Schooling in Chajul: National Struggles, Community Voices

Lindsey Musen

Kate Percuoco

February 2010

This report was requested by Limitless Horizons Ixil. © 2010 Lindsey Musen and Kate Percuoco. Please contact the authors at [email protected] with questions or for permission to reproduce.

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Purpose 1 Chajul and the Ixil Region 2 Methodology 2 Education in Guatemala 3 Enrollment & Demographics 3 History of Education Policy 4 Current Education Policy 6 Gender 7 Poverty 9 Language and Culture 11 Academic Barriers 12 Education in Chajul 13 Funding 15 Politics 16 Enrollment and Class Size 17 Attendance, Grade Repetition, & Dropout 18 Gender 19 Facilities and Supplies 19 Materials 20 Technology 21 Curriculum & Instruction 21 Teachers 24 Family 25 Health 25 Outlying Communities 26 Social Services in Chajul 27 Strengths and Opportunities 29 Educational Needs 29 Models of Education Programming 30 Recommendations 34 Limitations 39 Authors and Acknowledgements 39 References 40 Appendix A: Limitless Horizons Ixil 43

PURPOSE

This study was requested by Limitless Horizons Ixil1 (LHI), a non-governmental organization (NGO) operating in San Gaspar Chajul in the western highlands of Guatemala. The research is meant to illuminate the challenges faced by students, teachers, and educational leaders in the community, so that LHI

1 For more information about LHI, please visit http://www.limitlesshorizonsixil.org. 1

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 and other organizations in Chajul can focus their resources towards the greatest needs, while integrating community members into the process.

CHAJUL AND THE IXIL REGION

San Gaspar Chajul is isolated by beautiful mountains and has maintained its rich Ixil Mayan traditions and language. Having been at the heart of the 36-year civil war, Chajul experiences post-war challenges such as emotional trauma, land displacement, and fragmented families. Additionally, unemployment is high, large families live in one-room adobe houses with open cooking fires, opportunities for women are scarce, and family- and gender-based violence are common. The county has a corn-based agricultural economy in which adults struggle daily to feed their families and the average income is $1 to $3 per day. Sixty-four percent of the population is under 16 years old. Less than one percent of children graduate from high school (5% from middle school, 22% from primary school) as they are forced to leave school at a young age to help support the family household. Chajul further suffers from common preventable health concerns, such as respiratory illness, intestinal disease, tuberculosis, malnutrition, and death during childbirth. Eighty percent of the Chajul population lives in poverty.2 Chajul and neighboring counties Nebaj and Cotzal make up the Ixil region and are home to 2.2% of the Guatemalan population.3 All three counties, which are part of the Department of el Quiché, have a municipal core and outlying communities. Nebaj is more developed than the other two, and is now accessible by a 45-minute micro-bus ride on a paved road from municipal Chajul. The regional population dropped significantly as a result of the war. The municipal core of Chajul is home to approximately 20,000 people, mostly children. The remaining 25,000 live in outlying communities. Limitless Horizons Ixil currently works primarily in the municipal core of Chajul, although some programs include families from the surrounding communities as well. The focus of this report is on the municipal core of Chajul except where indicated.

METHODOLOGY

The trust built between LHI and the community helped the authors gain access to information otherwise inaccessible to researchers. Research was conducted through interviews, focus groups, classroom observations, and an extensive literature review on education in Guatemala and educational trends around the world. Interviews were conducted in August 2008, January 2009, and July 2009, and included conversations with teachers, school directors, students, community leaders, and parents. Interviews were conducted primarily in the workplace of the interviewee. Classroom observations were used to understand pedagogical practices as well as classroom resource needs. August 2008 data collection was part of a community needs assessment for Limitless Horizons Ixil. This data was collected by LHI Executive Director Katie Morrow, Board Member Lindsey Musen, former staff member Gaspar Caba Asicona, and volunteer Colleen Buyers. The January 2009 interviews were conducted by Molly Robbins, former LHI staff member and current board member. These interviews collected data from secondary school directors in Chajul regarding enrollment, attendance, school histories, and teachers. In July 2009, the authors of this report spent 5 weeks in Chajul hearing the voices of teachers and school directors. The authors also conducted classroom observations and spoke with LHI staff members. Finally, the authors researched other educational organizations to learn about best practices and common challenges. Besides the literature review, we:  interviewed 9 school directors and 1 school secretary (2009),

2 Data source for entire paragraph: Plan Municipal del Desarrollo, 2002. 3 Álvarez et al., 2007 2

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 hosted one focus group with 11 teachers at Nacional (2009),  observed 20 teachers in 22 classrooms in 8 schools (2009),  spoke with 18 teachers informally during classroom observations (2009),  spoke with an employee of the medical clinic (2009),  interviewed 3 local LHI staff and 3 foreign LHI staff living in Chajul (2009),  spoke with LHI student and parent councils (2008),  spoke with the mayor of Chajul (2008),  interviewed a doctor at the medical clinic (2008),  interviewed the four directors of Centro Estudiantil Amanecer (2008),  interviewed the two directors of CONALFA (2008), and  interviewed one director of Asociación Chajulense (2008).

EDUCATION IN GUATEMALA

The state of education in Chajul is shaped primarily by the national landscape of education in Guatemala. The challenges schools face in Chajul are representative of the challenges the country faces as a whole.

Enrollment and Demographics

In Guatemala, 53% of the population of 13 million people are under the age of 19.4 The people of Guatemala speak 24 languages;5 half of the population identifies as indigenous;6 and over half of the population lives in rural areas.7 Additionally, 56% of the population lives below the poverty line.8 Most of the cities in Guatemala are inhabited by ladinos,9 while the indigenous people live more in rural areas. ―Indigenous people… reside primarily in rural areas, and are politically underrepresented and very poor.‖10 In 1996, as the 36-year civil war came to a close, women made up just 27% of the labor force.11

Table 1: Net rates of schooling in Guatemala, 1995-200612 School Level U.S. Equivalent Grades Ages 1995 2003 2006 Párvulos* Preschool 2-5 Pre-primaria Kindergarten K 6 19.8% 44.2% 48% Primaria Elementary/Primary 1-6 7+ 69.2% 89.2% 94% Básico Middle School 7-9 20.3% 28.9% 36% Diversificado High School 10-12 11.3% 17.3% Universidad* College * Párvulos and Universidad were not included in the Lavarreda study.

4 Álvarez et al., 2007 5 Lavarreda et al., 2005 6 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 7 Lavarreda et al., 2005 8 Hallman et al., 2006 9 The term ‗ladino‘ is used to refer to Guatemalans of Spanish descent as opposed to indigenous Guatemalans. 10 Hallman et al., 2006 11 O‘Gara et al., 1999 12 Lavarreda et al., 2005; PREAL & CIEN, 2008 3

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Literacy rates in Guatemala are far below average for Latin America. In 2000, 31% of the adult population was illiterate, with much higher numbers for poor (46%) and rural In 2005, the gap between the percentage adults (42%). Sixty-two percent of indigenous women are of urban and rural students reaching the 13 illiterate. The average educational attainment for adults in ‘satisfactory’ or ‘excellent’ levels on Guatemala was 4.3 years in 2004, which is the lowest in all of national sixth grade reading exams was 14 Central America. In Chajul, adults over 14 had an average 21 percentage points. of just 3.3 years of formal schooling in 2002.15 However, 19- Source: PREAL & CIEN, 2008 25 year olds have significantly more education than those over 40 in Guatemala,16 which matches a trend of increased enrollment. In the 1970s, only half of the population enrolled in primary schools. By 2006, this proportion had reached 94%.17 Table 2: Primary school enrollment rates 2000 Education in Guatemala is compulsory in All Male Female grades 1-9, but this law is not currently enforced. While Table 1 represents the great strides Guatemala Total Population 79% 81% 76% has made towards educating all children, Tables 2 Indigenous 75% 82% 67% and 3 shed light on the disparities that persist. The 75% 78% 72% Rural most disadvantaged children are the indigenous girls Extreme Poor 58% 65% 53% living in extreme poverty in rural areas. Source: ENCOVI 2000 (in World Bank, 2004) Instituto Nacional de Estadistica- 2000

Table 3: Secondary school enrollment rates 2000 All Male Female Non-indigenous 32% 32% 33% Indigenous 14% 18% 11% Urban 46% 48% 44% Rural 12% 14% 10% Non-poor 44% 44% 45% Poor 13% 16% 10% Extreme Poor 3% 3% 2% Source: ENCOVI 2000 (in World Bank, 2004) Instituto Nacional de Estadistica-2000

History of Education Policy

The history of Guatemala shows a political shift from assimilation to multi-culturalism. However, the cultural shift in practice has proven difficult. From 1821 to 1944, Congress built schools to ―assimilate Maya into national society‖ and ―extinguish the language of the Indians.‖18 In 1945, education leaders introduced bilingual education and a stance of acceptance in order to encourage school attendance. However, the objective was still assimilation,19 and both teachers and the curriculum were biased against indigenous peoples.20 ―As the state was trying to deliver Mayan students to the classroom, teachers were turning them

13 The World Bank, 2004 14 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 15 Pijnenburg, 2002 16 The World Bank, 2004 17 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 18 Carey, 2006 19 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 20 Carey, 2006 4

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 away and encouraging them to drop out.‖21 It is not surprising then that the 1950 census reported that 89.2% of school age indigenous children did not attend.22 The 1985 Constitution introduced pluralism and multiculturalism into the conversations about education. There was a new push for bilingual education after a pilot program showed that ―the use of the mother tongue in schools reduced dropout rate, improved motivation, and improved quality of teacher training.‖23 However, it was the combination of the 1996 Peace Accords and the 1994 Accord on the Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples that really enabled the Guatemalan ministry to create policies that would promote enrollment and achievement of indigenous and female children. A new philosophy emerged, which was the ―construction of national unity based on the respect and exercising of political, cultural, economic, and spiritual rights of all Guatemalans.‖24 Bilingual, intercultural education mandates stated that classes in rural areas, which were typically taught in Spanish, would be bilingual and multicultural, and that schools in urban areas would be multicultural.25 The Peace Accords recognize Guatemala as a multilingual, multicultural society, require integration of diverse cultures and languages into the curriculum, and ―assert that education and training are key factors to achieve equity, national unity, economic modernization, and international competitiveness.‖26 These accords led to: community participation in schools, investments in bilingual, intercultural education and teacher training, and cultural and gender diversity in teaching materials.27 The current law states that instruction is conducted in Spanish only beginning in third grade, but indigenous languages are used in the early grades and also to support instruction in the upper grades as an increasing number of indigenous teachers are hired to work in local schools. Beginning in 1994, USAID collaborated with the Guatemalan Ministry of Education (MINEDUC) to provide Eduque a la Niña, a needs-based scholarship program meant to increase primary school enrollment among girls living in rural Guatemala. The reform efforts were a reaction to international research regarding the economic benefits of girls‘ primary education, together with recognition of Guatemala‘s low primary school enrollment numbers for girls.28 In addition to providing monthly stipends (scholarships) directly to the girls or their families, the program included community outreach workers that provided tutoring and parent committees to help with the selection of program participants. The scholarship, $4.30 per month, covered all the direct costs of schooling but not all the opportunity costs.29 Eligible participants were 7-14 year-old girls in grades 1-3 with limited economic resources, residence in targeted communities, and parental ‗interest and consent.‘30 Evaluations of Eduque a la Niña indicate higher attendance and promotion rates, less grade repetition, and higher enrollment rates for girls and boys in scholarship communities as a result of the program.31 The program had the largest effect for girls in first grade.32 Reimers, et al. suggest that the program ―sends a strong message about the importance of education so that parents tend to send all children to school.‖33 Eduque a la Niña demonstrated that financial support to individuals for school enrollment can have positive results. However, despite success, the program was downscaled after just a few years. Since then, several other scholarship programs have been launched by both the Guatemalan government and by NGOs. Two other government programs helped to improve education in Guatemala during the 1990s. The Nueva Escuela Unitaria (NEU)34 program presented an approach to learning that emphasized teamwork

21 Carey, 2006 22 Carey, 2006 23 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 24 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 25 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 26 The World Bank, 2004 27 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 28 Liang, 1996 29 Liang, 1996 30 Liang, 1996 31 Chesterfield & Rubio 1995, cited in Reimers et al., 2006; Liang, 1996 32 USAID, 1999 33 Reimers et al., 2006 34 A collaboration between MINEDUC the Academy for Educational Development in Washington, D.C. 5

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 among teachers, among students, and between the school and the community. This approach also encouraged active, personalized learning, small group instruction, and student leadership. The program resulted in increased student retention and better reading skills at NEU schools.35 In addition, ―Researchers could describe girls‘ heightened interest, self-efficacy, and participation in NEU classrooms.‖ The evaluators found that encouraging student activity allowed girls to develop their abilities, express themselves, and learn more effectively.‖36 Finally, PRONADE (Programa Nacional de Autogestión para el Desarrollo Educativo) constructed and supported rural primary schools in Guatemala in order to increase primary school enrollment rates among indigenous children. In 2006, there were 6,108 PRONADE schools.37 Of the three programs, PRONADE was the most far-reaching, long-lasting, and influential to the development of education in Guatemala. In the year 2000, new president Alfonso Antonio Portillo Cabrera and the Ministry of Education set out to comply with the Peace Accords by increasing public spending on education, investing in teacher training schools, and building new bilingual, multicultural kindergarten and primary schools. Óscar Berger, in his presidency 2004-2008, continued to increase education spending as he doubled the education budget. However, spending on education as a percentage of GDP remained constant during these years, between 2.5 and 2.7%. The average for Latin American countries during this time was 4.4%.38 In a push to give every child a basic (grades 1-6) education, primary school funding consumed 55% of the entire education budget between 2000 and 2007, while kindergarten used 8% and secondary schools used 10%. The rest was reserved for universities, adult education, and extracurricular programs.39

Current Education Policy

President Álvaro Colom took office in 2008 and immediately took an interest in education. He selected the poorest regions of the country and began to invest funding in facilities, materials, and teachers. Beginning in 2009, every town was required to have a free, public middle school. However, these efforts are shadowed by new education policy spearheaded by Colom‘s wife, Sandra Torres de Colom. Signed into law in April 2008 and initiated in 2009, the new policy is called El Programa Presidencial Mi Familia Progresa. Each qualifying family receives Q150/month if their children attend school regularly, and Q150/month if their children get regular medical check-ups. Families can therefore earn up to $35 per month through this program, and they qualify for participation if they live in extreme poverty and have children under the age of 15. The program aims to reach 100 municipalities and one million families in 2010.40 In order to implement Mi Familia Progresa, the government has had to cut many other educational programs, including scholarship programs and PRONADE. Mi Familia Progresa is an example of a Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) program. CCT programs are welfare programs in which cash is delivered directly to poor families, conditional upon education and health requirements, which are considered to be for public benefit. Generally, education requirements include school enrollment and regular attendance. Health requirements include regular medical check-ups, health workshops, and/or immunizations. Benefits include cash for education, health, food, and a little extra to cover opportunity costs, delivered monthly or bimonthly to households. CCT programs, which emerged in the 1990s, create an incentive structure in which families living in poverty are likely to change their behavior in ways that increase long-term self-sufficiency. The policy is expected to alleviate poverty in the short term through increased family income and in the long term through human capital development. 41 Perhaps most importantly, CCT programs are a response to the under-utilization of health and education services; lack of demand for these services stems from out of pocket costs, the incentive structure, opportunity costs, or

