The University of Dodoma University of Dodoma Institutional Repository http://repository.udom.ac.tz
Humanities Doctoral Theses
2015 The state of Tanzania's community languages in the age of globalization: Focus on children's acquisition of mother tongue
Muguba, Solomon E
The University of Dodoma
Muguba, S. E. (2015). The state of Tanzania's community languages in the age of globalization: Focus on children's acquisition of mother tongue (Doctoral thesis). The University of Dodoma, Dodoma. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/1689 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository. THE STATE OF TANZANIA‟S COMMUNITY LANGUAGES IN
THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION: FOCUS ON CHILDREN‟S
ACQUISITION OF MOTHER TONGUE
By
Solomon Emmanuel Muguba
A Thesis Submitted in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma
The University of Dodoma
October, 2015 CERTIFICATION
The undersigned certify that they have read and hereby recommend for acceptance by the University of Dodoma a thesis entitled “The State of Tanzania’s Community
Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children’s Acquisition of Mother
Tongue” in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Dodoma.
......
Prof. Casmir M. Rubagumya
SUPERVISOR
......
Dr. Lyabwene Mtahabwa
SUPERVISOR
DATE......
i DECLARATION
AND
COPYRIGHT
I Solomon E. Muguba declare that this thesis is my own original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.
Signature......
No part of this thesis may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma.
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I convey sincere gratitude to all people who in one way or the other contributed to the accomplishment of this work.
In a distinctive manner, I wish to humbly recognize and thank my supervisors Prof.
Casmir M. Rubagumya and Dr. Lyabwene Mtahabwa for their profound professional and productive guidance without which the preparation and production of this work would have been impossible. I am delighted to acknowledge their skilful assistance which was accompanied by great tolerance.
I am deeply indebted to my employer, the Institute of Accountancy Arusha (IAA) for giving me permission to go out for data collection. My employer could also tolerate my requests to respond to my supervisors‟ calls to attend guidance and instructional sessions at the University of Dodoma.
I would also like to register my heartfelt appreciation to my research participants from the two communities (the Zaramo community in Kisarawe District, Coast
Region and the Maasai community in Longido District, Arusha Region) in which this study was conducted. Others were from the Ministry of Information, Youth,
Culture and Sports and the Ministry of Education and Vocational training. I thank them for their willingness to provide me with useful data without which I could not be able to write this thesis.
Again, how should I convey sincere appreciation to my dear wife Huruma Yusufu
Mmari. She stood firmly and managed to take care wisely the fulfilment of the
iii family‟s development plans successfully in my absence. I also admire the immense tolerance by my beloved sons Joshua and Elisante as they missed my care during the course! In a general term, I really feel deeply indepted to my family to the extent that their encouragement and prayers have absolutely no substitute.
Of all, I solely take on my shoulders the entire responsibility for any weaknesses that may be associated with this work.
iv DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my father Emmanuel R. Muguba and to my mother Doroth
M. M. Musatura for their enduring love, care, and self-sacrifice in bringing me up to be an acceptable individual.
v ABSTRACT
The significance of language in the overall civilization and maintenance of social existence of humankind has made some scholars in human development regard language as a universal cultural tool. In particular, the place of, and strategies for, preservation of ethnic community languages in the context of globalisation has recently become an area of serious concern across the world. The purpose of this study was to examine the state of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania in the age of globalisation. The specific objectives were to: (1). investigate how the interface between globalisation and the current cultural policy affects mother tongue acquisition in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania; (2) establish the uses of ethnic community languages in the current age of globalisation in Tanzania; (3) establish the major facilitative and or inhibitive factors towards children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in the contexts of globalisation; (4) determine the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation.
Two communities in different locations based on their degree of openness were involved in the study, where a multiple case design and a qualitative research approach were deployed. The research and interpretation processes were guided by the socio-cultural theory of learning and the sceptic theory of globalisation. Using semi-structured interviews, focus group discussion and documentary review, the data were collected from a purposively selected sample of 155 informants (parents =
vi 68), children = 60), local government leaders = 13), traditional leaders = 9) and policy-makers = 5).
It was found that Tanzania‟s cultural policy had good statement provisions which have been either partially or not implemented on the ground and it skipped important issues that would have made it effective. The two communities in this study were governed by two different social orientations in interacting with newcomers. The relatively open community practised social inclusion tendency while the relatively closed community practised social exclusion tendency, and these tendencies had effects on children‟s acquisition of mother tongue. It was further revealed that, traditional religions played a significant role in (MTA) and maintenance.
The study concludes that there is a direct relationship between community‟s socio- cultural context and language acquisition and maintenance. The policy was a key factor in creating the current attitudes and beliefs on a particular language. It is recommended that communities revitalize their cultural and social formations that were used to tie them up together so that in the course they would maintain their specific ethnic community language. Policy is informed in its reforms to create good attitudes in ECLs users by assigning them some formal uses. This would strengthen or create good belief in their language.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATION ...... i DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iii DEDICATION ...... v ABSTRACT ...... vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... viii LIST OF TABLES ...... xiv LIST OF FIGURES ...... xv LIST OF APPENDINCES ...... xvi LIST OF ACRONYMS ...... xvii
CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Background to the Problem ...... 1 1.3 Statement of the Problem ...... 5 1.4 Objectives of the Study ...... 6 1.4.1 General Objective...... 6 1.4.2 Specific Objectives...... 6 1.4.3 Research Questions ...... 7 1.5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study ...... 7 1.6 Significance of the Study ...... 8 1.7 Summary of the Chapter ...... 9
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 10 2.1 Introduction ...... 10 2.2 Theoretical Underpinnings of the Study ...... 10 2.2.1 The Socio-cultural Theory ...... 11 2.2.2 An Overview of the Socio-cultural Theory ...... 11 2.2.2.1 Socio-cultural Theory Application in CAMT ...... 12 2.2.2.2 Sceptic Theory of Globalisation...... 13 2.3 Language Policy in Tanzania ...... 15 viii 2.4 ECLs Worthiness in Tanzania and to the World ...... 21 2.5 The Child Language Learning and Acquisition ...... 23 2.5.1 The Role of Family in Mother Tongue Acquisition...... 24 2.5.2 Environment in Language Learning and Acquisition ...... 25 2.5.3 Community in Child language Learning, Acquisition, and Maintenance ...... 26 2.6 Inhibitive Conditions to the Mother Tongue Acquisition ...... 26 2.7 Globalisation as a Threatening Trend to the ECLs ...... 27 2.7.1 Globalisation as a Threat to the Local Cultural Dimensions ...... 29 2.7.2 Cross-Cultural Communication as an Emerging Global Policy ...... 30 2.8 The Research Gap ...... 30 2.9 Conceptual Framework ...... 30 2.10 Summary of the Chapter ...... 32
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 33 3.1 Introduction ...... 33 3.2 Study Design ...... 33 3.3 Study Approach ...... 34 3.4 Location of the Study ...... 34 3.5 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques ...... 39 3.6 Data Collection Methods ...... 42 3.6.1 Semi-structured Interview ...... 42 3.6.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) ...... 43 3.6.3 Documentary Reviewing ...... 44 3.7 Data Collection Procedure ...... 45 3.8 Data Analysis Plan ...... 46 3.9 Validity and Reliability Consideration ...... 47 3.9.1 Validity ...... 47 3.9.2 Reliability ...... 48 3.10 Ethical Protocols ...... 48 3.10.1 The Issue of Confidentiality ...... 49 3.10.2 Rights of the Participants and the Pesearcher‟s Responsibility ...... 49 3.11 Synthesis of the Research Process ...... 50 3.12 Chapter Summary...... 51
ix
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF RESEARCH FINDINGS ...... 53 4.1 Introduction ...... 53 4.2 Interface between Tanzania‟s Cultural Policy (TCP) and Globalisation ...... 57 4.2.1 Cultural Policy Nature and Policy-practice Mismatch...... 57 4.2.1.1 Tanzania‟s Cultural Policy Relevance for Multi-ethnic Society...... 59 4.2.1.2 Policy-practice Mismatch...... 64 4.2.1.3 Current Mractice ...... 67 4.2.1.4 Policy Improvement ...... 71 4.2.2 Globalisation Prevalence ...... 74 4.2.3 Confluence between the Cultural Policy and Globalisation on CAMT ...... 79 4.2.3.1 Unsustainable Modernity ...... 84 4.2.3.2 Cultural Openness ...... 87 4.2.4 Zaramo and Maasai Linguistic Discourses ...... 91 4.2.4.1 Zaramo Constrained Linguistic Discourses ...... 91 4.2.4.2 Maasai Less Constrained Linguistic Discourses ...... 103 4.3 Uses of the Ethnic Community Languages – Maa and Zaramo ...... 116 4.3.1 Cultural Heritage Device...... 117 4.3.1.1 Medium of Intelligence Exploration ...... 118 4.3.1.2 Interactional and Instructional Tool ...... 119 4.3.2 Personal and Cultural Identity ...... 120 4.3.2.1 Behavioural Formation ...... 120 4.3.3 Social Unifying Factor ...... 122 4.3.3.1 Freedom and Rights Agency ...... 123 4.3.3.2 Solidarity and Community‟s Cohesion ...... 124 4.3.4 ECLs Contribution to Kiswahili Language ...... 127 4.4 Factors Influencing CAMT ...... 128 4.4.1 Facilitative Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition ...... 128 4.4.1.1 Strict Cultural Values Adherence: Relatively Closed Culture ...... 128 4.4.1.2 Positive Attitude ...... 131 4.4.1.3 Social Organization Structure ...... 133 4.4.1.4 Tribal Cultural Activities ...... 138 4.4.1.5 Economic Activities ...... 139
