friedrich

s p e c ific a lly depicted C a th o lic monks. The f i r s t

P rotestants were monks, as the f i r s t C h ris tia n s were

Jews. These monks were, like his other uses of them,

P ro testan t images. Johann G o ttfrie d von Schadow, the

sculptor of the Luther memorial (1817-1821), also

depicted Luther as a monk. As revealed in Chapter

four, the monk and the cloister have a positive

relationship in Pomeranian Lutheran thought. The coin

commemorating the Lutheran Reformation was c ite d .

12 “Im K lo s te r Belbuk dammerte die Morgen rothe der Reformation; sogar dem Abte Bolduan, vielen Monchen und Studierenden wurden die Augen gedfnet und sie verbreiteten unter den BQrgern zu Treptow das Licht des Evangeliums. Schnell ging hier der ausgestreute Saamen auf und brachte vielfaltige Frtichte. Von Treptow aus zogen wie die Apostel die Erleuchteten in andere St&dte, urn ihr Licht leuchten zu lassen." 200

Thus, there were precedents for associating the image of a monk in a church/cloister with the rediscovery of

"pure" Christianity. Friedrich’s monks are discovering an even purer Christianity in St. James.

The image o f the monks bearing a c o ffin in to S t.

James is also a reference to the Pomeranian celebration of Corpus Christi day, when the processional of worshipers displayed the Host (Reichenbach,

"Allgemeine" 23). Here, the body of Christ is carried in the coffin. The Corpus Christi day processions in

G reifsw ald always began in S t. Marys, v is ite d S t.

Nicholas and culminated in St. James (Heyden,

Greifswalds 41). Corpus Christi was a key day in

Pomeranian Lutheran history. Crucial to the establishment of Lutheranism in Pomerania was the duke’s permission to practice it. He heard his first

Lutheran sermon on Corpus C h ris ti and decided to allow its practice in his dukedom (Friedeborn 147-148).

Corpus Christi, which in Lutheran history is a day of conversion, then stood for the conversion to the Church of the Union.

In citing the Corpus Christi ritual, Friedrich also alluded to the practice of Communion in the new Church of the Union which had eliminated denominational ■* 201

differences so that Calvinists and Lutherans could

partake o f the body and blood o f C h ris t to g eth er. In

other words, Friedrich updated the Catholic tradition

into a unified Protestant celebration of the

Sacrament.13 The funeral procession of monks in winter

enabled Friedrich to remark on the burial of the old

church and the re s u rre c tio n o f the new. This

complimented another innovation on the part of King

Frederick William— the establishment of a new church

feast day to commemorate the dead which takes place at

the end of the year (Foerster vol.1 248).

Borsch-Supan stated that Friedrich was illustrating the three phases of religious history: paganism in the oaks, medieval Christianity in the nave, and present

Christianity in the choir and in the celebration in front of the altar (BOrsch-Supan and Jahnig 352). I would argue that Friedrich demonstrated the four phases of Pomeranian religious evolution from the oaks

(paganism), to C atholicism (monks and Gothic church),

13 It also is possible that Friedrich saw Klosterfriedhof im Schnee as a kind of altarpiece because the King recommended depictions of the First Communion for alterpieces in the new Church of the Union (Foerster vol.1 231-232). While Klosterfriedhof im Schnee does not i l l u s t r a t e the o rig in a l F ir s t Communion, i t does commemorate the F ir s t United P ro testan t Communion. 202

to Lutheranism (monks and co-opted Gothic church) and

finally to unified Protestantism (the Church Union

altar and minister).14 The ruin of St. James not only

revealed different religious periods but, as a ruin,

demonstrated the law or process of history itself

(Eimer, Pialektitk 191). Friedrich did not let go of

the notion of Pomerania as the source of German culture

and achievements because it was the homeland of the

Goths. Even the notion of a German Church, was not

only expressed in the Gothic style but with a

Pomeranian monument, legends and asso ciatio n s.

This summary of the religious ages of Pomerania was

supported compositionally as well. The concentric

rings of motifs whose center was the clergyman before

the alter illustrate the cycle, the end of which was

also a regenerated, purified beginning. The

arrangement of motifs can also be read as receding on

parallel planes which function like the strata or

temporal and spatial transitions of Der Winter (fig.

54) and Abtei im Eichwald.

The sepia, Die Greifswalder Jacobikirche als Ruine

(fig. 94), and the water color of the same name, Die

14 This is the last time Friedrich uses the motif o f the monk. 203

Greifswalder Jacobikirche als Ruine (fig. 95), are both undated works. I would argue that they occurred between 1817 and 1819, sometime just before the final conception for Klosterfriedhof im Schnee. because they demonstrated Friedrich’s search for the appropriate iconography to depict the establishment of the new

German Church and made an anti-French statement as we 11.

The sepia (fig. 94) predates the watercolor (fig.

95) and Klosterfriedhof im Schnee because Friedrich seems to concentrate on the actual renovation of St.

James and because he uses Lutheran, rather than Union m o tifs. The sepia is more about the d e s tru c tio n and restoration of a Pomeranian/German monument than the birth of the new church.

The French inflicted great damage on St. James, destroying the altar and pulpit (Baier et a l. 128).

But the pilgrims who have come to the ruin find them relatively intact. They confront the pulpit, representing the Lutheran emphasis on preaching the pure word of God, the Lutheran crucifix rather than the

Calvinist or Union cross,15 and a pre-Union altar.

15 In fact, there was a crucifix hanging over the altar in St. James (Baier et a l. 128). 204

This focusing on Lutheran and restoration motifs indicated that this work predates the watercolor (fig.

95) and Klosterfriedhof im Schnee. Also, the inclusion of an altar at a time when St. James did not possess one but was awaiting a purified German version perhaps indicates that Friedrich was more preoccupied with the triumph of the Pomeranian/German church and culture over the French anti-Christ than with the establishment of a new Church. Friedrich seemed to accent renovation of St. James rather than emphasize a new Reformation.

The sepia also dealt with the topic of Eucharist but in a Pietist way. The presence of the crucifix, indicating Communion during the pilgrimage, was sim ilar to the combination of pilgrimage and crucifix in

Gotische Kirchenruine.

In the watercolor (fig. 95), Friedrich balanced the concerns for a cultural and a religious resurrection rather than emphasizing renovation and

Pomeranian/German cultural renewal. He specifically refered to the Church Union by deleting the pilgrims and the body of Christ and adding a crypt in the foreground, implying that Christ was not on the cross because he is in the tomb. The sense of entombment was strengthened by the dark shadows on the inside of the 205

ruin. This served three purposes. Placing Christ in

the tomb helped F rie d ric h and oth er Lutherans work through the disappearance of the crucifix from traditional Lutheran practice by giving a symbolic explanation for the presence of the plain cross.

Furthermore, Christ’s tomb, the fissure in the ground, and the surrounding piers which are similar to tree trunks, reflected Pomeranian and Friedrich’s personal symbolism for the Eucharist and redemption (Eimer,

Dialektik 183-184).16 Finally, interring Christ in the razed old German Church indicated a resurrection for the church itself and for Pomerania.

The combined themes o f f ig s . 94 and 95 of restored a lt a r , Communion, p ilg rim a g e , d e s tru c tio n and resurrection of the German Church and Pomerania are transferred to and transformed in Klosterfriedhof im

Schnee. The altar was not restored; it was replaced

16 In a Pomeranian legend that Friedrich recorded, there was a large pit surrounded by barren trees and out of which groaning and sounds of misery continuously sounded. The pit stood for the opening to hell, the gates of which were breached by an innocent man unjustly accused of a capital crime. The accused is promised freedom if he descends into the pit. He returns with a golden chalice fille d with consecrated red wine and the host. The accused man’s returning of the c h a lic e which had been s to le n from a local church resulted in the healing of nature in that the pit disappears replaced by a beautiful forest (Eberlein, Bekenntnisse 6-8). 206 with the Union version. The pilgrims become monks in the final painting and rhythmically, in a purposeful manner, enter the choir rather than happen upon a ruin, as in fig. 94. The nave piers in both works foreshadow the oak grove in Klosterfriedhof im Schnee because of their similarity to tree trunks (Eimer, Dialektitk 70-

7 1 ). The monk and c o ffin m o tifs in K lo s te rfrie d h o f im

Schnee allowed Friedrich to encorporate the different religious ages and cite Pomeranian Catholic, Lutheran and neo-Reformation associations as well as Communion references.

Eighteen hundred twenty-three was the three hundredth anniversary of Ulrich von Hutten’s death and, in the same year, Friedrich painted his own commemoration.17 Huttens Grab (fig . 75).18 Friedrich again used the cloister church of Oybin but added a figure and replaced the altar with the coffin of Ulrich von Hutten. On the coffin are the inscriptions "Jahn

17 Hutten had been a German p a t r io t and had died in exile. There was not a grave monument in 1823 which was a sore spot with many (B5rsch-Supan and Jahnig 389). By putting Hutten’s tomb in Oybin, Friedrich brings his body back to German soil and gives him the monument he deserves.

18 Next in the chronological discussion of Friedrich’s use of the Gothic church ruin would have been the lost work Klosterruine bei Mondlicht. c .1821/22 (BS-287). There is no reproduction extant. 1813," "Arndt 1813," "Stein 1813," "Gorres 1821,"

"D...1821" and “F. Scharnhorst." Thus, in this

painting, Friedrich was also celebrating the tenth

anniversary o f the Wars o f L ib e ra tio n and commemorating

the intellectual descendants of Hutten as these

inscriptions indicate. Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, Freiherr

H einrich F rie d ric h Karl von S tein and Ernst M o ritz

Arndt fought in the Wars of Liberation. Arndt and Jahn were c r it ic s o f R estoration p o lit ic s and S tein had been a great reformer before the the war; Gerhard Johann

David von Scharnhorst died in 1813 during the Wars of

Liberation. In 1821, as a result of Prussian reactionism, Joseph Gorres, like Hutten before, fled to exile in Switzerland (Borsch-Supan and J&hnig 389).19

The fig u re o f the s o -c a lle d "demagogue" bending over the coffin represents those other patriots with attitudes similar to the contemporaries Jahn, Stein,

Arndt and Gbrres who embodied Hutten’s sp irit and aspirations. Their hopes were dashed at the Vienna

19 It is not known to what or whom "D...1821" refers. Eimer suggested M. De Wette, a Berlin Protestant theologian and friend of Schleiermacher’s who was called to the University of Basel and whose emigration relates bi©graphically to Hutten’s (Dialektik 180). Eimer did not elaborate further. It is true that De Wette was dismissed by the Prussian state for his open criticism of Restoration policies, but in 1819 (B ig le r 161). Congress. Instead of the united, democratic Germany they had fought for,, the Deutscher Bund was formed, a

German Confederation consisting of sovereign monarchs and free cities, with a Parliament in Frankfurt-am-

Main. Among these princes and cities there was no inclination to re-establish the Holy Roman Empire

(Kupisch 8 ). Thus, the "demagogues" are those who were d is s a tis fie d w ith R esto ratio n p o lic ie s , opposed p revalen t re a c tio n a ry p o lit ic s and hoped fo r a p u rifie d future. They were seen by these Bund rulers as subversive and, after the Carlsbad Decrees of 1819, persecuted. For the most p a rt, the "demagogues" were members of the Burschenschaften20 or middle class intellectuals. In the late twenties, craftsmen also joined their ranks (Marker, Geschichte 24-25). They wore the "alt-deutsche Tracht" which included long hair, a German coat, usually black, a weapon (Marker,

Geschichte 28) and a b a rre t as a sign o f th e ir

20 The Burschenschaften were student associations or fraternities devoted to the elimination of local a lle g ia n c e s and the achievement o f nation al u n ity . The firs t Burschenschaft was founded at the University of Jena, in 1815 (Pinson 6 3 ). 209 disaffection (Mfirker, Geschichte 37). This costume was outlawed at the Dresden Academy in 1819 (Grtitter 38).21

The overt political references in this painting have led art historians to conclude that the work was primarily a political statement. However, this is too one-sided, for it overlooks the fact that these topical references were religious as well as political.

Notions such as freedom, democracy and national identity were religiously inspired. Religious and political concerns were so intertwined that they were inseparable. Integrally, political dissatisfaction was bound up with religious discontent. Once again an understanding of the historical background is necessary for complete understanding of the topical issues

Friedrich addressed. Thus, I w ill discuss the inseparability of religious and political concerns, the iconography of Hutten, political and religious concepts of the time and the legal complications of the Church

Union. Then, I w ill demonstrate how Friedrich employed the monument of Oybin, the headless statue, the

21 The f i r s t tim e F rie d ric h p a in ts a "demagogue" is in Soller vor dem Domplatz im Zwielicht. 1815\16 (BS-219). It also should be noted that in citing the "demagogues" F rie d ric h is not only p a rtis a n but is clearly dealing with German issues rather than a combination of Baltic-Germanic shared cultural attributes. 210

"demagogue," the reference to Hutten and the Gothic to

comment on current events and offer his ideal solution.

As in his previous works, there are fusions of

h is to ric a l times and places which must be decoded

(Marker, Geschichte 82).

The l i f e of U lric h von Hutten (1488-1523) was seen as a historical parallel, or model, of the situation

confronting Friedrich and the "demagogues." Basically,

in the period 1700-1900, Hutten was considered a

champion of German freedom in general, and of political, individual and social rights (Krueger 44-45;

Mohnike, Huttens I). He also represented German unity for which he had fought (Krueger 45). In response to the Carlsbad Decrees of 1819, which brought an end to the hopes of a u n ited Germany and elim in ated p o lit ic a l and intellectual freedom, liberal intellectuals, artists and poets called on the German people to

imitate the deeds of Ulrich von Hutten (Krueger 49).