35 Kraft, 1998 36 O‘Gara et al, 1999 37 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 38 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 39 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 40 Consejo de Cohesión Social, Guatemala, 2010 41 Lomeli, 2008 6

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 difficult access.42 The initial CCT model was developed in Mexico, but has spread rapidly through the developing world. Evaluations of CCT programs in Mexico, Nicaragua, Bangladesh, Honduras, Brazil, Cambodia, and Colombia show similar results. CCT programs are well-targeted, economically efficient,43 and have significant positive effects on medical access, school enrollment, and attendance, particularly where baseline enrollment was low: rural communities, secondary schools, and among the female population. 44 These are all challenges that Guatemala faces. Yet its effects on long-term human capital development and structural poverty are unclear. ―The debate has generally concluded that the effects of CCT programs are greater in reducing the intensity than the incidence of poverty. That is, transfers succeed in lowering the gap between a household‘s income and the poverty threshold but generally do not lift households above this line.‖45 Furthermore, critics fear that poor school quality can hinder the progress of any well-intentioned policy.46 Finally, the government started a weekend extracurricular program in late 2009 called Escuelas Abiertas (open schools), which offers lunch along with classes in art, computers, English, sports, dance, and music. Since 1985, the government has moved towards a multi-cultural, multi-lingual, gender-neutral, and inclusive education policy for all children. While the Ministry of Education has established some good policies, children in Guatemala are still the least likely to finish sixth grade on time In 2010, communities still lack access to of all the countries in Latin America, and Guatemala‘s 15-19 preschool and high school programs, year olds have the lowest rate of primary school completion in academic support, instructional 47 the region (58%). The challenges facing education in materials, teacher training opportunities, Guatemala are complex, and even good policies have proven and consistent paychecks for employees. difficult in practice. The academic progress of poor children, and indigenous girls in particular, manifests this challenge.

Gender

Indigenous cultures in Guatemala prescribe particular roles to girls and women that don‘t require formal schooling. While indigenous men dress in modern attire, learn and speak Spanish, and assimilate themselves with ladino culture through travel and business, women are responsible for maintaining the culture through dress, language, parenting, and other traditions which take place in the home and in the local community.48 By the age of 24, the rate of primary school completion among indigenous women is far lower than the rate of ladina women or indigenous men.49 In other words, being indigenous has a stronger negative effect on educational opportunities for girls than for boys. Most indigenous girls have domestic responsibilities such as cooking, cleaning, and taking care of younger siblings. ―Since the division of labor in Mayan households allotted the varied, numerous, strenuous, and time-consuming tasks that comprise domestic toil to females, girls‘ labor was more valuable than

42 Rawlings & Rubio, 2005 43 Cash transfers are more flexible and efficient than in-kind service delivery; they provide families with discretionary funding; they incentivize investments in children‘s future productivity through education and health; they internalize positive externalities of health and education; and they do not distort market prices like in-kind donations might (Lomeli, 2008). In effect, CCT programs are supposed to increase consumption, stimulating economic development through discretionary funds. However, transfers are low enough so that there are no incentives for having additional children. In fact, transfers are not even enough to pull families out of poverty on their own. The cash will only spur future poverty alleviation if children do receive enough educational and health inputs to ensure higher future earnings. 44 Reimers et al., 2006; Barrientos & DeJong, 2004; Rawlings & Rubio, 2005; Adato & Hoddinott, 2007; Lomeli, 2008 45 Draibe 2006, Cortés et al. 2007, cited in Lomeli, 2008 46 Reimers et al., 2006 47 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 48 Carey, 2006 49 Hallman et al., 2006; ―Mayan female completion rates are about one-third of Ladina female rates, while Mayan male rates are about two-thirds of Ladino male rates. Within Mayan groups, female rates are 58% of those of males, while among Ladinos female rates are 92% of those of males.‖ 7

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 boys‘.‖50 Girls are expected to work hard and fulfill important roles in the family. Two women in their seventies share a historical perspective of girls‘ education: they were told they would become lazy if they attended school, and wouldn‘t want to work anymore.51 In a recent study of 13-24 year olds, household duties and lack of money were cited as the top reasons females did not attend school.52 Because household duties are numerous and time-consuming, they require a lot of labor which is not culturally appropriate for boys to do. Therefore, boys (and less-impoverished ladina females) are often free to attend school while indigenous girls are needed at home. In rural, indigenous Guatemala, school does not replace working hours; it merely adds to the responsibilities of children. There is a significant drop in school enrollment around age 12 for Mayan females.53 The termination of schooling at the age of puberty is not surprising, as children take on adult gender roles. Additionally, ―girls face more restrictions on mobility and behavior as they reach puberty.‖54 Parents seek to protect girls from mixing with boys at school,55 and because of safety concerns, girls are prohibited from traveling too far for school.56 Unfortunately, secondary schools are typically much farther from home than primary schools. ―The farther school is from a girl‘s home and immediate parental supervision, the greater the fear she will be harassed, molested, raped, or abducted en route. Many parents simply refuse to allow their daughters to travel far (how far varies by community) to school.‖57 Seeing as girls are restricted by location, limited secondary school access has a disproportionate effect on female academic achievement. By the age of 18, nearly 40% of Mayan females are married.58 The practice of early marriage is also a factor in preventing adolescent enrollment of girls in school, as ―only 3% of married 15-19 year-old females are enrolled in primary or secondary school, versus more than 40% of unmarried females.‖59 Expectations of future roles may significantly affect both the parents‘ decision to send girls to school and girls‘ ambitions to succeed in school. Hallman, et al. found that, ―Mayan parents‘ expectations of daughters‘ future roles may reduce parental incentives to invest in education beyond the age of puberty.‖60 And as Entwistle points out in a U.S.-based study, ―Students who see only a bleak job market ahead may be tempted to drop out.‖61 Ambitions for girls in LHI‘s scholarship program include becoming teachers, secretaries, and doctors,62 but if girls perceive that those roles are impossible to obtain culturally and financially, they are unlikely to enroll or persist in school. Furthermore, girls experience discrimination within the classroom. Girls learn about gender difference at a young age and bring it into the classroom: ―a girl might expect that her subordinate position in the community would require that she be less dominant in the classroom.‖63 In fact, Hanamaikai and Thompson reported that fewer girls than boys initiated exchanges with teachers privately or participated in class. Teachers favored boys through a greater percentage of positive interactions. Male and female teachers showed similar biases towards boys, but girls were more likely to participate with female teachers. 64 Gender bias is also reflected in the curriculum and learning materials, which together with teacher bias might lower the academic aspirations of females enrolled in school. ―This culture of discrimination was, for many years, expressed through stereotypes that appeared in school texts and educational materials… An analysis… concluded that textbook materials contained cultural and gender stereotypes and prejudices.‖65 USAID attempted to reduce classroom bias in the early 1990s by providing instructional materials, sample

50 Carey, 2006 51 Carey, 2006 52 Hallman et al., 2006 53 Hallman et al., 2006 54 O‘Gara et al, 1999 55 Hallman et al., 2006 56 O‘Gara et al, 1999 57 O‘Gara et al, 1999 58 Hallman et al., 2006 59 Hallman et al., 2006 60 Hallman et al., 2006 61 Entwisle, 1990 62 Limitless Horizons Ixil, 2008 63 Hanamaikai & Thompson, 2005 64 Hanamaikai & Thompson, 2005 65 Tetzagüic & Grigsby, 2004 8

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 activities, and ―exercises to develop girl-friendly attitudes.‖ However, the intervention ―neglected to emphasize strategies to involve girls as active learners by including their interests, needs, and life stories in daily lessons‖ and were considered ―supplementary and not integral to the curriculum.‖ A program evaluation revealed that the materials were observed in fewer than half the participating classrooms.66 As a result of these barriers, literacy rates among indigenous women in Guatemala are among the lowest in the world. However, in spite of economic and cultural boundaries, female enrollment is increasing. Families sometimes ―perceive that education plays an important economic role (creating opportunities, overcoming poverty), and many point to the importance of acquiring knowledge and to the role formal education plays in helping them overcome ethnic barriers and exclusion so that they may reach the ‗ladino world‘ of opportunities.‖67 These thoughts are echoed by children: children in seven of ten rural communities ―see education as offering them a better future.‖68 Similarly, the top motivations for female LHI scholarship recipients were: to have choices, to have a better life than my parents, to not suffer like my parents, to speak Spanish, to have a job with a real salary, and to have knowledge.69 The parents of these girls allow their daughters to attend school but still expect that they fulfill their household duties.70 The hopes of motivated girls and families are often overshadowed by cultural and financial restrictions for girls. Therefore, there is conflict in some indigenous families and communities between the desire for education and long-term social mobility on the one hand, and the need for immediate labor and the desire to retain culture on the other.

Poverty

While the gender gap persists with significant disadvantages for females, the academic gap resulting from socio-economic differences is far larger. Poverty has negative effects on academic achievement through a variety of mechanisms. Indigenous children in Guatemala are in poorer health and more malnourished, have less access to reading materials and educated adult role models, have greater work responsibilities, live in crowded homes where it is difficult to study, and encounter higher costs for schooling relative to family income. These factors result in late enrollment, grade repetition, high rates of absenteeism, and early withdrawal from school among the low-income population of Guatemala. Even public schools are expensive for indigenous families. Only in 2008 did the government start enforcing the law of ‗free‘ public schools, where public schools are not allowed to charge for tuition, uniform, or other school fees. However, students who wish to succeed in school still have to purchase their own school supplies and provide their own transportation. Until 2008, public primary schools cost families about 8% of the poverty threshold, while public secondary schools charged about 39% of the same threshold.71 Yet only 40% of all secondary students actually attend public schools, and private schools are more expensive.72 Evaluations of Eduque a la Niña showed that female scholarship recipients had better rates of attendance, promotion, and completion than control groups and national statistics, and completed primary school in 6.9 instead of the national average of 7.5 to 11.6 years.‖73 These results prove that the cost of schooling is an important factor in academic achievement. In addition to the financial costs of attending school, there are opportunity costs of not working during school hours. Child laborers typically come from poor households in rural areas in Guatemala.74 It is telling that only 7% of children eligible for primary school cited lack of available school as their primary reason for not enrolling, while 50% of indigenous children cited work, lack of money, or domestic duties as primary reasons for not participating in schools.

66 O‘Gara et al, 1999 67 The World Bank, 2004 68 The World Bank, 2004 69 Limitless Horizons Ixil, 2008 70 Limitless Horizons Ixil, 2008 71 The World Bank, 2004 72 Lavarreda et al., 2005; The new law requiring free, public middle schools has shifted these statistics, but the data gives historical perspective. 73 USAID, 1999 74 The World Bank, 2004 9

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Students from poor, indigenous families who are able to attend school have difficulty balancing school and work, which results in absenteeism, grade repetition, and early withdrawal. Guarcello, et al. found that students Among poor students attended school more if they had access to electricity and water, with the eligible for secondary assumption that children without this access would have more work to do. In school, 70% reported lack of money, work, or Guatemala, the school attendance rate is 79% for households with access to domestic duties as the water and 66% for households without access to water. He concludes that the value of time spent outside of school is reduced if water and electricity are main reason for not 75 enrolling in school. available. A 2006 study revealed large gaps in attendance between the rich Source: The World Bank, 2004 and the poor in Guatemala: high-income primary school students attended 98% of the time versus 80% for low-income children, and high-income middle school students attended 93% of the time versus 48% for low-income children. The gap widens as children get older and their work becomes more valuable: high school students from poor households attend school only 18% of the time.76 Because indigenous children are more likely to be poor and living in rural areas, they have greater work responsibilities.77 Physical and mental health factors contribute to the lack of educational attainment by indigenous children. Children need to be in good health in order to be able to attend school, focus, and succeed.78 Yet, children living in poverty are less likely to be healthy than non-poor families. Fifty-eight percent of indigenous children in Guatemala are malnourished.79 Malnutrition puts children in a ―weakened state‖ and makes them more vulnerable to colds, infections, diseases, impaired brain function, stunted growth, learning disabilities, developmental delays, and lower cognitive functioning in general.80 In 2006, one study revealed that 18% of students who dropped out of school reported illness has the reason for leaving school.81 Furthermore, parents in Guatemala cope with economic constraints and the trauma of a post-conflict society, which includes memories of violence and the loss of family members. Hardship in the home is correlated with ―more illness and lowered cognitive development among young children.‖82 Other home environment factors are associated with both poverty and academic achievement in Guatemala, including parental education, availability of learning materials, and family size. A positive association has been found in Guatemala between parental education and likelihood of children enrolling in school.83 But indigenous children are at a significant disadvantage; Hall and Patrinos (2005) found that, ―indigenous adults have less than half the level of schooling of non-indigenous adults: 2.5 versus 5.7 years.‖84 Low parental educational attainment disproportionately affects indigenous children in Guatemala. Poor children in both the United States and Guatemala have less access to reading materials at home. In Guatemala, non-poor families enrolled in public schools spend three times more than poor families on books and school supplies, and poor and indigenous schools are less likely to have textbooks.85 Kim found that enabling access to books was associated with more student reading over the summer in the U.S., noting that availability of books was a factor in literacy development.86 Therefore academic achievement might be related to a lack of learning materials for indigenous children. The fertility rate for indigenous families in Guatemala is 6.2 children, compared to 4.2 overall. 87 This results in two barriers to academic achievement. First, indigenous parents are not available to spend as much

75 Guarcello et al., 2004 76 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 77 Hallman et al., 2006 78 Takanishi, 2002 79 Marini & Gragnolati, 2003 80 Seccombe, 2000; Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997 81 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 82 cited in Takanishi, 2002 83 The World Bank, 2004 84 cited in Hallman et al., 2006 85 The World Bank, 2004 86 Kim, 2004 87 World Health Organization, 2007 10

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 time or money on each child. Second, the large families live in small, crowded homes. This prevents students from having a quiet place to study. ―A number of studies have found that a child‘s home environment – opportunities for learning, warmth of mother-child interactions, and the physical condition of the home – account for a substantial portion of the effects of family income on cognitive outcomes in young children.‖88 Indigenous children in rural Guatemala suffer from a lack of opportunities for learning literacy, a lack of individual attention from adults, and a lack of study space. These poverty-related factors impact a child‘s potential for success in school. The effects of poverty are stark. Poor children in rural Guatemala are likely to start school late, fail classes, repeat grades, and drop out.89 Due to late enrollment and grade repetition, many indigenous children are over-age for their grade. Ninety percent of extremely poor, 79% of medium poor, and 60% of non-poor Mayan females are over-age for their grade.90 As students enter their teens while still in primary school, each year of schooling becomes more expensive (financially and culturally), and each year is less productive (cognitively).91