x 4.4.2 Inhibitive Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition ...... 140 4.4.2.1 Cultural Policy ...... 140 4.4.2.2 Negative Attitude ...... 141 4.4.2.3 Migration and Intermarriages ...... 142 4.4.2.4 Socio-Cultural Openness: The Zaramo Culture ...... 143 4.4.2.5 Formal Education ...... 144 4.4.2.6 Foreign Religion ...... 145 4.4.2.7 Technology ...... 146 4.4.2.8 Spread of Kiswahili and Foreign Languages ...... 147 4.4.2.9 Globalisation Effects ...... 148 4.5 Theorizing Acquisition of ELCs in the Context of Globalisation...... 148 4.5.1 State of Community as Mediator of ECLs Acquisition ...... 149 4.5.1.1 Cultural Openness ...... 150 4.5.1.2 Globalizing Community ...... 151 4.5.2 Policy as Mediator of ECLs Acquisition ...... 153 4.6 Basic Research Questions vis-a-vis Research Findings ...... 157 4.7 Concluding Remarks ...... 161 4.8 Summary of the Chapter ...... 164
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS ...... 166 5.1 Introduction ...... 166 5.2 The Interface between TCP and Globalisation ...... 166 5.2.1 Policy-practice Mismatch...... 168 5.2.2 Community Involvement ...... 173 5.2.3 Globalisation Prevalence ...... 176 5.2.4 Cultural Openness ...... 184 5.2.4.1 Social Inclusion Tendency Discourses...... 185 5.2.4.2 Cultural Performances Discourse ...... 185 5.2.4.3 Zaramo Community‟s Shift to Kiswahili ...... 187 5.2.5 Less constrained Linguistic Discourses ...... 190 5.2.5.1 Social Exclusion Tendency Discourses ...... 191 5.2.5.2 Cultural Upholding Discourse ...... 193 5.3 Uses of the Ethnic Community Languages – Maa and Zaramo ...... 198
xi 5.3.1 Cultural Heritage Tool ...... 198 5.3.2 Personal and Cultural Identity ...... 203 5.3.3 Social Unifying Factor ...... 206 5.4 Factors Influencing (CAMT) ...... 209 5.4.1 Facilitative Factors for Zaramo and Maa Acquisition ...... 209 5.4.1.1 Cultural Adherence: Relatively Closed Culture ...... 210 5.4.1.2 Positive Attitude ...... 211 5.4.1.3 Social Organization Structure ...... 212 5.4.1.4 Tribal Cultural Activities ...... 215 5.4.2 Inhibitive Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition ...... 216 5.4.2.1 Cultural Policy ...... 217 5.4.2.2 Negative Attitude ...... 219 5.4.2.3 Migration and Intermarriages ...... 221 5.4.2.4 Socio-cultural Openness: the Zaramo Culture ...... 223 5.4.2.5 Globalisation Effects ...... 224 5.4.2.6 Spread of Kiswahili and Foreign Languages ...... 228 5.5 Theorizing Acquisition of ECLs in Globalisation Context ...... 229 5.5.1 State of Community as a Mediator of ECLs Acquisition ...... 231 5.5.1.1 Cultural Openness ...... 232 5.5.1.2 Cultural Closeness ...... 234 5.5.2 Policy as a Mediator of ECLs Acquisition ...... 236 5.5.2.1 Globalizing Community ...... 238 5.6 Summary of the Chapter ...... 240
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 242 6.1 Introduction ...... 242 6.2 Summary of the Study Process ...... 243 6.3 Overview of the Findings and Conclusions ...... 247 6.3.1 The Interface between TCP and Globalisation ...... 248 6.3.2 Uses of the ECLs (Zaramo and Maa) ...... 252 6.3.3 Factors Influencing CAMT ...... 254 6.3.4 Theorizing Acquisition of ECLs in the Context of Globalisation...... 257 6.4 Overall Concluding Remarks ...... 259
xii 6.5 Recommendations ...... 261 6.5.1 Policy Relevance ...... 261 6.5.2 Policy Improvement ...... 262 6.5.3 Recommendations to the Communities on Cultural Values Observance ...... 264 6.5.4 Recommendations for Further Research ...... 265 REFERENCES ...... 266 APPENDICES ...... 284
xiii LIST OF TABLES Table 3. 1: Study Sample and Its Characteristics: Zaramo Community ...... 40 Table 3. 2: Study Sample and its Characteristics: Maasai Community ...... 41 Table 3. 3: Study Sample and its Characteristics: Policy-Makers ...... 41 Table 4. 2: Themes and Sub-themes ...... 54 Table 4. 3: Sub-themes and the Emerging Issues: ...... 59 Table 4. 4: Disbelief Surrounding ECLs Acquisition in Tanzania ...... 69 Table 4. 5: A table Showing Zaramo as a Bantu Language ...... 81 Table 4. 6: Disparity between the TCP and Globalisation: ...... 83 Table 4. 7: A Table Showing Maa as a Non-bantu Language ...... 104 Table 4. 8: Uses of the Maa and Zaramo Languages ...... 117 Table 6. 1: Summarised Differences between Zaramo and Maasai Communities .. 244
xiv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2. 1: A Diagrammatic Representation of the Relationship between Language Acquisition Theories and Globalisation Theories...... 14 Figure 2. 2: Language Policy Practice Domain Model ...... 21 Figure 2. 3: Mother Tongue Acquisition in the Context of Globalisation ...... 31 Figure 3. 1: Map for Coast Region ...... 36 Figure 3. 2: Map for Arusha Region ...... 37 Figure 3. 3: Data Collection Process ...... 46 Figure 4. 1: Zaramo Social Inclusion Tendency Discourse Model ...... 93 Figure 4. 2: Maasai Social Exclusion Tendency Discourse Model ...... 107 Figure 4. 3: A Snap Taken During the „Dume la rika‟/Orikiteng‟ Loorbaa/ „the Bull of the Age-mates‟ ...... 111 Figure 4. 4: A Snap taken During Maasai Traditional Rite ...... 132 Figure 4. 5: Maasai Traditional Administrative Structure ...... 135 Figure 4. 6: Zaramo Traditional Administrative Structure ...... 137 Figure 4. 7: Relationship between Policy, Practice, Socio-cultural and Globalisation Contexts...... 149 Figure 5. 1: A Photograph Showing Traditional Maasai Dress ...... 181 Figure 5. 2: A Snap of the Maasai Traditional Ritual Ceremony ...... 195 Figure 5. 3: Relationship between Contextual Specific Findings of the Status of ECLs, Globalisation and Socio-cultural Theories in Language Acquisition...... 231
xv LIST OF APPENDINCES Appendix 1: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Traditional Leaders . 284 Appendix 2: Interview Schedule for Local Government Leaders (Ward and Village Chairs) ...... 285 Appendix 3: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Parents/Caretakers ... 286 Appendix 4: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Children ...... 287 Appendix 5: Interview Schedule for Policy Makers ...... 288 Appendix 6: Grand Questions in Relation to the Objectives ...... 289 Appendix 7: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Viongozi wa Kimila ...... 290 Appendix 8: Dodoso kwa Makatibu Kata na Wenyeviti wa Vijiji...... 291 Appendix 9: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Wazazi/Walezi292 Appendix 10: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Watoto ...... 293 Appendix 11: Dodoso kwa Watunga Sera ...... 294 Appendix 12: Maswali Makuu kwa Malengo Mahsusi...... 295 Appendix 13: Permission Letters ...... 296
xvi LIST OF ACRONYMS
AU African Union
CAMT Children‟s or Child‟s Acquisition of Mother Tongue
ECL Ethnic Community Language
ECL(s) Ethnic Community Languages
FGD Focus Group Discussion
IT Information Technology
LP Language Policy
ML Maa Language
MoEC Ministry of Education and Culture
MoEVT Ministry of Education and Vocational Training
MoIYCS Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports
MT Mother Tongue
MTA Mother Tongue Acquisition
NBS National Bureau of Statistics
NEC National Education Curriculum
NLP National Language Plan
RCC Relatively Closed Community
SCT Socio-cultural Theory
TCP Tanzania‟s Cultural Policy
TETP Tanzania‟s Education and Training Policy
TNCP Tanzania National Cultural Policy
ZL Zaramo Language
xvii CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
The current chapter provides a background to the study with regard to the state of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in relation to the effects associated with globalisation in Tanzania. It also gives the statement of the problem which is followed by objectives of the study. In relation to these objectives, questions that guided the study have been provided. The chapter proceeds with the scope and delimitations of the study and it ends up with the significance of the study.
1.2 Background to the Problem
“The idea of a single civilization for everyone implicit in the cult of progress and technique impoverishes and mutilates us…. Every view of the world that becomes extinct, every culture that disappears, diminishes a possibility of life” (Octavio Paz, Nobel Prize for Literature, 1990, quoted in Pescosolido & Aminzade, 1999, p. 22)
The significance of language in the overall civilisation and perpetuation of social existence of humankind has made some scholars in human development regard language as a universal cultural tool (Vygotsky, 1978). This research addresses issues pertaining to the state of Tanzania‟s ethnic community languages by focusing on the efforts done by specific communities through their culture to enable their young ones acquire the mother tongue in the context of globalisation. There are multiple effects associated with globalisation including the state of languages used by specific cultural groups across the world (LeVine, 2003:177). The process of
1 globalisation is characterised by fast movements of ideas, goods and people (Israel,
2004), thereby creating complex contexts in which children live and grow.
The state of languages in specific linguistic and ethnic groups constitutes a topic that has recently gained prominence in language studies particularly as a result of the effects associated with the process of globalisation. Although there are many schools of thought regarding the effects of globalisation, the sceptic perspective
(Stefanović, 2008:264) was appreciated in the current study. In relation to child‟s acquisition of language, socio-cultural theory (Vygotsky, 1978) was subscribed to by the study. Therefore, the sceptic theory of globalisation and the socio-cultural theory of learning were selected as basis for arguments and discussions in this study.
Cultural particularity in the global context is so important in language acquisition by children of the growing communities in the globalised world societies (Mufwene
2002). This perception underlines the facilitative and inhibitive conditions towards children‟s mother tongue acquisition (MTA). Facilitative circumstances can be social factors which include the social relationships between the child and the family members (parents and relatives, and other care givers) and the cultural norms which tie-up the child with the community in which she grows (Peccei, 2006:2). Other factors are individual ones. The environment cannot be left out because it contributes vocabulary to the language. Others are linguistic factors reflected in different levels of the language complexity or simplicity in the course of learning and acquisition. Inhibitive factors can be intermarriages, migration, social and personal differences among the community members, and the environmental settings in which the child is nurtured (Chris, 2005).
2 Although there are two broad contrasting sides in relation to the role of globalisation across cultures in the world, one viewing it positively and the other negatively, there are clear indications that in most developing countries various cultural aspects have been negatively influenced by globalisation (Michael, 1999). Some of the areas that have experienced negative influences include economy, environment, education, culture, and language.
