Redalyc.Indonesia´S Counter-Terrorism Policy
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
A Critical Analysis of the Anti-Terrorism Policy in Indonesia: Assessment of the Concept of Jihad in Terms the Lenses of Idealism, Pragmatism and Virtue Based Ethics
Jurnal Ilmiah Niagara, Vol 2 No. 1, Januari 2011 A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ANTI-TERRORISM POLICY IN INDONESIA: ASSESSMENT OF THE CONCEPT OF JIHAD IN TERMS THE LENSES OF IDEALISM, PRAGMATISM AND VIRTUE BASED ETHICS Riswanda* *) Dosen FISIP Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ABSTRACT Perbedaan cara pandang terhadap isu terorisme dan kebijakan anti-terrorisme mengundang perdebatan etik mengenai bagaimana seorang formulator kebijakan memandang suatu isu publik sensitive, dengan muatan permasalahan yang kompleks dan tidak terstruktur. Tulisan ini meramu perspektif idealism, pragmatism dan virtue based ethics dalam menganalisis kebijakan anti-terorisme di Indonesia. Kajian permasalahan terorisme dan kompleksitas permasalahan yang menyertainya ditelaah secara kritis-filosofis terkait konsep jihad sebagai justifikasi dari sebagian tindakan teror berbasis pemahaman agama. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mencari suatu pendekatan baru dalam mengkaji isu kebijakan publik, tanpa sama sekali bermaksud mendiskreditkan suku, agama atau ras tertentu. Memperkaya wacana analisis kebijakan publik dalam menggali akar masalah suatu isu kebijakan adalah tujuan essay ini. Kata Kunci: Anti-Terorisme, Kebijakan, Terorisme INTRODUCTION according to their understanding. Moreover, The controversy of anti-terrorism policy some of them have war experiences in Iraq in Indonesia starts after Bali bombing and Palestine. Terrorism becomes a tragedy on 12 October 2002. Following the worrying and sensitive policy issue when the terror attacks, the former president terrorists mentioned formerly videotape Megawati Soekarnoputri decrees the draft themselves, widely broadcasted by Indonesian mass media, to convince people law no. 2 / 2002 about eradicating terrorism as an applicable emergency legislation. The that their actions solely based on Islamic government then transforms the draft into thinking (Tempointeraktif 2005, p. -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah. -
RSIS COMMENTARIES RSIS Commentaries Are Intended to Provide Timely And, Where Appropriate, Policy Relevant Background and Analysis of Contemporary Developments
119/2008 RSIS COMMENTARIES RSIS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced electronically or in print with prior permission from RSIS. Due recognition must be given to the author or authors and RSIS. Please email: [email protected] or call 6790 6982 to speak to the Editor RSIS Commentaries, Yang Razali Kassim. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ LEGACY OF THE BALI TRIO: A Changing Threat Pattern from Jemaah Islamiyah V. Arianti 14 November 2008 The trio responsible for Bali Bombing I have been executed. The Indonesian authorities have received threats to expect retaliation for the executions. Will the threats materialize? What are legacies of the three bombers for the Indonesian radical community? THE BALI bombers trio – Imam Samudra (38), Ali Ghufron alias Mukhlas (48), and Amrozi (47) – were finally executed by an Indonesian firing squad on Sunday, 9 November 2008 at 00.15 am. The three were sentenced to death by the Denpasar District Court in 2003 for their roles in Bali Bombing I in October 2002 that killed 202 people. They had exhausted their appeals against the death penalty. Their final effort was to ask for a judicial review on the method of the execution by the firing squad, which they considered un-Islamic and torturous. This request was rejected by the Constitutional Court on 21 October 2008. Interestingly, the trio did not ask for a presidential clemency; even if they had it would have been rejected. -
Draft ASA Conference Paper Cultural Perceptions of Tourism And
Draft ASA Conference Paper Cultural Perceptions of Tourism and Terrorism Michael Hitchcock and I Nyoman Darma Putra Introduction Michel Houellebecq's controversial novel 'Platform' (2002) manages to combine an account of sex tourism with an horrific terrorist attack in Thailand. Whatever the merits of the book, which was originally published in French in 1999, the author is eerily prescient about how tourist resorts could become terrorism targets in Southeast Asia. Houellebecq may be concerned with Thailand, which has suffered attacks on nightclubs and centres of entertainment, but has not experienced the same level of terrorist violence as other Southeast Asian countries, notably the Philippines. There the militant Islamic group Abu Sayyaf took 21 hostages, including 10 foreign tourists, from a diving resort in the Malaysian state of Sabah. The kidnap earned Abu Sayyaf US$ 20 million, reportedly paid by Libya (Rabasa, 2003: 54). The worst outrage to date occurred in Bali in 2002 where over 201 people lost their lives when three bombs were ignited. In this case the bombers were rounded up relatively quickly and on admitting their guilt where quick to point out why they had acted as they did. Thailand, however, is arguably one of the most iconic of tourism destinations and the fact that the real terrorist outrages have happened elsewhere does not detract from one of the main messages of the book: tourists are easily attacked and some of what they engage in may be used as a justification for attacking them. Houellebecq is of course a novelist and a very opinionated one according to some of his critics, but he does investigate the cultural ramifications of terrorists attacking tourists. -