Language and Culture

Despite promising policies, there continues to be a cultural and linguistic mismatch between the home and the school for indigenous children. Shapiro (2005) reported that two-thirds of rural students went to Spanish-only schools, and only one-third of rural children had access to bilingual programs.92 While this is an improvement over the 5% in 1999,93 the majority of children were still receiving a monolingual education in 2005. Research from 2000 demonstrates that most schools promoted ladino culture and the Spanish language without fulfilling the national policy of inclusive schooling.94 For each year an indigenous child goes to school, there is a 2.4% decline in probability of native language fluency.95 Heckt reminds us that, ―This apparent preference for Spanish as the language of instruction has also to be seen against a history of rejection of their own languages by the indigenous people.‖96 Yet UNICEF Guatemala Assistant Education Officer Ana Maria Sanchez argues that children learn more in their first language and have the right to use his own language and culture to learn.97 U.S.-based research suggests that bilingualism and biculturalism help students perform in school and reduce conflict both at home and at school.98 De Carvalho highlights aspects of cultural mismatch between homes and schools: ―Ethnic and language diversity create discontinuity between the types of socialization, child rearing, and skill development.‖99 At home, traditional teachings include values, respect, culture, customs, gender roles, and gender-based skill development. Elders in ten communities perceive that these cultural norms are being lost over time: ―school children [are] losing respect for traditions and elders, becoming ‗lazy‘ at home, or having to do homework instead of traditional (gender-based) duties.‖100 Heckt points out that life inside and life outside of school have little in common in some Guatemalan rural communities.101 Therefore, school is held in high contrast to the home, making it difficult for parents to see the benefits of sending children to school. One of the historical challenges to the system is that for many years there was a low supply of bilingual teachers. Open positions for bilingual teachers would remain vacant for years. However, with improvements to the education system since 2000 and the training of indigenous children to become

88 Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997 89 Hallman et al., 2006 90 Hallman et al., 2006 91 O‘Gara et al, 1999 92 cited in Hallman et al., 2006 93 USAID, 1999 94 The World Bank, 2004 95 The World Bank, 2004 96 Heckt, 1999 97 Chevigny, 2007 98 Schmid, 2001; García Coll et al., 1996 99 De Carvalho, 2000 100 The World Bank, 2004 101 Heckt, 1999 11

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 teachers, more indigenous children today, including those in Chajul, are taught by teachers who can speak their native tongue and switch seamlessly between the two languages and cultures.

Academic Barriers

The age at which school starts and the practice of grade repetition create a system of teaching and learning that does not match stages of cognitive development. In Guatemala, children are supposed to enroll at the age of seven. However, 30% of indigenous girls enroll late.102 Sameroff and Haith (1996) found that ―all cultures that provide formal schooling for their children begin it between ages five and seven.‖103 This universal conformity is probably due to the fact that children begin to reason (―in the commonsense meaning on the word‖) at age six.104 This is also the time (age six to eight), that many children around the world begin working,105 and children ―become able to cooperate and to coordinate points of view.‖106 Given the tremendous cognitive development that occurs between birth and age seven, indigenous children in Guatemala are missing an enormous opportunity by not enrolling until age seven or eight. This puts indigenous children at a disadvantage compared to their ladino counterparts, who have more learning materials at home and more exposure to Spanish. Primary schools begin at an academic level that is too high for indigenous students. A USAID report recognizing the high dropout rates between first and second grade concludes that, ―the curricula in many of these schools are too challenging for young children entering first grade from illiterate households.‖107 The report notes, ―Early failure begins for many students a cycle of discouragement and lowered perceptions of academic competence.‖108 If students are failing classes and asked to repeat a grade, children will most likely experience a drop in self-confidence and sense of academic competence. While kindergarten might be an answer to academic and social school readiness, and enrollment is increasing in Guatemala, it is not always available.109 Kindergarten enrollment was at 48% in Guatemala in 2006, leaving over half the children with no access.110 The initiative Salvemos Primer Grado successfully reduced first grade repetition rates among participants in the mid-2000s through a summer school program and an opportunity to re-take the exam for promotion to second grade. In 2000, only 59% of first grade students in Guatemala were promoted (27% repeated and 13% dropped out). In 2006, 67% were promoted, with 24.4% repeating and 8.7% dropping out.111 However, many communities never had access to this program. The grade levels with the highest repetition are grades 1, 2, 7, and 10, which are the grades in which children are transitioning into the next school. Many students, and indigenous students in particular, who are making the transition into primary, middle, and high schools find the curriculum so challenging that they have to repeat grades or drop out. A 1999 study of Guatemala and four other countries found that, ―Most education systems in the case study countries were designed to weed out rather than include most students. High dropout rates are a predictable outcome. Teachers use repetition to ensure that children learn the required material.‖112 The combination of late enrollment and grade repetition means that indigenous students are in lower grades when they reach adolescence. Nineteen percent of indigenous 15-year-olds are still in primary school,113 and ―by adolescence the pace of cognitive development is slow—probably one- tenth as rapid as in elementary school.‖114

102 The World Bank, 2004 103 Eccles, 1999 104 Eccles, 1999 105 Heckt, 1999 106 Rogoff, 1990 107 O‘Gara et al, 1999 108 O‘Gara et al, 1999 109 The World Bank, 2004 110 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 111 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 112 O‘Gara et al, 1999 113 The World Bank, 2004 114 Entwisle, 1990 12

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010

EDUCATION IN CHAJUL

In Chajul, children experience similar barriers to schooling as other rural, indigenous communities in Guatemala. However, Chajul doesn‘t exhibit all national trends, and has unique strengths and challenges when it comes to education.

Table 4: National Trends in Chajul National Trend Observed in Chajul Access to education increasing. YES Enrollment is rising. YES Rural students behind urban peers and national curriculum. YES Indigenous children are combining school and work. YES Indigenous children start school late. NO Poor families have fewer reading materials in the home. YES Families live in crowded homes. YES Parents have little formal education, often illiterate. YES Schools are monolingual in Spanish. NO Students struggle most in transition grades: 1, 2, 7, and 10. YES in grades 1 and 7 Students struggle with course failure, grade repetition, and drop out. YES Work and marriage are top reasons for female dropout. YES Boys enroll at higher rates than girls. YES at secondary level, NO at primary Female enrollment increasing. YES Instructional materials bias against girls. NO (no materials) Significant drop in girls‘ enrollment at puberty. YES Secondary schools are farther from town. YES Malnutrition and poor health affect learning. YES Local schools shaped by political movements. YES Financial support increases enrollment. YES (scholarships and Mi Familia Progresa)

In the municipal core of Chajul, the first middle school was built in 1995 and the first high school in 2000. In 2010, there are four middle schools and two small high schools. In the past few years, a few kindergarten classes as well as a preschool for children ages 2 to 5 have begun. In Chajul county, there are now six additional middle schools in the outlying communities of Ilóm, Sotzil, Xolcuay, Chel, Xix, and Xamac. 2002 data revealed that 75% of adults in Chajul county were illiterate (more women than men), 115 64% of the population is under 16 years old,116 and the average adult in the Ixil region, over age 14, has 3.3 years of formal education.117 Figure 1: Years of Schooling of Adults over 14 in the Ixil Region118

9% 12% no formal education

1-2 years 19% 3-4 years 31% 5-6 years

29% more than 6 years

115 Plan Municipal del Desarrollo, 2002 116 Plan Municipal del Desarrollo, 2002 117 Pijnenburg, 2002 118 Pijnenburg, 2002 13

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However, we expect these numbers to be much higher in 2010 than in 2002, due to new schools opening and a changing attitude towards schooling. Currently, 31,780 residents of Chajul county are beneficiaries of Mi Familia Progresa. 21,685 live in the outlying communities and 10,095 live in the municipal core. This constitutes a majority of the Chajul population.119 Unfortunately, students in the outlying communities have access to a lower quality of education than the students in the municipal core. But even students in Chajul‘s center are underserved compared to their counterparts in Xela, Guatemala City, and even Nebaj. Because schools get per-pupil funding, and parents decide where to send their children, school leaders have an economic incentive to recruit students to their own school and consider other schools as competitors rather than allies. Additionally, many schools in Guatemala are aligned with particular religious or political factions. The three private middle schools compete to attract students and seek to obtain the highest educational quality in Chajul. These factors have created a culture of competition, rather than collaboration, among schools. Students in Guatemala attend school from January to October. Most primary and secondary schools operate for 4 or 4.5 hours per day, allowing for morning and afternoon sessions to use the same facilities. Very few educational opportunities exist in Chajul outside of the school day as facilities are used by two schools per day and teachers are paid only for teaching hours. Students and teachers tend to do other jobs outside of school hours rather than studying, preparing, or reviewing. However, 1,435 people have registered for Escuelas Abiertas in Chajul. The program runs 8:00-3:00 on Saturdays and Sundays and includes lunch. Most of the teachers are from Chajul and most of the participants are children (ages 7-15), although older youth and adults participate as well. Escuelas Abiertas takes place in a school building where they built a computer lab with 30 machines exclusively for this program. There are four types of traditional schools in Chajul.

Párvulos (Preschool) There is one new preschool that serves 75 children in Chajul, ranging in age from two to five (representing a wide range of cognitive development). There are two teacher-directors who are very dedicated to their work and do very basic activities with the children, such as coloring and singing songs. Historically there has been no early childhood education in Chajul. There are a few day care centers for children ages 4-7 called Hogares Comunitarias, but these centers are not staffed by educators and do not serve large numbers of children.

Pre-Primary (Kindergarten) and Primary There are ten primary schools in the municipal core of Chajul, a few of which have kindergarten sections. Kindergarten is a one-year program for six-year-olds to learn Spanish and school habits such as holding a pencil. Most children enter school at age 7 in first grade, as access to preschool and kindergarten is still limited. First grade students in Chajul struggle with the national curriculum as they are already behind their urban peers. Although there are several schools, there is still an expressed need for putting more resources into primary education in order to build a stronger foundation and catch up with the national curriculum. Primary schools included in this study are all located in the center of town: Xabal, Xechevex, Urbana Mixta (morning), Urbana Mixta (afternoon), and CEMFI.

Básico (Middle School) Chajul center has four middle schools, all of which are included in this study: IMEBCO, Nacional, CEMFI, and San Gaspar. IMEBCO (Instituto Mixto de Educación Básica por Cooperativa) was private last year, but now receives some funding from both the federal government and the municipality. Nacional is a free, public middle school that opened in January of 2009. San Gaspar was supported by a church at first but is now on its own and opened in its current form in 2008. The evangelical private school CEMFI (Colegio

119 Consejo de Cohesión Social, Guatemala, 2010 14

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Evangelico Metodista Filadelfia Ixil) opened in 2006 and found that students were coming into middle school at so many different academic levels that they opened a primary school.

Diversificado (High School) The whole county of Chajul only had one high school program from 2000 to 2009, and a second opened in 2010. High schools in Guatemala offer career tracks rather than a general curriculum. IDSI (Instituto Diversificado Sociedad Ixil) which is connected to IMEBCO, had 68 students in 2009 in one career option (primary school teaching). CEMFI opened an accounting high school program in January 2010. Interviewees also expressed interest in adding additional high school programs.

Funding

Funding: Major Findings 1. Education in Chajul is funded primarily by the government and partially by students’ families and international supporters. 2. Funding from the government provides teacher salaries and classroom materials for primary and middle schools. The government also provides funding for snacks at public primary schools. 3. School leaders and teachers feel government funding is not enough. 4. There is little public funding available for high schools.

Preschool The preschool is supported primarily by the government, which pays for teacher salaries, facilities, and notebooks. However, the funding is insufficient as they have just two teachers for 75 children in an overcrowded space.

Primary Schools All funding for facilities, materials, and salaries for the public primary schools comes from the government. Teachers get Q200 (about $25) for the year for materials. Primary schools get 80 cents (about 10 U.S. cents) per day per child for snacks. One school said they pay Q1 (12.5 U.S. cents) instead, because in order to get funding for snacks, schools need receipts for purchases. It is difficult to get receipts for purchases from affordable vendors in Chajul, so schools must purchase from more expensive vendors. All interviewed said the funding is not enough. Some teachers spend their own pocket money for photocopies and materials. Students do not pay for tuition at the public primary schools, but they do purchase their own school supplies. The private primary school CEMFI charges for tuition and uniform.

Secondary Schools Nacional is fully supported by the national government. This school is free to attend and was over- enrolled in 2009. However, the school had actually received funding to pay only half of their teachers, and has had to ask students‘ families to pitch in to pay for basic costs. Several families chose not to re-enroll in Nacional in 2010 because they were being asked for money. One private middle school, San Gaspar, used to receive financial support from a church in the States, but currently survives on revenue only from student tuition, which is Q35/month (about $4.50). This school has lost students to the free middle school and struggles to pay for teachers (who are all part time), materials, and facilities. One private school, CEMFI, which now serves students in primary, middle, and high school grades, receives funding from a church in Houston, Texas, and also from student tuition. They do not receive anything from the government. CEMFI charges about $15 to register, $6.25 monthly tuition, and $50 for the uniform. Required typing and computer classes cost extra. The last secondary school has both a middle (IMEBCO) and high (IDSI) school. The middle school switched from private to partially public in 2009. It is funded by three sources: national public funding, city funding (Q25,000, or $3,125, for the year), and student tuition, lowered to $1.25/month in 2010. The high 15

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 school is funded solely by student tuition and utilizes resources from the middle school (facilities, teachers). There is little public funding available for high schools in Guatemala, and so IDSI is concerned about sustainability. All schools complain about lack of funding and also lack of consistent funding. Schools worry about paying for teacher salaries and for materials. Mi Familia Progresa has significantly increased primary and middle school enrollment, but no additional funding has come into the community to pay for additional teachers or materials. While some schools around the country have received a bonus to cover additional students, Chajul‘s schools have not, significantly reducing the funding per student at these schools.

Politics

Politics: Major Findings 1. Politics have a tremendous effect on education in Chajul, which leads to constant change and little local control. 2. Mi Familia Progresa has increased attendance and enrollment at primary and secondary schools in Chajul without increasing the budget. There are mixed opinions on the policy. 3. While the current administration seems to be investing more in education than previous administrations, there is a general lack of support from and trust in local and national governments.

The new policy, Mi Familia Progresa, serves over half the population in Chajul120 and has greatly increased the number of children who are attending school this year. One primary school increased from 325 students to 461. Another went from 158 to 248. However, schools in Chajul that don‘t charge tuition haven‘t seen a budget increase to support the influx of students. It is possible that the enrollment increase will be reflected in the 2011 school budgets. Interviewees have a range of opinions on this new policy. People in the school community generally view Mi Familia Progresa positively. It is increasing both enrollment and attendance and holding families accountable for children‘s school attendance through incentives. It also requires medical check-ups, which is regarded as an important step in the education community in Chajul. However, some people criticize the program. They say that it is not adequately funding the schools or that it is a political scheme to gain popularity in the region for the next election. Additionally, some think it is a bad idea to give people money directly, especially if it may be taken away during the next political cycle. School leaders complain about the changes that come with political shifts. Funding, curriculum, requirements, and everything else seem to change every four years, making it difficult for school leaders to plan or even buy into the changes that do take place. One school leader says he never knows how many, or which, teachers he will have the following year. All these changes make it hard for him to deliver an effective education. Corruption and favoritism were also among the top complaints of teachers and school leaders. Politicians coming into power are likely to provide more funding to institutions whose leaders supported their candidacy. There is a lot of frustration among educators towards the government, especially those who pay for their own photocopying and materials. Several school leaders mentioned that there are supposed to be teacher trainings provided by the government. In July 2009, a few schools hadn‘t had any yet in 2009; a few had experienced them but complained of limited spots for teachers; and others did have some trainings conducted by government employees. One school reported that its last teacher training from MINEDUC was in 2002 or 2003. Political uncertainty and favoritism leads to a lack of trust towards all levels of government. In general, the government isn‘t viewed as a reliable institution that supports education, either locally or nationally. Yet Colóm is seen a bit more positively in terms of education than previous leaders. For example, he brought the middle school Nacional to Chajul, which helps fill a need for more middle school education.

120 Consejo de Cohesión Social, Guatemala, 2010 16

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Also, MINEDUC employees were at one school (Urbana Mixta) painting the basketball court and installing new backboards on the basketball hoops for Escuelas Abiertas. Some see the government as a source of hope. One school, IMEBCO, hopes that the mayor will someday build another level on their school so they can serve more students. However, a statement like this comes with a bit of despair, ―who knows when this will happen?‖ The schools have little control over their own futures, and seem to blow in the political wind.

Enrollment and Class Size

School Enrollment and Class Size: Major Findings 1. Enrollment has increased. 2. The average student to teacher ratio is approximately 35:1 in accordance with the law. 3. Preschool has the largest class sizes.

The attitude towards formal education is changing in Chajul. School enrollment has been growing since 2000, but 2009 saw a major boost with the addition of a free public middle school (Nacional) and the incentives offered by Mi Familia Progresa. One primary school nearly doubled in enrollment as a result of the new policy. However, economic need still prevents school enrollment and attendance. The Department of Quiché, which is home to Chajul, has the second highest non-enrollment rate for school-aged children “There is the opportunity to have in the country. With a non-enrollment rate of 36% among children 121 access to education in Chajul more ages 5-18, only Alta Verapaz is ranked lower. The greatest than in the past. There used to be challenge to education in Chajul, one school director explained, is more resistance to education in the economic need. Many students get pulled out of school to work. communities; it wasn’t necessarily seen Some teachers feel they need to stress the importance of education as a positive thing. Now people are with their students, and dissuade them from leaving school. One starting to recognize the importance of teacher observed that Chajul is advancing in terms of roads, education. Before people used to think electricity, and other structural elements. But, he said, people in the that kids that went to school were lazy community are not advancing enough; they are not developing the and didn’t want to work, but now they knowledge, the human capital, or even the trade skills needed for a realize it is a positive thing.” healthy economy. The increase in student enrollment and educational – school director opportunities in Chajul serves to develop the pipeline needed for this human capital development.

Table 5: 2009 School Enrollment School Name Grades Public/Private # of Students # Teachers IDSI 10-12 Private 68 Uses IMEBCO teachers IMEBCO 7-9 Semi-Public 122 11 San Gaspar 7-8* Private 46 7 part time Nacional 7* Public 150 8, some part time CEMFI middle 7-9 Private 146 10 CEMFI primary K-2* Private 45 3 Xabal K-6 Public 248 12 Xechevex K-6 Public 461 12-14 Urbana Mixta (morning K-6 Public 648 18-20 & afternoon) Preschool Ages 2-5 Public 75 2 *At the time of data collection, these schools were not fully developed and intended to add grades in future years.

121 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 17

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010

Table 6: Class Size Schools range in size from 46 to 648 students. Grade Level # Students during class visit The law states that no more than 35 children are allowed Preschool 75 (2 teachers) in each class, and directors generally said there were 35- Kindergarten 38 40 students per class. They complained that teachers Kindergarten 27 cannot be effective with large class sizes. The number of Kindergarten 27 students we observed in each classroom ranged from 20 1 23 to 75. However, every class had 1-8 students absent. 1 30 This table represents the number of students actually 122 1 25 sitting in class on the day of observation.

4 38 We observed 624 students in 20 classrooms with 4 33 21 teachers. The average class size on the day of 5 26 observation was 31.2, and the average student to teacher 5 30 ratio was 29.7. With full attendance, the student to 5 28 teacher ratio is probably 35:1 in Chajul. However, the 5 20 student to teacher ratio for preschool and one 6 28 kindergarten class is 38:1, which is problematic. Volumes of research demonstrate the importance of 6 36 adult interaction for the cognitive development of young 7 33 children. U.S. preschool classes typically have much 7 34 lower student to teacher ratios than classes for older 7 18 students. 8 24 9 31

Attendance, Grade Repetition, and Dropout

Attendance, Grade Repetition, and Drop Out: Major Findings 1. Formal education is growing in popularity, but is constantly up against economic need and political challenges. 2. Attendance, dropout, and grade repetition are still problematic, particularly in first and seventh grades.

Attendance Mi Familia Progresa is having a positive impact on attendance. In order for families to receive money from this program, the teacher must complete a form indicating students‘ attendance. We observed one student give a written notice to the director about absence for medical reasons. In an oral culture with little information management and even less accountability, this indicates a significant shift in communication and expectations around attendance. The director of San Gaspar says he visits families of students with consistent attendance issues to ensure there is good reason for missing school. However, most classes observed still had 1-8 students missing, demonstrating that consistent attendance is still a difficult issue in Chajul.

Grade repetition Grade repetition is a problem in Chajul, particularly in transition grades (1 and 7). One first grade teacher said that in a class of 30 students, about 10 will repeat. If students do not demonstrate learning and pass exams, they stay another year in that grade. While secondary students have the opportunity to re-take final exams they have failed, there is generally no social promotion in Chajul.

122 The authors did not get a headcount in some of the earlier classes observed. 18

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Dropout Many students also enroll and then drop out or dropout between school levels. A class of 40 had dropped to 30 by July. A school that enrolled 176 students in January had lost 26 students by July, and a school of 42 had lost three students in this same time period. Yet one primary teacher hasn‘t lost any this year. Barriers to continued enrollment, according to school directors and teachers, primarily include economic hardship, time needed for work, transportation, poor grades, exam failure, and marriage. Illness, lack of parental support, and disinterest can also be contributing factors.

Gender

Home: Major Findings 1. More female students are enrolled in both primary and secondary schools than in the past. 2. Girls’ enrollment rates in primary school are now even with boys’. 3. There is still a significant drop in female enrollment in middle school.

Classes in primary school seemed to be even in terms of gender, or even include more girls than boys. However, this could be due to attendance and not enrollment. This shows a dramatic improvement in gender equality in Chajul. However, there is still a noticeable difference at the secondary level. Table 7 shows the number of students in classrooms we observed in four different schools, by gender.

Table 7: Gender in the Classroom Grade Level Male Female % Female In grades 4-6, where students are still in primary 4 19 19 50% schools, female students make up at least 50% of the 4 16 17 51% class. 120 of the 203 students observed in grades 4-6 5 12 14 54% were female, or 59%. In grades 7-9, only 29 of 108 5 10 20 67% students were female, or 27% of the middle school students we observed. The director at IMEBCO noted that 5 9 19 68% because his school is farther from town, girls tend to 5 8 12 60% come and go in groups, and some families don‘t feel safe 6 9 19 68% sending their daughters there. Nacional is about the same 7 24 9 27% distance from the center of town as IMEBCO, in the other 7 20 14 41% direction. Last year, 15 of IMEBCO‘s girls dropped out. 9 25 6 19% The director cites work and marriage as major reasons for girls leaving school. In comparison to the historical landscape, girls have come a long way in education in Chajul. While middle schools still have more boys than girls enrolled, girls still represented approximately one-third of the middle school classes. However, one 9th grade class had only six females in a class of 31. The girls said last year there were more girls and many had left. The six that remained said they wanted to go to high school and become teachers. This is an accepted path for women in Chajul and the only high school career option. Teachers were both male and female, with the younger grades seeing more female teachers and the older grades seeing more male teachers. All school directors except at the preschool were male. A local LHI staff member mentioned the importance of working on the confidence, leadership, and self-awareness of girls so that they stay in school.

Facilities and Supplies

Facilities and Supplies: Major Findings 1. Most schools have large classrooms filled with desks. They generally have cement floors and walls. 2. Limitations in facilities included a lack of electricity at most schools, a lack of classroom space at four schools, and aluminum rooftops and dirt floors in five classrooms.

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3. The preschool has the most inadequate facilities.

All classrooms observed had few supplies. Most were filled with desks and cleaning supplies. Most classrooms were sparsely decorated, with cement floors and walls. Decorations often included students‘ artwork, cleaning charts, Mother‘s Day posters, Guatemalan national symbols (flag, bird, plant), language posters, or health-related posters hanging on the wall. One school (IMEBCO) has an outdoor mural, painted by students a few years ago. None of the classrooms were using electricity or lights during our observations; Nacional and IMEBCO complained they do not have electricity. Electricity is very expensive in Chajul relative to income. For example, LHI constantly uses electricity for lights and computers and spends $480 per year for one space that is approximately 800 square feet. This represents about half of an annual salary for the typical male worker in Chajul, and more than a typical female worker earns in a year. Two of the schools, San Gaspar and Xabal/Xechevex had a few classrooms with aluminum rooftops, which cause the classrooms to be very hot when the sun shines, and very loud when it rains. These classrooms also had dirt floors and wooden, non- insulated siding. LHI and a volunteer group from Brown University have since added cement floors and equipment for lighting to the three classrooms at Xabal/Xechevex (which share a facility). San Gaspar has since moved to a different facility. Xabal/Xechevex would also like a wall or fence built around the school to keep the children in (and off the street) and the animals out. They see it as a safety concern. When asked about the greatest need in their school, four directors/teachers interviewed at three primary schools and a preschool mentioned that they needed more classroom space. The preschool, with 75 youngsters crowded into one room, was particularly inadequate in terms of facilities. Not only is the space too small, but the hungry children are also drawn to the restaurant above and so linger in the doorway or on the street.

Materials

Materials: Major Findings 1. There is a lack of instructional materials at all levels. 2. Some materials are provided by the government, but not enough. 3. The lack of materials does have a negative impact on learning.

Materials was the most recurring answer when we asked about schools‘ greatest needs. Most referred to print and electronic instructional and research materials, and two said uniforms. Other requests for materials included hygienic supplies such as soap and toilet paper, as well as markers and audio-video supplies. Recently there was a national push to get a white board in every classroom, so many of the rooms do have a white board and markers, which are expensive in Guatemala. However, teachers clean the white boards with toilet paper or their hands, and it is unclear how they will obtain new markers in the future. Classroom teachers in government-funded schools get Q200 ($25) from the government to pay for materials for the year. Children at the preschool get a workbook from the Ministry of Education. However, some teachers spoke of paying for photocopies, newspapers, etc. with their own money, indicating that either Q200 isn‘t enough or that it wasn‘t being paid out. Classrooms, indeed, were bare. There were few books observed during classroom visits except for the teacher manual and a notebook and pen for each child. For the most part, school offices were also void of instructional materials and things to read. None of the schools had a library. Consequently, class time was often spent on dictation, with the teacher reading text aloud and students copying into their notebooks. The reasons for requests for materials included:  Current materials are out of date.  The government does not provide enough materials.  Materials are aligned with a strict curriculum, which doesn‘t allow funding for poetry, for example.

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 Students get bored without didactic materials.  There isn‘t enough access to information when doing research projects.

Technology

Technology: Major Findings 1. Technology is seen as a magic bullet by educators in Chajul. Nearly all respondents requested technology equipment, access to electronic information, and training for their students. 2. There are numerous barriers to the development of technology in Chajul.

Nearly every teacher and school leader thought that increasing technology at their school would improve the education their students were receiving. Seven schools mentioned increased technology as one of their greatest needs. Nine mentioned that they would like computers for their classrooms or schools, and three said there is a great need for a library with computers and internet. When students are given a research assignment, there isn‘t enough access to the information required to do the assignment well. Occasionally a wealthier student will pay to use the new internet café and then share the information with his/her peers, or students will compete for computer time at the medical center, which has a single computer available for students. Educators believe that technology would transform learning in the following ways:  Media equipment such as TVs, projectors, and computers would make instructional content come alive for students through visual and interactive tools;  Familiarity with technology would give students more future career options;  Access to electronic information would give students more resources for research projects; and  Computers would help students find jobs, scholarships, and other opportunities. When asked what type of high school program would be most important to add, many said an institute of technology. Barriers to educational technology include lack of electricity, lack of computers and media equipment, dusty environments which damage electronics, lack of a computer lab or library, lack of tech support, and lack of computer teachers.

Curriculum and Instruction

Curriculum and Instruction: Major Findings 1. Students in Chajul are constantly behind the national curriculum, leading to exam failure and grade repetition. 2. In compliance with the law, classes are taught primarily in Spanish after grade 3. However, Spanish comprehension is a significant barrier to learning in Chajul. 3. Reading and writing skills are especially weak among students in Chajul. 4. There isn’t any academic support for students outside of classroom instruction. 5. There are few opportunities for analytical work and building critical thinking skills. 6. Class time is often lost to cleaning, transcribing, special events, or notebook checking.

Spanish Teachers are required to teach only in Spanish after 3rd grade. In practice, there is a mixture of Ixil and Spanish in every school. We found a mix of Ixil and Spanish in the classroom from the preschool level through grade 4, with decreasing Ixil use in grades 2-4. Classrooms for grades 5 and up were taught only in Spanish, although students spoke to each other in Ixil. Although Chajul has reached the national standard of Spanish-only classrooms, teachers and school leaders still cite the Spanish language as a significant barrier to academic success for students in Chajul, and students‘ conversational skills in Spanish are weak. Spanish is taught directly through conjugations, roots and derivatives, spelling, sentence writing, and songs; and indirectly through content areas like math, science, and reading. Teachers for the most part had a fluency and

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[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 comfort in Spanish, although one fifth grade student teacher taught an incorrect form of the verb correr (to run), and the head teacher did not correct her. Teachers and school directors say students have a hard time processing new information because of the language barrier. Every teacher in Chajul teaches a tremendous amount of content in the students‘ second language. Naturally this presents a challenge for Chajul‘s students to match the academic performance of their peers in Xela or Guatemala City, who use Spanish more frequently. Ixil is the language spoken at home; Spanish is reserved for school and some workplaces. However, school directors say that by third grade, students are not actually ready for Spanish immersion, as they had just started learning Spanish in first grade. Students are often caught at language comprehension and miss the actual content. Preschool and kindergarten classes can begin to address this need, but they serve a very small portion of the children in Chajul. While students would learn more content, more quickly in their first language, the Spanish language – both conversational and academic – is necessary in Guatemala to succeed in high school, university, and stable employment, and to participate in civic life.

Reading and Writing Another common barrier to learning is literacy. Many students have a hard time with both decoding and reading comprehension. Educators gave many explanations for poor reading skills: malnutrition, no books at home, no reading in early childhood, no culture of reading in Chajul, and no reading among adults in Chajul. Chajul has an oral culture and a language that, until recently, had no written form. Many teachers and school leaders complained about the lack of reading and writing skills among their students, and would like an enrichment program for their students. Students in seventh grade are not reading at the seventh grade level, and even a ninth grade student was still struggling with basic reading. These educators felt that reading and writing were important to:  Build vocabulary,  Raise awareness,  Work on memory and comprehension,  Build a culture of reading,  Build analytical skills, and  Reflect and express thoughts and emotions. In class, we saw that students were often asked to read silently or out loud, and teachers would often read out loud. Sometimes explanations were given or questions were asked. The director of San Gaspar asked every middle school student to write a reflection after church each week in order to work on self-expression through writing. However, we didn‘t observe much discussion at any schools about reading or about student writing.

English In 2004, Guatemala started including English classes in the national curriculum. This law was adopted in Chajul in 2008. However, we found just one teacher in all of Chajul who could speak and teach English. The rest of the English teachers were trying to learn and teach English simultaneously from a textbook.

Math Students were learning numbers in pre-school, double-digit multiplication in grade 3, triple-digit multiplication in grade 5, and mathematical properties in another fifth grade class. Teachers sometimes just used numbers, but other times built relevant word problems for students using examples such as number of children in a family and the price and quantity of goods. However, school leaders complained that seventh grade students are very behind and struggle with fractions and proportions. One director thought that the Spanish language might get in the way of math instruction.

Science and Social Studies In science classes, students were learning about illnesses (grade 5), the environment (grade 6), and anatomy (grade 7). Activities included writing definitions, reading and summarizing articles, writing word- 22

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 for-word what the teacher was saying, and drawing a diagram of the female reproductive system. In a 9th grade social studies class, students were reading the Prensa Libre and attempting to answer critical thinking questions about the political situation in Honduras. In conversation with the authors, students couldn‘t articulate their own opinions. When we asked for their perspective, they scanned the article for words to read out loud.

The Challenges of Grades 1 and 7 Teachers, especially at the middle school level, feel that their students are always behind the national curriculum. Students are coming into middle school from a variety of primary schools, and seventh-grade teachers find that their students are not ready for seventh grade work. They spend the first few months reviewing both content and language from earlier curricula. It is unclear whether the students are behind because they weren‘t taught the basics or if it is because they didn‘t thoroughly learn them when taught. Consequently, teachers need to work extra hard to review old material while preparing students for grade- level national exams. However, it seems that even first graders are behind their ladino peers. Their parents have had fewer years of schooling, they haven‘t been exposed to as much Spanish, they have less access to books, and they are more malnourished upon entering primary school. The Department of Quiché‘s first grade math scores rank 15th out of twenty departments, with only 25% passing the math exam and 47% passing the reading exam.123 One teacher said about one third of her first grade class would probably repeat. Teachers reported that their first graders who had attended kindergarten were performing better than those that didn‘t. What we saw as a problem in middle school may well have its roots in the early years.

Critical Thinking Educators complained that the curriculum is narrow and doesn‘t encourage critical thinking. Students are not taught analytical thinking skills directly, and teachers recognize that their students lack these skills. Some teachers who want to teach outside the box find materials, copy them using personal funds, and are extra efficient with class time. For example, one teacher teaches poetry and one brings in the newspaper Prensa Libre. The director at San Gaspar says that students in other schools will be able to tell you the definition of a comma but have no idea how to use it. San Gaspar‘s classes aim to center around students speaking in class, investigating social issues, and critical thinking. The director says that this approach would be difficult in other schools. In fact, homework assignments generally involve copying text or writing brief answers to non-analytical questions.

Use of Class Time Class time was used similarly across different schools. Potentially due to lack of materials, the most common form of teaching used in upper grades was the teacher reading from their book and the students copying word-for-word into their notebook. This often took up most of the time in the class, leaving little room for discussion or analysis. Students are typically given over a week to do assignments, and rely heavily on each other or adults at LHI or the medical center for support in getting started. Rather than students submitting work to be carefully reviewed on the basis of quality, teachers check student notebooks one-by-one during class and assign credit based on assignment completion. This practice not only de-values creativity and individual effort, but also consumes significant class time and encourages students to copy from one another. Notebook checking leaves students with a lot of unstructured time, often leading to children in lower grades leaving the classroom or running around the room. When class was over, students often completed their assigned classroom cleaning tasks. Sports and music are valued by the schools in Chajul and sometimes consume academic class time. Besides physical education class, student athletes occasionally travel during the school day to compete and one English class was found playing basketball instead of learning English. A few of Chajul‘s schools have bands with instruments either donated or purchased by families. One teacher let some students leave class for

123 PREAL & CIEN, 2008 23

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 band practice, which took place in the courtyard. It was so loud it was nearly impossible for the teacher to continue teaching. Also we found that whenever special events were taking place – meetings for the teachers, medical check-ups for the students, preparations for Independence Day, etc. – class time was disrupted.

Academic Support Students in Chajul are expected to pass the same exams as their counterparts in Guatemala City. However, many students lack the academic support to reach this level. Only one school (IMEBCO) offers extra help to low-performing students. One teacher says students would take advantage of tutoring if it was available, and some teachers allow students to come to their homes to ask questions. LHI offers Saturday tutoring to its scholarship students. LHI strongly encourages attendance and requires it for students who are failing a class. Overall about half of the students attend regularly for help; not all take advantage of the opportunity because they have to work, are already achieving relatively good grades, or are not sufficiently motivated. LHI also offers intensive Spanish classes during school vacation for a limited number of secondary students, and Centro Estudiantil Amanecer (see below) provides support to its students. Besides these offerings and the English classes offered through Escuelas Abiertas, Chajul lacks the infrastructure for further academic support. Schools employ directors and teachers only, and don‘t have support staff. Additionally, most school buildings are used for two separate schools – one in the morning and one in the afternoon – so facilities and teachers aren‘t available before or after school.

Teachers

Teachers: Major Findings 1. Most teachers today are from Chajul rather than coming in from other parts of the country. 2. There is little support and professional development available to teachers. 3. Teachers lack materials and struggle to teach students in their second language. 4. Teachers are contracted to work during the school day, but not before or after. 5. Most teachers are devoted to their work and care deeply about the education in Chajul.

One of the greatest strengths observed in class visits and interviews was the teaching force in Chajul. Teachers are increasingly from Chajul, whereas they previously came from other communities around Guatemala. This signifies that Chajul is producing more high school graduates and bilingual professionals. Some teachers are graduating from the IDSI high school and staying in the community. Others left Chajul to study in other places for high school or university, but returned to work in Chajul. Many directors and teachers interviewed are evidence of this trend. Because the school day is only 4.5 hours, several Chajul teachers teach at multiple schools. Others are ‗part-time‘ and work less than 4 hours per day. However, with limited high school options (beyond the teacher preparation program), the community has now produced an abundance of unemployed certified primary school teachers. When students graduate from high school, they may teach primary school. Students at IDSI get their practical training by teaching some units to IMEBCO students. Teachers of secondary school must have a university degree. There is little ongoing support and few resources for teachers in Chajul. Although teachers are supposed to receive 3-4 workshops and trainings by MINEDUC each year, this seems to be inconsistent. Teachers expressed interest in more training opportunities in order to become more specialized in certain areas of knowledge, such as: computers, reading techniques, math, Spanish, science, and English. One respondent mentioned that some teachers do not want to put in the extra time to participate when these workshops are offered. There is little incentive to participate. Common concerns amongst teachers were lack of classroom supplies, technology, books, and classroom space. They also spoke to the challenge of teaching students in their second language. At San Gaspar, the director said his part-time teachers ―basically volunteer their time.‖ Thus, many of these teachers also teach at other schools. Full-time teachers working at the public schools fall into two categories. Some have one-year contracts and do not receive any benefits (such as retirement). These teachers are supposed to receive monthly checks from the government, but often these paychecks are missed. 24

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More experienced teachers receive benefits, more reliable paychecks, and raises every four years. Full-time public school teachers who are paid regularly can earn $3,950/year, which is more than most adults in Chajul. Teachers are supposed to receive small pay raises each year, but in 2010 teacher salaries across Guatemala have remained constant. Furthermore, many teachers across the country, including in Chajul, haven‘t been paid at all. The government doesn‘t seem to have the funds to carry out their basic education programs, and educators across the country went on strike early in 2010. At the time of this report, the situation is still unresolved. Most teachers seem devoted to their work as educators. Most participants in this study care deeply about education in Chajul and are willing to work towards their vision for improved quality of education.

Family

Family: Major Findings 1. Parents view formal education more positively now than in the past. 2. Parents and guardians are not actively involved in the schools or their children’s education.

Government schools are required to have a parent board, although the level of participation and political power in decision-making seems to be limited to snacks or similarly minor tasks. Parents are responsible for the daily snacks at three participating schools. A few school directors complained that families don‘t prioritize education or that parents might blame the school for poor student performance. Six of the schools in Chajul require parents to pay a fee for their children to attend because they are private or semi-private: San Gaspar, IMEBCO, IDSI, CEMFI high, CEMFI middle, and CEMFI primary. Although this fee is often minimal, it is a financial strain on the families in Chajul (combined with costs of school supplies and opportunity costs of lost labor). Directors have the financial incentive to recruit students to their school, setting up an economic relationship in the community in which families are consumers of education and must choose between schooling and other goods for their children. However, Mi Familia Progresa incentivizes school enrollment and attendance for families, making education more profitable in the short term than it has ever been before. Lack of family involvement is generally attributed to the parents‘ own lack of formal schooling. One school director encourages parents of failing students to come talk to him. This is not common practice, and parents often don‘t know how to navigate the education system. A women‘s empowerment workshop run by Limitless Horizons Ixil and Mothers Acting Up revealed that mothers aren‘t comfortable speaking with teachers and school directors. They expressed that they don‘t know how to support their children‘s education. Parents in Chajul, who have an average of five children to care for, operate with limited time and resources. They live daily in survival mode and have difficulty making decisions based on long term rewards. Furthermore, families have not been asked for their opinions or participation before, by the government or by other NGOs. LHI reported that one of its greatest challenges is empowering parent voice.

Health

Health: Major Findings 1. The medical center provides occasional services to the schools. 2. Some educators recognize that malnutrition and poor health affect learning in Chajul. 3. There is a lack of health education in Chajul.

Chajul is home to a medical center that is supported by the Guatemalan government and international NGOs. It is staffed by two doctors, one psychologist, a few nurses, and several medical assistants from the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance. One doctor stays in the municipal core while the other travels around the surrounding communities of Chajul. The doctor reports that their priorities are malnutrition and addressing mother and infant death during childbirth. Chajul has a higher rate of deaths during childbirth than other parts of Guatemala. The doctors also focus on tuberculosis, respiratory disease, and abdominal illness. Services are offered free of charge at the medical clinic, and sometimes specialists 25

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 come in for a short visit, but as of August 2008 they still lacked anesthesia, an ultrasound machine, and other important materials. People have to travel to Nebaj, Quiché, or Guatemala City for medical care that isn‘t offered in Chajul. Just as often, families can‘t afford the transportation or lodging for these trips and forego medical care. Students often drop out of school simply because of illness or injury. The medical center supports a midwifery program and tests pregnant women for HIV and syphilis. In August 2008, there were no cases of HIV and only one case of syphilis. They offer injections to women for birth control, and while an increasing number of women in 2009 were taking advantage of this opportunity, it isn‘t well publicized and few women receive the injections. This isn‘t surprising given the stigma against birth control in Chajul. The clinic is small, but in 2009 an addition for maternity was built. The medical center launched a campaign to convince women to give birth there, and to convince men to allow their wives to use the maternity ward. The doctor said there is a need for increased health education and increased use of the services they offer. In exploring the factors that affect education in Chajul, some interviewees mentioned that malnutrition and poverty inhibit learning. Students in Chajul eat a corn-based diet and are lacking many vitamins and minerals that can help their brains function better for learning. Furthermore, students aren‘t getting enough food. For example, many students collect firewood before school, having only eaten a few tortillas prior to their intense physical labor. Thus, they are coming to school exhausted, hungry, and unable to concentrate. Most schools seem to have a partnership with the medical center, which does occasional medical checkups at the schools. The medical center was delivering vitamins to students at one primary school (a 3- week supply of Iron, Vitamin A, and Folic Acid) and delivering a talk about self-esteem at one middle school (lecture style) during our visit. The public primary schools are given a small amount of funds for snacks, but school leaders have trouble staying under this budget and getting the required receipts for food purchases. The snacks generally do not vary from the few types of foods children eat outside of school, one teacher said the vitamins are delivered only about once a year. A few other health-related observations include: a science class about the female reproductive system, a math class with word problems related to family size and food per person (indirectly referencing family planning), and a need expressed by staff at both LHI and the medical center for more health education around nutrition, illness, hygiene, and other topics. A few LHI students have either dropped out or almost dropped out due to lack of treatment for migraines or broken bones. Malnutrition, illness, and injury are the greatest health challenges to academic achievement in Chajul.

Outlying Communities

Outlying Communities: Major Findings 1. There is an understanding that the state of education in the surrounding communities is significantly worse than in the municipal core of Chajul. 2. The children who complete primary school in the outlying communities and attend a municipal middle school have a difficult time academically and financially, and many drop out.

School leaders in Chajul recognize the challenges of rural education. In the communities surrounding the municipal core, there aren‘t enough teachers; there is more absenteeism on behalf of both students and teachers; and the education students receive is of even lower quality than one receives in town. Families in the outlying communities are generally poorer and need their children to work even more than in town. Still, some children in the outlying communities are attending the new middle schools in the villages or traveling to Chajul‘s center for middle school. Of the students who travel to the municipal core, some commute daily, while others stay in town and go home for the holidays. Room, board, and transportation are expensive for these families. Middle school directors in the municipal core say these students have a very rough time academically in seventh grade and are always a step behind. Nacional registered 176 students in January 2009. In July, only 150 students were attending. The director thought that the students dropping out were disproportionately from the outlying communities and 26

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 that they left due to lack of resources. This school director expressed a great need for scholarships to support these students. Middle school teachers confirmed that rural 7th grade students have a harder time adjusting to the school than students from the municipal core. Four respondents asked if LHI was working in Chajul‘s villages and expressed the need for our support there.

Social Services in Chajul

The mission of Limitless Horizons Ixil is to work in partnership with the indigenous Maya Ixil community of Guatemala to create opportunities for empowerment and advance sustainable community development. LHI implemented a scholarship and youth development program in 2005 with 10 students. In 2010, LHI supports 71 students in grades 7-11 with scholarships, school supplies, tutoring, computer classes, a work-study program, and social-emotional support. Additionally, LHI serves the greater Chajul community through a public library, intensive Spanish courses, career counseling, safe stoves, a kiosk selling health- promoting products, an artisan program, and sustainable tourism work. LHI works in partnership with the Philanthropiece Foundation. Besides Limitless Horizons Ixil and the medical center, other organizations are a part of the social service landscape of Chajul. They are described here to provide context for educational programming in the community. CEMFI runs their own in-house, informal scholarship program for tuition coverage of selected students, funded primarily by the director‘s friends in Guatemala and the United States. The Mayor‘s Office also coordinates its own scholarship program, which also covers tuition but provides no additional services. The Nebaj-based ADIM offers a few scholarships to Chajul students, including scholarships to middle and high school students to study in Nebaj. Finally, an organization called Centro Estudiantil Amanecer runs the largest scholarship and youth development program in Chajul. Amanecer serves 400 students mostly under the age of 14. Only 7 of their 400 students were in middle school in August 2008; the rest were in primary school. Students come to their facility before or after school for age-appropriate programming. Amanecer works with children along four dimensions: socio-emotional, physical (health), academic, and spiritual. This program receives both funding and direction from the evangelical church and serves primarily families who belong to that church. 12-14 year olds can take computer classes, and the IMEBCO middle school contracts with Amanecer to offer computer classes to their students. However, employees complain that they don‘t have enough working computers. There is an adult education program in Chajul that is part of the national CONALFA system. CONALFA serves adults ages 15 and up who haven‘t completed primary school. For 18 years, they have been funded by the Organization of the American States. The Chajul program has four teachers for 720 students in grades 1 through 6, 65% of whom are women. Book 1 is in Ixil and Book 2 is in Spanish, and graduating students (80 in 2008) receive a primary school diploma. Teachers have some training in Nebaj, but some have just a 6th grade education themselves, and they are hardly paid at all. The directors think that if they could pay teachers more, they would be able to attract more highly qualified teachers and serve their students better. The classes are always full, although the director concedes that many just come for the chicken. Sometimes they have food or cook together during class. The director says the major barriers to women enrolling are: jealous husbands, the need to take care of children, and the lack of motivation. The Chajul CONALFA office serves the entire county of Chajul, so the teachers are constantly traveling through the outlying communities. The Asociación Chajulense is the organization left in the legacy of el Padre Italiano, the Italian priest that lived in Chajul for many years beginning in the late 1980s. Together with the Catholic Church, he started a coffee cooperative, honey business, milk and cheese business, cardamom business, women‘s weaving cooperative, community radio station, and other projects. He paid people well for their work and employed many women. The priest adopted the name ‗Gaspar‘ (the patron saint of San Gaspar Chajul) and learned some Ixil. The coffee cooperative once employed roughly 1,500 people and didn‘t discriminate based on age or gender. There was a community school in an outlying village to educate farming families. However, after the priest left, the Asociación Chajulense shrunk in size as the local directors had trouble maintaining it and the harvesting became less profitable. Employment at the coffee cooperative has suffered and while the fair 27

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 trade certified organic coffee is being distributed internationally through Equal Exchange, productivity is way down. The radio station is struggling to survive and other projects have been terminated. However, the hotel run by the Asociación Chajulense has been fairly successful and makes it easier for representatives from NGOs and governments to visit Chajul. The women‘s cooperative spun off into its own project, called the Asociación Chajulense de Mujeres Unida por la Vida (ACMUV; Chajul Association of Women United for Life). ACMUV is supported by the U.S.-based Coffee Kids and has an 80-member group with a weaving cooperative, workshops on business skills and women‘s empowerment, and micro-credit. During the restructuring of Asociación Chajulense, some social projects came under the authority of Fundación Ixil, a U.S.-based organization with ties to the coffee industry. Fundación Ixil‘s mission is to advance education, health, culture, and economic opportunities in the Ixil region, and is currently focusing on education. LHI and Fundación Ixil have partnered to allow youth in Chajul to attend a combined high school / university in Guatemala City through recruitment, academic preparation, and scholarship support. The U.S.-based Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund has supported a local women‘s organization called ADMI. ADMI has done a range of activities for women‘s empowerment, women‘s mental health, and women‘s education, both in Chajul and in the outlying communities. One collaboration, led by M. Brinton Lykes from Boston College, resulted in the publication Voices and images: Mayan Ixil women of Chajul. This 120-page book contains both photographs and text by women in Chajul.124 The women‘s organization ACEFOMI has branched off from ADMI with a different focus. ACEFOMI is supported by Mundo Exchange and runs the informal CEMIK school for preserving the tradition and culture of the Ixil people. Sixty students ages 7-14, most of whom are not enrolled in traditional school, are currently enrolled at CEMIK to learn about Mayan culture, ecology, the environment, natural medicine, Ixil (language and writing), and Spanish. Besides Spanish class, the program is conducted entirely in Ixil. ACEFOMI, with support from the Ignacio Martín-Baró Fund and Mundo Exchange also run women‘s mental health workshops, human rights groups, and weaving programs. Agros is an international organization that establishes self-sustaining agricultural communities in many parts of the world. They have established several villages in Chajul county, helping them with sustainable agriculture, marketing their goods, education (including scholarships), nutrition, microcredit, and governance. After 10 years, Agros communities are declared officially independent, and operate without the organization‘s support. La Asociación Prodesarrollo de la Familia Ixil (APRODEFI) opened a private school in the Chajul community of Xix in 2001 and serves indigenous students with high economic need from rural areas. The school curriculum emphasizes the importance of maintaining indigenous culture, language, and identity, and integrates this into the classroom through various means. Middle school students spend half their days in a traditional classroom setting and the other half in vocational training (sewing, baking, carpentry, and weaving). Products made by students at the school are sold and used to provide funding for the school. School leaders realized they didn‘t have enough funding to feed their students properly. So at the time of data collection, they were cultivating a greenhouse to grow their own food for meals at the school. Ninth grade students receive career counseling and guidance on high school selection, and boarding students can receive tutoring in the evenings. The only high school degree offered is for teaching elementary students (same program as Chajul). In 2009, the school had 205 students in middle school, 105 in primary school, and a handful in high school. 72 of their students were boarders, and 60 students were on scholarship. The school has seen tremendous international support. Engineers without Borders at UC Davis did a water project for them; they were granted Peace Corps members to expand their tourism program; and they receive funding from the Spain-based Paz y Desarollo and Canada-based Compasion Internacional. However, the leader of APRODEFI says their biggest challenge is teacher salaries. Again we heard that teachers are ―basically volunteering their time.‖ The Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala (NISGUA) is a human rights organization working across Guatemala and the U.S. to challenge oppressive policies that affect the people in Guatemala.

124 Women of PhotoVoice/ADMI & Lykes, M.B. (2000). Voces e imágenes: Mujeres Mayas Ixiles de Chajul/Voices and images: Mayan Ixil women of Chajul. Guatemala: Magna Terra. 28

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In Chajul, they provide accompaniment to witnesses of war crimes and human rights activists. Accompaniers provide safety and support for Guatemalans to defend their rights, and report human rights abuses to the international community.

Strengths and Opportunities

There are many strengths and opportunities within the Chajul education system. Here is a sampling:

1. Teachers are mainly from Chajul rather than coming from elsewhere, and are incorporating Spanish and Ixil in a way that benefits students. 2. Most teachers at IMEBCO/IDSI have university degrees and have been trained in engineering, law, technology, and other professional fields. 3. Three IDSI graduates have now graduated from university. 4. There is a new high school program in accounting in Chajul, broadening career options for students. 5. Escuelas Abiertas is running in Chajul and is popular in the community. 6. Some teachers are using personal resources to teach creativity, critical thinking, and global understanding. These teachers have a broad vision of education and are dedicated to empowering students. 7. Each school is required to have a parent board, and some schools have student governments. These groups currently serve minimal roles but could be levers for change. 8. One teacher is fluent in English. He could be a resource for other ‗English‘ teachers in the community. 9. Kindergarten and preschools exist, are growing in enrollment, and are valued by educators in Chajul. Primary school teachers notice a difference when students have completed a year of kindergarten. 10. There is an increase of female participation in education as students, teachers, and directors in Chajul. 11. The over-enrollment at Nacional signifies that parents want to send their children to school and have a growing appreciation of formal education. 12. There is a great appreciation of LHI‘s new public library. 13. There is an openness to the idea of collaboration in a previously competitive environment.

Educational Needs

Educational Needs: Major Findings 1. Teachers and school directors reported that their students’ greatest needs are instructional materials, technology, Spanish language support, and reading/critical thinking support. 2. The community is split between investing resources in building a strong foundation for younger children and investing in opportunities for older youth to build professional careers.

We asked educators what the schools‘ greatest needs are. Data collection is extremely challenging in a place like Chajul, and this question demonstrates the challenge. Respondents had many priorities, many problems, and many needs. They didn‘t seem to know which would make the greatest difference in terms of student achievement, and answered this question in different ways throughout the interview. Items with an asterisk in the table below indicate levers for change (for education in the municipal core of Chajul) that NGOs can influence, according to the literature on education.

Table 8: Reported Educational Needs High Frequency Responses Library/student center* Spanish language support* Computers, projectors, A/V equipment, Instructional materials* Address malnutrition* internet, technology Reading and critical thinking support* Family support of education* Electricity Classroom space 29

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Low Frequency Responses More preschool & kindergarten access* Trade programs* Standardization of educational quality Study skills support* Support students in the outlying Continuity in regulations and support Teacher quality* communities Teacher salaries More scholarships* Specific Requests Grade 7 transition support (middle Uniforms (Nacional) School volunteers (IDSI) schools)* Soap, toilet paper, other hygienic items Fence/wall around the school New building (Nacional & Preschool) (Xechevex) (Xechevex)

When asked what school would be most needed if Chajul were to add a new school, we received varying answers. Of the 18 teachers and directors we asked, half responded with schools for children (preschool, kindergarten, and primary), and half responded with schools for adolescents and adults (middle and high schools, university). Table 9 shows the frequency of responses.

Table 9: Most Needed School Type of School Number of Respondents The most commonly occurring answer was a University 2 high school, with 6 of the 18 responses stating that High School 6 this was the most important program to add in Middle School 1 Chajul. At the time of data collection, there was only Primary 2 one high school program in Chajul, IDSI, which offers a career in primary school teaching. The Kindergarten 4 accounting program at CEMFI began in January Preschool 3 2010 and is the most expensive school in Chajul. Interviewees would like to see other career options offered in Chajul, such as technology, agriculture, and nursing. Two of the 18 respondents hope to see a university program in Chajul. Presently, there is very little access to university for students in Chajul. They have to travel far and pay for tuition, books, transportation, and sometimes lodging in order to study beyond high school. This is simply not a realistic option for most. These two respondents represent IMEBCO/IDSI and report increasing numbers of graduates. Four people responded that they would like a kindergarten program, three said another preschool, and two favored a new primary school. Together, these nine respondents thought that building a strong foundation was critically important and not currently present in educational opportunities for young Chajulenses. One interviewee responded that there should be a new trade-based middle school program.

MODELS OF EDUCATION PROGRAMMING

There is much Chajul can learn from the work of educational organizations in Guatemala and around the world. While there are thousands to choose from, we researched seven comparable organizations and found trends. First, all seven have strong international partners providing funding, sustainability, and sometimes innovative program models to back local efforts. Second, most have economic drivers built into the work such as a trade skills program (Ixtatan Foundation), a profit-making partner (CES), fee-based opportunities for foreigners (Habla), or a sponsorship program (Los Patojos and CasaSito). Third, programs provide wrap-around services for youth, including health education, well-balanced meals, and career guidance (CasaSito, Los Patojos). Additionally, three programs demonstrated how extracurricular activities can boost creative expression and critical thinking for youth (Habla, Los Patojos, CES). Lastly, they all build strong communities through which their impact is formed. The incentives and structures that these organizations have created have led youth to engage, learn, and shape their futures. Chajul should look to these and similar organizations for lessons learned as they attempt to improve the future of today‘s children.

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Ixtatan Foundation125 The Ixtatan Foundation works in San Mateo Ixtatan in the Department of Huehuetenango in Guatemala. They founded a secondary school in 2001 in an effort to generate Chuj-speaking primary school teachers and keep young people from fleeing to the United States. The school is now run primarily by a local association, the ‗junta directiva,‘ which consists of elected members from each neighborhood of the municipality. The association also has a paid staff in San Mateo Ixtatan and a U.S. Board of Directors. Ynhat‘il Nab‘en, the high school, also has a junta directiva made up of parents, with its own leadership. They hold monthly parent meetings that nearly all parents attend. In the past, Yinhat‘il Nab‘en included both middle and high schools. This year, the middle school became a government school to satisfy the new mandate that every town must have a free, public middle school. Its funding now comes from the government, while the high school continues to operate independently. They still share some staff members and resources, such as the Foundation‘s computer lab and library. The relationship between the Ixtatan Foundation school and the community is positive, though there have been some disputes over land and facilities. The school‘s greatest challenge is physical space. In August, the director of the high school still didn‘t know where he was going to fit the additional two classes of students he planned to add in January. Another challenge, common to post-conflict communities like San Mateo Ixtatan and San Gaspar Chajul, is the tension and mistrust in the community between religious factions and other parties with specific interests. The Foundation has avoided favoritism among families by hiring an accountant from another Mayan community a few hours away, so that a disinterested person is now handling the payroll. Community meetings are frequent, the debate is robust, and the whole community likes to be involved in all decisions. There were 164 students in the middle school and 86 at the high school in 2009. Class sizes range from 18 to 28. Grade 7 is the most difficult year for most students, especially those who come from the surrounding communities to study. Grade 10 can also be quite challenging for those students who did not attend the public middle school or who finished middle school through IGER (school over the radio). The high school is addressing this issue by offering a ―preparatory‖ class on Sundays. It will be mandatory for all incoming 10th grade students whose teachers determine they need extra help in Spanish or math. Most students who drop out do so after graduating from middle school, usually to get married or to go to the United States in search of work. The high school is mostly sustained by funds from U.S. fundraising and by student fees. The Foundation‘s water filter project and the internet cafe are also beginning to turn a profit. Ideally these and other projects will become major sources of income for the Foundation and the school. Tuition costs Q70/month ($8.75) and Q40 for registration ($5). 15 of the 86 students at the high school receive full scholarships from the Foundation. They are chosen by the junta directiva, and are based on both merit and need. Some students are offered assistance with room and board as well. Students purchase their own notebooks, pens, and some textbooks. The director and the teachers also do fundraising within the community (raffles with items donated by parents and teachers, such as goats, tools, and dishes, have been successful), and it is common for the graduating classes of students to organize themselves and raise money for a parting gift for the school, such as a Guatemalan flag or a new white board. In middle school, teachers follow the national curriculum. Teachers frequently teach in Chuj as well as Spanish. At Yinhat‘il Nab‘en, the teachers also follow the national curriculum for the magisterio program (teacher training, same as Chajul), but seem more willing to alter the curriculum to fit the needs of their student population. The director feels the need for an alternative, and is continually developing what he calls a ―culturally sensitive, local curriculum‖ with his staff. The director encourages Grade 10 teachers to use Chuj in the classroom, but after their first year of high school, students are expected to speak, read, and write exclusively in Spanish (except in their Chuj language class) to help prepare them for college and the wider Spanish-speaking world. A teacher trainer from Teachers College visited the San Mateo Ixtatan for two weeks to do professional development workshops with the teachers. He was a linguist and educator. The school director

125 This section was primarily researched and written by Ixtatan Foundation volunteer Kristin Bengtson Mendoza. 31

[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 called the visit a success and a great opportunity for teachers to reflect on their practice, but he thought the visit was too short. He also wished the visitor could have spent more time in the classroom observing teachers and students. The school‘s leadership also visited a university in Chiapas that is 100% indigenous to learn about teaching methods. Several graduates of the school are now teaching elementary school in the community. Some are in university in Guatemala, and two graduates (both males) received scholarships to attend college in Mexico. Their travel and living expenses are paid for by the Foundation. They finished their first year successfully and are continuing their studies. One graduate is currently in Cuba, where he has begun medical school. The students have the option of participating in workshops and receive a separate certificate for their participation from the Foundation. The workshops center around local community development projects, such as agriculture, kiln firing, computers, a water filter project, or administrative work. Most middle school students and all high school students take advantage of this opportunity. Those with extensive home obligations tend to opt out. Students are not paid for their work, and any profits go to the Foundation and are invested back into the community through the high school, scholarships, etc. Parents generally respond positively to the work program. One outcome of the program is that many families now have water filters in their homes. The high school director believes that his school‘s greatest strength is the diversity of his staff. He believes his students benefit from having indigenous, Chuj-speaking teachers as well as international teachers from the U.S., Spain, and Argentina. Another advantage at Yinhat‘il Nab‘en is an extended school day. The high school‘s director imagines a school that offers more specializations (like accounting). He would also like to have a well-established, permanent campus with a computer lab, science lab, library, and good teachers who remain on his staff for their entire careers. He wants his students to graduate prepared to enter the work force and academia, and he wants them to return to a community where they can make a good living as educated professionals and raise their children as both global thinkers and members of the Chuj community. He also wants his school to be the most respected in the department of Huehuetenango, and to eventually become funded entirely by the Foundation‘s local development projects and by tuition, rather than by foreign donors.

Centro Explorativo Centro Explorativo is the educational wing of Community Enterprise Solutions, which has partnered with LHI on safe stoves and sustainable tourism. Founded in 2008, Centro Explorativo is located in La Pista, a rural community of Nebaj county, and serves 125 children. The facility has a library with several computers, a classroom, and a yard. They offer computer classes for children ages 7-12 in the morning, and preschool for children ages 4 to 7 in the afternoon. The three teachers have high school degrees and are certified to teach in primary schools. One of the teachers doubles as the librarian. One teacher, as well as one of the directors, are from La Pista. The rest are from the municipal core of Nebaj. The teachers were quick to emphasize that Centro Explorativo is not a school, but a supplemental program for children in the community. They try to emphasize creativity, critical thinking, and reading. Children in the community are attracted to the program because it is fun and creative. The day we observed, volunteers were doing a comical theatrical production about hygiene. In the preschool, they explore a different theme each month and use both Ixil and Spanish. The theme when we visited was water. The lesson plan for the day looked like this: Sample Schedule at Centro Explorativo Preschool 1. Song or poem 2. Stations with games or learning activity (children choose a station for the day) 3. 10 minutes of English (song or a few words) 4. Snack (atol, a traditional sweet corn drink) 5. Read-aloud with discussion Foreign interns from Community Enterprise Solutions visit once a week in the summer. In 2009, they helped build a playground and did outdoor activities with the children. In addition, they are hosting three ‗gap year‘ students from the United States. 32

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The board of directors for the program is comprised of the staff and directors. Therefore, meetings are an opportunity for teachers to present their ideas and proposals. Parents have been involved more than in most schools and programs, but staff members were seeking ways to involve them even more. Their goal is to create a model that can be replicated in other communities of Nebaj.

Los Patojos Los Patojos is an after-school program in Jocotenango, which is outside of Antigua. Jocotenango is plagued with poverty, drugs, and violence. Los Patojos provides a safe, supportive after school environment. Costs per student are paid by international sponsors, and the children write letters and sends photos to their sponsors. Los Patojos, which is supported by the parent U.S. organization Rising Minds, hosts 60 students from 2:00 to 5:00 each day and serves them a warm, well-balanced meal to help address malnutrition. Their core values are relationships and compassion. They feel that if the child feels loved, and loves others, he/she will have the self-esteem and community orientation to lead a positive life. Students get homework support from staff and volunteers every day, do skill-building activities, learn about language and health, and engage in creative expression and critical thinking projects. The day we visited, students were performing Guatemalan folk tales for each other. They were giggling and cheering each other on. Los Patojos, being so close to Antigua, hosts a lot of volunteers and visiting groups. One group built a roof over a new addition, but many volunteers seem to simply spend time with the children after school.

Habla Habla is a civic association in Merida, Mexico. It was started by Kurt Wooten of Brown University‘s ArtsLiteracy project. Habla offers numerous workshops centered on language and the arts. The initiative has two integrated sides. The economic driver is the side that attracts visitors, teachers, and artists from all over the world to participate in language learning through the arts. Often these are English speakers learning Spanish. The charitable driver is the side that works with its local community, which is 60% indigenous. The arts used to leverage language learning include fine arts, performing arts, folk arts, martial arts, and more. The school is exploratory in nature and grounded in community building.

CasaSito CasaSito is a non-profit organization based in Antigua, Guatemala, that supports projects in 11 communities across the country. The majority of these projects are in the rural Sacatepéquez region. CasaSito has three funds. Their Scholarship Fund provides monetary support for middle and high school students who would otherwise be unable to continue their studies due to economic circumstances. CasaSito has a similar interview process and scholarship benefits as LHI. However, a few components stand out. First, applicants do their own research on where they want to attend school and must submit their proposal and budget to be considered for a scholarship. Second, students must maintain grades of 70 or higher. Third, students participate in mandatory Saturday workshops about topics such as self-esteem, sex education (run by an organization called Wings), and violence against women. Fourth, students have a bi-annual evaluation, where performance, attendance, and behavior are reviewed. Students lose their scholarship if they are not meeting the program‘s standards. CasaSito‘s Education Fund supports existing structures in rural communities with funding for things like cafeterias, teachers, and books. Communities must write a proposal to CasaSito to request funding, and the project must be community-led. The Community Infrastructure Fund has supported projects related to water, building, microfinance, and women‘s training. Women‘s training programs have included cooperatives in bakery, jewelry-making, and weaving. This fund has also supported a network of community radio stations and a radio training station in Xela. CasaSito was founded in 2004 and is currently staffed by both international and local employees. Their goal is to turn the whole organization over to Guatemalans in a few years. To this end, they have instituted full-year job training for employee replacements. At the time of data collection, one foreign employee was training a Guatemalan to take over her position. The two will work together for a full year

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[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 before the foreign employee leaves the organization. When interviewed in July 2009, CasaSito was in the process of restructuring and strategic planning.

A Scholarship Program in Kenya A merit-based scholarship program in rural Kenya provided education grants covering all school fees and school supplies for girls in grades 7 and 8 for students who scored in the top 15% of all program participants on a 6th grade standardized exam. The program was developed to address challenges similar to those experienced in Guatemala: high dropout rates and low secondary school enrollment rates for girls. 116 rural primary schools, educating over 7000 students, were randomly assigned to treatment and control groups in 2001. Kremer et al. (2004) examined test score gains in the sixth grade, and persisting effects in grades 7 and 8. The results indicate that, ―Girls in the program schools had significantly higher test scores than comparison school girls. Moreover, test scores also increased for boys (who were ineligible for the scholarship), as well as for girls with low pretest scores, who had little chance of winning the prize.‖126 The average treatment effect was .25 standard deviations for girls and .13 standard deviations for boys. While baseline scores strongly predicted scholarship winners, gains were largest for students near the winning score threshold and those with the lowest baseline scores. Evaluators also found that attendance and study effort increased in program schools (measured by random checks and surveys). Kremer et al. reason that there was increased motivation among high achieving girls and teachers in treatment schools, which created positive competition for boys and low achieving girls.127 The Kenya scholarship program demonstrates that financial incentives and merit-based programs can lead to academic achievement through increased motivation, and that this can have positive effects for entire classrooms or schools.

RECOMMENDATIONS

In determining how to improve the educational landscape in Chajul, community leaders might consider the following:  Which reforms will have the greatest impact? Which are the highest priorities?  What will build upon the strengths of the community while filling relevant needs?  How can groups collaborate to meet Chajul‘s needs?  What incentives are needed to motivate students, parents, and educators?  What is feasible and sustainable given current and potential resources?  Who is in the best position to lead new initiatives? The authors have used their extensive research on education in Guatemala and the United States, the findings presented in this report, and their knowledge of Chajul to draft these recommendations. Please note that the recommendations included are not just for LHI, but for the community as a whole and any organization operating in Chajul. LHI currently does not have the capacity or funding to implement these long-term solutions and should consider which initiatives it is best positioned to carry out. All the recommendations outlined below are significant levers for change. Our primary recommendation is that findings from this report are presented to the community at a public forum. Parents, teachers, school directors, organization leaders, government officials, students, and other community members should voice their reactions and feedback, as well as thoughts on the recommendations below. The audience should be asked what they could do to help make improvements, and who would be interested in taking on leadership from within different institutions. Such an event would ideally build trust and transparency within the education community in Chajul and set the stage for future collaboration. Major challenges to this work include: political instability, lack of human capital in Chajul to lead initiatives, the difficulty of community-wide collaboration, lack of time among students and teachers, lack of physical space, and lack of capacity among both schools and organizations in Chajul.

126 Kremer et al., 2004 127 Kremer et al., 2004 34

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Table 10: Summary of Recommendations

Recommendation Specific Ideas Rationale 1. Expand access 1. Provide an incentive program for primary schools to expand Children ages 3-6 are in their prime for language to early childhood kindergarten. Example: For every kindergarten teacher the school hires, learning and cognitive development. Therefore, early education. another organization will pay for a second teacher. childhood education is a significant lever for change in Chajul. While there is some access to early childhood 2. Provide resources to expand existing preschool efforts: more teachers, education in Chajul, the programs are small and under- more spaces, more materials. Programs do not have to be official resourced. With high-quality early childhood government programs. Speak with current preschool teacher-directors education, students in Chajul would enter first grade about their ideas for expanding early childhood education in Chajul. They ready to learn at a first-grade level, reducing grade are strong leaders committed to their work. repetition and course failure, and boosting language 3. Provide teacher training for early childhood education, particularly for learning and academic competence. The major barriers staff at Hogares Comunitarias. currently are teacher salaries and facilities. 2. Get 1. Give a proposal writing seminar to school directors and give them a list One of the over-arching concerns and observations in instructional of organizations they can apply to for funds for materials. the schools is the lack of supplies and instructional materials into materials. This leads to inefficient use of class time classrooms. 2. Give a survey to specify which materials are most needed by schools. constraints on pedagogy, and passive learning. The survey should ask educators to prioritize. Use the results of this survey to provide ‗supply bags‘ to schools at regular times throughout the year. Spend the same amount of money on each school but only provide the materials that are most needed by schools.

3. Secure book donations for schools. Directors can set up bookcases in their offices to hold these books.

4. Provide teacher training on how to effectively use new materials. 3. Invest in 1. Form an Education Committee to reflect regularly on education and Chajul can take advantage of the momentum around community- organize events, trainings, and promote new initiatives. education to involve the greater community in the conversation about improving the state of education in building and 2. Host public meetings, talks, panels, debates, and workshops about Chajul. While there is a history of competition among parent education. Include the medical center, school parent boards, student the schools in Chajul, we found that teachers and engagement governments, CONALFA, and other relevant partners. Support schools in directors were open to collaboration. Given that the around education. hosting events for parents. challenges are community-wide rather than school- 3. Create publicity and transparency around education news. specific, it would benefit everyone for educators to come together and invest time in community-wide 4. Help parents understand how they can support their child‘s academic solutions. Initiatives will not work without community achievement, how to navigate the school system, and how to buy-in and shared leadership. There is great, untapped communicate with teachers and parents. Leverage existing parent boards potential in the ability of Chajul parents to help their to create parent leaders for education in Chajul. children succeed. With a little guidance and information parents can be key partners to schools and organizations and key supporters of new initiatives.

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4. Expand access 1. Expand high school programs to include other careers, such as There are two critical challenges at the high school to high school technology, agriculture, and nursing. level. First, high schools have limited access to government funding, which prioritizes primary and programs. 2. Supplement per-pupil funding for existing high school programs to pay middle schools. Second, there are few high-quality for teachers and instructional materials. affordable options for students seeking a high school 3. Create post-middle school trade-based programs and cooperatives that education in Chajul. These barriers have lead to low operate small businesses, thereby addressing unemployment, creating high school enrollment, low aspirations among new career options, addressing community needs, and stimulating the children, and few skilled professionals in the economy. community. Most professionals in Chajul have teaching degrees. The community would like to see more options available and skilled professionals in other areas. The schools in Xix and San Mateo Ixtatan have had success in building the trade skills of their students, stimulating the economy with new business, and bringing in funding for the school. We recommend engaging youth in trade programs that are based on the resources and needs of the community. 5. Invest in teacher 1. Hire and train skilled teachers to be teacher-coaches for the afternoon In the U.S., teachers have a stronger effect on student training. or morning when they aren‘t working. After identifying high-performing achievement than all other school variables. Good teachers, hire them to observe and coach teachers from other schools. teachers make information come alive and inspire students to continue learning. In Chajul, teachers face 2. Provide teacher training workshops on: reading techniques, analytical numerous restrictions including a short school day, thinking skills, student-focused instruction, critical thinking and creativity large class sizes, and lack of instructional materials. in the classroom, math instruction, homework practices, and Spanish. However, they also receive little support. Teachers Workshops can be conducted by high-performing teachers in Chajul, the need to a space to discuss their work, ask questions, teachers from Centro Explorativo, MINEDUC, Helps International (has and learn to serve their students better through done training in Nebaj), Teachers College (has done training in San improved pedagogy. Appropriate incentives should be Mateo Ixtatan), or other organizations. leveraged to engage teachers. 3. Create a teacher recognition program to incentivize good teaching (e.g. Teacher of the Year).

4. Create a teacher fellowship program, where 1-2 teachers from each school gather monthly for training and then deliver the training to teachers at their school. These teachers would become ‗teacher-leaders‘ and receive classroom materials or stipend in exchange for their participation. Each year a new class of teachers could apply to participate.