Economic liberalization as a strong weapon of globalisation has made Tanzania to import rather than building her own technological capacity to produce for export. In addition, education as a tool for self realization and self determinism and as a human right has been affected (Najam, (2007). This effect has been through weakening the education policies planned for practical education that would be relevant to the
Tanzania‟s cultural contexts. Environmental degradation due to mining, building and construction that do not prioritize healthy environment (Levitt and Piro, 2012), and improper farming mainly by foreign investors have resulted into unpredictable floods, droughts, disappearing of land and marine macro and micro flora and fauna leading into uncontrolled pollutions which in turn affect the livelihood of the people.
Cultural diffusion resulting from westernisation, has also led into cutting down the cultural bonds that were used to put people of the same culture together for betterment of their own life (Wapner, 1996). In relation to cultural diffusion, linguistic imperialism has therefore been implemented by promoting the languages of globalisation such as English, French, Spanish and other foreign languages while undermining the ethnic community languages as Rubagumya (2009) observes. This has resulted into loss of socio-cultural identity and moral decay. The outgrowing
3 linguistic frustration on the African Continent (Phillipson, 1992) and Tanzania in particular is a violation of the rights of the child to access education in a language that naturally is found in her environment (Rubagumya, 2009; Mtahabwa, 2010).
Lotman's theory states that, no language can exist unless it is steeped in the context of culture; and no culture can exist which does not have at its centre, the structure of natural language (Lotman, 1978:211-232). Correspondingly, Bassnett (1980: 13-14) states that “Language is the heart within the body of culture, the survival of both aspects being interdependent”. For that matter, anything which is aimed to suppress the existence of any language should be perceived as a cultural imperial domination or its results which threatens the natural breathing of the people belonging to that culture (Phillipson, 1992).
The Tanzania‟s cultural policy (TCP) recognises Ethnic Community Languages
(ECLs) as tools for cultural and national identity. It shows that Tanzania has three categories of languages, namely: community languages, the national language
(Kiswahili), and foreign languages (Ministry of Education, 1997). The policy, among other things, takes a positive position on the role of ECLs by considering them critical treasures for the preservation of history, customs, traditions and technology as well as overall cultural identity. These languages form the basis of
Kiswahili, the lingua franca of Tanzania. For that matter, the cultural policy provides several strategies intended to make people proud of these languages, use them and write and research on them. Hence, the current study was justified on these grounds.
4 1.3 Statement of the Problem
Every language is a means of intelligence exploration, and a vehicle of knowledge transmission in the society (Batibo, 2005). Across the world, studies that consider
(MTA) in the context of globalisation are generally scanty. The scanty studies available Roberts (2006); Pătruţ and Moldovan (2010); Brisbane (2000); Cummins
(2001) and Canagarajah and Wurr (2011) do not provide a direct link to the two schools of thought pointed out in the background and later presented in section two under the theoretical underpinnings of the study. Likewise in Tanzania, the few studies that exist are Biswalo (2010); Rubagumya (2009, 2010); Petzell (2012) and
Bwenge (2012) and these have tended to look into language issues at policy and practice levels with less attention to the influence of globalisation specifically on
ECLs acquisition.
One of the effects of globalisation is linguistic imperialism and cultural homogenization which results into linguistic and cultural domination of the worldwide used languages over the African ethnic community languages (Ipek,
2009; Rubagumya 2009). Therefore, the emphasis by the Tanzania‟s national cultural policy on the use of English, French, and Kiswahili as the only formal languages without paying attention to the rest can equally hinder children to acquire their ethnic community languages. This predicts a decline and or extinction of such tongues.
In this regard, there was an assumption that children who live in areas with highly mixed (relatively open) ethnic communities tend to have low or no skills in speaking their parents‟ community language(s), while those who live in isolated (relatively
5 closed) communities far from township do speak their ethnic languages. This is activated by the effects of globalisation and the confluence between the national cultural policy and globalisation. This situation, suggests a high possibility of affecting children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in the Tanzania‟s ECLs. To ignore such a problem and its effects, would imply an acceptance of total loss of knowledge and the cultures so rooted in those languages. For that reason, the current study was an attempt to address the aforementioned problem.
1.4 Objectives of the Study
These were the aims planned to be achieved in the course of doing the current study.
1.4.1 General Objective
The main objective of the study was to examine the state of the Tanzania‟s ethnic community languages focusing on children‟s mother tongue acquisition in relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation. Specifically, what are the differences between relatively closed and open communities in relation to effects associated with globalisation in children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in Tanzania.
1.4.2 Specific Objectives
Specific objectives of the proposed study were to:
1. Investigate the nature of the interface between globalisation and the current
cultural policy and how it affects (MTA) in relatively closed and open
communities in Tanzania;
2. Establish the uses of ethnic community languages in the current age of
globalisation in Tanzania;
6 3. Establish the major facilitative and or inhibitive factors towards children‟s
acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in
the contexts of globalisation;
4. Determine the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic
community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open
communities in the context of globalisation.
1.4.3 Research Questions
1. To what extent does the confluence between the current cultural policy and
globalisation affect mother tongue acquisition in relatively closed and open
communities in Tanzania?
2. What are the uses of Tanzania‟s ethnic community languages in the current
age of globalisation?
3. What are the major facilitative and inhibitive factors in the process of
children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open
communities in the contexts of globalisation?
4. What are the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic
community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open
communities in the context of globalisation?
1.5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The present study planned to generate knowledge about (MTA) in the context of globalisation. Hence, it addresses various issues related to (MTA) only in relation to globalisation in the two communities in which this study was conducted. Therefore, the study findings and the drawn conclusions are not automatic guarantee for other
7 communities although they can still serve the purpose because Tanzanian communities belong to the same societal history as a nation.
The stated issues were studied from two communities in Tanzania where one was considered as a relatively closed community (Maasai) in rural Longido district,
Arusha Region while the other one was a relatively open community (Zaramo) in rural Kisarawe district, Coast Region.
1.6 Significance of the Study
The findings of the study, significantly contribute knowledge to a better understanding of stakeholders in this field on the extent to which Tanzania‟s cultural ethics are or not adequately preserved as the ethnic community languages are in the same way preserved or not preserved. Also, as a scholarly work, its results have been focused to acquaint readers with significant facts about safety or endangerment of such ethnic community languages in this age of globalisation.
At practice level, the work informs policy-makers to develop a well articulated language policy of which currently no specific and an independent document that can be called language policy in Tanzania. In addition, policy-makers are sensitised by the study to develop other related policies (policy on language use in the process of justice in courts, policy on language of education as a basic right, and language about culture, sports and community welfare, to mention but a few). The study has suggested alternative ways for improving practices with specific attention to the contemporary cultural and linguistic contexts of globalisation. Such ways were
8 thought to be helpful for survival of the present generation and to the creation of hope for existence of the future generations.
The study findings are also expected to benefit communities of the endangered ethnic languages by familiarising them with possible solutions to the encountered challenges in the process of the ethnic community language acquisition and its development in the context of globalisation. In so doing, finally the work contributes to the already existing knowledge and it lays down a base on which further studies in the same field may extend for in-depth knowledge realization.
1.7 Summary of the Chapter
This chapter has dealt with the introductory part of the study. It has placed the problem in its context for first impression and understanding to the reader. This obligation has been fulfilled through the illustrated background to the study and the statement of the stated problem. The chapter has also indicated the objectives and questions that guided the study.
Scope and delimitation in which the study was confined in terms of knowledge and geographical coverage were also highlighted. Lastly, the chapter has pinpointed the significance of the study by showing its contribution to the policy formulation, to the specific ECLs speakers and other stakeholders in the field.
9 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
The present chapter addresses the review of the theoretical as well as the empirical literature related to the study. It opens up with the theoretical framework underpinning the study which is followed by various themes developed to reflect the key issues in the study. Towards the end of this chapter the specific knowledge gap has been identified which is followed by an articulation of the conceptual framework. The chapter closes with summary of the issues covered in the chapter.
2.2 Theoretical Underpinnings of the Study
A theory is a set of principles on which a particular subject is based (Hornby, 2006) and is used in a study to illuminate various issues under study. The current study was guided by two theories, the socio-cultural theory of learning by L. Vygotsky
(1978) and the sceptic theory of globalisation (Stefanović, 2008). These theories were used to explain the contexts in the process of (MTA) takes place. The main reason for the use of the two theories was to explore the contexts and processes involved in (MTA) in relation to the broader context related to the effects of globalisation on (MTA). Such theoretical understanding helped to elucidate the way people develop particular beliefs that shape their opinions and actions governing their life in specific socio-cultural contexts currently under the influence of globalisation.
10 2.2.1 The Socio-cultural Theory
The supporters of socio-cultural theory (SCT) emphasise on the role of people
(society) by providing mediation Vygotsky, (1978) between the child and the environment through interaction and instruction (Cameron, 2001). This theory assisted in gaining an insight on the decisive role of the society (Brisbane, 2000) in children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in the context of globalisation.
2.2.2 An Overview of the Socio-cultural Theory
Socio-cultural approaches to development were first systematized and used by a
Russian psychologist, Vygotsky and his colleagues in Russia in 1920s and 1930s
(Steiner and Mahn, 1996). The theory was based on the idea that human activities take place in a social context. Such activities were considered to be mediated by language and other symbols of communication system. It is maintained by Allhyar and Zazari (2012) that Vygotsky believed that language and cognition are interdependent processes and linguistic activity is a means through which human mind is organized. He also believed that both physical manipulation and social interaction are necessary for child‟s mental, psychological, and social development.
Explaining the Vygotsky‟s idea of mediation in the child‟s development, Lantolf
(2000) asserts that human consciousness is basically a mediated mental activity. In the same view, Steiner and Maham (1996:193) highlight the importance of mediation in shaping an individual to fit in the community:
Mediation is the key to understand how human mental functioning is tied to cultural, institutional, and historical settings since these settings provide the tools that are mastered by individuals to form this functioning. In this approach, the meditational means are what might be termed as the carriers of socio-cultural patterns and knowledge.
11 In the above assertion, it appears that interaction and instruction is very significant role that child-caretakers and the community at large provide in affording the child with proper social and cognitive understanding. The idea that culture influences cognition is very important because the entire social realm shapes not just what an individual knows but how the same person thinks (Bodrovaand Leong, 2007).
In any knowledge acquisition, Vygotsky (1978) presents the Zone of Proximal
Development (ZPD) as an important level during interaction between one‟s mental utilization and the environment. He defines ZPD as:
The distance between the actual development level, as determined by independent problem solving, and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers p.86.
This meaning directly suggests the importance of the social interaction in the course of one‟s cognitive development for personal independence towards adulthood.
2.2.2.1 Socio-cultural Theory Application in CAMT
Behroozizad (2014:219) state that:
One of the outstanding features of socio-cultural theory is considering learning of social in nature where meaning is derived through language use within the social context.
Eun and Lim (2009) extend what Vygotsky believed on the relationship between the socio-cultural theoretical framework and the contextual language learning. In the same perspective, Mtahabwa (2007) highlights main ideas in SCT and one of the ideas is language as the central mediator in human activities and it structures the mind because it contributes to independent higher-order thinking.
12 Vygotsky accepted that language is at the first instance a cultural tool that develops in all human cultures (Bodrova and Leong, 2007). The authors maintain that it is a cultural tool because it is shared and used to think by all members of a specific culture. Therefore, understanding in this perspective helps community members to realise their social role in becoming mediators between the socio-cultural environment and natural or physical environment and children. All these were held by Vygotsky as important in the course of language acquisition.
2.2.2.2 Sceptic Theory of Globalisation
The followers of Sceptic theory oppose the theory of global socio-economic and cultural homogenisation. Adherents of the theory subscribe to the idea that openness in the todays cultural and economic integration must be with liberal and critical minds in building a cultural and socio-economic heterogeneous global society
(Stefanović, 2008:264). Hence, the globalisation process does not necessarily result in cultural homogeneity (Fredric, 1991). The explanation behind their objection centres on the human agency argument. That is, specific cultural groups critically reflect on the forces of globalisation and, in the process, decide to take their own positions. In this case, ethnic community languages are not necessarily threatened by globalisation. This theory was a luminous in seeing the alternative ways against negative social, cultural, and linguistic effects of globalisation.
The critical interface between globalisation, society, and the environment in the process of (MTA) and development dictated the choice of the above two theories.
Specifically, this study subscribed to the socio-cultural theory of learning and the sceptic theory of globalisation in the process of mother language acquisition.
13 Apparently, the thesis of the study is that language acquisition is possible in the social and physical contexts with a critical mind to any force that predicts diminishing of such crucial cultural element of the human existence. This is in tandem with the notion of human agency which considers human beings as exercising their capabilities to react in ways that are unique despite the conditions existing in the micro and macro socio-cultural contexts (Mtahabwa, 2007).
Figure 2. 1: A Diagrammatic Representation of the Relationship between Language Acquisition Theories and Globalisation Theories.
GLOBALISATION AND ITS ASSOCIATED EFFECTS
Sceptic Theory
Socio-cultural Theory of Learning
Community openness or closeness in the CAMT
(individualist and collectivist oriented)
ETHNIC COMMUNITY LANGUAGES
Source: Author‟s conceptualization of the theoretical stances surrounding CAMT.
14 In figure 2.1, the sceptic school of thought theorises the pressures of globalisation on the premises of knowledge acquisition in the society. Therefore, in the above illustration, language as part of knowledge and culture theorized in the socio-cultural context, is constricted and hard-pressed under critical circumstance created by globalisation. This illustration brings to light the theoretical understanding of globalisation and its pressures on ethnic community languages acquisition.
The role and the effects associated with globalisation have in the recent decades dominated the debates on the phenomenon across the world (Makinde, 2013).
Tanzania as part of the world, she feels the roles played by globalisation and its effects. The roles range from the benefits obtained through tourism because of simplified transport to the benefits one gets through IT in getting to the access of information simplified through the use of computers. Such information, provide knowledge and awareness. However, negative impact of the same phenomenon has affected Tanzania and her people. These effects are such as spread of unethical behaviour brought by tourists. Other effects include, rampant behaviour copied through internet, video tapes, TV, and radio sets. Furthermore, human trafficking, rampant prostitution, drug abuse, brain drain as well as natural resource looting are down-pressing the national economy.
2.3 Language Policy in Tanzania
National language policy can be understood as the core statements in which language(s) will nationally serve as a communication vehicle in economic, political, and social functions in the country (Subramaniam, 2007).
15 The historical trend of the society can be conceived as one of the contextual factors which are realized through different historical periods (Tibategeza, 2009). For example Tanzania has passed through periods before colonialism, during colonialism, and post independence times. Before colonialism, language policy was not an alarming issue because it was rather communal. During colonialism, colonial languages were highly emphasised. However, Kiswahili was seen by colonial
Masters as a communication connector between indigenous people and the colonizers. In the period of German rule for example Kiswahili and German were official languages (Kiango, 2005).
However, in the above period missionaries were according to Tibategeza, (2009) interested in using the ECLs because their intention was to spread the Gospel and to win Christian converts. During the British rule both Kiswahili and English were official languages. In post independence period, Kiswahili is reported by Tumbo-
Masabo (1999) to have been promoted to the national and official language level and
English has maintained its position as a language to be used in offices and in education.
Different from the above experiences, language policy in Tanzania is bilingualism with diglossia, and a subtractive form of bilingual education is practised
(Rubagumya, 2009). The superimposed domination of English as a language of education in the post primary levels of education predicts suppression of Kiswahili and suffocation of the ethnic community languages in Tanzania now and later (Roy-
Campbell & Qorro, 1997; Qorro, 2003). In working on this an assumption, this
16 study explored the extent to which children‟s acquisition of the Zaramo and Maa tongues were still appreciated by their speakers in the above circumstance.
There has been a strong debate on language and cultural policy in Tanzania.
Rubagumya (2009) addresses the problem of relying on unfamiliar language
(English) in Tanzania specifically in knowledge delivery by teachers and knowledge acquisition by learners. Again, English as a medium of instruction in post primary education is a burden on learners because in the same mind two simultaneous activities take place; one being to struggle to understand the language and the other being to acquire the respective knowledge at hand (Roy-Campbell, 2006;
Rubagumya, 2009, 2010). However, the works were not intended to cover the issue of child‟s (MTA) in this age of globalisation in Tanzania, the gap which the current study has tried to cover.
In another practice, the language policy which is set forth in the cultural policy recognises the presence of vernacular languages in Tanzania. However, so surprisingly, the policy hasn‟t clearly stated the destiny of the indigenous languages, other than Kiswahili in a very light emphasis. About vernacular languages in
Tanzania, the policy just states:
Our people shall continue to use and be proud of their vernacular languages; Communities, private and public organizations shall be encouraged to research, write, preserve and translate vernacular languages into other languages; The writing of vernacular language dictionaries and grammar books shall be encouraged; Public and private organizations shall be encouraged to publish and disseminate vernacular language materials (The Cultural Policy: Policy Statements, 1997:2)
It is evident in the above quotation that no single statement assigns ethnic community languages any official functions such as education, or any other formal
17 business activity (Batibo, 2005). In reality, how can people be proud of their vernacular which is not recognized in formal functions but remains with less valued uses? Such functions (Baker, 2006) would make the users feel confident of their languages. Therefore, it was worth at this juncture to think if such circumstances would permit the ECLs to grow or obstruct them from growing in the current age of globalisation. In curbing this situation, studies (Phillipson, 1992), suggest introduction of a good policy that would favour existence and persistence of the
ECLs and their cultural contents for generations.
A good Language Policy
Across the world, literature indicate good language policy to be referred to (Corson
1990) as a policy which seeks to resolve communication problems at community level and language planning as well as implementation challenges at national level.
In a clear understanding, it has to identify the following indicators as Phillipson
(1992), Franks and Gessner, (2013), (Corson 1990), outline them:
1. If the languages are more broadly respected in their own rights and for their
contribution to an understanding of humanity and their culture will flourish
in their environments.
2. If it creates positive attitude towards cultural and linguistic diversity because
cultural diversity is a value in its own right, supported by the international
legal framework, particularly as it has been established by UNESCO.
3. If it considers the right to one‟s own culture and language as it is stipulated
in the human rights declaration of the UNO.
18 4. If it inculcates pride in indigenous peoples on the account of their
distinctiveness, can be beneficial in addressing social problems associated
with indigenous peoples‟ loss of their cultures and languages.
5. If it enhances ECLs vitality, and allowing them to breathe, and live and take
new forms and shapes as voluntarily and customarily determined by the
ethnic peoples themselves.
6. If it identifies the nation‟s language needs across the range of communities
and cultural groups that it contains.
7. If it surveys and examines the resource available (linguistic opportunities).
8. If it identifies the role of language in general and of individual languages in
particular in the life of the nation.
9. If it establishes strategies necessary for managing and developing resources.
10. If it relates all of these to the best interest of the nation through the operation
of some suitable planning agency.
11. If it is comprehensive and coherent by relating it to other national goals and
then be acceptable to the nationals in general.
12. Language planning activity must be informed by a theory of language
planning. The key elements of the theory are:
a) Identification of problem (at any level from the phonetic to the societal).
b) Language correction to remedy the problem (using methods integrating
macro-linguistics and micro-linguistics and situating language problems
in discourse).
c) Identify socio-economic determinants and consequences of language
problems and solution to the problems. Language planers judgement
must be made explicit.
19 d) Any theory of language planning must provide a full account of all
political values involved in language planning process.
e) The criterion of development which favours those who control the
process of economic production is receding in favour of the criterion of
equal access to resources, in other words to criterion of democratisation.
The issue includes language rights of ethnic minorities, the
disadvantaged and those discriminated.
f) The theory recognizes that Western conceptions are not automatically
valid for the third world (criticised western social scientists for tending to
view their own perceptions and values as universally valid).
13. There must be political and social sensitivity, meaning that there must be
greater insight into the role of the state and its agencies. In addition, there
could be the role of international organizations active in the language field.
14. Planning must cover language acquisition, corpus, and status planning.
15. Educational language planning is logically a sub-type of language planning
20 Figure 2. 2: Language Policy Practice Domain Model
POLICY FORMULATION
Planning language assessment, understanding the beliefs, attitudes, and goals
ENVIRONMENT IN THE ASSESSORS PRACTICE DOMAIN ACTORS Evaluation Implementation
Final programme Monitoring and activity ongoing activity evaluation Accompanied by Informs the feedback ongoing language planning process and practice
Source: Author‟s synthesis of ideas from literature supported by Franks and
Gessner (2013) ideas.
2.4 ECLs Worthiness in Tanzania and to the World
The substantial value of any language can be realised in its functions and contributions to the development and sustaining the existence of humankind and his dignity (Romaine, 2002). Tanzania consists of a big linguistic diversity contributing to the world cultural heritage. Like other languages around the world, Tanzania‟s
21 ECLs are used in cultural transmission, communities‟ solidarity and cohesion, identity, national loyalty, social relations and stratification, and as vehicle for thought and intelligence exploration (Batibo, 2005) in the course of acquiring knowledge in their localities, to mention but a few.
When describing the ways in which African societies accumulate cultural experiences, Batibo (2005:32) has this to say on one of the ways:
By the long interaction between the members of the society and their milieu, which has resulted in a unique knowledge of the environment, including plants and wildlife, and has led to the accumulation of skills and tools to deal with it, each African society has its own unique indigenous knowledge system.
As it is asserted above, it stays as a fact that environment and societal harmony are shared phenomena by the entire humanity; therefore, natural environment and social peace preservation as knowledge held in African languages (in this case, the
Tanzania‟s ECLs) does not benefit Tanzania or Africa only but the entire world.
Neglecting and letting to a decline or extinction of anyone of these languages may mean loss of such imperative and precious heritage. This equally sounds to what
Vacca (2011) says about Aboriginal languages which are substantially perceived to be carrying out the intimate understanding of the ecological system in Australia. In this regard, it goes without saying that human survival and the glory of the global community are apprehended in cultural and social values interrelationships that have been there for ages in the process of human civilization, all of which language is the storage platform and their means of transmission (Derhemi, 2002).
22 In addition, Mtahabwa (2010:354) asserts: Early Childhood Education is closely linked to a behaviour formation and general cultural internalization which in turn determine the type and quality of one‟s participation in socio-emerging nations and that quality education is a basic right to children.
To achieve this social and cultural human right to children, a language which the child can be able to use fluently (Rubagumya, 2009) should be considered at the centre. In the same view, children have ever been known and recognized by many scholars and the society to be the future nations‟ treasure (Mtahabwa, 2010). The said treasure in children can be fully realised in the very language used to acquire knowledge; and in fact, knowledge is fully acquired if the language they use to explore their intelligence favours this activity during the process.
However, the above works were on one side not about the state of ECLs in Tanzania in consideration of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue, but on the other side their illumination and relevance to this area of study substantiated the need. As a matter of fact, the importance of Tanzania‟s ECLs was a loud call for attention to evaluate the children‟s acquisition of these languages at present, and then reach to the full light on their fate in the future, the knowledge gap that aspired to be filled by the current study.
2.5 The Child Language Learning and Acquisition
Child language learning and acquisition can be studied under the theories of language learning and acquisition that were propagated by linguists and psychologists Chomsky (1959), Harley (2009) and Skinner (1957), Vygotsky (1978) and Zahradníková (2011), to mention but a few. As it has been introduced in section
23 one, the major learning theory which guided this study was the Socio-cultural theory of learning by Vygotsky (Bodrova, , 2007). This theory helped to reach to the full understanding of the influential factors dominating child‟s early stages of her ECL acquisition in the context of globalisation in Tanzania, a context which is presumed by some scholars to be oppressive to ethnic languages in its expansion process
(Derhemi, 2002).
Rubagumya (2009) says something on the relationship between quality education and language as a foundation that, if the education policy makers in Tanzania do not see to it that the content in education and the language factor are connected; then, the quality of education will keep on diminishing. He further points out that:
When children, especially in rural areas start going to school, they go into the classroom with hardly any knowledge in Kiswahili. They will however be competent in their community language. Once in the classroom, the teacher takes it as his/her duty to stamp out the vernacular and teach these children Kiswahili…. At secondary level…. children jump from Kiswahili to English medium of instruction. .... (Rubagumya, 2009:50).
The above scenario is vividly one of the effects of globalisation on the cultural values‟ carrier, the language. In this way, a person can develop a question “Does this circumstance encourage parents to see the value of their ECL and therefore assist children to acquire it?” This stood as one of the justifiable reasons for the current study.
2.5.1 The Role of Family in Mother Tongue Acquisition
The role of parents and other care givers in (MTA) begins when mothers talk to their babies intuitively and use what is called „motherese‟ (how a mother talks to her baby; also known as infant-directed speech) (Squire, 2007:13) because it attracts 24 babies in communication and this is the immediate stage before the process of first language acquisition. In support of this, Brisbane (2000:57) advances that “The family is a child‟s first teacher – numbers, colours, and other concepts and in some families children learn how to do work they will perform as adults”. Adding to this,
Pǎtrut (2010); Kunyun, (2011) emphasise that a child can learn the mother tongue
(MT) if parents talk to her as a way of exposing her to a genuine language environment. The economic value of the language, credit the language in various official operations and its status in the day to day social interactions and functions
(Serpell, 1980) shape the attitudes of parents and care givers toward their native/ethnic language. This creates possibilities for child‟s access to the language.
Other factors that would promote the language are academic activities, linguistic competence of the society, and social status it acquires due to the social level or class of the speakers all of which create positive attitude and belief which in turn bring about rich and natural language environment for acquisition (Vygotsky, 1987) and that may result into language maintenance (Gluszkowski, 2011).
2.5.2 Environment in Language Learning and Acquisition
The physical and social environments are two sub categories of the broader term environment in which language may be acquired. Physical environment provides linguistic inputs from objects while the family and the community form social environment which contribute to the linguistic inputs and learning contexts
(Kunyun, 2011) through the child‟s interaction with the environment in social terms between the child and the adults (Cook, 1997).
25 2.5.3 Community in Child language Learning, Acquisition, and Maintenance
Functions to which the language is used in a community or a society can be thought as a determinant factor for the community to either value their language and hold their offspring to richly learn and acquire it or not. Such functions are education, politics, national or international relations, commercial and any other business transactions (Serpell, 1980).
A society may constitute open and/or closed communities. Each of these two groups can be characterised by different aspects like political organisation, economic set up, scientific and technological appreciation (Kendall, 2008). An open community is symbolised by “openness” in terms of movements of people, goods, and ideas and the opposite of it for a closed community. A typical open community is associated with existence of an individualistic cultural orientation while a typical closed community has a collectivist cultural orientation (Triandis 1995, cited in Mtahabwa,
2007).
2.6 Inhibitive Conditions to the Mother Tongue Acquisition
The widening of the cultural contacts and the modern civilization which has vastly grown because of the spread of the effects of globalisation has resulted into intermarriages occurring between persons of different ethnic groups and nations
(Gültekin, 2012). It is preconceived that such socio-cultural contacts slightly or completely may restrain the offspring from acquiring one or both of the couples‟ mother tongues (Furtado , 2012).
26 Migration is thought to be another stumbling block that may interfere or obstruct the process of language acquisition. Travelling to search for jobs and better life Castles
(2002), intra and inter tribal or nations wars, hunger, political instability or stability which may respectively either push people out of their motherland or attract people to another land are factors that can hinder language maintenance (Gültekin, 2012).
In this way, one or both of the languages in contact may just like biological species decline and eventually die (Mufwene, 2002; UNESCO, 2008). In light of this, it is worthy to submit that, the ethnic groups that have come in contact for such long due to the forces of globalisation in Tanzania, their ECLs were for some reasons presumed to have been declining. Therefore, the current study has been an attempt to clear the doubt.
2.7 Globalisation as a Threatening Trend to the ECLs
Though globalisation in the ears of many is perceived as a new phenomenon in the present time, it is not new (Grusky 2001) and it can be traced as far back as before sixteenth century (Hayden, ., 2006). This was until the European traders and sailors intensified the overseas trade and mercantilism. In Africa for example, the slave trade, the partitioning of the continent, colonial governance externally imposed economic systems which encouraged exports and imports, and communication structures were all part of the globalisation process on the continent (Bukagile,
2008). At the global level, the cold war between the world superpowers was a vivid sign of the process.
The views on the concept “Globalisation” in relation to its meaning can be categorised into three perceptions: the side of the supporters, opponents, and those
27 who view it in a neutral thought (Nchimbi, 2012; Bukagile, 2008). Supporters of globalisation cite it as the process of freeing the economy. They maintain that a free economy is the best way to ensure economic growth which occurs by providing more opportunities to make profits in the material world and reducing the static role of the government as the only deliverer of services. This view however, is liable to criticism in the face of true human development and civilization which should not prioritise the material world as a base for judging development while leaving behind the people who at the centre is their role as it was once emphasized by Nyerere
(1974:39) that “We need to develop people, not property”.
To the opponents, they view globalisation as a fragmented and regionalized international process (Michael, 1999). Their objection centres on rejecting the notion of developing a global culture or global governance structures. In addition, Tandon
(2009) argues that, the world is not globalised as the term suggests because the third world is not drawn into the global economy; rather it is increasingly becoming marginalized. The consequences of many of the said significant historical events are well documented by many scholars. The neutral viewers of globalisation advocate that the outcomes of the globalisation process are not determined and cannot be controlled (Michael, 1999). They see it as a new „world order‟ in which
„architecture‟ is still developing although the exact nature of the emerging patterns of stratification is much greater and the outcomes are much less certain.
English and other European as well as some Asian languages are said to be threatening the African indigenous languages including Kiswahili. It is argued that
English-based orientation purports that African languages are incapable of handling
28 specialised knowledge when passing it down from one generation to another
(Nkomo, 2010). On the other side, there is pressure behind unification of the African continent that there must be a language (lingua franca) of the Union (Mwakajinga,
2009). The major objective of the Union was to join efforts in political, economic, and socio-cultural functions among the member states in the struggle against the ties of globalisation. Indirectly, this might at some point in time make Kiswahili the language of Africa (Phillipson, 1992) as it is suggested and stressed by the member states in the AU meetings. The situation draws attention and there comes a question into the mind “Couldn‟t this on the other hand suppress the growth of ECLs in
Africa?” In the same context, “Couldn‟t Tanzania‟s ECLs in such logic be suffering the same consequence?” These questions opened gates for one to think if acquisition of ECLs in Tanzania was still effective. This study has ventured into attempting to address the issues pertaining to these questions.
2.7.1 Globalisation as a Threat to the Local Cultural Dimensions
The importance of this idea to the present study was from the fact that language mirrors a culture because it is part of culture, and any impact whether unplanned or deliberately targeted to the language affects its culture in the same magnitude
Mufwene (2002). Therefore, there raised an assumption that globalisation jeopardized the ethnic cultures and their languages in Tanzania, something which instigated the idea of carrying out an investigation to determine the magnitude of the problem and then predict the way forward.
29 2.7.2 Cross-Cultural Communication as an Emerging Global Policy
Cross-cultural communication is now becoming a global phenomenon and has its roots in the current global process of cultural homogenisation subscribed by the hyperglobalist theorists (Stefanović, 2008). As the term suggests, globalisation predicts and aims at making the world a single socio-cultural global society
(Robinson, 2007). In order to realize this, English and other languages of globalisation have been prioritised as a tool of human communication code at the core of its basic dimensions (Stefanović, 2008). The idea of global cultural homogenization creates suspicion about the destiny of the less developed world
ECLs. The aforementioned suspicion drew an attention to carry out a study to find out the state of Tanzania‟s ECLs acquisition in the age of globalisation.
2.8 The Research Gap
This review of the related literature has revealed that currently less is known in
Tanzania about the extent to which the process of mother tongue (ECLs) acquisition has been affected by globalisation. This constituted the main knowledge gap that was needed to be filled by the present study. If this knowledge gap was left to exist, the consequence would be persistent ignorance on this issue; and this would in the long run result into loss of cultural heritage and identity so much stressed in the TCP
(Ipek, 2009; Ministry of Education, 1997).
2.9 Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework that was used in this study was developed after a critical review of the related literature with a specific focus on contexts and conditions under which (MTA) is achieved. The specific reviewed works include those by
30 Berger and Huntington (2002) and Moekotte and Freye (2008). The said conceptual framework provides a clear linkage of the specific issues under investigation.
Figure 2. 3: Mother Tongue Acquisition in the Context of Globalisation
A Community in the Global Society
Globalisation and its effects
Cultural Family CHILDREN IN Policy as language PROCESS OF primary MOTHER
teachers to TONGUE children Physical ACQUISITION environment and its role
Community as secondary language
teachers to children
Relatively Relatively open speech closed speech community community
Source: Synthesis of Ideas from Berger & Huntington (2002) and Moekotte & Freye (2008).
31 Figure 2.2 signifies that globalisation plays a notable role in shaping the context in which a child grows and acquires the first language. Parents, other child caregivers
(family), and the community form the social context on one hand while the environment forms a physical context on the other hand. Practice in language acquisition is influenced by policy on one side and the two contexts are subject to the pressures of globalisation on the other side thereby creating a critical condition in which the child learns the specific language. However, none of the reviewed literature has laid a hand on the same about how they affect (MTA) in the context of globalisation in Tanzania. Therefore, this study intended to fill the gap.
2.10 Summary of the Chapter
This chapter focused on literature review with the aim of getting acquainted with the study related theoretical and empirical knowledge. It began with the introduction which outlined the structure of the chapter. The theories that underpinning the study have been well explained and diagrammatically represented to show a clear picture of the relationship between the two theories. The chapter as well outlines different themes on which literature was reviewed for proper understanding of the issues under investigation. The language practice domain model was developed and presented as a finding obtained from conceptualization of literature reviewing. It also identified the research gap that was aspired to be filled by this study and the chapter ends up with illustrating the conceptual framework which displays the relationship between the major issues of the study.
32 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
This chapter outlines the methodological aspects of the study. Specifically, it addresses the study design, study approach, location of the study and data collection methods. Others are data analysis plan, ethical protocols as well as validity and reliability issues.
3.2 Study Design
A research design can be expressed as a process by which the topic is brought to the field for test as a researchable project (Hasyes, 2002). This study intended to use a multiple case study design because it is commonly known to be first-hand intensive study of the social norms and cultural contents of a given society so as to attain close meanings of the features of such cultural contents (Mtahabwa, 2007).
Traditionally, linguistic studies take place with regard to social customs and cultural contents (Cook, 1997; Zimbardo, 2006; Bodrova, 2007). As Baxter and Jack (2008) inform, this design allowed the researcher to analyse the state(s) of CAMT within each setting and across the settings in which the present study was conducted.
Selecting the cases was guided by the use of comparison mode identified by Glaser and Strauss (1967) cited in Ame (2013) because the case of Maasai was regarded as a relatively closed community which differed from the case of Zaramo who were considered a relatively open community. The two cases significantly represented different aspects of reality in many other communities falling within the same folds
(Ame, 2013).
33 In the current study, such multiple case design enabled intensive and comprehensive exploration of the context and processes involved in the acquisition of mother tongue in the broader context of globalisation. The emic or insiders‟ perspectives were respected so as to obtain the data as they unfold in the natural settings
(Creswell, 2009).
3.3 Study Approach
The nature of this study necessitated for deployment of a qualitative research approach to enable collection of rich data so as to sufficiently capture informants‟ perspectives from their natural settings (MacNaughton, 2001 in Mtahabwa, 2007).
This facilitated understanding of the social-cultural contexts and processes involved in (MTA) in the contexts of the study. However, some quantitative aspects were used during computation of frequencies in determining the magnitude of the phenomena under investigation.
3.4 Location of the Study
The research was conducted in two regions of Tanzania, namely: Coast Region and
Arusha. The two regions were selected based on the criterion of having typical urban and typical rural areas with relatively open and closed communities. An open community is also associated with the existence of an individualistic cultural orientation while a closed community has a collectivist cultural orientation (Winter,
2010).
34 Coast Region and Kisarawe District
The Coast Region is bordered to the East by Dar es Salaam Region and the Indian
Ocean, to the South by Lindi Region, to the West by Morogoro, and to the North by
Tanga Region. According to the population and housing census (2012), the Coast
Region has a population of 1,098,668. The region has six districts namely:
Bagamoyo, Kibaha, Mkuranga, Kisarawe, Rufiji and Mafia.
Kisarawe district was picked randomly as the first case for the current study. It is bordered by Mkuranga District and Dar es Salaam Region to the East, Rufiji District to the South, Morogoro Region to the West, and Kihaha District to the North.
According to the population census (2012), it has a population of 101,598.
Administratively, the District is divided into four (4) divisions namely: Sungwi,
Maneromango, Chole, and Mzenga. The district is inhabited by Zaramo community whose traditional social organization is matrilineal heritage. Their major economic occupation is crop cultivation followed by some livestock keeping and fishing. Their area is easily accessible due to transport infrastructure and it has been influenced by township behaviours because of its proximity to Dar es Salaam city. Below is the map of the Coast Region in which Kisarawe District is shown.
35 Figure 3. 1: Map for Coast Region
N
Source: Kisarawe District Commissioner‟s Office (2014).
Arusha Region and Longido District
The Arusha Region is bordered to the East by Kilimanjaro Region, to the South by
Manyara and Singida Regions, to the West by Mara Region, and to the North
Kenya. Based on population and housing census (2012), Arusha Region has a population of 1,694,310. The region has six districts namely: Arumeru, Arusha,
Monduli, Karatu, Longido, and Ngorongoro.
Longido district was also picked randomly as the second case for the current study.
It is bordered by Kilimanjaro Region to the East, Arumeru and Monduli Districts to
36 the South, Ngorongoro District to the West, and Kenya to the North. According to the population census (2012), it has a population of 123,153. Administratively, the
District is divided into four (4) divisions namely: Longido, Engarenaibor,
Kitumbeine, and Enduimet. The district is inhabited by the Maasai community whose traditional social organization is age-grading system. Their major economic occupation is livestock keeping followed by some crop cultivation. Some parts of the area are not easily accessible due to poor transport infrastructure. Many of the places are less influenced by township behaviours. Below is the map of the Arusha
Region in which Longido District is indicated.
Figure 3. 2: Map for Arusha Region
N
Source: Longido District Commissioner‟s Office (2014).
37 The justification behind selection of these two communities (Zaramo and Maasai) was based on their social and cultural orientations, geographical locations and traditional socio-economic and political activities taking place in their premises
(Mlola, 2010; Swantz, 1970). Zaramo is a Bantu language speaking community who live in the coastal plains and low hills surrounding Dar es Salaam, the biggest commercial city in Tanzania. They are generally concentrated in the Coast Region, predominantly in Kisarawe and Bagamoyo districts. Although a few Zaramo live in cities such as Dar es Salaam and follow modern professions and lifestyles, most continue to live in the countryside and earn a living as farmers (Mjema, 1996). The combination of the effects associated with Zaramo‟s geographical location and the lack of strong hold to their cultural and social organisation, have caused the community to surrender easily the ways of the community. This in turn has made their cultural bonds and walls porous to the effects of the so called modern civilization to limitless infiltrate into their culture (Swantz, 1970).
Literature shows that Zaramo are rapidly losing their language because of high rate of intermingling with other people from outside their area (Swantz, 1970; Mjema,
1996; Kurtz, 1978; Ndagala, 2008). The traditional culture of Zaramo is outstandingly intertwined with Islamic religion and law, they speak mainly
Kiswahili, and many Zaramo language (ZL) words are replaced by Kiswahili
(Swantz 1970 p.81). Most of the speakers have limited vocabulary as Swantz found
“We are only children in these things”, “All big people have died, we do not know”,
“…There is not a thing which we do as it should be done” p.82. “As Muslims and traditionalists, Zaramo seek for ways of meeting the pressures of the urbanised rational-technical world around them” p.80.
38 The Maasai ethnic group is Nilotic, mostly found in the plains of East African region and they have acquired the name “Plains Nilotes” (Mlola, 2010). In Tanzania,
Maasai largely live in isolation (without or less mixing with other people) in plains of Arusha and Manyara, Singida, Dodoma, Coast region and Tanga. Livestock is their major means of subsistence; therefore, they live in isolation in plains because of seeking good pasture and water for their livestock (Mlola, 2010). Maasai are still strongly held to their old system of age-set social organization in gender relations, in military, and in other social stratification and cultural observance.
The above are some of the notable social and cultural orientations which justified and motivated the choice of the two communities to be involved in this study. The above contextual descriptions of these locations have been made to enable the reader situate the findings from the study.
3.5 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques
A well designed research requires a well sampled population. In this study, purposive random sampling technique was used. This is a qualitative sampling strategy where “multiple cases selected at random from an accessible population”
(Gall ., 2005, p. 311) are involved in a study. The cases were selected by using purposive random sampling strategy through snowball or by chain sampling
(Xinrong, 2010).
The study sample comprised five (5) informant categories that were divided into three major groups, the Zaramo community, Maasai community, and the Policy- makers. Table 3.1 presents the Zaramo study sample and its corresponding features
39 while the Maasai study sample and its features are shown in table 3.2. Table 3.3 presents the study sample from the two Ministries. The Zaramo and Maasai samples were categorized into four (4). These were 7 local government leaders (ward secretaries or village chair persons), 9 traditional leaders, 68 parents and 60 children
(between 6 and 16 years both boarding and day scholars). Policy-makers were (3) from the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT) and (2) from the
Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports (MoIYCS). Characteristics of the mentioned key research participants are presented in the tables below:
Table 3. 1: Study Sample and Its Characteristics: Zaramo Community
Category Sex & Quantity Age-range Education
Local government leaders M F 1. Ward Secretaries 0 2 34-40 Secondary education 2 2. Village Chairs 4 0 34-50 Primary education. 4 Traditional leaders 3 0 72-81 Traditional education. 3 Parents & other child‟s care givers 20 16 20-93 Secondary education 4 Primary education 26 Traditional education 6 Children 16 14 6-16 Secondary education 12 Primary education 18 TOTAL 43 32 GRAND TOTAL 75 Source: Field Data (2014)
40 Table 3. 2: Study Sample and its Characteristics: Maasai Community Category Sex & Quantity Age-range Education
Local government leaders M F 1. Ward Secretaries 3 0 34-40 Secondary education 03 2. Village Chairs 4 0 38-50 Primary education. 04 Traditional leaders 6 0 70-88 Traditional education 06 Parents & other child‟s care givers 20 12 18-92 Secondary education 05 Primary education 20 Traditional education 07 Children 16 14 6-16 Secondary education 12 Primary education 18 TOTAL 49 26 GRAND TOTAL 75 Source: Field Data (2014)
Table 3. 3: Study Sample and its Characteristics: Policy-Makers
Category Sex & Quantity Age- Education range
Policy-Makers M F
1. Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports 1 1 35-54 University Levels 2 2. Ministry of Education & Vocational Training 2 1 45-55 University Levels 3 TOTAL 3 2 GRAND TOTAL 5 Source: Field Data (2015)
As it was a qualitative research, the sample size was rather determined by saturation of information during the data collection process (Ame, 2009). The reason behind this was that the social phenomena were typically studied qualitatively and were too complex to allow the researcher determine the sample size before going to the field
41 (Mtahabwa, 2007). The type of information that was gathered from each of the informant categories is well identified in each of the data collection methods below.
3.6 Data Collection Methods
This was a qualitative research which required collection of rich data for an in-depth understanding of the phenomena that were under investigation. To enable this, three flexible data collection methods as highlighted by Harrell and Bradley (2009) were used: (1) semi-structured interview, (2) focus group discussion (FGD), and (3) documentary analysis. The study involved a total of 155 participants and their participation was based on the method of the data collection explained below.
However, table 3.1, 3.2, and 3.3 in the subsequent chapter provide the sample size and their characteristics.
3.6.1 Semi-structured Interview
Semi-structured interviews are very practical in collecting rich qualitative data because they are flexible, focused, and time-effective (Patton 2002, in Mtahabwa
2007). The interviews were held with village and ward leaders, and the Ministry officials. The main information categories that were captured during interviews under this method include: 1) Village and ward leaders provided information on their role as public leaders, in the process of handing down the community language to the children and there was a need to see if there was any awareness and attitude to preserve the use of their community language for cultural transmission among the community members. 2) Ministry Officials participated in providing the information on cultural and language policy in Tanzania. The interviews involved 65 study
42 participants whereby one person was interviewed in a single session. During interview sessions, note taking and tape-recording of the information were done.
3.6.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD)
Focus group discussion is a way of collecting rich data used in qualitative research tradition (Ownwuegbuzie , 2010). In this method, a small homogeneous group
(usually of six to twelve persons) is formed. The rationale for using this method was that, participants could freely express their opinions and feelings that could not emerge if they were interviewed individually (Gall, . 2005).
There were three (3) categories in each of the two communities. Under this data collection method, the group categories included: Children, men and women
(parents or guardians), and the traditional leaders were involved. Formulation of these groups considered such aspects like gender relations (men versus women), social relations (adults versus children), education levels and economic differences in the respective communities. Snowball technique was used in obtaining the participants. Snowball technique which is also called chain referral sampling strategy is highlighted by a number of researchers to be useful in all sociological studies as Biernacki and Waldorf (1981) recommend it that it allows for the sampling of „natural interactional units‟. It can also be used to obtain information about sensitive issues on private matters. In the current research the aim was not private matters rather it was referral chains that could facilitate the researcher meet participants who were culturally knowledgeable and could narrate clearly the social issues as per the specific community‟s behavioural patterns.
43 In the discussions, 1) parents and guardians were interviewed to provide information on the attitude toward their ethnic language and how they helped their children acquire and maintain the respective ethnic language while 2) the primary objectives of interviewing children were to see if they could speak their community language and to realize their attitude toward the language and culture. 3) Traditional leaders were involved to give information about their role and the means they used in making sure that cultural transmission to the succeeding generations persists.
These discussions could yield diversified information on the enabling and or inhibiting situations Gültekin (2012) in the acquisition process of the respective
ECL and the possibility of cultural transmission within the community. A total of 15 groups were formed and each group had 6 participants. Questions administering, note taking, and tape-recording were done.
3.6.3 Documentary Reviewing
In a qualitative research, documents are source of primary data. According to
Xinrong (2010) and Gall, . (2005), there are three categories of documents namely: personal documents prepared by individuals for private use, official document arranged by institution employees for keeping records and information dissemination, and the popular documents which are mainly for commercial, entertainment, persuasion, and enlighten the public purposes (Gall, . 2005; Zinrong
2010). This study used official documents. Official documents such as the National
Cultural Policy (TCP), Tanzania‟s Education and Training Policy (TETP), National
Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report, reports on education and the language of instructions could yield information pertaining to language trends and cultural policy
44 issues in Tanzania and the implementation strategies planned by the government.
Documents such as research on language in Tanzania were consulted so as to capture scholarly information as individual reactions on language and cultural policy and practically to what happens in the present global situation.
The above task was performed by reading such sources and analysing the intended information so as to attain pertinent theoretical and empirical bases for the present study from other related works.
3.7 Data Collection Procedure
Data collection procedure is an outline of the steps that should be followed in the process of the data collection (Patton, 2002). This study used two main sources of data, namely: research participants (by semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions) who provided primary data and the documents (by documentary reviewing) from which secondary data were obtained. The first step in data collection was to visit resourceful places and sites such as libraries to obtain relevant documents and read them to capture related information for this study. The second step was to conduct a pilot case study (Ame 2009) in order to pre-test instruments and could find ways to gain entry into the research site as the final step of data collection (Gay, 2003).
In the actual data collection process, the interview was deployed to individual participants from the target population. The aim was to capture the individual perspectives from potential participants in the natural contexts of the study (Ame,
2013). This experience helped in conducting focus group discussions (FGDs) which
45 was set out to capture the relevant data that would not have emerged during the individual interviews. During the process, the researcher guided the interviews, discussions, and taking notes while the research assistants were doing videotaping as ways of gathering and keeping the data.
Figure 3. 3: Data Collection Process
Internal and critical Listening Intervie Internal NOTE BOOK w Guide Filtering of Questio Field Data Information ning Voice Recording FGD Recording
Device
Source: Researcher‟s own data collection plan
3.8 Data Analysis Plan
Data analysis is a central subject in the process of developing a theory. In this study, data were analysed following six steps suggested by Silverstein, ., (2003). These are: raw text which formed a bundle of raw data as they were collected from the field, relevant text which was a bundle of data obtained by selecting and coding relevant data to the objectives of the study, repeating ideas which were data to be coded into themes, and equally, data that were initially considered irrelevant but are repeating ideas were according to Xinrong, (2010) grouped to form new themes or categories.
Other stages were themes formation from relevant text and the repeating ideas, developing theoretical constructs by grouping themes to form units facilitating to move from concrete to abstract as per the theoretical framework (Mtahabwa (2007).
The last stage was narration into this thesis.
46 3.9 Validity and Reliability Consideration
A comprehensive and outstanding research would attain such quality if it is handled around the issues of consistency and objectivity versus subjectivity (Squire, 2007).
One way of improving validity and reliability was to use more than one method and technique of data collection and analysis.
3.9.1 Validity
Validity is referred to by Squire (2007:124) as “The relevance of the information gathered and the method used for the study being undertaken”. In other words they should measure what is supposed to be measured so that the end results are valid.
Therefore, in the current study authenticating the obtained data would help to reduce the possibility of subjective attitude and biasness of the researcher. This implies that, the researcher observed the appropriateness of the interpretations made from the data and in that way he would not be much influenced by his own pre-conceived personal viewpoint (Gay, 2003).
In this study, validity was achieved through the following techniques: triangulation, collecting as rich data as possible, thick description, back translation, and theme verification (Mtahabwa, 2007:108). (1) Triangulation as a multidimensional data collection and analysis technique was used to keep consistency of data sources and findings generated by different methods of data collection (Patton, 1999); (2) Rich data gathered through semi-structured interview, focus group discussion, and documentary analysis helped to validate the findings and the results of the research;
(3) Thick description of data from participants were quoted throughout the study to assist the reader develop and appreciate the meanings carried by the collected data;
(4) Back translation was used. English interview version was translated into
47 Kiswahili and back to English again to verify clarity and accuracy of the interview guides; and (5) Theme verification was done by comparing themes developed from the data by the researcher with that of another person asked to do it from the same data (Mtahabwa, 2007:109).
3.9.2 Reliability
The term refers to the state whereby the research instruments are certain to yield similar results over time (Ezzy, 2002). This is to say, the methods employed in the study are consistent and can be replicated. In this study, reliability was achieved by drawing logical inferences from the data being precise in describing observable facts of the findings so as to minimize the researcher‟s bias or subjectivity (Auerbach and
Silverstein, 2003).
3.10 Ethical Protocols
In fulfilling the ethical protocols, the researcher followed the procedures required by the Directorate of Graduate Studies of the University of Dodoma for one to conduct research. In doing this, the University provided letters addressed to the Regional
Commissioners of Coat region and Arusha region and to the MoIYCS and the
MoEVT. The regional Commissioners wrote me letters of introduction to the
District Commissioners of Longido and Kisarawe. The primary objective was to obtain permission to access from the respective offices official documents relevant for the proposed study, also be allowed to meet people as research participants in the specific study locations. Request was also made to the parents or guardians (care givers and or teachers) and children who were involved in this study to obtain informed consent from them to participate in the study (Gay, 2003). All ethical issues such as respect, time management, confidentiality (no participant has been
48 mentioned by true name (Gall, 2005) in this study), and observing the social norms of the visited communities during the research process were adhered to.