The Rise of Islamic Religious-Political
Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi THE RISE OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA The Background, Present Situation and Future1 Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi The Institute for Islamic Studies of Darussalam, Gontor Ponorogo, Indonesia Abstract: This paper traces the roots of the emergence of Islamic religious and political movements in Indonesia especially during and after their depoliticization during the New Order regime. There were two important impacts of the depoliticization, first, the emergence of various study groups and student organizations in university campuses. Second, the emergence of Islamic political parties after the fall of Suharto. In addition, political freedom after long oppression also helped create religious groups both radical on the one hand and liberal on the other. These radical and liberal groups were not only intellectual movements but also social and political in nature. Although the present confrontation between liberal and moderate Muslims could lead to serious conflict in the future, and would put the democratic atmosphere at risk, the role of the majority of the moderates remains decisive in determining the course of Islam and politics in Indonesia. Keywords: Islamic religious-political movement, liberal Islam, non-liberal Indonesian Muslims. Introduction The rise of Islamic political parties and Islamic religious movements after the fall of Suharto was not abrupt in manner. The process was gradual, involving numbers of national and global factors. 1 The earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “Islam and Asia: Revisiting the Socio-Political Dimension of Islam,” jointly organized by Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM), 15-16 October, Tokyo. -
Redalyc.Indonesia' S Historic First Presidential Elections
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España SEBASTIAN, LEONARD C. Indonesia' s historic first presidential elections UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-8 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 INDONESIA’S HISTORIC FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AUTHOR1: LEONARD C. SEBASTIAN 2 Institute for Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), Singapore DATE: October 2004 September 20 marked the end of a momentous year for Indonesian politics concluding a third leg of a series of elections with an array of electoral formats which began in April ranging from an open list proportional system for the House of People’s Representatives and the House of Regional People’s Representatives; a single non-transferable vote system for new Regional Representatives Council and culminating with two round majoritarian system for the presidential election. Being the third largest democracy after the USA and India, Indonesia’s election mechanism is complex and required significant voter education initiatives to socialize the new election format. The general elections held on 5 April was for a fully elected House of People’s Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), the House of Regional People’s Representatives (DPRD, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) or the regional assemblies at the provincial and district level and the new Regional Representatives Council (DPD, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). -
Idss Commentaries
IDSS COMMENTARIES (26/2004) IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS. ___________________________________________________________________________ The Paradox of Indonesia’s “Post-Majapahit” Presidency: Historic Direct Election Makes Yudhoyono Most Popular Leader with possibly the Weakest Government since Suharto’s fall Yang Razali Kassim * 12th July 2004 Goenawan Mohamad, the veteran writer, describes the July 5 direct presidential election as a historic turning point ushering Indonesia into the “post-Majapahit” era. Never before since the time of the old Javanese kingdom have the people had the freedom to choose their own ruler. This is also the first time since the birth of the Indonesian nation state that they can elect their own “king” - without intermediaries or “people’s representatives” acting on their behalf. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as widely predicted by various polls, is emerging as the most popular choice, with Yusuf Kalla as his vice-president. The emergence of Susilo – “SBY” as he is widely known – at the expense of incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri is the consequence of a “deficiency fatigue”: Tired of weak government, the people clamoured for change and rejuvenation and swung behind the candidate who to them came like a gush of fresh air. The result – a significant lead of 33.8% of the votes counted so far for SBY, cutting across ideological, ethnic and religious affiliations, according to an exit poll released two days after the election by the local research body, LP3ES, and the United States-based National Democratic Institute (NDI). -
