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The Kremlin Trojan Horses | the Atlantic Council
Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski ISBN: 978-1-61977-518-3. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. November 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Foreword Introduction: The Kremlin’s Toolkit of Influence 3 in Europe 7 France: Mainstreaming Russian Influence 13 Germany: Interdependence as Vulnerability 20 United Kingdom: Vulnerable but Resistant Policy recommendations: Resisting Russia’s 27 Efforts to Influence, Infiltrate, and Inculcate 29 About the Authors THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES FOREWORD In 2014, Russia seized Crimea through military force. With this act, the Kremlin redrew the political map of Europe and upended the rules of the acknowledged international order. Despite the threat Russia’s revanchist policies pose to European stability and established international law, some European politicians, experts, and civic groups have expressed support for—or sympathy with—the Kremlin’s actions. These allies represent a diverse network of political influence reaching deep into Europe’s core. The Kremlin uses these Trojan horses to destabilize European politics so efficiently, that even Russia’s limited might could become a decisive factor in matters of European and international security. -
Webroots-Democracy-Cost-Of-Voting
1 forewords 3 - 8 executive summary 9 - 11 cost of existing elections 12 - 14 cost of online voting 15 - 19 impact of online voting on existing costs 20 - 23 policy roundtable 24 - 26 survey data 27 - 28 recommendations 29 - 31 appendix 32 - 35 2 3 Areeq Chowdhury If democracy was reborn tomorrow and we came vote following the introduction of online voting together to decide how our electoral system would fall by more than a quarter. should operate, would it look remotely the same as it does today? In an age where coins have been The cost of the current analogue system is more replaced by cash, cash has been replaced by than just money, however. The cost is thousands cards, and cards have been replaced by of voters overseas having their ballots contactless smartphone payments; would we undelivered, hundreds of thousands of voters replicate a voting system concocted in the 19th with disabilities being unable to cast an century? independent ballot, and millions of young people alienated from the political process. The added The idea that we would decide to create a system value of modernising elections is to have a based on spending millions and millions of pounds democratic system fit for the 21st century, true of taxpayers’ money on posting poll cards, hand- access for all voters with the capacity to further opening thousands of envelopes, and purchasing educate existing voters, and the potential to 300,000 pencils seems far-fetched to me. In a engage some of the 10m to 15m eligible voters digital era, in an innovative country like the UK, that do not currently vote. -
Download Thesis
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ ANGLO-SAUDI CULTURAL RELATIONS CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF BILATERAL TIES, 1950- 2010 Alhargan, Haya Saleh Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 1 ANGLO-SAUDI CULTURAL RELATIONS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF BILATERAL TIES, 1950-2010 by Haya Saleh AlHargan Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Middle East and Mediterranean Studies Programme King’s College University of London 2015 2 ABSTRACT This study investigates Anglo-Saudi cultural relations from 1950 to 2010, with the aim of greater understanding the nature of those relations, analysing the factors affecting them and examining their role in enhancing cultural relations between the two countries. -
Turkey's EU Accession As a Factor in the 2016 Brexit Referendum
James Ker-Lindsay Turkey’s EU accession as a factor in the 2016 Brexit referendum Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Ker-Lindsay James. (2017). Turkey’s EU accession as a factor in the 2016 Brexit referendum. Turkish Studies. ISSN 1468-3849. DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2017.1366860 © 2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/83691/ Available in LSE Research Online: October 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Turkey’s EU Accession as a Factor in the 2016 Brexit Referendum James Ker-Lindsay European Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom Email: [email protected] Twitter http://www.twitter.com/JamesKerLindsay Biographical note James Ker-Lindsay is Senior Visiting Fellow at the European Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science and Research Associate at the Centre for International Studies at the University of Oxford. -
General Election 2019: Mps in Wales
Etholiad Cyffredinol 2019: Aelodau Seneddol yng Nghymru General Election 2019: MPs in Wales 1 Plaid Cymru (4) 5 6 Hywel Williams 2 Arfon 7 Liz Saville Roberts 2 10 Dwyfor Meirionnydd 3 4 Ben Lake 8 12 Ceredigion Jonathan Edwards 14 Dwyrain Caerfyrddin a Dinefwr / Carmarthen East and Dinefwr 9 10 Ceidwadwyr / Conservatives (14) Virginia Crosbie Fay Jones 1 Ynys Môn 13 Brycheiniog a Sir Faesyfed / Brecon and Radnorshire Robin Millar 3 Aberconwy Stephen Crabb 15 11 Preseli Sir Benfro / Preseli Pembrokeshire David Jones 4 Gorllewin Clwyd / Clwyd West Simon Hart 16 Gorllewin Caerfyrddin a De Sir Benfro / James Davies Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire 5 Dyffryn Clwyd / Vale of Clwyd David Davies Rob Roberts 25 6 Mynwy / Monmouth Delyn Jamie Wallis Sarah Atherton 33 8 Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr / Bridgend Wrecsam / Wrexham Alun Cairns 34 Simon Baynes Bro Morgannwg / Vale of Glamorgan 9 12 De Clwyd / Clwyd South 13 Craig Williams 11 Sir Drefaldwyn / Montgomeryshire 14 15 16 25 24 17 23 21 22 26 18 20 30 27 19 32 28 31 29 39 40 36 33 Llafur / Labour (22) 35 37 Mark Tami 38 7 34 Alyn & Deeside / Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy Nia Griffith Gerald Jones 17 23 Llanelli Merthyr Tudful a Rhymni / Merthyr Tydfil & Rhymney Tonia Antoniazzi Nick Smith Chris Bryant 18 24 30 Gwyr / Gower Blaenau Gwent Rhondda Geraint Davies Nick Thomas-Symonds Chris Elmore Jo Stevens 19 26 31 37 Gorllewin Abertawe / Swansea West Tor-faen / Torfaen Ogwr / Ogmore Canol Caerdydd / Cardiff Central Carolyn Harris Chris Evans Stephen Kinnock Stephen Doughty 20 27 32 38 Dwyrain Abertawe / -
THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84. -
Westminster World Heritage Site Management Plan Steering Group
WESTMINSTER WORLD HERITAGE SITE MANAGEMENT PLAN Illustration credits and copyright references for photographs, maps and other illustrations are under negotiation with the following organisations: Dean and Chapter of Westminster Westminster School Parliamentary Estates Directorate Westminster City Council English Heritage Greater London Authority Simmons Aerofilms / Atkins Atkins / PLB / Barry Stow 2 WESTMINSTER WORLD HERITAGE SITE MANAGEMENT PLAN The Palace of Westminster and Westminster Abbey including St. Margaret’s Church World Heritage Site Management Plan Prepared on behalf of the Westminster World Heritage Site Management Plan Steering Group, by a consortium led by Atkins, with Barry Stow, conservation architect, and tourism specialists PLB Consulting Ltd. The full steering group chaired by English Heritage comprises representatives of: ICOMOS UK DCMS The Government Office for London The Dean and Chapter of Westminster The Parliamentary Estates Directorate Transport for London The Greater London Authority Westminster School Westminster City Council The London Borough of Lambeth The Royal Parks Agency The Church Commissioners Visit London 3 4 WESTMINSTER WORLD HERITAGE S I T E M ANAGEMENT PLAN FOREWORD by David Lammy MP, Minister for Culture I am delighted to present this Management Plan for the Palace of Westminster, Westminster Abbey and St Margaret’s Church World Heritage Site. For over a thousand years, Westminster has held a unique architectural, historic and symbolic significance where the history of church, monarchy, state and law are inexorably intertwined. As a group, the iconic buildings that form part of the World Heritage Site represent masterpieces of monumental architecture from medieval times on and which draw on the best of historic construction techniques and traditional craftsmanship. -
A Study of Identity, Ethics and Power in the Relationship Between Britain and the United Kingdom Overseas Territories
University of Plymouth PEARL https://pearl.plymouth.ac.uk 04 University of Plymouth Research Theses 01 Research Theses Main Collection 2013 Distant Relations: A Study of Identity, Ethics and Power in the Relationship Between Britain and the United Kingdom Overseas Territories Harmer, Nichola http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1575 University of Plymouth All content in PEARL is protected by copyright law. Author manuscripts are made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the details provided on the item record or document. In the absence of an open licence (e.g. Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher or author. DISTANT RELATIONS: A STUDY OF IDENTITY, ETHICS AND POWER IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BRITAIN AND THE UNITED KINGDOM OVERSEAS TERRITORIES By NICHOLA HARMER A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences Faculty of Science December 2012 This copy of the thesis has been supplied on the condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with its author and that no quotation from the thesis and no information derived from it may be published without the author’s prior consent. ABSTRACT Nichola Harmer DISTANT RELATIONS: A STUDY OF IDENTITY, ETHICS AND POWER IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BRITAIN AND THE UNITED KINGDOM OVERSEAS TERRITORIES This thesis contributes to new understandings of the contemporary relationship between Britain and the fourteen remaining United Kingdom Overseas Territories. By examining the discourse of social and political elites in Britain and in several Overseas Territories, it identifies the significance of the role of identity in shaping perceptions and relations between these international actors. -
The Architectural Practice of Gerard Wight and William Lucas from 1885 to 1894
ABPL90382 Minor Thesis Jennifer Fowler Student ID: 1031421 22 June 2020 Boom Mannerism: The Architectural Practice of Gerard Wight and William Lucas from 1885 to 1894 Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Urban and Cultural Heritage, Melbourne School of Design, University of Melbourne Frontispiece: Herbert Percival Bennett Photograph of Collins Street looking east towards Elizabeth Street, c.1894, glass lantern slide, Gosbel Collection, State Library of Victoria. Salway, Wight and Lucas’ Mercantile Bank of 1888 with dome at centre above tram. URL: http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/54894. Abstract To date there has been no thorough research into the architectural practice of Wight and Lucas with only a few of their buildings referred to with brevity in histories and articles dealing with late nineteenth-century Melbourne architecture. The Boom era firm of Wight and Lucas from 1885 to 1894 will therefore be investigated in order to expand their catalogue of works based upon primary research and field work. Their designs will be analysed in the context of the historiography of the Boom Style outlined in various secondary sources. The practice designed numerous branches for the Melbourne Savings Bank in the metropolitan area and collaborated with other Melbourne architects when designing a couple of large commercial premises in the City of Melbourne. These Mannerist inspired classical buildings fit the general secondary descriptions of what has been termed the Boom Style of the 1880s and early 1890s. However, Wight and Lucas’ commercial work will be assessed in terms of its style, potential overseas influences and be compared to similar contemporary Melbourne architecture to firstly reveal their design methods and secondly, to attempt to give some clarity to the overall definition of Melbourne’s Boom era architecture and the firm’ place within this period. -
Northern Estate Programme Norman Shaw North Standalone
Northern Estate Programme Norman Shaw North Standalone - Archaeological Statement March 2021 00NSN-2131-MLA-XX-XX-T-XX-RG-10344 Status: S2 Revision: C01 Version Date Name Reviewed By Description of Sign-off Changes C01 29/03/2021 Ashley Blair Rupert For Planning Rosalind Morris Featherby & Rosalind Morris -1- Norman Shaw North Standalone Archaeological Statement ContentsContents ................................................................................................................................... 2 Figure List ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4 2 Methodology and sources consulted .............................................................................................. 8 3 Site location, topography and geology ......................................................................................... 10 4 Archaeological and historical background .................................................................................... 14 5 Statement of significance.............................................................................................................. 23 6 Impact of proposals ...................................................................................................................... 26 7 Conclusion and recommendations .............................................................................................. -
Committees on Arms Export Controls: Unauthorised Disclosures of Draft Report on Use of UK- Manufactured Arms in Yemen
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee Committees on Arms Export Controls: unauthorised disclosures of draft Report on Use of UK- manufactured arms in Yemen Seventh Special Report of Session 2016–17 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 10 January 2017 HC 935 Published on 18 January 2017 by authority of the House of Commons The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated public bodies. Current membership Crispin Blunt MP (Conservative, Reigate) (Chair) Mr John Baron MP (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Ann Clwyd MP (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes MP (Labour (Co-op), Ilford South) Stephen Gethins MP (Scottish National Party, North East Fife) Mr Mark Hendrick MP (Labour (Co-op), Preston) Adam Holloway MP (Conservative, Gravesham) Daniel Kawczynski MP (Conservative, Shrewsbury and Atcham) Ian Murray MP (Labour, Edinburgh South) Andrew Rosindell MP (Conservative, Romford) Nadhim Zahawi MP (Conservative, Stratford-on-Avon) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at www.parliament.uk/facom and in print by Order of the House. Committee staff The current staff of the Committee are Chris Stanton (Clerk), Nick Beech (Second Clerk), Dr Ariella Huff (Senior Committee Specialist), Ashlee Godwin and Nicholas Wade (Committee Specialists), Clare Genis (Senior Committee Assistant), James Hockaday and Su Panchanathan (Committee Assistants), and Estelle Currie (Media Officer). -
Aelodau Seneddol Yng Nghymru General Election 2017: Mps in Wales
Etholiad Cyffredinol 2017: Aelodau Seneddol yng Nghymru General Election 2017: MPs in Wales 1 Plaid Cymru (4) Hywel Williams 5 6 2 Arfon Liz Saville-Roberts 7 10 2 3 Dwyfor Meirionnydd 4 Ben Lake 12 8 Ceredigion Jonathan Edwards 14 Dwyrain Caerfyrddin a Dinefwr / Carmarthen East and Dinefwr 9 10 Ceidwadwyr / Conservatives (8) Guto Bebb 3 Aberconwy David Jones 4 Gorllewin Clwyd / Clwyd West 11 Glyn Davies 11 Sir Drefaldwyn / Montgomeryshire Chris Davies 13 Brycheiniog a Sir Faesyfed / Brecon and Radnorshire Stephen Crabb 15 Preseli Sir Benfro / Preseli Pembrokeshire Simon Hart 16 Gorllewin Caerfyrddin a De Sir Benfro / Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire David T. C. Davies 25 12 Mynwy / Monmouth Alun Cairns 34 Bro Morgannwg / Vale of Glamorgan 13 14 15 16 24 25 17 23 21 22 26 Llafur / Labour (28) 18 20 30 27 Albert Owen 1 19 32 Ynys Môn 28 31 Chris Ruane 29 39 40 5 Dyffryn Clwyd / Vale of Clwyd 36 33 35 37 David Hanson Carolyn Harris Wayne David 6 20 28 38 Delyn Dwyrain Abertawe / Swansea East Caerffili / Caerphilly 34 Mark Tami Christina Rees Owen Smith 7 21 29 Alyn & Deeside / Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy Castell-nedd / Neath Pontypridd Ian Lucas Ann Clywd Chris Bryant Anna McMorrin 8 22 30 36 Wrecsam / Wrexham Cwm Cynon / Cynon Valley Rhondda Gogledd Caerdydd / Cardiff North Susan Jones Gerald Jones Chris Elmore Jo Stevens 9 23 31 37 De Clwyd / Clwyd South Merthyr Tudful a Rhymni / Merthyr Tydfil & Rhymney Ogwr / Ogmore Canol Caerdydd / Cardiff Central Nia Griffith Nick Smith Stephen Kinnock Stephen Doughty 17 24 32 38 Llanelli Blaenau