Adolf Wagner (1774-1835) wrote a poem in 1802 e n title d

"Huttens Mahnen" (Hutten’s Warning, or Admonition) in which he described a pilgrimage to Hutten’s grave where he extoled the virtues of Hutten and ended with the promise to imitate him by fighting for freedom (Krueger

48-45). Ernst Munch (1821) in his introduction to the 211

complete works of Hutten expressed sim ilar sentiments

(Krueger 49). The Greifswald biographer, Gottlieb

Christian Friedrich von Mohnike praised Hutten’s virtues in his book Ulrich Huttens Jugend-leben nebst

Geschichte und Beschreibung der Urschrift der Klagen a ls E in le itu n g zu der Ausgabe und Ueber-setzung derselben. 1816. He wrote:

I hereby give to the learned world the first lengthy work on a man from early German history, who— through his life and his experiences, as well as through his manner of thinking and perceiving, and especially through his participation by writing, speech, and deed in all political, scholarly, and religious efforts of his time—has made for himself an undying name in the history of German education and scholarship, as well as in the history of the Reformation, and who deserves, with complete justification, to be counted among the heroes o f Germany and to be considered, along with many of his great contemporaries, as a benefactor of his fatherland (I).22

22 "Ich ubergebe hiemit der gelehrten Welt die e rs te groSere S c h r ift eines Mannes der Deutschen V o rz e it, welcher sowohl durch sein Leben und seine Schicksale, als auch durch seine Denk- und Sinnesart, und besonders durch die Teilnahme welcher er durch Schrift, Rede und That an alien politischen, wissenschaftlichen und religdsen Bestrebungen seiner Zeit nahm, sich einen unverganglichen Namen in der Geschichte Deutscher Bildung und Gelehrsamkeit, so wie nicht minder in der Geschichte der Reformation erworben hat, und es mit vblligem Rechte verdient, den Heroen Deutschlands zugezahlt und mit mehrern seiner groGen Zeitgenossen als ein Wohlthater seines Vaterlandes b e tra c h te t zu werden." 212

Friedrich, like these writers, advocated a kind of

"imitatio Hutti.“ In this sense, there are specific

aspects of Hutten’s life that Friedrich found appealing

and worthy of imitation. Those aspects of Hutten’s

life which were parallel to Friedrich’s are numerous.

Intellectually, Hutten fought for religious and

political freedom through his writings as Friedrich did

with his art. Emphasizing the intellectual weapons

that Hutten used, Mohnike said:

...from whose richly appointed personality a number of literary works came forth, the boldness of which shocked even the boldest of his contem poraries; who waged war w ith the weapons o f wit and hand on the empire of ignorance, of thought control, and on excessive force ( II) .23

Hutten was also the pilgrim par excellence, wandering from one end o f Germany to the o th er, thus spiritually uniting it intellectually and culturally by means of these wanderings.

On th is t r i p , which took him almost from one end of Germany to the o th e r, he became acquainted w ith some s ta te s and c it ie s he had not previously known, and without doubt also with many of the scholars and poets who lived there. From this

23 "...aus dessen reichlich ausgestattetem Gemtlth eine Menge schriftstellerischer Werke hervorging, deren Ktihnheit selbst die Allerkuhnsten seiner Zeitgenossen erschreckte; der das Reich der Unwissenheit, des Gedankenzwangs und den Qbermuthigen Gewalt mit den Waffen des Witzes und der Hand bekampfte." 213

time on, the e a s t and the north o f Germany were the stage for his efforts and his work... But such moving around from place to place was quite in the spirit of the scholarly world at that time. This spirit was full of unrest and polemic, for two ages were fighting with one another... (LXXVI- L X X V III)24

H u tten’ s need to tra v e l stemmed from h is d riv e to

learn and teach and, he felt, was a virtue of all

intellectuals, essential for the development of

intellectual and poetic prowess (Mohnike, Huttens

LXXX). This urge-to-wander was an essential Teutonic

quality, reflected in Friedrich’s biography. He

visited, among other places, Copenhagen, Dresden,

RCjgen, the Harz and Riesengebirge Mountains, Oybin, and

Nossen.

This image of the wandering piIgrim -artist recurs in

Friedrich’s work as a monk and, Ulrich von Hutten was

not only a p ilg rim and an a r t i s t but, had a t one tim e

been a monk. In f a c t , he had f i r s t been a monk,

24 "Auf d ieser Reise f a s t von einem Ende Deutschlands bis zum andern lernte er manche bisher noch nicht besuchte Lander und StSdte, so wie ohne Zw eifel mehrere der d o rt wohnenden G elehrten und Dichter kennen. Von dieser Zeit an war der Osten und Norden von Deutschland auf einige Jahre der Schauplatz seines Treibens und Wirkens... Solches Ziehen von einem Orte zum andern war aber ganz in dem Geiste des gelehrten Treibens der damahligen Zeit. Unruhvoll und polemisch war dieser, denn zwei Zeitalter kampften mit einander..." 214

abandoning this calling to become a pilgrim /artist

(Mohnike, Huttens XXV-XXVI). In other words, his

vocation as monk merged in to th a t o f p a tr io tic

“demagogue."

This blending of political and religious realms was

typical of early nineteenth-century German practice.

The Germans saw the d e fe a t o f Napoleon as God’ s

judgment and the Wars of Liberation were viewed as a

re lig io u s movement. Even the language of preaching

changed, giving political and national meaning to

religious and Biblical explications for beliefs such as

redemption, rebirth and resurrection (Kupisch 9 ).25

This shift had its roots in Pietism (Kupisch 10; Kaiser

40-43) and is especially evident in the writings of two of Friedrich’s friends, E.M. Arndt and Adam Muller.

Finally, when Adam Muller, representative of a Christian-romantic theory of the state opines that Christ entered the world in order also to save the states themselves, then the border of blasphemy in applying the Christian theory of salvation to the s ta te o f e a rth ly existence has been reached, ju s t as the process of secularization of religious m atter begun by Moser, Lavater, and th e ir contemporaries attains its firs t culmination in

25 For example, the terms ’patriotic fa ith ,’ 'patriotic reverence,’ 'the proselytes of a political fa ith ,’ 'the immortality of the German national sp irit,’ 'political saints and martyrs,’ 'political r e l i c s ’ and 'German p a t r io tic Passion’ began to be coined (Kaiser 42). 215

the Napoleonic Epoch and in the storm o f the Wars of Liberation (Kaiser 44).26

The Id e a l S ta te fo r Arndt and M U ller is C h ris tia n

(Kaiser 45) and, as mentioned earlier, the expectation

of the New Kingdom app lied to the fa th e rla n d as w ell

(Kaiser 51). These religious patriots, "demagogues,"

saw their role as mediators between the princes and the people as Christ mediated (Kaiser 106). The monk stood

for, among other things, the pious imitator of Christ.

Because these patriots saw themselves as prophets and saints, helping to implement Christ’s redemption in their time, it is easy to see how Friedrich fused the

image of the monk with that of the "demagogue." Thus,

imitatio Christi and, imitatio Hutti are fused. Like the monk, the "demagogue" is pious. This is why

Friedrich ceased to use the monk in his work, for as he focused on German political issues it was only natural that his pilgrim/monk became his "demagogue." The

26 "Wenn schlieBlich Adam Muller, ReprSsentant christiich-romantischen Staatsdenkens, meint, Christus sei in die Welt gekommen, urn auch die Staaten zu erlbsen, ist die Grenze zur Blasphemie in der Uebertragung christiichen Heilslehre auf irdische Daseinsordnungen erreicht, wie uberhaupt in der napoleonischen Epoche und im Sturm der Freiheitskriege der bei Moser, Lavater und ihren Genossen begonnene ProzelB der Sakularisierung des religiosen Guts einen ersten Kulminationspunkt erklimmt." 216

"demagogue" was a pious and P ro te s ta n t fig u re and his acts, or pilgrimage, have become specifically p o l i t i c a l .

Those who adhered to the p a t r io t ic and C h ris tia n hybrid of church and state counted the German heroes of the past as members of the fatherland’s holy order

(Kaiser 64-65), elevating them to a kind of sainthood

(K aiser 4 2 ) .27 In Huttens Grab, the "demagogue" has made his pilgrimage to the relics of the fatherland’s hero, U lric h von H utten, whose remains are enshrined in

27 It is interesting that at the same time Hutten was "canonized," Luther also became a national, political hero. "At the Wartburg festival of the Burschenschaften [student fraternities] which took place on October 18th and 19th, 1817, the synthesis of the religious and the patriotic was blatant because the festival was held in rememberance of both the Reformation and the B a ttle o f L e ip z ig , and became a t the same time a 'festival of the rebirth of freedom of thought’ and a 'festival of the liberation of the Fatherland.’ The reformer Luther became a German national hero. On the commemorative medals appeared the Wartburg fortress accompanied by the words with which Luther’s hymn of comfort begins *A mighty fortress is our God’ " (Kestner-Museum 128) ("Beim Wartburgfest der Burschenschaftler, das zur Erinnerung an die Reformation und die Volkerschlacht bei Leipzig am 18. und 19. Oktober 1817 stattfand, wurde, da es sich zugleich als ein ’Fest der Wiedergeburt des freien Gedanken’ und als ein ’Fest der Befreiung des Vaterlandes’ gab, die Synthese der religidsen und der patriotischen Bewegung offenkundig. Aus dem Reformator Luther war ein nationaler Held der Deutschen geworden. Auf den Medaillen erscheint s e ith e r auch w ie d e rh o lt d ie Wartburg, b e g le ite t von den Worten, m it denen Luthers T r o s tlie d , beginnt, 'E in fe s te Burg is t unser G o tt’ " ).

o 217 the ideal church of Oybin. The names on the

sarcophogus—Jahn, Arndt, Gdrres and Stein— are the names of other martyrs to or heroes of the same quest

as that of Hutten (Marker, Geschichte 84). They are members of the pantheon of Teutonic saints. Hutten’s sarcophogus replaced the altar, underscoring the fusing of the religious and political concepts of eucharist- epiphany, imitatio Christi-Hutti. and redemption.

In this painting, as in Klosterfriedhof im Schnee.

Friedrich invoked the Church Union but here he was critical of the fall out. The Church Union was not the harmonious unification of Protestantism intended, rather it had become a royal undermining of the constitution.

The creation of the Union in 1819 was largely due to the personal preferences of the Prussian king,

Frederick William III. Since his wife was a Lutheran, he could not share the celebration of the Eucharist with her. He further objected that when he attended the Potsdamer Hof and G arnisonkirche (th e Potsdam cou rt and garrison church), the order of service was different depending on whether a Luthern or a Reformed pastor presided. The king, therefore, was primarily interested in a uniform rite and display of religious 218

objects. He was not interested in dogma and theology,

or in preserving the church constitution (Foerster

vol.1 200-201).

As e a rly as 1814, the king began to a lt e r the

liturgy and display of cult objects. But Reformed

ministers protested the introduction of religious symbols on the altar, and Lutherans opposed the idea of

an established liturgy because each congregation was entitled to decide this matter for itself (Foerster

vol.1 208). Then the king was persuaded to create a

Commission to look in to these m atters but i t was empowered only to make recommendations (Foerster vol.1

2 05-206). The Commission concluded th a t changes should not be introduced through royal fia t, but arrived at through synods.

And with that they came to what, for them [the commissioners], was the main point,— they advised the acceptance of the Presbyterian or synodal system in order to produce a church constitution that corresponded to the spirit of true Protestantism... It is striking that there was no talk of the Union in this... The commissioners were of the opinion that the Union could only be accomplished via the synods, and contented themselves with expressing this, their most fervent wish (Foerster vol.1 223).28

28 " . . . und damit kamen sie zu dem, was ihnen d ie Hauptsache war,— rieten sie, urn eine dem Geiste des echten Protestantism us angemessene Kirchenverfassung herzustellen, zur Annahme des presbyterianischen oder Synodal Systems. ... Es muB auffallen, daB von der 219

In 1822, and to everyone’s surprise, the king arbitrarily ordered his own version of the liturgy to be used in a l l churches desp ite the fa c t th a t the synods had not yet met to discuss the matter. Many of the king’s advisors had warned him against introducing this new liturgy before a legal one could be established by the synods. But the king refused to retract his order (Foerster vol.2 59). An additional cause for anger, was that the King required all ministers to swear to uphold the new liturgy as a part of their ordination oath and declared himself as the supreme Bishop o f the Church (F o ers ter v o l . 2 6 3 -6 4 ).

The king’s liturgy was definitely at variance with

Reformed practices (Foerster vol.2 74,76), and the

Lutherans protested because, since the time of Luther, it had been left up to the congregations of different provinces themselves to determine liturgical practice.

Thus, there had never been a unified Lutheran liturgy

(Foerster vol.2 76). To conciliate the Lutherans, the king stressed that his version was based on an old

Lutheran model. But the king had not taken into

Union h ie rb e i gar n ic h t d ie Rede w a r ... Die Kommissare waren aber der Meinung gewesen, dalB die Union nur durch die Synoden herbeigefUhrt werden konne, und begniigten sich deshalb damit, je tzt nur ihren sehnlichen Wunsch danach zu b e te u e rn .” 220

consideration the historical development of Lutheran

liturgy from which Catholic practices and sim ilarities

had been e lim in a te d (F o e rs te r v o l . 2 7 4 ,7 6 ). In fa c t ,

many in both sects were upset with the sim ilarity of

the king’s liturgy to the Catholic (Foerster vol.2 93),

even though the main point of contention was the legal question of its creation and establishment (Foerster

v o l.2 8 0 ).

In terms of the Pomeranian church constitution, any changes in liturgy by royal or princely edict were

illegal. After the Treptow Diet of 1534 establishing

Lutheranism as the state religion, the new Pomeranian church constitution stated that all church laws,

liturgy, ritual and regulations were to be approved by the d ie t and th e ir in tro d u c tio n had to be adm inistered by the duke (Heyden, Kirchengeschichte vo l.2 27). Thus, all change moved from diet to prince, and not the re v e rs e .29

Not only were the king’s actions unconstitutional, they subverted the spirit and tradition of the

29 When Gustav IV Adolph abolished the Pomeranian constitution in 1806 and introduced the Swedish one, the General Superintendent of the Lutheran church, whose seat was in Greifswald, was s till the high authority over matters of church and schools in Pomerania and on Rugen (Moller, "Aug. 1806" 265-67). 221

Protestant Reformation. Freedom and Protestantism were

strongly allied (Moller, "Feb. 1805" 40). In Versuch

uber den G eist und den E in flu B der Reform ation Luthers

(1805), Karl Vi Tiers affirmed this political and

religious alliance when he wrote that Protestantism,

and e s p e c ia lly Lutheranism, was synonymous w ith freedom

in Germany. Furthermore, he stated that the

Reformation was progressive and a p eo p le’ s movement,

unlike Catholicism which was opposed to reform and

princely. It was through the actions of the people,

not the princes, that the Reformation succeeded.

"Truly, it has long been noted that the Reformation

moved more from below to above rather than the reverse

(M o lle r, "Aug. 1805" 2 6 7 )." 30 Mohnike, in his

“Beytrage u. Urkunden zur Pommerschen

Reformationsgeschichte" in the Greifswaldische

Academische Zeitschrift (1823), described the

Pomeranian Reformation in sim ilar terms, stressing the political and democratic aspects of grass roots

Lutheranism. It was a political revolution because the the citizens fought for the new teachings against the wishes of political authority. He added that several

30 "Doch, es ist ja schon l&ngst bemerkt, dal3 die Reformation mehr von unten nach oben, a ls umgekehrt, gegangen sey." 222 historians of Pomeranian history have made this point

(2 ).