Jemaah Islamiyah's Publishing Industry
INDONESIA: JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH’S PUBLISHING INDUSTRY Asia Report N°147 – 28 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1 II. ISLAMIC PUBLISHING............................................................................................... 2 III. THE JI-LINKED COMPANIES................................................................................... 3 A. AL-ALAQ..............................................................................................................................3 B. THE ARAFAH GROUP ............................................................................................................4 C. THE AL-QOWAM GROUP.......................................................................................................5 D. THE AQWAM GROUP.............................................................................................................6 E. KAFAYEH CIPTA MEDIA (KCM)...........................................................................................8 F. OTHER SOLO AREA PUBLISHERS...........................................................................................9 G. AR-RAHMAH MEDIA.............................................................................................................9 IV. THE PUBLISHNG PROCESS................................................................................... -
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: the Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: The Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer Abstract The Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars (MUI) has exerted increased political influence in Indonesian politics since the fall of Suharto. Constituted by representatives from various Muslim civil society organizations, the council was originally intended by Suharto to serve as a political representative for Indonesia’s two largest civil society organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama. This article argues that in addition to its own non-democratic structures and its fatwas opposing democratic values, the MUI has contributed to Indonesia’s democratic stagnation and decline in two ways: by undermining the authority of elected state representatives through its anti-pluralist stance and its epistocratic claims, and by imperiling the fragile but functioning balance of religion and the state through its undermining of long-established religious civil society organizations. Keywords: Islam, democracy, religious authorities, Indonesia, authoritarianization DOI: 10.5509/2019922235 Introduction wenty years after the fall of the military dictator Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has not fallen into the hands of Islamist extremists via Telections, nor did the country’s oligarchs succeed in passing the presidency from one former military officer (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) to another (Prabowo Subianto) in the 2014 election. The former furniture entrepreneur Joko Widodo, called Jokowi, who became Indonesia’s first ____________________ Saskia Schäfer works on politics and religion in Southeast Asia at Humboldt University of Berlin. Email: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: Earlier versions of this article were presented at the workshop “Conceptualizing the Bureaucratization of Islam and its Socio-Legal Dimensions in Southeast Asia” at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle in September 2017 and at the workshop “Post-Democratizing Politics in East Asia” at the National University of Singapore in March 2019. -
Terrorism in Indonesia: Noordin’S Networks
TERRORISM IN INDONESIA: NOORDIN’S NETWORKS Asia Report N°114 – 5 May 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE MARRIOTT BOMBING NETWORKS ............................................................. 2 A. THE LUQMANUL HAKIEM SCHOOL........................................................................................2 B. THE LEFTOVER EXPLOSIVES .................................................................................................3 C. THE NGRUKI LINKS...............................................................................................................3 D. THE FINAL TEAM ..................................................................................................................4 III. THE AUSTRALIAN EMBASSY BOMBING ............................................................. 5 A. THE EAST JAVA NETWORK ....................................................................................................5 B. THE JI SCHOOL NETWORK IN CENTRAL JAVA .......................................................................7 C. THE NETWORK THUS FAR.....................................................................................................9 D. FAMILY AND BUSINESS IN WEST JAVA..................................................................................9 E. MOBILISING THE NETWORK -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy.