Copyrighted Material
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Lopes-Graça and the Concept of “National Music”
Politics of Identity and Counter-Hegemony: Lopes-Graça and the Concept of “National Music” MÁRIO VIEIRA de CARVALHO The idea of “national music” plays a paramount role in the theory and praxis of the Portuguese composer Fernando Lopes-Graça (1906-1994), who was confronted with it in the 1920s, when ‘nationalism’ increasingly influenced different ideological discourses and became entangled in arts and music. In this paper, I begin with a brief historical retrospective in order to situate the “position” of Lopes- Graça and discuss the circumstances in which he first joined the mainstream, then radically broke with it, and finally developed what I call a counter-hegemonic “politics of identity,” 1 based on a particular concept of “national music”: a concept not yet given , but still to be constructed. Lopes-Graça was able to inscribe this concept within a broader strategy of cultural resistance against the Estado Novo (the “New State”), including alternative, counter-hegemonic structures of communication. The sentiment of decadence and nationalism In Portugal, the turn to “musical nationalism” dates back to the end of the 19th century, with the pianist and composer José Viana da Mota (1868–1948) and the composer Alfredo Keil (1850–1907). 2 It coincides, on the one hand, with a prevailing sense that Portugal had lapsed into decadence, aroused by the colonial crisis and the British ultimatum (1890) concerning certain Portuguese territorial ambitions in Africa, and, on the other hand, with the rise of the Republican movement, which had grown in influence since 1880 as a “patriotic” alternative to the establishment. The fanfare of the last section—Ressurgimento (‘Resurgence’)—of the Symphony “ à Pátria ” (dedicated to the homeland), written by Viana da Mota in 1895 (immediately after his entry into Freemasonry), seems to anticipate the Republican victory of 1910. -
A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference To
A STUDY OF THE CHARISMATIC MOVEMENT IN PORTUGAL WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE FRATERNAL ASSOCIATION by FERNANDO CALDEIRA DA SILVA Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF THEOLOGY in the subject CHURCH HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: DR M H MOGASHOA FEBRUARY 2006 Table of Contents Thesis: A STUDY OF THE CHARISMATIC MOVEMENT IN PORTUGAL WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE FRATERNAL ASSOCIATION Page Introduction 1 Chapter 1: A survey of the various forms of Christianity in Portugal 11 1.1 The establishment of Christianity in Spain and Portugal up to the Reformation 11 1.1.1 Establishment of Christianity in the Iberian Peninsula 12 1.1.2 Four main forces that led the people of the Iberian Peninsula to be attached to Roman Catholicism, as against any non-Roman Catholic Christian churches 14 1.1.3 Islamic influence on the Portuguese characteristic resistance to change, as related to non-Roman Catholic Christians 16 1.1.4 Involvement of the Pope in the independence of Portugal 17 1.2 Portugal and Europe from 1383 to 1822 18 1.2.1 A new era resulting from the revolution of 1383-1385 19 1.2.2 The Portuguese involvement in the crusades 21 1.2.3 Movements transforming the societies of Europe 21 1.2.4 Political, economic and socio-religious conditions in Portugal 23 1.2.4.1 The political conditions 23 1.2.4.2 The economic conditions 29 1.2.4.3 The socio-religious conditions 33 1.3 Reformation and Protestant influence in the Portuguese Empire 34 1.3.1 Signs of impact of the Reformation in Portugal -
Três Teses Sobre a Ucronia E a Floresta
Três teses sobre a Ucronia e a Floresta Utópica: a propósito do Integralismo Lusitano Autor(es): Archer, Paulo Publicado por: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra URL persistente: URI:http://hdl.handle.net/10316.2/43723 DOI: DOI:https://doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_24_10 Accessed : 24-Sep-2021 03:22:27 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. impactum.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt P a u l o A r c h e r Revista da Historia das Ideias Vol. 24 (2003) TRÊS TESES SOBRE A UCRONIA E A FLORESTA UTÓPICA A propósito do Integralismo Lusitano "Entre o que vive e a vida P'ra que lado corre o rio?" Fernando Pessoa "Liberdade e libertação são uma tarefa que nunca acaba" Umberto Eco Um dos problemas nucleares suscitados por alguns estudos de história intelectual, das ideias e da cultura, consiste na decifração do lugar e das relações que entre si os movimentos dos intelectuais articulam. -
The Jerusalem Report February 6, 2017 Wikipedia Wikipedia
Books A traitor in Budapest Rudolf Kasztner was not a hero but an unscrupulous Nazi collaborator, insists British historian Paul Bogdanor in his new book By Tibor Krausz REZSŐ KASZTNER was a much-maligned Was Kasztner, the de facto head of the Bogdanor’s book is a meticulously re- hero of the Holocaust. Or he was a villain- Zionist Aid and Rescue Committee in Bu- searched, cogently argued and at times ous Nazi collaborator. It depends who you dapest, eagerly liaising with Adolf Eich- riveting indictment of Kasztner, which ask and how you look at it. Over 70 years mann and his henchmen so as to save any is bound to reopen debate on the wartime after the end of World War II and almost 60 Hungarian Jews he could from deportation Zionist leader’s role in the destruction of years after his death, the Jewish-Hungarian and certain death in Auschwitz-Birkenau? Hungary’s Jewish community. Zionist leader remains a highly controver- Or was he doing so out of sheer self-inter- sial figure. est in order to make himself indispensable IN APRIL and May 1944, the author To his defenders, like Israeli histori- to the Nazis by helping send hundreds of demonstrates at length, Kasztner knew an Shoshana Ishoni-Barri and Hungar- thousands of other Jews blindly to their fate full well that the Nazis were busy deport- ian-born Canadian writer Anna Porter, through willful deception? ing Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz, where the author of “Kasztner’s Train” (2007), In his book “Kasztner’s Crime,” Brit- the gas chambers awaited them. -
Dinâmicas Do Pensamento Autoritário Durante a Primeira República Portuguesa1 Mário Novaes César Rezende2
Dinâmicas do pensamento autoritário durante a Primeira República Portuguesa1 Mário Novaes César Rezende2 Neste artigo, proponho mostrar os fluxos em combate do pensamento autoritário português nos momentos seguintes à proclamação da República. Em 1908, o país vivia sob uma monarquia constitucional, em que a figura do rei passava por um ápice de impopularidade e esvaziamento, inclusive com membros de seu parlamento discursavam em defesa de um exílio do rei (SERRÃO, J. 1988, p. 127). Para além de uma crise institucionalizada dentro das fileiras do governo, no período havia um crescente movimento republicano, além de anarco-sindicalistas e socialistas que atuavam principalmente entre organizações de trabalhadores (SERRÃO, J. 1988, p.128). A tensão atingiria um ponto de inflexão em primeiro de Fevereiro de 1908, quando o rei D. Carlos I e seu filho, o príncipe herdeiro D. Luís Felipe, seriam assassinados a tiros por dois indivíduos ligados indiretamente a braços do movimento republicano. O príncipe D. Manuel II, o segundo filho, foi coroado em Maio de 1908 (SERRÃO, J. 1988, p. 129). Durante as eleições de Novembro o Partido Republicano Português (PRP) conseguiria mais cadeiras no parlamento, agudizando ainda mais a crise (SERRÃO, J. 1988, p. 134). O governo vai gradativamente escanteando rei, relegando a ele funções meramente diplomáticas, especialmente quando se tratava de encontros com outros monarcas europeus (SERRÃO, J. 1988, p. 141). O então Presidente do Conselho de Ministros, Wenceslau Lima, é demitido pelo rei; o que era para ser um período de acalmação e estabilização política se desflora em uma crise ainda mais profunda, com a instabilidade e a insatisfação pública sendo acrescida, seja por um temporal que atingiu Lisboa, como escândalos de corrupção que se tornariam públicos, dando espaço para um sentimento de descrença na política organizada (SERRÃO, J. -
'Chaos' and 'Order': Preto, Salazar and Charismatic
Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Vol. 7, No. 2, 203–214, June 2006 ‘Chaos’ and ‘Order’: Preto, Salazar and Charismatic Appeal in Inter-war Portugal ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO University of Lisbon TaylorFTMP_A_164201.sgm10.1080/14690760600642222Totalitarian1469-0764Original200672000000JuneAntó[email protected] and& Article Francis (print)/1743-9647Francis Movements2006 Ltd and Political (online) Religions There emerged this man [Salazar] who was the greatest representative of the aspirations of the army and of the people … There emerged this man – providence’s secret – who was suddenly revealed … There emerged this man who was destined to overcome an alarming crisis in order to reintegrate the nation in the consciousness of its duty, its power, its great- ness and its mission in the world.1 This excessive praise for Antonio Salazar by a priest may express the classic triangle of a charismatic juncture, yet it dates from a moment in which Salazar was already leader of the Portuguese dictatorship and was driving forward with the institutionalisation of the Estado Novo (New State). The takeover of power by Salazar transpired in the elitist context of a crisis within the military dictator- ship; nevertheless, it provides us with an interesting example of a post hoc utili- sation of some of the characteristic processes that are associated with charismatic leadership.2 Salazar was not the charismatic leader of a political party that led him to power, nor was he the most visible ‘candidate’ dictator during the final years of the parliamentary regime. There were others who preceded him that had greater charismatic appeal: Sidónio Pais, who led the brief dictatorship of 1918, being a case in point. -
Los Embates De La Modernidad Debates En Torno a La Ciudadanía, El Liberalismo, El Republicanismo, La Democracia Y Los Movimientos Sociales
Oriol Luján y Laura Canalias (coords.) LOS EMBATES DE LA MODERNIDAD DEBATES EN TORNO A LA CIUDADANÍA, EL LIBERALISMO, EL REPUBLICANISMO, LA DEMOCRACIA Y LOS MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES Actas del V Encuentro de Jóvenes Investigadores en Historia Contemporánea Volumen 4 Oriol Luján y Laura Canalias (coords.) LOS EMBATES DE LA MODERNIDAD: DEBATES EN TORNO A LA CIUDADANÍA, EL LIBERALISMO, EL REPUBLICANISMO, LA DEMOCRACIA Y LOS MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES Actas del V Encuentro de Jóvenes Investigadores en Historia Contemporánea Volumen 4 Departament d’Història Moderna i Contemporània de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2017 Los embates de la modernidad. Debates en torno a la ciudadanía, el liberalismo, el republicanismo, la democracia y los movimientos sociales. Actas del V Encuentro de Jóvenes Investigadores en História Contemporánea Volumen 4 Comite organizador Joel Sans Molas, Helena Saavedra Mitjans, Oriol Luján Feliu, Adrià Llacuna Hernando, Cristian Ferrer González, Francisco de Paula Fernández Gómez, Assumpta Castillo Cañiz, Laura Canalias Chorrero, Miguel Alonso Ibarra, David Alegre Lorenz. Coordinadores Oriol Luján y Laura Canalias Edita Departament d’Història Moderna i Contemporània de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Departament d'Història Moderna i Contemporània Carrer de la Fortuna s/n, Edifici B 08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès) Tel.: (0034) 93 581 11 86 / (0034) 93 581 1186 Email: [email protected] Diseño: Guillem Puig Vallverdú ISBN: 978-84-17238-05-6 Creative Commons: Reconocimiento – NoComercial – CompartirIgual (by-nc-sa) -