Another Pomeranian historian, Reichenbach (1786), confirmed that Lutheranism was extremely popular among members of the Pomeranian middle-class ( "Allgemeine"

28). He reported that, despite the fact that both

Dukes Georg I and Barnim IX were C a th o lic , they could not prevent the spread of Lutheranism in Pomerania and had to accept the Diet of Treptow’s decision that

Lutheranism was the state religion (29-30). So, liberal politics and a progressive theology were inseparable and, to the Pomeranian mind in particular, the Reformation was a democratic grass-roots movement.31 Furthermore, this progressive, Protestant tradition was founded on a system of synods through which people made known their collective w ill to the prince who, then, saw that it was executed. In other words, the Protestant church had princely defenders, but not princely heads. Protestant princes could not of themselves decide church matters; they could only enforce them. This is why the Church Union controversy was as much a political one as religious; it centered

31 Heyden, Greifswalds 88; Heyden, Ki rchengeschichte vol.1 212, 225. 223

on the question of a democratic or an autocratic

church. Frederick William III would tolerate nothing

democratic in the state or in the church for fear that

there would be further democratic demands (Bigler 166).

Against this controversy, Friedrich depicted his

ideal church in Ruine Ovbin. It is perfect in that it

is the harmonious synthesis of nature and art,

providing both the aesthetic and natural Eucharist,

and, in its history, exemplifies the imitatio Christi.

In Huttens Grab. Oybin again stood for the ideal church

for these reasons, as well as the liberal issues of the

current religious and political events, thus compelled

Friedrich to embellish this ideal. In the ideal

Protestant church, the system for change was democratic

and there was no absolute head of the church. This was the message o f the headless statu e o f E cclesia which adhered to and emerged out of the walls of the ideal church.32 At the core of the church— its centei— is

32 With the exception of Neidhardt, who never explained his position, Friedrich scholars have accepted Eimer’s claim that this is a statue of Fides (Eimer, Dialektitk 179). Eimer maintained that Fides is a Protestant symbol not Catholic, implying that E cclesia is somehow a C a th o lic symbol ( D ia le k titk 181) and ignoring Medieval examples of the depiction of Ecclesia as a female with a cross ("Ecclesia"). He further overlooked the fact that in the seventeenth and eighteenth-centuries, the personifications of Church and Faith were sometimes fused ( "Darstellung der Kirche"). However, in coin imagery, the female with 224

the cross is almost always identified as Ecclesia and the female holding the cross was a fe atu re d symbol in Reformation commemorative coins and specifically refered to the "evangelische Kirche" or "Protestant" church or religion. Examples of a female with a cross identified as the Protestant church or religion are: the s ilv e r medal stru ck in Amsterdam in 1730 (fig u re 6 ); the silver medal struck in Brandenburg-Ansbach in 1730 (figure 8); the ducat struck in LObeck in 1730 (fig u re 7 ); and a s ilv e r medal stru ck in 1629 (fig u re 9 ).

In 1818, Heinrich Gottlieb Kreussler wrote the text to the illustrations of several Reformation commemorative coins in M artin Luthers Andenken in Muenzen nebst Lebensbeschreibungen merkwuerdiger Zeitgenossen desselben. For example, the coin struck by the city of Heilbrunn in 1717 (figure 10), showing the female with the cross is identified as the Protestant church (56). Especially significant for Huttens Grab. Kreussler reproduces a coin struck by the Electorate of Brandenburg in 1717 (figure 12) in which the female holding a cross is specifically identified as the Lutheran church of Brandenburg (Kreussler 33).

Two of the earliest works Friedrich ever did are two tiny, coin-like, round etchings which I feel reveal that Friedrich was interested in coins and in adapting coin imagery into his work. Both of them, Landschaft m it dOrrem Baum im Rund. c.1794 ( f i g . 2 1 ), and Zwei kahle Baume im Rund. c.1794 (fig . 22), are reproduced in approximately life size in Borsch-Supan and J&hnig.

Another argument for the identification of the statue in Huttens Grab as Ecclesia is that the interpretation of a headless church fits into Friedrich’s depiction of an ideal church, whereas the negative image of a headless Fides would not. Unlike a Fides, the headless Ecclesia also functions as a symbol of democracy and corresponds to the other democratic symbols of the "demagogue" and the Gothic s ty le .

During the Catholic Counter Reformation the female with the cross stood for the Catholic church as in Claude M e lla n ’ s dep ictio n (fig u re s 13 and 14). The headless Ecclesia as the ideal Protestant church— a church already historically associated with democracy—serves 225

the freedom f ig h t e r , the "demagogue" who perpetuates

the tradition of religious democracy begun by Hutten.

In keeping with Protestant, especially Lutheran,

tradition and principles, any unification of the two

Protestant denominations must be democratic and

certainly legal. Calvinists and Lutherans cannot be

unified at the expense of political progress, democracy

and the constitution. In the first Reformation,

Pomerania and all Lutherans simultaneously experienced

a political and religious conversion based on

democratic principles. It is precisely this kind of

conversion, or new Reformation, that Friedrich

advocated.

In keeping with the egalitarian thrust of Rjuine

Oybirt, Friedrich asserted the Gothic as not only a

Pomeranian image but also as a democratic one, too.33 as an obvious contrast visually and essentially to the Catholic church.

33 Friedrich’s egalitarian view of the Gothic and efforts to prevent it from associations with political or social authority are substantiated in his dealings with the city council of Stralsund. The city council tried to assert its status and authority over the congregation of St. Mary’s when it requested that in Friedrich’s plans for the renovation of this Gothic church he include special pews for the city council in the choir (Lankheit, "Entwurfe" 172-173). This was a new assertion of authority, as up to this point members of government sat with every one else (Eimer, 226

In Huttens Grab, the Gothic also stands for the

institution of church whose origin and constitution are

founded on democratic principles. By using a Gothic

church to enshrine the relics of Hutten, the motif of

Gothic arches to decorate the coffin, and by placing a

"demagogue" a t the " a lt a r ," F rie d ric h opposed the co option of the Gothic by the Prussian royal house which was trying to employ it as a symbol of benevolent feudalism, hence, of Prussian royal authority. The king’s attacks on the nature and constitution of the

Dialektitk 60). Friedrich rejected this proposal, stating that in a building where all are assembled to humble themselves before God, who is no resp ecter o f persons, all social divisions must end. He added that this is the one place where the rich must feel they are not better than the poor and the poor have the visible comfort that all are equal in the sight of God. "A building in which one gathers to humble himself before God, who is no respector of persons; there all social and political differences must end, and the rich must at least in this place feel that he is nothing more than the poor, and the poor must have visible comfort that we are all equal before God" (Lankheit, "EntwUrfe" 175) (E in Gebaude wo man sich versammelt sich vor G ott zu demQthigen, vor den bei dem kein Ansehen der Person g i l t ; da muBte b i l l i g a l l e r Unterschied der StSnde aufhoren, und der Reiche muB wenigstens an diesem Orte fiihlen, daB er nichts mehr als der Arme ist, und der Arme muB da den sichtbaren Trost haben; daB wir vor Gott alle gleich sind.)

Note: I have translated Stande which refers to the estates as having both social and political meanings. 227

Protestant church were inseparable from princely

efforts to co-opt the Gothic style to absolutist

purposes. This maneuver was similar to the royal or

aristocratic co-option of the monk’s role of preserver

of German tradition. This feudalization of the role of

preserver of tradition and of the meaning of the Gothic

style was typical of Restoration policies which sought

to subvert "demagogue“ and progressive middle-class efforts and symbols through assimilation and

manipulation (MObius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 11), for it was essential for the reactionary ruling houses to

affirm that the ancien Regime had indeed returned along with the conditions which they believed had produced the great historical styles (Dehio 9).

After the founding of the German Federation after the Karlsbad Decrees, in the epoch of reaction and restoration, which took back the bourgeois reforms of the firs t two decades of the century or falsified them in a late-feudal manner, the dukes, and the grand dukes, the princes, and the king appeared as the protectors of the German past and of essence of Germanness. This feudalizing tendency took up bourgeois efforts and tried to make them serve part of their own efforts at securing power. The middle ages were remade in to a patriarchal idyll (MSbius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 1 1 ).34

34 "Nach der Grundung des Deutschen Bundes nach den Karlsbader BeschlUssen, in der Epoche der Reaktion und Restauration, die die burger!ichen Reformen der beiden ersten Jahrzehnte des Jahrhunderts zurOcknahm oder spatfeudal verfalschte, traten die FQrsten, die 228

Thus, in German art of the nineteenth-century, the

Gothic could represent or symbolize quite variant

points-of-view. In Friedrich’s work of the twenties,

it possessed democratic implications, whereas in

Heinrich O livier’s painting Die Heilige Allianz (1815, figure 15), for example, the Gothic has been feudalized. Olivier honors the "holy alliance" of the three reactionary rulers, King Frederick William III of

Prussia, Czar Alexander I of Russia and Emperor Francis

I of Austria by depicting them as medieval knights

inside a Gothic church. In Oliviers’ painting, the

Gothic style and medieval culture, in general, are associated with strong authoritarian, if not absolutist, Christian monarchism. By depicting the rulers without attendant clergy, Olivier just as effectively fused the political and religious, as did

Friedrich, indicating them to be heads of church as well as of state, although absolutist. Other paintings in which Gothic architecture was the setting for royal medieval events, thus conveying a positive statement of

Herzoge und GroSherzoge, die Prinzen und der Kbnig auf als die Wahrer deutscher Vergangenheit und deutschen Wesens. Die Feudalitat g riff burgerliche Bestrebungen auf, urn sie der eigenen Herrschaftssicherung dienstbar zu machen. Das M it t e la lt e r wurde um funkioniert in eine patriarchalische Idylle." 229

royal authority, were: Josef Wintergerst’s Die

Versohnung Ludwigs des Bavern mit Friedrich dem

Schdnen. 1325 (1816, figure 16), Carl Russ’s Rudolph von Habsburg verweist der Wache die Verweigerung des

Zutritts der Armen (1811, figure 17), Anton Petter’s

Beqeqnung M axim ilians I . m it M aria von Burgund in Gent

1477 (1813/14, figure 18), Ludwig Kohl’s Gotischer Saal mit Rittern der Heilinen Feme (1812, figure 19). These works glorified feudal monarchism politically and associated it and its historical achievements or high points with the Gothic church.

During the firs t third of the nineteenth-century, the neo-Gothic architectural style was also associated with feudal monarchism. For example, a neo-Gothic monument, the Kreuzbergdenkmal (1818-1821), by the

Prussian court architect, Karl Friedrich Schinkel, was commissioned and erected at the command of Frederick

William I I I . 35 The Kreuzbergdenkmal glorifies monarchy and the principle of monarchical authority (Nipperdey

541). Originally, the Kreuzberg memorial was to be a fullblown Gothic cathedral but the project was

35 The king had th ree oth er s im ila r neo-Gothic monuments erected (Borsch-Supan, "Schinkel'' 142-143). 230 cancelled because it was too expensive to execute

(Borsch-Supan, “Schinkel” 143).

The Prussian Crown Prince, Frederick William, was also q u ite taken w ith the Gothic s ty le , even more so than his f a t h e r .38 As a c h ild and young man, the Crown

Prince was more attracted to art than to politics

(Dehio 9-10) and was especially taken with the Gothic or, what was then termed the "Medieval German style"

(Dehio 16-17). It was his wish to have Friedrich’s

Abtei im Eichwald and Der MQnch am Meer that caused his father to purchase them, thus even perverting

Friedrich’s intentions to absolutism.

The extent of his endeavors along these lines was remarkable. In 1815, after visiting several medieval

36 "In a commentary on the form of the monument from February 26, 1818, Schinkel s till speaks of a column similar to Trajan’s, whose form the King apparently preferred. Probably it was the Crown Prince who finally persuaded the King to agree to a Neo-Gothic monument. Already in 1816, he [th e King] had commissioned six poured iron monuments for the fallen [in the Wars of Liberation] in the form of Gothic filia ls after Schinkel’s design" (Borsch-Supan, "Schinkel" 144) (Noch im ErlSuterungsschreiben fur die Form des Denkmals vom 26. Februar 1818 spricht Schinkel von einer Saule in Anlehnung an die Trajanss&ule, deren Form der Konig offensichtlich bevorzugte. Wohl der Kronprinz konnte den Konig schlieBlich bewegen, einem neugotischen Denkmal zuzustimmen. Schon 1816 hatte er sechs guBeiserne Ehrenmaler ftir die Gefallenen als gotische Filalen nach Entwurf Schinkels in Auftrag gegeben.) 231 castles, the Crown Prince was so impressed that he planned to build a Gothic castle to house the new Order of St. George he was eager to found. In fact, both the

Crown Prince and Schinkel executed drawings for this project (Borsch-Supan, "Schinkel" 135). In 1823, the

Crown Prince’s devotion to the Gothic caused him to interfere with the renovation of the Werdersche Kirche in Berlin. He rejected the classicizing plans and requested Schinkel to build a Gothic church (Borsch-

Supan, "Schinkel" 163). The other royal princes,

William and Albert, also inclined to the Gothic style

(Dehio 90).

Personally, however, from Huttens Grab (1823), on,

Friedrich fought against the monarchic manipulation of the Gothic style and strove to keep it democratic, even though the Prussian Crown Prince also took over the role as preserver of Gothic tradition in his involvement with the preservation of historical monuments.

The neglect and destruction of old, memorable buildings and ruins was so frequent in the previous century in Germany th a t a s in g le example of this sort cannot attract attention. But it is just as well known that his Royal Highness, the Crown Prince has already given many and great 232

proofs of a noble caring about neglected objects of this sort ("Bericht” 276).37

Friedrich, however, by using the Gothic style to enshrine the relics of Hutten and by placing a

"demagogue" a t the " a lt a r ," su b tly undermined the o v e rt assimilation of the Gothic by the Prussian royal house and attempted to preserve it as a democratic style.

Furthermore, Friedrich made this painting a monument to

Hutten even though German national monuments of the early nineteenth-century almost always glorified the monarch-state and, as Nipperdey (1968) has pointed out, a ll n in e te e n th -c e n tu ry German n atio n al monuments had a sacred character to them (537). They were considered

"holy" and, generally, were planned so that the path to them was conceived of as a pilgrimage at the end of which national cult objects were displayed and

"religious" celebrations were to take place (Nipperdey

537). A superb example of this is the neo-Gothic

Prussian royal monument, the Kreuzbergdenkmal

37 "Die Vernachlassigung und Zerstorung alter denkwUrdiger Gebaude und TrUmmer is t im vorigen Jahrhundert in Deutschland so haufig gewesen, daB ein einzelnes Beispiel dieser Art nicht auffallen kann. Eben so bekannt ist es aber auch, daB des Kronprinzen Konigl. Hoheit schon viele und groBe Beweise einer edlen FQrsorge fur herabgewtirdigte Gegenstande dieser Art gegeben haben." 233

(Nipperdey 541). But, these characteristics of a memorial monument certainly apply to Huttens Grab as well, and the inclusion of the pilgrimage motif was, lik e w is e , a d ire c t a tta c k on monarchic monuments.

Friedrich even attacked Prussian reactionary p o lic ie s by co-opting another fa v o r ite image and cause of the Prussian royal house, the Greek War for

Independence, by incorporating references to them in

Huttens Grab. Hanging next to Huttens Grab when it was firs t exhibited was a sign announcing that the proceeds from the sale of the painting would be donated to the

Greek struggle for independence. He did this for two reasons, in addition to sympathy for the Greeks.

The content of Huttens Grab is highly critical of

Frederick William I l l ’s government and policies by h e ro ic izin g a "demagogue" in an outlawed costume.

Apparently, Friedrich tried to avoid confiscation or other difficulties by dedicating any earnings the painting might bring to this favorite cause of the king. The king, the royal p rin ces, and major appointed

Prussian officials all contributed money to the Greek war. In 1823, Frederick William III also had a special coin struck in support of the Greek cause (Bolzenthal

37). But by announcing his sympathy for the Greeks,

Friedrich also drew the viewer’s attention to the

parody he was making of the King’s own iconography for

the Greek cause for independence, relating it to the

German cause. The royal iconography seen on the king’s

coin, was a young phoenix ris in g in to the a ir out of

ashes. On the left, behind the phoenix, is a rising

sun with a cross in the center and a Gothic church, no

doubt referring to the Greek struggle as a holy war for

the survival of Greek Christianity as much as a war for political independence. The inscription reads: "THE

MOONLIGHT RETREATS AND THE SUN OVERTAKES," and "WISH

FOR 1823."3S In Friedrich’s iconography, the dead

Hutten was reborn as a "demagogue," analogous to a phoenix. Instead of ashes, Friedrich employed the opening in the ground in front of the sarcophogus to imply a resurrection, just as he did in the watercolor,

Die Greifswalder Jacobikirche als Ruine (fig. 95).39

And, instead o f a generic Gothic church, F rie d ric h used

38 "DES MONDES SCHEIN GEHT UNTER DIE SONNE BRICHT HEREIN" and "WUNSCH FUR 1823" (B olzenth al 3 7 ).

39 Eimer noted the continuity of "pit" motifs between Huttens Grab and the legend Friedrich recorded. The pit relates to the Gates of Hell but, in this painting, the butterflies which emerge out of it are a sign of redemption (Eimer, Dialektik 183-184). Oybin, also a phoenix analogy. For, when discussing

Ruine Ovbin. I noted th a t the monument had been stru ck

by lig h tn in g and th a t, p h o e n ix -lik e , a new, id eal

church had arisen out of the ashes. In fact, the life

cycle of the phoenix is dependent on lightning. As an

image of transformation, this is illustrated on the

coin commemorating the Reformation, struck for the city

of Neustadt in 1717 (fig u re 1 1 ).40 The coin showed a

phoenix illuminated by Divine rays and emerging out of

ashes. Kreussler’s explanatory text described the

phoenix as struck by lightning, "whose [the phoenix’s]

nest has been ig n ite d by lig h tn in g , and which emerges

out of its ashes young again" (Kreussler 62-62).41 The

inscription reads: "Your [addressing God] protection

has rejuvenated me," thus equating Divine protection

with lightning and recognizing it as the cause of

renew al.

In his painting, Friedrich also included the sun,

cross and architectural motifs. Through the

40 Side B of the commemorative coin of the city of Neustadt is reproduced in KreulBler, Martin Luthers Andenken in Muenzen nebst Lebensbeschreibungen merkwuerdiger Zeitgenossen desselben. illustration 97.

41 "dessen [the Phoenix’s] Nest vom Blitz angezundet ist, und sich aus seiner Asche wieder verjungt" and "Dein Schutz hat mich verneuet." 236

t r i n i t a r i a n windows o f the apse shines one of

Friedrich’s most glorious sunrises. The morning rays

strike the cross which Ecclesia holds. Friedrich made

it clear by his transformation of the king’s

iconography in combination with images characteristic

of his earlier work that the German struggle is just as

religiously motivated and as democratic as the Greek.

The entire progress of the German nation and church,

therefore, depend on German democratic efforts:42 their

success is surely Friedrich’s “wish'' for 1823.

Converting Oybin, which was founded by the Holy

Roman Emperor, into Hutten’s tomb attended by the

"demagogue,,-phoenix and pi Ig rim -p re s e rv e r of German tradition, allowed Friedrich to undercut the royal subversion of German history and its achievements.

This approach was expanded upon in Ruine Eldena. c.1825

(fig. 78), Ruinen im Abenddamerung. c.1831 (fig. 84), and the late Ruine Eldena. 1836 (fig. 92).

42 In addition to striving for a political constitution guaranteeing freedom of expression and a measure of popular participation in government (Pinson 56-57, 60-61) these democratic or liberal efforts included, as in Friedrich’s case, defending the democratic church constitution and the free evolution of Protestantism which was understood to be essentially democratic and progressive. Ruine Eldena. c.1825 (fig. 78), was a painting of the ruin of the Eldena cloister. This time it was not only illusionistically rendered but also quite vedute- like. One strong motive Friedrich might have had in trying to capture the ruin "as it is" was the need to record and document s p e c if ic a lly Pomeranian B a ltic monuments and phenomena.43 This attitude would certainly be in keeping with the trend of the times.

In 1822, as mentioned in Chapter two, Goethe had called on the Baltic poets to describe the peculiarities of their homeland, to record the character of the Baltic area. Goethe did not mean for the poets to focus only on the heroic features, but also on the ordinary Baltic particularities, revealing them in their poetic worth

(Giesebrecht, "Gothes" 142). Writing in 1827, Ludwig

Giesebrecht reported that the preservation and recording of that which is particular to the Baltic region was a popular activity (Giesebrecht, "Gdthes"

143). This collecting and documenting of Pomeranian h is to ry was by no means new in G reifsw ald ; i t had begun

43 Die Ruine des Klosters Eldena. c.1824 (fig. 77), and Ruine Eldena. 1825/28 (fig. 83), are both in this vedute-1ike mode in which, if there are any allegorical or symbolic allusions, they are so subordinated to the vedute that they are impossible to decipher (Bdrsch-Supan and J&hnig 395). 238

in the eighteenth-century.44 It may be, due to the

r e u n ific a tio n o f H in te r and Vor Pomerania in 1815 and

the celebration of the seven hundred fiftie th

anniversary of Bishop Otto’s Pomeranian mission in

1824, that this interest received a new impetus.45 In

any case, this interest in recording historical and

cultural information paralleled Friedrich’s tendency in

the twenties toward a more illusionistic style.

Friedrich may well have fe lt it was urgent to record

Eldena at this time, because in 1824, the actual

condition of the monument was likely to be changed and

the peasant caretaker evicted. On July 25, 1824, the

adminstrator of Eldena, Julius Heinrich Biesner, wrote

to his superior, the Prince of Putbus, requesting money

44 Cf. Chapter two, page 21.

45 Although there had long been interest in establishing a Pomeranian historical society, the commemoration of Bishop Otto’s Pomeranian mission, in 1824, did result in the founding of the Gesellschaft fdr Pommersche Geschichte (Society for Pomeranian History), with a branch in Stettin and Greifswald (Giesebrecht and Haken, ,,Bericht,‘ 13). The society was founded in 1825 to describe, c o lle c t and preserve Pomeranian monuments, e s p e c ia lly an cien t ones, because they were fast disappearing (Niemeyer et a l. 88, 90- 91). This was most regrettable because it was generally held that these pagan monuments were characteristic of Pomerania and gave it its peculiar physiognomy just as the pyramids distinguish Egypt and temple ruins typify Greece (Giesebrecht and Haken, "Bericht” 17). 239

for the following changes: wood for an oak fence around

the church; the removal of the rubble of the fallen vaults; the destruction and removal of the peasant hut;

the care of the grave stones; and the planting of trees. Biesner felt that the cloister should be better maintained because it was the final resting place of

Pomeranian princes and nobles (Mobius,

”Wirkungsgeschichte" 15).46 The natural state of the monument and its peasant association were, thus, endangered due to p rin c e ly in te re s t and F rie d ric h f e l t compelled to preserve the natural state to which time had brought them both.

In his effort to record so as to preserve, Friedrich defended against assimilation to a princely cause.

Thus, this work, like the others, was politically and culturally motivated, employing the Gothic style as representative of true German tradition and affirmed who its rightful heirs were.

The naturalness of the harmonious intermingling of nature and ru in gives Eldena a more ideal presence than

46 The Prince, responding in August, 1824, offered only the fence and refused to remove the home of the c a retaker. Nothing changed u n til 1827 when the Prussian Crown Prince visited Eldena (Mdbius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 15), the results of which w ill be taken up below. 240 in previous works. This is a lush and dense one and seems to seclude and protect the peasants. Eldena and the foliage form a retreat or sanctuary, with the ruin functioning as a life giving or regenerative symbol.

This sense is supported by the presence of the hut and the peasants which convey a domestic, tranquil feeling.

The domestic home had special Baltic or Gothic significance. The home, family and the moral lessons fostered there constituted the nature of ancient Gothic society (Schildener 10; Vogt, "Politische Bemerkungen"

192).

With a thousand roots firmly grown into the ground o f sensual nature and w ith a breast imbued w ith the indissoluble talent for social life, the human being enters his first relationship, that of the family, the house!— In this relationship he encounters the first ideas, ties his first feelings to the house, sees the first truths in the relationships of the home; these become for him the conditions of his existence and the criteria for the just and the good!... Filled with the feeling of the simple relationships of their connection with a home, the ancient Germans form, w ith energy and p ro s p e rity , these relationships through their whole constitution and the finest branchings of their social group, form them into an organism which— like a growing tree in the number o f i t s branches and tw ig s, in the fullness of its leaves, in the beauty of its blossoms— secures its strength and perpetuation 241

through the unity of this creation, always repeating One Law, One Image (Schildener 10)!47

Both J.C. Maier and K. D. HOllmann, whose works were

reviewed by Moller, agreed that the home was a source of strength and v ir tu e to the a n c ie n t Germans and enabled them to found t h e ir s o c ie ty and system of

government.40 Vogt reported that democracy and freedom

in the Holy Roman Empire go back not to Greece and Rome

but to the ancient Germans and the family ("Politische

Bemerkungen" 193). He also claim ed: "The c o n s titu tio n of the ancient Germans was founded on the freedom of the families, and that should be the case in all

47 "Mit tausend Wurzeln in dem Boden sinnlicher Natur festgewachsen und mit der unausloslichen Bestimmung zum g e s e lls c h a ftlic h e n Leben in der B rust, ist das erste VerhSltniB, in welches der Mensch tritt, die Familie, das Haus!— In diesem gehn ihm die ersten Anschauungen au f, an das Haus knCipft er d ie ersten Gefuhle, in den hauslichen Verhaltnissen sieht er die ersten Wahrheiten, sie werden ihm die Bedingungen seines Daseyns und die Kriterien des Rechten und G uten!" . . . Erfullt vom GefUhle der einfache Verhaltnisse ihres h&uslichen Zusammenhangs bilden sie [die altdeutschen] mit Lebenskraft und Fulle diese Verhaltnisse durch ihre ganze Verfassung und die feinsten Verzweigungen ihres gesellschaftlichen Vereines hindurch— zu einem Organismus, der, gleich einem wachsenden Baume, in der Vielheit seiner Zweige, in der Fulle seiner Blatter, in der Lieblichkeit seiner Bluthen Ein Gesetz, Ein Urbild immer weiderholend, eben durch diese Einheit dieser Schopfung ihre Starke und Dauer si chert— !"

48 Moller, "Aug. 1799" 252; Moller, "Oct. 1806" 337-340. 242

states: because the state exists because of the

families and the families are not there because of the

state" ("Historische Entwicklung" 20).49 Schildener

also fe lt the basis of the ancient German constitution

and society to be the family and compared the Gothic

domestic achievement in the form of the constitution to

that other key Gothic expression, namely, the medieval

Gothic church.

But the old Germans c a rrie d w ith them th is simple custom, deeply and faithfully held in the relationships of home life, as a basis for the larger society of the state over into [the next phase o f h is to r y ], and formed and reformed th is custom in the course of time into one that could apply to the most complicated relationships, not unlike the later monuments of their Christian church architecture, which can daily amaze us when we look from the simple base up to the highest point. . . (12).50

49 "Die Verfassung der Germanier war auf die Freyheit der Familien gegrundet, und das sollte in a lie n Staaten seyn: denn der S taat is t wegen den Familien, nicht die Familien wegen dem Staat da."

50 "Diese einfache Sitte nun, in den VerhSltnissen des haus! ichen Lebens tie f und glSubig aufgefalBt, trugen die alten Germanen als Grundlage fur die groBere Staatsgesellschaft sicher und vertrauungsvoll mit hinuber, und bildeten sie im Laufe der Zeiten bis zu den kompliciertesten Verhaltnissen aus,— nicht ungleich den spatern Denkmalen ihrer christlich-kirchlichen Architektur, die uns taglich noch in begluckendes Staunen s e tzte n , indem w ir von dem einfachen Grunde bis zur hochsten Spitze und den feinsten Bildungen hinaus [sehen]... ." F rie d ric h and the "demagogues" defined the p o lit ic a l and social condition differently than did the

Hohenzollern. The point of contention between them and the royal family, typified in the fight over the subversion of the Gothic, centers on the argument of nation vs. traditional state (Kaiser 33). The Prussian king saw himself as the head of a state, i.e ., as the dynastic ruler of a territory (Kaiser 33). Friedrich, on the other hand, was asserting the concept of a nation made up of citizens who contribute to the creation of a shared culture and who were not the property of a monarch.51 It is this kind of mass participation that the King sought to undermine by transforming mass cultural contributions, such as the constitution and the Gothic style, into feudal, princely achievements. Friedrich robbed the Gothic style, and this monument in particular where princely remains were buried, of the potential for feudalization. He revealed the peasant house inside the sanctuary of nature and Gothic ruin, indicating

51 The word "Deutsche," meaning "German," is the adjective of the words for "folk" or "people" such as "Teut," "Volk," and "Leute" (M611er, "Nov. 1807 381) and carries with it the notion of a culture rooted in the people or common folk rather than an aristocratic elite culture generated from the nobles. 244 that the traditional foundation of German society and the German nation derive from the family structure of its people. These simple people, and not the princes, were the heirs and preservers of Gothic or German traditions, values and achievements.

This woj-k, w ithout b e n e fit o f a pendant, contains within it the cycle and dialectic in terms of the juxtaposition of motifs. The motif of the home, and in this work, Eldena, can be read two ways— as regenerative principles or states and as vanitas emblems. Eldena, as a ru in , re ta in s it s meaning of death and, thus, works with the vanitas motif of the pilgrimage or return home as the end of the life cycle or historical process, whereas the peasant hut represents origin and survival. In this way, the painting contains within it the dialectic of opposites of life and death and their cycle which results in a purer synthesis or higher state.

Up to this point in Friedrich’s oeuvre, the cloister

Eldena has represented Swedish and Pomeranian c u ltu re and h is to ry and functioned as a s e lf - p o r t r a it and as a vanitas symbol. When it was shown with peasants in the twenties and thirties, however, it stood, as well, for the democratic foundation of the German constitution. 245

Eldena, as a monument and representative of the Gothic

style, has, thus, become an episode in the cycle of

evolution— from hut, to church, to hut again—warning

against princely threats.

In Ruinen in der Abenddammerung. c.1831 (fig . 84),52

Friedrich chose to depict the ruin of the Altzelle

cloister in Saxony (see figure 5) because of its rich

history and inherent meanings, using them to reaffirm

the democratic associations and traditions of the

Gothic style.

Martius (1821), in his monograph, and Wertheim

(1794) and Leonhardi (1803-6), in their travel guides,

recorded the history of this cloister. All emphasized

its princely origin, its role as the hereditary burial

ground for the ruling family and other nobles, the monument’ s d e s tru c tio n by lig h tn in g , and the e f fo r t s on the part of the ruling house of Saxony to preserve the graves and memories of their ancestors. What follows

is a discussion o f these aspects o f the monument’ s history and Friedrich’s encorporation of them into this p a in tin g .

52 Vier Taaeszeiten (BS-367-370) and Das Innere einer Kirchenruine (BS-379) are all lost works without extant reproductions and w ill not be discussed. 246

A lt z e lle was not founded by monks, as was Eldena, but by the ruling prince, the Margrave Otto the Rich of

Meissen, who at the same time, in 1162, established on the cloister grounds a hereditary burial ground and memorial chapel (Leonhardi vo l.3 143; Wertheim vol.2

137).53 The descendents of Otto the Rich became the hereditary rulers of Saxony (Wertheim vol.2 138) and were buried regularly at Altzelle for over 350 years

(Ursinus 3). Furthermore, many noble families were buried w ith them (Wertheim v o l . 2 138).

The Margrave O tto the Rich o f Meissen had th is cloister [Altzelle] built from 1162-1175. At the same time, he endowed a fam ilial burial place here in which, beginning with Otto who died in 1189, a few royal personages were buried up to Friedrich the Bellicose [des Streitbaren], the first elector from the margravdom o f Meissen, whose grave, can be seen in the Cathedral at Meissen. Moreover, the spacious cloister courtyard and garden also contained the graves of the Burggrafen of Dohna, and many nobles from families living in the area, such as those o f Schoenberg, S c h le in iz , M a ltiz , Bohra, Ziegra, Reinsberg, Marshall of Biberstein and many others (Wertheim vo l.2 137-138).54

53 In Greifswald, churches, altars, chapels, etc. are donated by individuals, guilds, trading companies and lay organizations (Pyl, Greifswalder Kirchen 627- 637).

54 "Der Markgraf Otto der Reiche zu MeiSen lieB dieses K loster [A lte n -Z e lle ] von 1162 b is 1175 erbauen. Zugleich stiftete er hier ein Fursterliches ErbbegrabniB, in welchem von Otto an, der 1189 starb, einige so FCirsterl iche Personen bis auf Friedrich den Streitbaren, den ersten Kurfursten aus den Markgrafe von MeiSen, dessen BegrabniB in der Domkirch zu MeiBen 247

Those who wrote the history of Altzelle concentrated as much on the fate of the dynastic burial ground and on the cloister’s princely associations as on its religious function. The monks who inhabited the c lo is te r were paid to say d a ily masses fo r the princes and nobles buried there (Martius 37) and, even after the cloister was secularized in 1545 (Leonhardi vol.2

137 and vol.3 143), the Elector Moritz commanded that the Church and the princely burial grounds be preserved

(Leonhardi vol.3 145). But the effort of Elector

Moritz and his successor Elector August to preserve both the church and the memories of the princes were stymied by an ac t o f God. Lightning struck and destroyed almost the entire cloister and raised the memorial chapel. Martius’ vivid description of the lightning storm emphasized the unstoppable power of nature which destroyed this once mighty and splendid structure and left its funerary monuments in ashes and

zu sehen, begraben worden. Uebrigens haben auch noch in dem geraumen Klosterhofe und Garten die Burggrafen zu MeiSen, die Burggrafen zu Dohna, und viele Adeliche in der Nahe wohnende F am ilien , a ls d ie von Schonberg, Schleiniz, Maltiz, Bohra, Ziegra, Reinsberg, Marschalle von Biberstein u.a.m. ihre BegrabniBe gehabt." 248 dust, forgotten and untended while time and the seasons dismanteled what little remained of them both.

A t e r r ib le storm b u ilt up on a muggy summer day; i t was the 10th of July, 1599. Over the cloister lightning flashes shot through the air in bluish flames, the thunder rolled screaming in raging storm harmonies, and the clouds unloaded their horrible powers. Finally, a deadly flash smashed the beautiful church. With untamable anger, the dancing flame devoured the splendid oratorium, the column of fire climbed from roof to roof, the hurricanes thus let loose intensified the growing blaze, and within a few hours, all cloister buildings, except the refectorium, the apothecary, and the scriptorium, [lay] in ashes and rubble.

Wind and rain subsequently destroyed the ceiling vault, which then stood without protection after the collapse of the roof; eventually, the vault succumbed to time and, smashing columns and p illa rs in its fa ll, buried gravestones and monuments in rubble and dust.

Finally, at last, all was a large heap of stone, and the few remaining walls stood bare. No one worried about the royal bones resting in the graves; time gnawed relentlessly at its unprotected booty; the raw heap probably offered itself up to passing hands as a la s t moment o f f u l l d e s tru c tio n . Kronos, the all-devouring one, leaned earnestly on the mossy walls, and slowly a full century passed over his booty (96-97).55

55 “Ein furchtbares Unwetter thurmte sich an einem schwulen Sommertage, es war der 10. Juni 1599. tiber dem Kloster auf, Blitze durchzuckten in blaulichen Flammen die Lufte, brUllend rollten die Donner im tobenden Sturmaccorde und zOrnend entladeten sich die Wolken ihrer verheerenden Potenzen. Endlich zerschmettete ein todtender Strahl die schone Stiftskirche. Mit unbezahmbarer Wuth verzehrte die prasselnde Flamme das herrliche Oratorium, flackernd stieg die FeuersSule von Dache zu Dache, heulend fachten die entfesselten Orkane die wachsende Gluth an, und binnen wenigen Stunden Iagen die samtlichen KlostergebSude bis auf das 249

It is this ruined state of a church, founded by a dynasty, overwhelmed and defeated by nature, on which

Friedrich focused. This was not his ideal church, because there is no unity with nature, only dead trees and plants surround the ruin. It was, thus, that

Friedrich stressed the decay of princely deeds and places, whether they were in the founding of a church or in the building of their own sacred burial grounds; he converted the symbol of their glory, the Gothic church, into one of their demise. He contrasts this dynastic vanitas emblem with the peasants who are the only life force present in the place of former princely glory. As in both Huttens Grab and Ruine Eldena (fig.

78), he especially embodied the association of the

Refectorium, die Apotheke und Schreiberei im Schutte und Asche. Wind und Regen zerstOrten in der Folge das durch Zusammensturzung des Daches Schutzlos stehende Deckengewblbe, bis dieses endlich der Zeit unterlag und, in seinem Falle Pfeiler und Saulen zerschmetternd, GrabmShler und Monumente in Schutt und Staub begrub. So war zuletzt Alles ein einziger groBer Steinhaufen und verbdet standen d ie wenigen Mauern. Niemand ktimmerte sich urn d ie in den GrUften ruhenden fiirstlichen Gebeine, zerstbrend nagte die Zeit an ihrer Schutzlosen Beute, der rohe Haufen bot wohl noch zu volliger Vernichtung frevelnd die Hande. Ernst lehnte der Alles verzehrende Kronos an den moosigen Ruinen— und langsamen Ganges s c h r it t f a s t e in v o ile s Jahrhundert uber seine Beute hinuber." 250

Gothic style and the institution of church with princely authority and its decay.

In this painting Friedrich employed the near-past condition of Altzelle so as to reference the contemporary in the historical. For instance, at the time Friedrich painted Ruinen in der Abenddammerung. peasants actually dwellt in this ruin, however, the ruin and its surroundings were no longer this neglected. Thus, it is necessary to discuss the actual condition of the monument in Friedrich’s day and to set forth why he chose to depict it as he did and what the relevance of pilgrimage, peasants, and lightning is to the meaning of this painting.

The c lo is t e r complex, memorial chapel and b u ria l ground went unattended and unpreserved after the lightning storm until 1787, when the Elector Frederick

August began to restore the memorial chapel, the princely graves and their monuments (Leonhardi vol.3

145; Martius 97).

By 1804 the p rin c e ly remains had been excavated and placed in a crypt in a new memorial chapel on the cloister grounds, not too far from the site of the original. The names of all the princes and nobles buried at A ltzelle were listed on a monument surmounted 251

by the symbol o f a snake b itin g it s t a i l , hence

Eternity (Magirius 188-192). The ruin was encorporated

into a park on what became the grounds of the new

mausoleum; it consisted of a grove of linden and poplar

trees (Magirius 193-194), making the whole area more

"festive and commemorative" (Leonhardi vol.3 146). But

Friedrich preferred to depict the ruin prior to this

renovation, thus transposing the monument into a

vanitas emblem. By this means he reminded the viewer

of what it was, rather than affirming what it now is.

For once Altzelle was transformed into a park honoring

the remains o f the ru lin g House o f Saxony and local nobles, it became a tourist attraction or as Magirius

put it, "a place of pilgrimage."

But the ninth decade [of the eighteenth-century] also occasioned a new and lively interest in the royal graves. Thus, in 1785, the consistorial official Christian Gottfried Korner, the friend of Schiller, made a 'pilgrimage’ to Altzelle with the fin a n c ia l o f f ic e r Wagner (M ag iriu s 1 8 7 ).56

In doing what he did, Friedrich wrested the Gothic style and the institution of church from the hands of

56 "Das neunte Jahrzehnt [des 18. Jahrhunderts] zeitigte aber auch eine neue lebhafte Anteilnahme fQr die FurstenbegrSbnisse. So hat im Jahre 1785 der Oberkonsistorialrat Christian Gottfried Kbrner, der Freund S c h ille r s , m it dem F in a n zra t Wagner eine 'Wallfahrt* nach Altzelle gemacht." 252

princely manipulation. He depicted the monument in a

state of divine judgment, thus, as a warning—citing

what had happened earlier. In Friedrich’s version, no

one says mass or tends graves, or comes as a tourist.

Thus, the princes are not remembered nor do they

participate in resurrection; for out of the ashes arise

the peasants, representing not only the origins of the

Germanic peoples but the survivors. Friedrich

transfers his phoenix theme to the peasants and

directly undercuts it as it applies to the princes, a

theme which M a ritiu s had evoked in h is d e s c rip tio n of

the dedication of the new memorial chapel.

What Johann George had to leave uncompleted, the piety of his royal great grandchild [King Friedrich August] did bring to completion in a splendid and grand fashion. Altenzelle, this great donation, now lies in ruins. The beautiful oratorium, this masterpiece of Gothic architecture, has disappeared completely. Only a few ruins announce the location of the once so beautiful royal burial chapel. All the many other chapels and altars donated by the princes, counts, and knights have disappeared into endless nothingness. But just like an eternally young phoenix, the new form climbed from the ashes of the lost, and it now preserves in its youthful beauty the most noble remains of an earlier world (Martius 100-101),57

57 “Was Johann George unvollendet verlassen muBte, hat der fromme Sinn seines konig!ichen Urenkels [Konig Friedrich August] herrlich und groB vollendet. Altenzelle, diese so gigantische Stiftung, liegt jetzt in TrOmmern. Das prachtvolle Oratorium, dieses Meisterwerk gothischer Baukunst, ist vollig aus dem 253

Maritius went on to express his hope that the princes and nobles might from then on rest in peace, undisturbed by lig h tn in g . He added his hope th a t the pilgrim should view, with holy reverence, the place where the ashes of honorable dead rest.

May they rest in peace from now on! May no blast of weather destroy their quiet abode! May never again the mocking w ill of warring hordes destroy this pious monument! Let the pilgrim consider with holy respect this place, in which the ashes of the noble dead rest, and let him feel in the face of this royal grave the rightness of all earthly splendor and greatness (Martius 101)!58

As at Eldena, peasants actually lived in the cloister’s ruin, (Lang 131) making them the natural, therefore, legitimate, phoenix who, generation after generation continues to rise out of the rubble of political ruin.

Raume verschwunden. Wenige Ruinen nur bekunden die Stelle der einst so schonen ftirstl ichen BegrSbniGkapelle. Alle die vielen andern von Fursten, Grafen und Rittern gestifteten Kapellen und Altare sind in das unendliche Nichts dahingefunden. Doch gleich einem ewig jungen Phbnix entstieg das neue Gebilde der Asche des verb!ickenen, und es bewahrt nun in ju g e n d lic h e r Schone d ie edelsten Reste der V o rw e lt."

58 "Mbchten s ie doch von nun an in Frieden ruhn! M6ge kein Wetterschlag ihre s tille Wohnung vernichten! Moge nie frevelnder Muthwille kriegerischer Horden dieses fromme Denkmal zertrtimmern! M it h e ilig e r Ehrfurcht betrachte der Wanderer die Statte, wo die Asche ehrwQrdiger Todten ruht, und er fQhle beim Anblicke dieser FCirstengruft die Richtigkeit aller irdischen Herrlichkeit und GrdBe!” 254

This is exactly how Lang, in his travel guide to

Altzelle, described them in 1809.

Near this place of ruins, a poor farmer in all humility erected the small, thatched hut; probably an age-old, always renewed settlement of the servants of the cloister. The small hut was probably often destroyed by the storm, wasted by the flame, but the courage of its residents always raised it from the rubble; the c liff-lik e palaces of the mighty overlord of the people are breathed upon by hurricanes, touched by the flames of God, and there is no one who helps them up; disintegrated almost into dust, they announce the great teaching of the nothingness of high and powerful things on earth (Lang 131).59

When Friedrich portrayed peasants rather than monks,

"demagogues" or p ilg rim s in a s s o c ia tio n w ith Gothic ru in s , the character o f h is to ry becomes c y c lic a l ra th e r than progressive. Princes can bring about progress for the people by serving them, but in serving themselves they bring upon themselves ruin; the peasants survive.

In Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) and in Ruinen in der

59 "DemQthig hat s ic h , nahe d ie s e r Trummerstatte ein armer Bauer die kleine, strohbedeckte Hutte errichtet; wahrscheinlich von Alters her immer wieder erneuerte Ansiedlung von Dienstleuten des Klosters. Die kleine HOtte hat der Sturm vielleicht oft verheert, die Flamme verw tistet, aber der Muth ih r e r Bewohner hat sie immer wieder aus dem Schutt erhoben; die festen, Felsenahnlichen Pal&ste der machtigen Zwingherrn des Volkes sind von Orkanen angehaucht, von Flammen Gottes angetastet worden, und niemand ist, der ihnen aufhilft; fast in Staub zerfallen verkQnden sie die groBe Lehre der Nichtigkeit hoher und gewaltiger Dinge auf Erden." Abenddammerung. the ru le rs no longer seem to partake o f their natural and providential character. However, the peasants’ achievements and contributions do indicate progression and evolution because Friedrich indicated a purified state for their ruin, and their dwelling within the ruin. They are shown living in a setting of evergreens rather than linden and poplars. Thus, an inner harmony is apparent. The Gothic s ty le was derived from evergreens and, as in his other works, evergreens are the living, surviving, essence embodied in the man-made, but temporal, structures of Gothic churches. The progressive cycle, therefore, is evident iconographically, and also compositionally, because of the progression from temporal fore and middle-ground to eternal background, from past, to present to future.

The dialectic is between the ruins and the evergreens.

The s tru g g le over the Gothic and who may r ig h t f u lly claim it also centers on what constitutes history painting. In Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) Friedrich asserted the democratic roots of Gothic culture in terms of the origins of the people and alluded to the constitution, which embodied those verities. For him, in its most significant aspects, German history is a people’s history. The Reformation was a political as well as a religious grass roots movement, for the origins of

German, or G othic, democracy and i t s c o n s titu tio n reside in the family structure, not in the aristocracy.

In other words, for Friedrich, when a German history painter wishes to include human beings in a work, in addition to depicting the laws of history, he must properly include those whose contribution has been the most significant, namely the common people, the citizens. In Huttens Grab. Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) and

Ruinen in der Abenddammerunq. F rie d ric h symbolized the laws of German cultural progress in addition to those o f re lig io u s e vo lu tio n which had preoccupied him e a r lie r .

What prompted F rie d ric h to p a in t th is p a r tic u la r pictorial statement in 1831 were most likely two occurrences, one in Greifswald, the other in Dresden.

In the late twenties the Prussian house began another attack on Eldena and its peasants. When Crown Prince

Frederick William visited Eldena in the Summer of 1827, he was offended by the condition of the cloister and by the neglect o f so many p rin c e ly and noble graves. He demanded that the University of Greifswald take immediate steps to assure proper respect for the nobility and also for their "works," equating the 257

Gothic style with princely or noble achievement. He

stated, 'the respect due to our forefathers and their

works lies in the spirit of the current age, and it

appears, therefore, doubly blameworthy when a

university s till allows such a scandal [to continue]’ (Mobius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 16).60 By the beginning

of the thirties, the ruin of Eldena and its

surroundings had been made to look very much like they

do in the painting Abtei im Eichwald. for the peasants

had been evicted (Mobius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 10).

In 1824 Friedrich was denied the professorship for

landscape painting at the Royal Academy in Dresden as a

punishment for his political opinions. The position

remained vacant (Eimer, Gotik 20). At the same time,

the construction of the new memorial chapel at Altzelle

and the surrounding memorial park were begun in order

to commemorate the ancestors o f the ru lin g house o f

Saxony. The cloister grounds were, in fact, royal

property (Lang 126). But in Ruinen in der

AbenddSmmerung F rie d ric h returned th is monument to the

Saxon king which glorifies him and his ancestors into a

60 '... denn Achtung gegen unsere Vorfahren und ihre Werke lagen im Geiste der jetzigen Zeit, und doppelt tadelnswert erscheine es daher, wenn eine Universitat einen solchen Skandal noch 1 anger gestattet.’ 258 symbol o f dynastic decay, w h ile re a ffirm in g the

democratic foundations of the Gothic style and the

institution of church, and underscoring the counter

restoration meanings of the peasants and their hut.

In Ruine im Riesengebirge. 1830\34 (fig . 85),

Friedrich took a slightly different approach in his use of the Gothic, transporting the Pomeranian monument

Eldena and its peasants to the Riesengebirge mountains

(see figure 5).81 Thus, he moved Eldena the entire length of Germany in order to associate it with certain legends, geological formations and autobiographical references, making this painting a statement on German issues, especially his ongoing concern for democratic and Gothic traditions involving the role and security of the peasant and his desire for a united German and

Baltic culture based on such principles. This is his second use of the Gothic since 1815 where he again refers to Baltic themes.82 The painting manifests a

81 Today, the Riesengebirge are called the Sudeten mountains and are located in the Czech and Slovak Republic.

82 The first time was ip the no longer extant Winter, c.1826 (BS-342). This topic will be taken up below in the discussion of a later extant version, Winter (fig. 87). 259 certain nostalgia for the time when both of Friedrich’s fatherlands existed in unity.

In this painting Friedrich is s till preoccupied with the existence of the Eldena peasants— the simple ancien t Gothic fa m ily u n it— which had been wrecked by the policies of the Prussian royal house. He s till objects to the Hohenzollern, and especially to the

Crown Prince, for transforming the cloister Eldena with its democratic character into propagandistic statements of princely authority. Unable to save the peasants, the cloister and the constitution, Friedrich paints what he wishes were true, and, in his helplessness, calls on Rubezahl, the spirit of the mountains, the

Riesengebirge, to protect them.

Rubezahl appeared in different guises, sometimes as a man o f the mountain or o fte n as a monk. He was known to give gifts to the poor and send foul weather to those who anger him ("RUbezahl"; Peuckert 1 79).63 This was especially manifested in lightning storms (Peuckert

63 The f i r s t legends were c o lle c te d and published by J. PrStorius in 1662 in Daemonoloaia Rubinzalii Silesi i and in an eight volume work by J. K. Musaus, VolksmSrchen der Deutschen. 1782-86, 2nd ed. 1787 and third 1804 (Grundmann, "Riesengebirge" 134). In 1834, I.P. Lyser’s Das Buch von Rubezahl Eine vollstandige Sammlung alter Volksmarchen aus dem Riesengebiroe also appeared (Grundmann, "Riesengebirge" 135). 260

180). Rubezahl also protected the mountain’s treasures which, for Friedrich, are the peasants, the cloister and the constitution: "Often, the mountain spirit appears as the guardian and protector of great treasures" (Peuckert 181).64 If someone tried to remove the treasure, Rubezahl would send a terrible storm to drive the thieves out of the area (Peuckert

181).

Friedrich selects the Riesengebirge because of this legend, and its relevance to German affairs, but also for its geological symbolism. With a monument from the north and mountains from the south, he has a means of unifying his German and Baltic roots into an ideal synthesis. This corresponds with what Mitchell (1984) demonstrated for Friedrich’s reliance on commonly held truths of historical geology, a discipline founded by the Germans, and e s p e c ia lly on the th e o rie s o f Abraham

Gottlob Werner (Mitchell, "Watzmann" 453-455). Werner based his geological theories on the theory of

"Neptunism" which held that mountains originally came from a primeval ocean which, as it receded, revealed the peaks. Mountains were generally divided into two

64 "Sehr oft erscheint der Berggeist als HUter und als Beschutzer von grolBen SchStzen." 261 types. The "Urgebirge," or the primeval kind, those which the ocean formed firs t through crystalization, and the "Floetzgebirge," those formed later by sedimentation (Mitchell, “Watzmann“ 461). The primeval mountains consisted of granite.

Granite was the name given to the mineral that formed these original mountains. The distinctive nature of the 'Urgebirge,’ as Werner defined them, made granite a mineral of unequaled importance and a keystone of his entire theory. Because the 'Urgebirge’ were both the highest and the oldest formations upon which all subsequent mountain chains ultimately had to rest, granite was seen as a uniform mass extending unbroken from the loftiest peaks to the lowest depths thus unifying the earth’s crust (Mitchell, "Watzmann" 460).

The Riesengebirge are granite mountains

("Riesengebirge") and, as such, geologically unify

Germany and the B a ltic . Sweden i t s e l f emerged out o f the sea as the primieval mountain chain the Seve-

Gebirge, or "Sea Mountains" (Dahlin 9,46-47). "What held our country [Sweden] together the most and withstood the power of the sea is the large well-known mountain chain the Seve-Gebirge which was often mentioned by ancient foreign writers" (Dahlin 9-10).65

65 "Was am meisten unser Land zusammengehalten und der Gewalt des Meeres widerstanden hat, ist das grosse und bey alten auslSndischen Schriftstellern bekannte Seve-Gebirge gewesen." 262

Without expanding his observation, Grundmann noted that

the Riesengebirge have a striking resemblance to ocean

waves, and compositionally, are horizontal like the

sea, rather than vertical; it is these features that

attracted Friedrich ("Schlesien" 418). "...[W jhat

attracted him to them was the wave-like quality of soft

peaks which only rarely express a vertical emphasis,

rocks by brooks, small fir trees and groupings of

rocks" (Grundmann, "Schlesien" 418).66 In Morgen im

Riesengebi roe. 1812 (fig. 58), the resemblance of the

Riesengebirge to the sea was so striking that King

Frederick William III not only remarked upon it but also confirmed that the wave-like quality in

Friedrich’s painting corresponded to the actual appearance of the mountains.

That is a beautiful picture; as I travelled toward T o p litz , I was awake e a rly and thought to see the b e a u tifu l area; the tops o f the h i l l s loomed out of the valley, and this effect made the impression of the surface of the sea, and my original plan had disappeared; whoever has not seen it in nature thinks that it is not true (Hinz 11-12).67

66 “Was ihn [Friedrich] dagegen anzog, war das Wellenspiel sanfter Hdhenzuge, die nur ganz selten eine Vertikalsteigerung zu erfahren scheinen, waren Felsen am Bachufer, kleine Fichten und Steingruppen."

67 "Das ist ein schon Bild; als ich nach Toplitz reisete, war ich fruh auf und gedachte die schone Gegend zu sehen; aus dem Tau ragten d ie H ugelspitzen hervor, und machten gerade diese Wirkung einer Meeres-Oberflache, und 263

Their wave-like formation underscores their origins and serves, s y m b o lic a lly , to u n ite Germany and the B a ltic ; culturally as well as physically, they have a common primeval past. By portraying a seascape or sea- formation, Friedrich’s elements are symbolically identical, especially when we already know his practice concerning ship and nave.68 The commom cultural and political foundations of these two Gothic groups, the

Baltic and the Germanic peoples, manifested in the peasants, depicted in a Gothic style and voiced in a democratic constitution, are as solid and unimpeachable as their granite primeval mountains, or the sea.

While Friedrich reminds us that it was the harmonious mingling of these two Gothic groups that produced the healthful conditions which allowed for the

meine eigentliche Absicht war vereitelt; wer es nicht gesehen hat in der Natur, denkt, es ist nicht wahr."

68 Another important scientific fact about mountains, and one which Friedrich may have had in mind, is that mountains play a significant role in the survival of humankind by providing it with fresh water (Mitchell, "Watzmann" 4 5 7 ). Not only does F rie d ric h remove the peasants to an area where the local spirit will protect them but also to an area so c lo s e ly associated w ith human survival. Furthermore, the source of the Elbe river is in the Riesengebirge (Grundmann, "Schlesien" 417) which allows Friedrich to unite his residence of Saxony, with his homelands of Pomerania/Prussia and Pomerania/Sweden. prosperity of the peasants— the foundation of Gothic society and the constitution— and the achievements of

Gothic c u ltu re such as p ie ty and democracy, he also projected this as an ideal state. It is true that the ideal no longer exists but he indicates that it will again by including the “vision" of another ruin on the mountain in the distance, a t the tim e o f dusk and w ith the sense of homecoming. By jou rn eying to the

Riesengebirge, Eldena, the supreme representative of

Baltic culture, unites with the natural laws which shaped the Holy Roman Empire, culturally and geographically. The Baltic spirit, represented by the cloister, undertakes a pilgrimage and enjoys the protection of the German spirit. Together they experience an epiphany by witnessing their distant reunified future, or resurrection. At the same time the peasants are completing their life cycle by returning home, at dusk. Friedrich offers them a hope of resurrection by showing a hearth fire burning inside the home, which, along with the distant ruin in the background, reassures the viewer. The laws of the cycle, the dialectic and geology, all impel! the present circumstances toward a future ideal. 265

Friedrich is weaving together German and Baltic concerns with autobiographical references. The painting is a self portrait, as well. "For Friedrich, the motif of Eldena may have lent the thought of the return home personal remembrances as well" (Borsch-

Supan and JShnig 440).69 Eldena in the Riesengebirge stands for Friedrich’s pilgrimage there and his own redemption. It also is a working out of two different sets of loyalties. By combining these motifs into a unified painting, Friedrich embraced a unified homeland.

Winter, c.1826 (BS-342), is no longer extant but

Winter, c.1834 (fig. 87), is a variation or repetition of it. Both were part of seven piece cycles, the later one also a variant or repetition of the earlier cycle.

Neither cycle is intact but the surviving parts of both make up a complete cycle (Borsch-Supan and Jahnig

402,449).70 These cycles differ from his earlier

69 "Das Motiv von Eldena mag fu r F rie d ric h den Gedanken der Heimkehr noch mit personlichen Erinnerungen versehen haben..."

70 The cycle o f 1826 consisted o f: Meer m it aufgehender Sonne (fig. 80); Frtihl ing (fig . 81); Sommer (fig. 82); Herbst (BS-341)— lost; Winter (BS-342)— lost; Der Tod (BS-343)— lost; Engel in Anbetung (BS-344)— lost. The cycle of 1834 consisted of: Meer mit aufgehender Sonne (BS-428)— lost; FrOhling (BS-429)— lost; Sommer (BS-430)— lost; Herbst (fig. 86); Winter (fig. 87); Skelette in der Tropfsteinholle (fig. 88); Engel in version of 1803 in that the partnership of man and

woman is a consistent motif throughout the cycles. In

addition to the four times of day/stages of life,

Friedrich also added phases before and after the human

life cycle. Furthermore, Friedrich encorporated the

laws of geological evolution. In Meer mit aufgehender

Sonne. 1826 (fig. 80), Werner’s geological ideas are

evident because Friedrich expands the cycle to depict

the primeval ocean—the origin of life. Friedrich

includes in Herbst. 1834 (fig. 86), as a part of the

life/geological process, the couple journeying through

the mountains— another phase in geological history for,

"By traveling from the shore to the mountains, the

couple was simultaneously experiencing the age of the

earth" (Mitchell, "Watzmann" 463). What Mitchell does

not add is th a t they end t h e ir e a rth ly l i f e cycle on

the shore, too. In the extant version of Winter. 1834

(fig. 87), the old couple are seated in the prow-like

nave of Eldena as she heads out to sea, implying the

beginning of a new cycle.

In the two later versions of the cycle Friedrich

includes the couple, for it enables him to encorporate

the notion of rebirth for the foundation of the Gothic

Anbetung (fig. 89). family unit, rather than just focus on the individual cycle as in his earlier cycle. Placing the aged male and female inside the westend of Eldena projects a resurrection for them and thus, for the achievements derived from the family unit of the ancient Germans, such as the rebirth of the Gothic style and constitution. Including the laws of geological evolution extends the benefits of this Gothic rebirth beyond Pomerania into all German/Baltic territories.

The Gothic style in such works as Huttens Grab and

Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) has come to stand for the democratic as well as religious traditions of the an cien t Germans and does so in Der Dorn von MeiBen a ls

Ruine. c.1830\35 (BS-425), as well. The cathedral of

Meissen in Saxony (see figure 5) is a motif well suited to combat princely attacks on church, its democratic foundation and constitution, and the royal assimilation of the Gothic because of the church’s inherent historical meanings and because it was generally considered a masterpiece of the Gothic style. "On the old castle, the A1brechtsburg, which takes up the entire high hill and from the city facade with its masterpiece of old Gothic architecture, the famous 268 cathedral church strikes the eye from the city side as extremely beautiful..." (Leonhardi vol.2 27).71

The lo c a tio n o f the p a in tin g Der Dorn von MeiBen a ls

Ruine is unknown and there is no reproduction extant.

Friedrich did, however, describe the painting. While it is not possible to analyze this work completely without seeing it, the description does give some clues as to the kind of polemic Friedrich included in the pai nti ng.

One word leads to another, as the saying goes, one story leads to another, and thus one p ic tu re leads to another. Right now I am again working on a large painting, the largest I have ever done: 12 inches high and 12 inches wide. Just as the picture I mentioned in my last letter, it depicts the interior of a collapsed church. As my model, I have taken the beautiful, s till extant, well preserved cathedral at Meissen. The mighty pillars with their slender, graceful columns jut out from the high [piles of] rubble that fill the interior space, and s till bear in part the highly tensed vaulting. The time of the splendor of the temple and of its servants is past, and from out of the ruined whole a very different time and a different demand for clarity and truth have emerged. High, slender, evergreen spruce trees have grown up out of the rubble, and on top of decayed pictures of saints, destroyed altars, and broken sacred vessels stands an evangelical clergyman, the Bible in his left hand and his right hand over his heart, leaning up against the ruins of a bishop’ s monument, h is eyes d ire c te d up

71 "Auf dem befindlichen alten Schlosse, der Albrechtsburg, welche den ganzen hohen Berg einnimmt, und von der Stadtseite mit dem Meisterstucke der alten gothischen Baukunst, der beruhmten Domkirche sehr schdn in die Augen ffillt...” 269

to the blue heavens, in thoughtful consideration of the sparse, light little clouds (Borsch-Supan and J&hnig 446) . 72

The s p e c ific use o f the term "evangelischer

Geistlicher," or “evangelical clergyman," the reference to the bishop’ s funerary monument, and the d ep ictio n of the intact cathedral of Meissen as a ruin all point to the painting being a pictorial commentary on the Church

Union.

On September 27, 1817, at the same time he decreed the Church Union, King Frederick William III eliminated the terms "Lutheran" and "Reformed," replacing them

72 "Ein Wort gibt das andere, wie das Sprichwort sagt, eine Erzahlung die andere und so auch ein Bild das andere. Jetzt arbeite ich wieder an einem grolBen Gemalde, dem groBten, so ich je gemacht: 3 Ellen 12 Zoll hoch und 2 Ellen 12 Zoll breit. Es stellt ebenfalls, wie das in meinem letzten Brief erwahnte Bild, das Innere einer zerfallenen Kirche dar. Und zwar hab’ ich den schbnen, noch bestehenden und gut erhaltenen Dorn zu MeiBen zugrunde gelegt. Aus dem hohen Schutt, der den inneren Raum anfQllt, ragen die machtigen Pfeiler mit schlanken, zierlichen Saulen hervor und tragen zum Teil noch die hochgespannte Wolbung. Die Zeit der Herrlichkeit des Tempels und seiner Diener ist dahin und aus dem zertrummerten Ganzen eine andere Z e it und anderes Verlangen nach Klarheit und Wahrheit hervorgegangen. Hohe, schlanke, immergrQne Fichten sind dem Schutte entwachsen, und auf morschen Hei1igenbiIdern, zerstorten Altaren und zerbrochenen Weihkesseln steht, mit der Bibel in der linken Hand und die rechte aufs Herz gelegt, an die Ueberreste eines bischof1ichen Denkmals gelehnt, ein evangelischer Geistlicher, die Augen zum blauen Himmel gerichtet, sinnend die lichten, leichten Wdlkchen betrachtend." with the term "evangelical" (Foerster vol.1 275). "In the same way his [the king’s) wish that the terms

'Lutheran’ and 'Reformed’ be exchanged for the designation 'evangelical’ points toward the same goal, the overcoming of the denominations" (Wendland 109).73

Furthermore, on April 3, 1821, he decreed that in all church business and all public announcements or references to the Church of the Union the word

"evang elical" and not "p ro te s tan t" must be used

(Foerster vol.2 33). The King thus made "evangelical" a term specific to the Union. "Evangelical" had previou sly been in use and had re fe rre d p rim a rily to the Lutheran Church, but could apply as well to the

Calvinists. To avoid confusing the two Protestant denominations, it was combined with the adjectives

"Lutheran" or "Reformed," as in the example given in

Campe’s dictionary of 1807: "More clearly, one also says 'evangelical Lutheran,’ an evangelical Lutheran pastor, in contrast to 'evangelical Reformed.’"74 If

73 "Eben so deutet sein [des Konigs] Wunsch, daB die Unterscheidungsnamen, 'lutherisch’ und 'reform iert’ m it der Benennung 'e v a n g e lis c h ’ v ertau sch t werden, auf das gleiche Ziel der Ueberwindung der Konfessionen h i n . "

74 "Bestimmter sagt man auch evangelisch lutherisch, ein evangelisch lutherischer Prediger, zum Unterschiede von evangelisch r e fo r m ir t." 271

Friedrich meant to describe a Lutheran minister, s p e c if ic a lly , he would have used the phrase

"evangelical Lutheran." He would never have selected the word "protestant" either, because it refered to both the Lutheran and the Reformed churches together, distinguishing them collectively from the Catholic church.75 Instead, he wrote "evangelical" which specifically refered to a clergyman of the Church

Union.

75 The definition of "Protestant” in Grammatisch- kritisches Worterbuch der Hochdeutschen Mundart. 1798: "In a narrower and more common designation, the members o f the Lutheran and the Reformed church in Germany, in contrast to the Catholic church, bear the name of protestants. In the beginning, one gave this designation only to the Lutherans, because the Elector of Saxony, Johann the Steadfast, and the Landgrave of Hessen protested in their name during the Parliament at Speyer in 1529 against the imperial suit brought against them by the C ath o lic members; only afterw ards were the Reformed also included under this designation." (In engerer und gewbhnlicherer Bedeutung fiihren in Deutschland die Glieder der Lutherischen und reformirten Kirche, im Gegensatze der katholischen, den Nahmen der Protestanten. Anf&nglich legte man denselben nur allein den Lutheranern bey, weil der Churfurst von Sachsen, Johann der Standhafte, und der Landgraf von Hessen, in ihrem Nahmen auf dem Reichstage zu Speyer 1529 wider die von dem Katholischen Theile gegen sie beschlossene Reichsacht protestireten; allein nachmahls begriff unter dieser Benennumg auch die Reformirten.) The definition of "Protestant" in Volkthumliches Worterbuch der Deutschen Sprache. 1820: "A 'free believer,’ name of the Lutheran and Calvinist Christians." (ein Freiglaubiger, Name der lutherischen und calvinischen Christen.) 272

The minister is leaning against the remains of a funerary monument dedicated to a bishop. This clearly indicates that Friedrich is encorporating into his painting the issue of the institution of the office of bishop into the new church. When the king introduced the new liturgy in 1822, he named himself the Supreme or highest bishop of the church (Foerster vol.2 63-64).

Friedrich’s views on Church by royal decree and the office of royal bishop were evident in Huttens Grab.

While Friedrich favored the Church of the Union,76 he did not support it unconditionally or without

76 Schwarzzenberger posited Friedrich’s influence in the renovation of St. Nicholas, Greifswald, which began in 1824 and la s te d u n til 1832 and whose new look conformed to Church Union needs. This suggestion is well supported by the fact that Friedrich’s school friend, Gottlieb Christian Giese, was hired to execute the project and was assisted by Friedrich’s brother, Christian. Giese and Friedrich both studied drawing w ith Quistorp and Giese had been influenced by Friedrich. There is also evidence to indicate that they had kept in contact through the years. Another piece of supporting evidence is that Friedrich and Christian had planned to work together on the renovation of St. Mary’s, Stralsund, for which F rie d ric h had made numerous drawings in 1817. The new interior of St. Nicholas, Greifswald, bears an obvious sim ilarity to Friedrich’s drawings of church interiors and altars of 1817 (131-133). The strong probability of Friedrich’s influence, if not direct involvement, and the fact that the renovation of St. Nicholas conforms in every way to the new requirements of the Church Union, as do Friedrich’s designs of 1817, point to the conclusion that into the late twenties and early thirties, Friedrich s till favored the Church of the Union. 273 criticism — neither did his Pomeranian countrymen and women.

The K ing’ s c o n tro v e rs ia l litu r g y was most successful in Pomerania and the province became the model for all of Prussia for its introduction and acceptance. At the end of 1824, 1136 out o f 1311 Pomeranian churches had fully adopted the royal reforms. The king was so pleased that, as a reward, he called for the formation of an ecclesiastical commission in Pomerania to make adjustments to and suggestions on the new ritual

(Foerster vol.2 116-117).77 The revised version, introduced in 1827, was, basically, the King’s liturgy of 1822 plus the Pomeranian supplement (Foerster vol.2

162). Although the ordination oath to the king as supreme bishop had been e lim in a te d , (F o ers ter v o l . 2

195) the issue of the office of bishop was not dead.

The king wanted to reintroduce this office and make the bishops the church administrators in the various provinces (Foerster vol.2 210-211). The king’s advisers counseled him against this because the office of bishop had been rejected by Luther and its reinstitution would make the Church Union appear too

77 Pomerania was a special case, for in no other province did the king convene such a commission (Foerster vol.2 116-117). 274

Catholic. They also pointed out that it would be especially difficult to introduce bishops into Swedish

Pomerania (Foerster vol.2 211-212). Nevertheless,

Frederick William III elevated General Superintendent of the Church Union in Hinter-Pomerania, Engelke, to the rank of bishop in 1826 (Foerster vol.2 217). When

Engkelke died in September of the same year, the King replaced him w ith Bishop R its c h l whose a u th o rity extended throughout all of Pomerania (Foerster vol.2

218).

It is in the cathedral of Meissen, famous for its e c c le s ia s tic a l and p rin c e ly grave monuments, th a t

Friedrich shows the Church Union minister leaning on the ruins o f a bishop’ s monument. Ursinus, in his monograph on the c a th e d ra l, Geschichte der Domkirche zu

Meissen, aus ihren Grabmaehlern historisch und diolomatisch erlaeutert. nebst einem Prospekt der

Domkirche. 1782, noted how well known these monuments were. He wrote:

In my investigation of the history of my fatherland [Saxony], and especially of my father city Meissen, I also came upon the gravestones th a t cover in such g re a t number the f lo o r o f the 275

curious cathedral church at Meissen, which is so famous inside and outside the country (V II).78

Ursinus reported that most of the bishops of Meissen since the cathedral’s founding are buried there (63-

64). Leonhardi (1803), in his travel guide, also reported that the bishops of Meissen and other respected individuals are buried in the floor of the church (vol.2 27-28).

Many princely remains were interred there as well, as the cathedral of Meissen had replaced Altzelle as the hereditary burial place for the Electors and Dukes of Saxony (Ursinus 1) when Elector Friedrich the

Valiant had a memorial chapel built inside the church, c .1425-28 (Ursinus 15; Leonhardi vol.3 143). While

F rie d ric h does not mention these monuments, specifically, their presence doubtlessly influenced him to choose Meissen because of the historically unhealthy control the ruling House of Saxony held over this cathedral. Meissen may be a cathedral but it did not have the usual accompanying ordained bishop. When the

78 "Bey der Untersuchung der Geschichte meines V aterlandes, und inso nd erh eit meiner V a te rs ta d t Mei(3en, kam ich auch zu den Grabsteinen, welche in groBer Anzahl den FuBboden der in— und auBerhalb Landes so berQhmten und merkwurdigen Domkirche zu MeiBen bedecken." 276

Bishop of Meissen, Johann XX, resigned in 1587 to marry, the cathedral’s administration and properties were taken over by Elector August of Saxony (Leonhardi vol.1 30). Leonhardi reported that August’s heirs remained the administrators of the bishopric until, gradually, the bishopric and its constitution ceased to exist (Leonhardi vol.2 31). This is the perfect historical parallel for the situation facing the Church

Union, implying that when a prince governs the church, the church and its foundation or constitution inevitably erode away.

There is another inherent meaning in the history of the Meissen cathedral which reflects Friedrich’s dissatisfaction with the notion of a princely founder and head of church and the consequent threat to the church constitution. Friedrich exploits the phoenix theme present in the history of the Meissen cathedral and converts Meissen into an ideal church. In his monograph, U rsinius wrote th a t "as every one knows" the west front possessed three towers with pinnacles. But in 1547, they caught fire when the central one was struck by lightning and collapsed destroying some of the vaulting (Ursinus VII, 183-184). Ursinius further commented that there was neither a historical chronicle 277 nor a h is to ry book on Saxony th a t did not record th is extraordinary event. There was no storm at the time yet, suddenly, a single lightning bolt, out of the blue, struck the middle tower (Ursinus 183-184).

Friedrich, as in Huttens Grab and Ruinen in der

Abenddammerung. combines h is to r ic a l moments in order to create an ideal church and time. He depicts Meissen in a ruinous state with partially collapsed vaults, as was the case in 1547. Out of the rubble of the funerary monuments of bishops and the church constitution emerge evergreens and a Church Union ministei— the repesentatives of the purified Protestant faith whose church is experiencing a rebirth. In Friedrich’s depiction, the cathedral of Meissen is in its ideal s ta te ; i t is no longer a c a th e d ra l, fo r i t has no bishop nor does it have a princely head. Friedrich wrote, "Out of the destruction of the splendor of the church and its servants, a new demand for clarity and tru th has gone f o r th ." The "splendor o f the church and its servants" I take to mean the emphasis on the magnificence of the appearance of the original church, it s decoration and r it u a l and the accompanying p re s tig e 278 of its clergy when awarded high offices.79 Friedrich replaces this era of Christianity in which the church and it s cle rg y were devoted to opulence and the prestige of high offices with a new age which demands clarity and truth and which requires its ministers to bear and revere the "word of God," as the Bible in the preacher’s hand tells us. Friedrich intends Der Dorn von MeiBen a ls Ruine to be a Neo-Reformation p a in tin g depicting the historical evolution of Christianity from

Catholic practices of bishops and ritual to a united

Protestant church.

Der Dorn von MeiBen als Ruine may be the ideal but

Der Traumer. c.1835 (fig. 91), reflects the facts of the then current situation.60 In Der Traumer. as in his last major depiction of Eldena (to be discussed below), Friedrich infuses the motifs with a nihilistic feeling. The setting is a modified Oybin in which the lush foliage has been removed to the region beyond the

79 Friedrich’s architectural drawings for the renovation of St. Mary’s, Stralsund, along with his designs for choirs and altars reveal his predilection for a sparsely and simply decorated church interior (Schwarzenberger 132-33) and the rejection of a cumbersome d is p la y o f c u lt o b jects and re lig o u s a r t and decoration.

80 Chronologically, Winter (fig. 87) falls between Der Dorn von MeiBen a ls Ruine and Der Traumer but has already been discussed. windows—to a future state. The pilgrim gazes longingly through the windows, yearning for that ideal future church. Friedrich has reduced the three windows to two and has deleted t h e ir resemblance to angels, indicating that the harmonious blending of the two

Protestant denominations has not quite occurred. Three windows would re fe r to the t r i n i t y and to completeness, one window to u n ity . F rie d ric h has dism antled the ideal qualities of Oybin. It is no longer the ideal church consisting of the synthesis of nature, art and

Protestant unity. There are no longer attending angels. And by emphasizing the sunset and the ruinous state of the church without its harmonious relationship with nature, Friedrich reveals the state of the German church and its constitution. This is no longer

H u tten ’ s Oybin. The "demagogue" has reverted to being a p ilg rim whose p u rifie d s ta te has been postponed.

Friedrich’s nihilism continues in Ruine Eldena". 1836

(fig. 92). Like Huttens Grab. Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) and Ruinen in der Abenddammerung. th is work was inspired by princely co-option of the Gothic and the monument Eldena specifically. But this is an extremely pessimistic statement rather than a vedute-1ike documentation as in Ruine Eldena (fig. 78) or an attack on a princely monument as in Ruinen in der

Abenddgmmerung. Although the work appears to be a

vedute. it does not correspond at all to the actual

appearance o f Eldena in 1836. The Crown Prince began to pressure fo r renovation o f Eldena in 1827 because he claimed it as a princely achievement and because there were many princely graves there which were being

neglected. It is ironic that at the direct request of the Crown Prince, Eldena was landscaped to look very much like the painting Abtei im Eichwald which he owned

(Mdbius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 10). By the early thirties the ruin was surrounded by oaks, albeit living ones, the peasants had been evicted and the west front had been unbricked in order to correspond to the painting (Mobius, ”Wirkungsgeschichte" 10). By renovating Eldena, Frederick William took on the role of preserver of the German past which the Prussian and

Saxon royal houses maintained was a feudal ideal and a patriarchal idyll (Mobius, "Wirkungsgeschichte" 11).

Eldena became not only an achievement ascribed to the princes and a memorial to those nobles and princes buried there but a monument to the Prussian royal house as protector and perpetuator of German tradition, combining in Eldena a reverence for the princely past 281

and present. The continuity of princely presence

established at Eldena is a kind of repetitive phoenix

cycle in which out of the ashes of princes emerge other

p ri nces.

Princely efforts to assimilate the Gothic style are

inseparable, thematically, from princely attacks on the

constitution and the purity of the Protestant church.

In 1834, princely attacks on the church increased in

intensity and viciousness. After the Church Union in

1817, it was widely expected that the opposition

between the different Protestant denominations would

disappear. Even though the King had repeatedly assured

everyone (in 1817, 1822, 1829, and again in 1834) that the acceptance of the Union and the liturgy were

voluntary (Wend!and 126-127), he began to persecute and

imprison those who remained Lutherans. The king fired clergy who did not convert and accept the king’s

liturgy (Wendland 114-116). Persecution included censorship of all writings opposing or criticizing either the Union or the liturgy, (Wendland 114) but in

1834, at the order of the king, legal persecution began. Many endured long prison sentences and poverty as result of fines for worshiping as Lutherans

(Wendland 120-122). In order to strengthen his control 282

over the church, the king made it subject to its own

special judicial process rather than subordinate to

secular co u rts, as had been the case. This move

allowed him to persecute ■‘demagogue,, and lib e r a l

pastors more easily, quickly and less publicly

(Wendland 135). He imprisoned or otherwise oppressed

pastors who may not actually have been politically

liberal but who simply objected to the Union (Foerster

vol.2 233).

In 1836 Fred erick W illia m I I I sent troops in to the

city of Honigern and forced the acceptance of the

liturgy (Wendland 120-122). The king perceived

resistance to the new church and liturgy as resulting

not from religious conviction but from a desire for a

democratic church constitution and as a political,

attack on his ecclesiastical authority (Wendland 119).

He felt all efforts toward a constitution, political or

religious, were dangerous "demagoguery" (Wendland 133).

Ruine Eldena (fig. 92) is a direct response on the

part of Friedrich to the Crown Prince’s subversion of

Eldena and the royal fam ily’s attacks on democracy and the church constitution. Friedrich inscribed on the back of the work "The abbey Eldena near Greifswald in Pomerania on the 17th of March, 1836"81 in order to

give the impression of a vedute. of an exact

transcription of reality. While Ruine Eldena does not

correspond to the appearance of the ruin, Friedrich

gives an accurate rendering of the actual state of

affairs, including his own despair. In comparison with

Ruine Eldena (fig. 78), he has exaggerated the

impression of decay. There is no life evident at all,

no smoke from the chimney, no light inside the house.

Nor is there a hint of after-life or progress. The

traditional symbiotic relationship between Gothic home

and other Gothic achievements is shown here by making

the wall of the ruin form a wall of the house. Yet

their organic, positive relationship and optimistic

future are simultaneously undermined. In this

depiction Gothic culture is dead, because its foundation, the family, is gone and there is nothing in

this work to promise resurrection. The date of this work, 1836, bears a close and significant

correspondence to the anniversary of the cloister’s secularization or "death" in 1535 and its re-dedication to the Lutheran cause or "resurrection" in 1634.

81 "Die Abtei Eldena bei Greifswald in Pommern den 17t Marz, 1836" Whereas Friedrich had formerly used the history of the monument to communicate a positive and progressive cycle of cultural and individual death and resurrection,82 he seems to express his loss of faith in such a process in this, one of his last, depictions of Eldena. It is a fact that the peasants did not survive, but in Friedrich’s version, neither did the princes, nor the constitution, nor did the Gothic church— the supreme aesthetic expression of the ancient

Germans— nor did hope. This pessimism was due probably to Friedrich’s own illness83 as well as to the triumph of the royal crusade against the democratic traditions o f the ancien t Germans and ag ain st Eldena s p e c ific a lly .

Ruine Eldena. c.1837 (fig. 93), is a variation of

Ruine Eldena (fig. 92) of 1836. Friedrich places the sea in the background parallel to the nave and does not convert the nave into a prow, eliminating access between the two and, thus, undermining the nave-ship analogy and their dialectical and cyclical relationship. In this work Friedrich extends his pessimism to the other Gothic achievement, the ship, and to Baltic culture as a whole. Friedrich concludes

82 Cf. Chapter five.

83 He suffered a stroke in June, 1835. 285 his several depictions of the Gothic church ruin with this work which probably reflects the anticipation of his own death and documents the extinction of a culture and its democratic, religious and aesthetic traditions.

There will be no resurrection. CONCLUSION

Until this analysis approaches to Friedrich’s iconography had merely placed Friedrich within £he

general context of German Romanticism and thus, did not

recognize the Swedish and Pomeranian content of his

art. Furthermore, most Friedrich scholars have

organized their studies in chronological sequence,

selecting works typical of a particular period,

discussing some in depth and others not at all, thereby

failing to recognize any evolutionary development of

the specific and related imagery that Friedrich

repeated throughout his oeuvre.

The investigation of Friedrich as a Swedish

Pomeranian Romantic revealed the Baltic content of his work by recreating his Pomeranian context. This part

of the research envoived the examination of Pomeranian cultural and intellectual history and relied on a

reading of books, journals, articles etc. published in

Pomerania (or sometimes about Pomerania) from

Friedrich’s own time period or before. Only rarely

286 287 were later texts used. The aspects of that research pertinent to Friedrich and which, when assembled, fleshed out our understanding of his Pomeranian

identity and art are found in Chapter two.

This discussion also proved that Friedrich expanded the meanings of the recurring images of Gothic church ruins, and that this evolving meaning reflected the changing conditions of the Napoleonic (1806-15) and

Restoration (1815-48) periods.

The existence of the evolving meanings of the Gothic church ruin in Friedrich’s work was confirmed in

Chapter three by tracing the development of his criteria for the selection of motifs and noting that the criteria moved from ideas and literature to nature and its laws. It was concluded that Friedrich often transferred the specific cultural and/or natural history of specific places and monuments into the meaning of his work. It was shown throughout the remaining chapters (five, six and seven) that the natural and cultural history of the specific ruins

based on their individual histories. In fact, it was

discovered that it was Friedrich’s intellectual and empirical experiences in his native Pomerania and concern for Swedish and Pomeranian imagery that

inspired his encorporation of motifs with inherent content, i.e ., "meaningful” cultural and natural histories into his art. Furthermore, it was revealed that Friedrich had emotional and patriotic loyalties to two different fatherlands: Pomerania/Sweden/Scandinavia and Pomerania/Prussia/Germany and that, in addition to developing nuances mirroring German concerns with political, religious and cultural unity, Friedrich dealt with Swedish and Pomeranian issues of a similar nature.

In the final three chapters (five, six, and seven) the evolving meanings of the specific images of the

Gothic ruin in Friedrich’s oeuvre were set forth chronologically in what we can now recognize as their evolving Pomeranian as well as German phases. The division of the examination into three chapters reflected the three iconographic, rather than stylistic, periods of Friedrich’s development, 1800-

1812, 1812-1815 and 1815-1837. 289

In the firs t period, 1800-1812, the Gothic church ruin is a Baltic image, often standing for Friedrich’s

Swedish and Pomeranian identity and influenced by

Pomeranian contributions to a unified Baltic-Germanic culture. Friedrich asserted the Baltic contributions to and foundation of this union by stressing the Baltic origins of the Goths and their achievements and including the inherent meaning of Eldena. In Abtei im

Eichwald and Per M5nch am Meer. he finally encorporated contemporary events into his works, but focused on

Swedish and Pomeranian concerns.

In the first period there had existed a synthesis between the Baltic and Germanic cultures both in fact as well as in Friedrich’s oeuvre, but in the second period, 1812-1815, this union has been disrupted and the Gothic ruin is used to discuss, separately, firs t

German and then Swedish Pomeranian concerns. In Ruine

Ovbin and Ruine Eldena (fig. 60), we see Friedrich isolate the two extremes of his cultural identity,

Pomerania and Germany and Swedish Pomerania, respectively. In 1815, when it becomes clear that the cultural split between his two fatherlands would remain for quite some time, the Gothic ruin was no longer adequate for expressions of general Baltic and Germanic unity and shared heritage. In the final period, 1815—

1837, Friedrich chose the Gothic ruin as a German motif and, as in Klosterfriedhof im Schnee or Huttens Grab, it referenced past or even ancient German traditions and achievements as a way of critiquing the contemporary situation, focusing on religious and constitutional issues. In this period Gothic became synonymous w ith ancient German, though F rie d ric h never relinquished the Pomeranian origins of the ancient

Germans and their achievements.

The results of this study suggest a reexamination of the often repeated images of Friedrich’s oeuvre, e.g., the ship, forest, and mountain themes, from the point- of-view of evolving meanings. Figure 1. Historical Pomerania Thi rteenth-century-1919 BORNHOLM 1658 SWEDEN 1660 DENMARK Leba

Slralsund Qs :Bj*igen § ReijwHi £S^Greiswald LDbeck Eldena Rostock

MECKLENBURG

BRANDENBURG , Beilin

SAXONY

Dresden 292

Figure 1. Figure 2. Pomerania, Sweden, and Brandenburg 1637-1720 m m BORNHOLM

1660 DENMARK

Slralsund g&frgen Danzig ^HpGreifswald x:Sxr^v_

LDbeck *rfcrEWonik * *A ««»»«««« , Rostock

MECKLENBURG

SAXONY

Dresden 4 9 2

Figure 2. Figure 3. Pomerania, Sweden, and Prussia 1720-1815 BORNHOLM

1660 DENMARK

Danzig iCjgen TSrcifswald Lubock Roslock

MECKLENBURG

SAXONY

Dresden 296

Figure 3. Figure 4. Pomerania, Sweden, and Prussia 1815-1919 BORNHOLM

1660 DENMARK RUgen

Stralsund Danzig ejgen Relbnlt: Grcifswald Ltibcck Roslock

MECKLENBURG

SAXONY

Dresden 298

Figure 4. 299

Figure 5. Sites in Saxony Significant for Friedrich 1798-1835 BORNHOLM 1658 SWEDEN 1660 DENMARK L RUgen

Stralsund Bergen Relb Greifswald EkJen Lubeck A Roslock

MECKLENBURG

PRUSSIA . Berlin

SAXONY

Leipzig Meissen Allzeltc Dresden 300

Figure 5. PLEASE NOTE

Copyrighted materials in this document have not been filmed at the request of the author They are available for consultation, however in the author’s university library.

Figures 6 through 95, 301-371

University Microfilms International BIBLIOGRAPHY

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