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6. Provide 1. Offer academic support in Spanish, math, reading, writing, analytical The school day is not long enough for students to grow academic support thinking, and research skills through tutoring, study skills instruction, academically, learn the national curriculum, and and enrichment study groups, and enrichment programs for students of all ages. compete with more advantaged peers. Additional support is needed outside of school hours to increase during out-of- 2. Prioritize students in grades K, 1, and 7 for highest leverage. student learning and career potential as well as provide school time. 3. Provide an annual workshop to parents on how to support their individual support. Students need an opportunity to children‘s education, even if they don‘t speak Spanish or read. explore new information more deeply and to apply it. Students in Chajul are always behind the national 4. Provide Saturday academic support for 7th grade students at all curriculum, but targeted support can have a great schools, required for struggling students. Use school facilities and hire impact. All support should be centered around critical one of the school's regular teachers. thinking in the various content areas. 5. Create and incentivize a summer bridge program for students entering grades 2 and 7 with low test scores. 7. Address 1. Empower the medical center with the tools they need to address public A nutritious diet and improved overall health would malnutrition and health in the community (funding, people, supplies, programming). enable children to learn new information more thoroughly and quickly. poor health among 2. Request support from an NGO that addresses hunger to bring healthy children. food provisions to schools.

3. Invest in diversified, sustainable agriculture and nutrition programs, and health education. 8. Work Together 1. Invest time in getting to know other organizations and building Chajul is already home to many organizations that can partnerships. work together to solve local problems. Also, external sources can bring in much-needed resources (human, 2. Discover points of entry for MINEDUC in order to understand national fiscal, informational). Partnership building can be policy and how to advocate for Chajul. critical to the success of new initiatives.

Recommendations Specific to Current LHI Programming 1. Invest in local 1. Create an informational packet or flier about LHI offerings for school One issue that was apparent during interviews is that, publicity and directors and teachers. while people know about LHI, there is some misunderstanding about who LHI is and what LHI communications 2. Create an LHI newsletter to be distributed in Chajul to raise awareness does. Specifically, there were a lot of questions about around LHI and give students an opportunity to write articles for publication. the scholarship selection process. While LHI has programming. 3. Designate an LHI staff person to be the liaison to schools. This already made adjustments in this area, greater publicity employee should visit the schools regularly and develop relationships and transparency around LHI work will build trust, with school personnel. leading to community participation and buy-in.

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2. Make effective 1. Organize drop-in tutoring, reading groups, or study groups at the Many school leaders and teachers, as well as the use of the new library. employee from the medical center, mentioned a need for a library or a community-wide student center with library. 2. Get a list of titles from schools each year to purchase for the library. educational and employment-related resources. Some 3. Stock materials related to job searching and career advancement. shared their fears and insights about the sustainability of the new library, as a previous library in Chajul 4. Create a local advisory board to ensure the local community is invested closed due to lack of funding and a change in local in its sustainability. government. These recommendations reflect the 5. Use the space for community meetings and training programs run by community‘s requests. LHI or its partners.

6. Provide in-depth trainings to educators about how to use the library to help students learn the national curriculum. Consider inviting a curriculum specialist to provide the training. 3. Expand and 1. Give as many scholarships as possible, and recruit as widely as The scholarship program fills a great need in the strengthen possible. community. It is clear from Mi Familia Progresa and Eduque a la Niña that financial support for education scholarship 2. Be more transparent about the selection process. Consider involving does increase enrollment. Additionally, academic program. school leaders in the process. For example, directors and teachers could support prevents grade repetition and course failure, nominate a student or write a recommendation for him/her. and sets LHI students up for a variety of high school options. The program would be strengthened through expansion and improved communications. 4. Expand access 1. Expand intensive Spanish classes so that each middle school can offer There is a significant need for language support in to intensive 1-2 sections at their buildings for incoming students. Chajul. With intensive Spanish classes, students can get beyond language comprehension to the actual Spanish classes. 2. Prioritize students entering grade 7. content of the national curriculum. Spanish also helps build student confidence and expand high school and career opportunities. Teachers and school directors agreed that the Spanish language is a barrier to learning. LHI is already operating a successful program that could be expanded to serve more students with the help of school directors, additional staff, and increased funding.

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LIMITATIONS

This study has a series of limitations, mostly driven by the influence of the authors in the observation/interview environment. We suspect that our presence modified the environment we observed. Some distractions were obvious: teachers often included us in the class or spoke with us privately during class, and students sometimes came over to talk to us and other times just stared. The teachers we observed spoke mainly in Spanish rather than Ixil. This could be a daily occurrence, or teachers may have chosen the language based on our presence. After a bell rang in a second grade classroom, everyone stared at us and the teacher kept teaching. We imagine the class continued after the bell because of our presence. Additionally, outsiders in Chajul are typically viewed as bearers of resources. Therefore, participants in our study would have had incentives to either try to impress us or exaggerate their needs. We did not have the opportunity to speak with all of the school directors or teachers we would have liked to, and we weren‘t able to interview families directly. The people we did have access to varied in their time availability and their interest in speaking with us. Our time with each interviewee was limited, and often fit in between classes and other appointments, sometimes individually and sometimes in groups. While we entered each interview with a standard list of questions, the conversations did not follow a script and each question was answered by a different number of respondents. Finally, because of the rapidly changing environment, some information reported here may have changed already. We have tried to update as much information as possible prior to release.

AUTHORS

Lindsey Musen holds a Master‘s in Urban Education Policy from Brown University and a B.A. in English from Wesleyan University. She is currently Development Associate at the Boston Plan for Excellence. Lindsey has worked in education from within the corporate, public, and nonprofit sectors. She serves on the Board of Directors for Limitless Horizons Ixil. Kate Percuoco has spent the past few years between Guatemala, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Chiapas, learning about and becoming involved in communities doing justice and human rights work. She currently resides in Minneapolis and is focusing on education, working as an Academic Advocate for youth in South Minneapolis, and is pursuing her Master‘s in Education at Augsburg College.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors are grateful first and foremost to the many educators and community leaders in Chajul that took the time to speak with us and share their thoughts. We also extend our thanks to members of Casasito, Habla, the Ixtatan Foundation, Centro Esplorativo, and Los Patojos, who shared their work with us. We are grateful to Molly Robbins for being a reviewer and collaborator on the project. Molly currently serves on the LHI Board of Directors and also spent a year as International Coordinator for LHI in Chajul. We thank Sarah Humpage and Ravi Prasad for their external reviews of this report, and Kristin Bengtson Mendoza for her research in San Mateo Ixtatan. LHI International Coordinator Courtney Rebecca Wong reviewed this report as well and provided key support throughout the writing process. We would also like to thank Katie Morrow and Pedro Caba, Directors of Limitless Horizons Ixil, for their support of this work and strong leadership in Chajul. Thank you to LHI staff members Isabel Verónica Yat Tiu, Lorenza Raquel Pantzay Sánchez, and Domingo Fernando Rivera Canay, as well as former staff members Berta Elizabeth Tzoc Osorio, Morning Glory Farr, and Gaspar Caba Asicona, for providing access to the community, sharing their thoughts, and giving us their time. Thanks also to Colleen Buyers, 2008 volunteer, who helped to spearhead LHI‘s needs assessment and strategic growth plan as well as the interviews conducted in August 2008.

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Lavarreda, J., de Liù, V., & Menjívar, M. (2005). The Present and Future of Private Education in Guatemala. In Wolff, L., Navarro, JC., González, P. (Eds). Private Education and Public Policy in Latin America. Washington: Partnership for Educational Revitalization in the Americas.

Limitless Horizons Ixil (2008). Students and Sponsors. Student Profiles (Interviews). Retrieved December 10, 2008 from: http://limitlesshorizonsixil.org/english%20site/studentssponsors.htm.

Lomeli, E.V. (2008). Conditional Cash Transfers as Social Policy in Latin America: An Assessment of their Contributions and Limitations. The Annual Review of Sociology. Vol. 34. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews.

Marini, A. & Gragnolati, M. (2003). Malnutrition and Poverty in Guatemala. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 2967. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.

McGroder, S.M. (2000). Parenting among low-income, African American single mothers with preschool-age children: Patterns, predictors, and developmental correlates. Child Development, 71, 752-771.

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Pijnenburg, T. (2002). Proyecto a Favor de la Rehabilitación y el Autosostenimiento del Area Ixil Convenio GUA/B7-2120/Ib/98/482. Union Europea – Gobierno De Guatemala Fonapaz. Chajul: Proyecto Ixil.

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APPENDIX A: LIMITLESS HORIZONS IXIL

1001 Smith Grade Frente al salón municipal Santa Cruz, California 95060 Cantón Ilom, Chajul, Quiché 14005 United States Guatemala www.limitlesshorizonsixil.org [email protected]

Limitless Horizons Ixil (LHI) is a non-religious, non-partisan Guatemala-based organization that works in partnership with the indigenous Maya Ixil community of Guatemala to create opportunities for empowerment and to advance sustainable community development in Chajul. LHI was founded in 2004 by Chajul native Pedro Caba and American social worker Katie Morrow. Pedro was the first person from the community to graduate from university; he holds a degree in civil engineering and is a certified Mayan culture guide. Katie, who holds a Master‘s in Social Work, was inspired by the people of Chajul and shocked by the extreme poverty and lack of opportunities. By uniting their insights and experiences, Pedro and Katie have created an organization that combines local and international resources to help the people of Chajul.

Scholarships and Youth Development The LHI scholarship program begins with students entering in 7th grade (the first year of middle school), and students are eligible to continue with an LHI scholarship throughout middle and high school. The scholarship opportunity is advertised through classroom presentations, the radio, flyers, and word of mouth. LHI selects scholarship recipients through an essay evaluation and 1-3 hour interviews with the student and family in their home, which are used to determine financial need and motivation – the two key factors for scholarship selection. The great majority of LHI scholarship students would not be able to continue their education without their scholarship. Girls face greater barriers to education, as seen by the gender gap in educational achievement in Chajul; LHI thus ensures that two-thirds of its scholarship recipients are girls. LHI scholarships cover the costs of tuition and other school expenses, school supplies, tutoring, and computer classes. Students have access to the LHI student study center with its library and computer lab, and they can participate in an annual field trip, social events, and a graduation celebration. In return, students write letters to their sponsors, volunteer in the library, and attend LHI meetings. Due to Chajul‘s extremely high illiteracy rate, most parents cannot help their children with their schoolwork. LHI provides scholarship students with weekly tutoring sessions with a local teacher, giving them the opportunity to get professional help with their assignments as well as time to work together with

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[SCHOOLING IN CHAJUL] February 2010 their peers. Tutoring is offered to all interested students, and is required for those with low grades. The teacher helps students with their homework and reinforces good study and critical thinking skills. Scholarship students in grades 9 and up (and their families) can participate in a work-study opportunity to supplement their scholarships with additional income for education. Work to (L)earn gives students and their families the opportunity to work with LHI‘s programs and take on leadership roles in the community. Through this work, they deepen their relationship with their community and gain valuable professional skills that will serve them in their careers. The work is empowering as families can invest in education through their own hard work and leadership rather than by receiving handouts. LHI strives to present its scholarship students with a comprehensive range of services to provide them with the support necessary for academic and personal success.

Saber Sin Límites – Public Library LHI established Chajul‘s first public library, Saber Sin Límites (Limitless Knowledge), in February 2010. The library will provide a valuable quiet space for students, teachers, and the rest of the community to read, study, and research. In addition, the space will be used for children‘s story hour, workshops for youth, community meetings, and teacher trainings.

Intensive Spanish In an effort to support the educational development of Chajul‘s students and prepare them for future workforce and education requirements, LHI offers an annual Intensive Spanish course during students‘ vacation from school. LHI brings professional Spanish language instructors to Chajul to teach this month- long, 70-hour course which is open to the community‘s middle and high school students. Through extensive practice with grammar and vocabulary, the course improves students‘ communication and comprehension abilities, thus also building self-confidence and the willingness to pursue educational or work opportunities that require Spanish.

Career Guidance and Preparation This program prepares Chajul‘s students for future careers and educates them about their higher education and career options. LHI offers guidance counseling, preparation for entrance exams with math and language reinforcement classes, opportunities for job shadowing and vocational training, panel presentations by local school alumni who work as professionals, information about scholarship opportunities in Chajul and around the country, and field trips to educational institutions. LHI supports students and their families with exploring and choosing among various high school options, the application processes, exam preparation, school visits, and transportation.

Safe Stoves Almost every family in Chajul cooks over an open fire inside the home with little or no ventilation, producing a smoke-filled living environment. These open cooking fires heat food slowly and consume large amounts of firewood. Therefore, the homes are constantly filled with smoke, which causes severe respiratory and eye diseases. Additional consequences include frequent burn accidents, deforestation, and the inability of women to take jobs outside the home. LHI works with Community Enterprise Solutions to sell safe stoves to Chajul‘s families at a fair and sustainable price. These stoves, constructed with a chimney to channel smoke out of the house, provide a smoke-free home environment and use only half of the firewood required for an open fire.

Community Kiosk In partnership with Community Enterprise Solutions, LHI has brought a community health- promoting kiosk to Chajul. This kiosk, which is located in the library, provides the community with access to water filters, solar-powered lamps, reading glasses, energy efficient light bulbs, and vegetable seeds at fair market prices. A group of LHI‘s female students and mothers are trained to be kiosk sales representatives.

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They have learned about the science behind the water purifiers, how to give basic eye exams, how to promote the products through truthful marketing, how to interact with customers, and how to record purchases. These skills increase their self-confidence and leadership capacity and prepare them for employment opportunities.

Artisan Program The artisan program is based on preserving and sharing the traditional Mayan art of weaving using a backstrap loom and hand embroidery. Chajul‘s women are incredibly skilled at creating beautiful, colorful textiles, in a style that is distinctive to the region. Female LHI students and mothers create artisan products such as woven scarves and bookmarks, and embroidered shirts. The work helps women and students develop business and design skills. LHI pays a fair wage for the work and provides the women with consistent employment opportunities and income, as well as ongoing training. LHI buys the artisan products at a fair price, and distributes them internationally to raise funds to support its programs in Chajul, thus both directly and indirectly returning the proceeds to the community.

Sustainable Tourism LHI hosts both large groups and individual tourists. Visitors have the opportunity to participate in cultural and educational activities as well as service projects. Sustainable tourism promotes Chajul‘s rich culture while stimulating the local economy through employment of LHI families and other Chajul residents, who host activities in their homes, act as guides, cook meals and snacks, host hotel stays, and sell their products. During these visits, Chajulenses take pride in sharing their culture, grow their leadership skills, and practice their Spanish with foreigners. Visitors can go on local hikes, learn to weave or make tortillas, learn about Ixil traditions, beliefs, and language, and contribute to sustainable community projects. Visiting groups have built a sport court for a middle school, poured concrete classroom floors, planted organic family vegetable gardens, hosted a women‘s voice empowerment workshop, and prepared LHI‘s public library for opening.

Limitless Horizons Ixil works in partnership with:

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