Fascist Modernist Landscapes: Wheat, Dams, Forests, and the Making of the Portuguese New State
Tiago Saraiva Fascist Modernist Landscapes: Wheat, Dams, Forests, and the Making of the Portuguese New State Abstract Fascist ideology held strong claims about the relationship between national soil and national community. It has been less noticed that this “ideology of the land” materialized in massive state campaigns that led to major environmental changes. This article examines three such campaigns under- taken by the New State, Portugal’s fascist regime—the Wheat Campaign (1929), the Irrigation Plan (1935), and the Afforestation Plan (1938)—to demonstrate the importance of crops, dams, and forests to the institutionalization of fas- cism. It argues that paying attention to such topics, typical of environmental historians’ narratives, suggests that in- stead of characterizing fascist regimes through the paradox of reactionary modernism, in which the ideology of the land constitutes the reactionary element, it is more produc- tive to place intensive environmental management at the core of fascist modernist experiments. VC The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Society for Environmental History and the Forest History Society. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected] Tiago Saraiva, “Fascist Modernist Landscapes: Wheat, Dams, Forests, and the Making of the Portuguese New State,” Environmental History 21 (2016): 54–75 doi: 10.1093/envhis/emv116 Fascist Modernist Landscapes 55 INTRODUCTION In 2011 John McNeill recommended that environmental historians should write “environmental histories of things other historians care about.”1 Fascism certainly qualifies, not only because of its political, economic, and cultural interest, but also because fascist regimes had clear environmental consequences. -
New Selection 1
New Selection 1 1 2 Freitas Branco, Luís de Cultural Current: Music Cultural Community: Portuguese Author: Pina, Isabel Freitas Branco, Luis de Masthead, Funerais de Viriato During his long and varied musical and musicological career, Luís de Freitas Branco (1890–1955) became one of the period’s most recognized and influential figures in Portuguese musical life, active as a composer, music critic and journalist, teacher, musicologist, radio broadcaster and lecturer. Usually regarded by his pupils as the introducer of musical Modernism in Portugal (mainly due to his symphonic poems with their impressionist and expressionist aesthetics), Freitas Branco later became, during the 1920s and 1930s, one of the most motivated musical propagandists of a nationalist New Classicism. His ideas of a classical, balanced and fundamentally rational music (as opposed to musical Romanticism) were disseminated both in writing, published in the Portuguese periodical press, and by the creation of symphonies and other sonata-form music; they appear to have emerged while the composer was closely involved with the founders of a Portuguese monarchist movement, Integralismo Lusitano. The founders of Integralismo Lusitano were a group of young men, mainly university students in Coimbra, who were disappointed with, or opposed to, the unstable and troubled First Portuguese Republic (1910-26); they included monarchists and anti-republicans, with a traditionalist, regionalist, Latinist, nationalist and, to a certain extent, racist and anti-Semite outlook close to the ideology of Charles Maurras’s Action Française. According to one of the movement’s main thinkers, Hipólito Raposo (1885–1953; Dois nacionalismos: l’Action Française e o Integralismo Lusitano, 1929), its creation can be dated to 1911, when he and Alberto de Monsaraz witnessed, in Paris, manifestations of what they considered a “counter-revolution”. -
Que Integralismo Lusitano? Nação Portuguesa (1914-1916) – Which Integralismo Lusitano?
Cultura Revista de História e Teoria das Ideias Vol. 26 | 2009 O Tempo das Revistas Nação Portuguesa (1914-1916) – Que Integralismo Lusitano? Nação Portuguesa (1914-1916) – Which Integralismo Lusitano? José Manuel Cordeiro Edição electrónica URL: http://journals.openedition.org/cultura/443 DOI: 10.4000/cultura.443 ISSN: 2183-2021 Editora Centro de História da Cultura Edição impressa Data de publição: 1 Junho 2009 Paginação: 139-154 ISSN: 0870-4546 Refêrencia eletrónica José Manuel Cordeiro, « Nação Portuguesa (1914-1916) – Que Integralismo Lusitano? », Cultura [Online], Vol. 26 | 2009, posto online no dia 16 setembro 2013, consultado a 19 abril 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/cultura/443 ; DOI : 10.4000/cultura.443 © CHAM — Centro de Humanidades / Centre for the Humanities Cultura 26 (2009)| 139 Nação Portuguesa (1914-1916) – Que Integralismo Lusitano? José Manuel Cordeiro* 1. O maior problema que se depara a quem queira produzir qualquer trabalho científi co sobre a Nação Portuguesa, Revista de Cultura Nacionalista, e na sua primeira demão Revista de Filosofi a Política, é a sua desmesurada extensão que abarca onze séries, prolongando-se pelo período temporal que decorre de 1914 a 19381. Partindo desta premissa, apenas um caminho parece fi car disponível, se não quere- mos transvestir o artigo, numa lauta obra que é delimitar um espaço que possa ser, ao mesmo tempo, justifi cável, harmónico e sufi cientemente sistemático. Nesta ordem de ideias, os anos em que o pensador de Monforte teve parte mais activa no periódico, isto é, entre os anos de 1914-1916, datas entre as quais foi publicada a primeira série, e 1922-1924, datas entre as quais foi o director da Nação Portuguesa, parecem-nos ser susceptíveis de caber em artigos científi cos. -
The Politics of Fernando Pessoa
nick burns THE POLITICS OF FERNANDO PESSOA n how many of the garrets and non-garrets of this world / Are there self-styled geniuses dreaming this very moment?’ By his death in 1935, the genius of Fernando Pessoa was in danger of emerging from anonymity. For decades, remaining unknown ‘Ioutside a small circle of literary friends had been a source of inspira- tion and a rampart from which to engage in period polemics. Pessoa drifted between cafés, rented rooms and tobacconists, quays and com- mercial offices in Portugal’s backwater metropolis, imagining one day his fame would surpass that of Camões. He had doubts: ‘At this moment / A hundred thousand brains dream themselves geniuses like me!’1 But in his last years there were promising signs. He had acquired readers: a younger generation of modernist poets, clustered around the maga- zine Presença, would succeed in conveying his work to a broader national audience after the Second World War. Internationally, talk of Pessoa spread in the 1960s, with a sweeping criti- cal treatment from Octavio Paz at the start of the decade and another, narrowly formal, from linguist Roman Jakobson at its close.2 In the New York Review of Books the critic Michael Wood soon seconded Jakobson’s assessment of Pessoa as a great undiscovered figure of the generation of Joyce and Picasso.3 But the breakthrough came after the publication in Portugal of his incomparable collocation of prose fragments, O Livro do Desassossego, in 1982. Four different English translations of it as The Book of Disquiet appeared in 1991 alone, and three years later Harold Bloom saw fit to include Pessoa in the elite group of writers of his Western Canon (1994), on the merits of his visionary reading of Whitman. -
2–9 November Collaboration
2–9 November Collaboration Presented by Sarah and Chaim Neuberger Holocaust Education Centre UJA Federation of Greater Toronto We Gratefully Acknowledge Our Donors and Sponsors Holocaust Education Week 2014 presenting sponsor lead benefactors The Elizabeth & Tony Comper Foundation Honey & Barry Sherman Holocaust Education Week 2014 explores the distinct ways in which individuals, groups and governments collaborated during the Shoah. media sponsors This inclusive program will address many forms of collaboration: from the experi- ences of those who purposely chose to collaborate with the Nazis in genocide and crimes against humanity—precipitating events such as Kristallnacht and the Hungarian deportations—to those who defied the Nazis and collaborated instead corporate benefactors in resistance and even rescue, as in the Kindertransport, and by those now desig- nated as Righteous Among the Nations. Collaboration serves as a prism for exam- ining the breadth and depth of human and institutional responses to the rise of National Socialism and the events of the Holocaust. foundation, cultural & civic benefactors HEW 2014 is proud to present a group of outstanding experts-in-residence. Our scholar is Professor Doris Bergen of the University of Toronto, whose essay in this Ministry of Foreign Affairs program guide provides an overview of the theme; educator is Martin Hagmayr of Hungary of the Pedagogical Department, Hartheim Castle, where medical professionals and ordinary clerks collaborated to murder the most vulnerable in society through the