3.10.1 The Issue of Confidentiality
“Ethical conduct in research includes respecting the confidentiality of any information however it is obtained” (Squire, 2007:126). In consideration of this, the researcher had never disclosed any true name or personal details of any participant that may identify him or her. As it is argued by different scholars (Mtahabwa 2007), pseudonyms were used where necessary so as to avoid infringing the personhoods of the „participants‟. A declaration statement in writings was given to assure them complete anonymity for their safety during and after the research process. The statement reflected such position that, the information that they would provide could remain confidential between the participants and the researcher (Gall, 2005).
3.10.2 Rights of the Participants and the Pesearcher‟s Responsibility
Participants have rights which researchers must respect (Squire, 2007). In this study, participants had right to withdraw from informing the researcher or participating in the research by any reason and at any time they deemed to do so (Gay, 2003) and were informed about such conditions. At the moment, they still deserve right to inquire for and to have an access to the results of the study. The responsibility of the researcher in this standpoint as it is regarded by Squire (2007) to be one of the important ethical stances; the information that was obtained has been used in a purposeful, relevant, and valid way only for enriching the study. Such information has never been meant to offend or threaten any participant nor merely be motivated by inquisitiveness, because in so doing, it would in turn abuse the researcher‟s position, something which could be deemed as unethical.
49 3.11 Synthesis of the Research Process
S/N Data Types of data intended to be Data source Data analysis collection gathered (informant procedures methods categories)
1 Semi 1) Rich explanations on the Local A six steps structured usefulness of the Tanzania‟s ECLs government data analysis interview as: (i) assigning the ECLs formal leaders system (raw functions in the society; (ii) the value data, relevant of ECLs as tools for cultural identity text, repeating and understanding of natural self Language ideas, themes, esteem and humanity. (2) Policy theoretical Information on what is known on the makers constructs, consequences of the effects of and narration) globalisation on cultural components was deployed. and contents with much emphasis on
the ECLs. Parents and 2 Focus Translation of or guardians group 1) A thorough account on the efforts Kiswahili text
discussion & strategies made by family of the (FGD) members in creating enabling Traditional participants‟ conditions for specific ECL leaders interview acquisition. (2) Facilitative factors responses into (caregivers‟ +ve attitudes towards the English language, social and physical / Children version. Then natural environment, and the national the content language policy) and (3) Inhibitive was analysed factors (caregivers‟ –ve attitudes using the six toward the language, effects of steps system. intermarriages and migration, and the national language policy in language acquisition). (4) Description about globalisation influences on the types Language 3 Document of information above. policy Summarising ary makers the data to
50 analysis Information about (1) language & determine the
cultural policy and the strategies for magnitude of Experienced actual practice in Tanzania (from the the problem individual National Cultural Policy document). of the researchers (2) The strategies made by the language in this area cultural policy makers to determine policy was of study the extent to which ECLs of the done. relatively closed and open communities are affected due to the effects of globalisation. (3) Personal attitude and judgement about the current cultural and linguistic situation (empirical & theoretical literature). (4) Documented information about the ties of globalisation hindering the acquisition and thereto threatening the existence of ECLs. (5) The way forward to protect ethnic languages. Source: Author‟s research process plan.
3.12 Chapter Summary
This chapter focused on research methodology and its components and contents. It started with the introduction in which an outline of the chapter has been given. The main outlined sections of the chapter are the research design and approach which were the guiding mark of the whole research process. The research geographical areas have been identified and the motive behind their selection given.
Research approach and process were the central focus of the chapter. This research deployed qualitative research approach. In its deployment, sample size, sampling techniques, data collection methods and procedure were correctly applied. Data 51 analysis plan for interpretive understanding of the information and the insiders‟ perspective was structured and implemented. In addition, the issues of validity and reliability have been explained.
The chapter also dealt with the issues around research ethics. In doing this, confidentiality by not disclosing personal participants‟ information and names was observed. Also the chapter has highlighted on the rights of the participants and responsibility of the researcher as an important section which has legal implications if not in compliance. The chapter closes by providing synthesis of the research process.
52 CHAPTER FOUR
PRESENTATION OF RESEARCH FINDINGS
4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the findings by using a modified version of a qualitative data analysis system developed by Auerbach and Silverstein (2003). The main activities involved in the analysis process included: obtaining raw data, extracting relevant text, determining repeating ideas, clustering repeating ideas to form themes and writing a narrative. The main themes were determined deductively while the sub- themes were determined inductively consistent with a recommendation by Ezzy
(2002). In this process, the main themes were derived from the study objectives while the sub-themes were grounded in data. Narratives have been presented in full for each study objective to amplify specific findings.
A summary of the major themes and their corresponding sub-themes have been presented in Table 4.1 to serve as basis for data interpretation. The rest of this chapter utilizes the information provided in this summary to create different sections under which the findings of the study have been presented.
The table below presents the main themes, sub-themes, and the quotation samples to exemplify the findings:
53 Table 4. 1: Themes and Sub-themes
Main Theme Sub-Theme Seminal quotations from the field data
The interface Cultural Policy “Policy takes into account the philosophy of Between Cultural Nature and Policy- the country – it discourages tribalism. Policy & Practice Mismatch (Policy-makers, 2015). Globalisation Promotion of Kiswahili, English & other
foreign languages threaten ECLs. (Maasai
parents, 2014).
There is a need for policy improvement”. (Policy-makers, 2015).
Globalisation “The effects of globalisation pin down the Prevalence use of ECLs even in their local premises at family and community levels”. (Zaramo
Traditional leaders, 2014).
Confluence between “English is currently regarded as a language Cultural Policy and of science and technology while the ECLs Globalisation on are considered indigenous cultural CAMT knowledge treasure for the speakers”. (Policy-makers, 2015)
Zaramo and Maasai “As Zaramo is not in full use, its contexts of
Linguistic use cannot be identified. Children do not Discourses access it because we only use Kiswahili in all our communication. However, it is not
worthy to exclude newcomers in
conversations”. (Zaramo parents, 2014).
“Maa is used in different social and economic activities for giving or receiving
instructions. Thus, children acquire it easily”. (Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
54 Uses of the Cultural heritage “Kizaramo was a natural language full of Ethnic device many cultural teachings to its people. Community (Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014). Languages – Maa Maa language carries our customs and and Zaramo traditional values”. (Maasai children, 2014).
A tool for personal “Zaramo language would be an identity to
and cultural identity its people specifically when out of their
community”. (Zaramo parents, 2014).
“Maa language makes us feel proud of our
culture, and it differentiates us from other people”. (Maasai, parents, 2014).
Social unifying “Zaramo would strengthen unity among its factor people when out of our community”. (Zaramo traditional leaders and parents, 2014).
“Through Maa language we feel unified in
our social and economic activities”. (Maasai
Traditional leaders, 2014).
Contribution to “As a Bantu language, Zaramo contributes a
Kiswahili Language good number vocabulary in Kiswahili”.
(Zaramo local government leaders, 2014).
“Our Maa is not a Bantu language; we
would suggest some of its words to be
stored in Kiswahili”. (Maasai children,
2014).
“We urge the government to advise Zaramo Factors for Facilitative community to learn their language and Child‟s conditions for Maa speak it to children so that they acquire it”. Acquisition of and Zaramo (Zaramo children, 2014). Mother Tongue acquisition (CAMT) “Maa is still appreciated due to our cultural
55 forms in which it is highly used”. (Maasai
parents, 2014).
Inhibitive conditions “Many of us have negative attitude towards
for Maa and Zaramo Zaramo language because it is not important
acquisition in wider communication and employment”.
(Zaramo parents, 2014).
“We like our Maa language but it is not used
in offices, in schools, or in inter-
communities‟ commerce. People of different
cultural origins are increasing in our areas of
occupancy”. (Maasai parents, 2014).
Theorizing State of community “Zaramo love people. We would not like Acquisition of as mediator of ECLs newcomers to feel excluded in our social ECLs in the acquisition interaction. We speak Kiswahili so that Context of everyone participates in our conversations”. Globalisation (Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
Policy as a mediator “Globalisation doesn‟t recognize our of ECLs acquisition cultural values and our language too. Our cultural particularity is not appreciated in the globalisation expansion process”. (Maasai local government leaders, 2014/15)
Source: Field Data (2014, 2015)
56 4.2 Interface between Tanzania‟s Cultural Policy (TCP) and Globalisation
This theme was derived from the first objective of this study which sought to investigate the interface between TCP and globalisation in relation to the associated effects on (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania. Four sub- themes were developed including 1. Cultural policy nature and policy-practice mismatch, 2. Globalisation prevalence, 3. Confluence between the cultural policy and globalisation on CAMT, and 4. Zaramo and Maasai linguistic discourses. These sub-themes emerged from the participants‟ statements during the data analysis process. They were developed so as to capture the context in which ECLs were acquired. The next sections provide detailed descriptions of these sub-themes using specific statements quoted verbatim from different informants.
4.2.1 Cultural Policy Nature and Policy-practice Mismatch
The Cultural Policy Nature and Policy-practice Mismatch is a sub-theme that emerged after realizing that there were numerous policy-makers‟ as well as community participants‟ statements which presented details about the nature and the current practice related to the policy. Its establishment was determined by an assumption that the policy best explained the present practices in (MTA) in both relatively closed and open communities, and in that way, acting as the best facilitative factor in the acquisition process. Under this sub-theme, four main issues came out. These were: 1. Policy relevance for multi-ethnic society, 2. Policy practice mismatch, 3. Current practice, and 4. Policy improvement. These issues emerged out of statements which were provided by both Zaramo and Maasai communities‟ participants and the Ministries‟ officials. Two (2) policy-makers were selected from the Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports (MoIYCS) and other three
57 (3) from the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT). The choice of the two ministries was because, the former is responsible for cultural issues while the later is responsible for educational issues both of which consider language as a key to learning, culture and overall national development. To each of the two facts, sound reasons were put in place and are well detailed in this sub-section.
The policy-makers‟ as well as other participants‟ statements were critical in informing the nature of the policy and the prevailing practices, and they revealed the presented findings summarised in the table below:
58 Table 4. 2: Sub-themes and the Emerging Issues: The Interface between TCP and Globalisation
Sub-theme Number of Relevant Established Basis Percentage statements Issues produced
Cultural Policy Policy a) Linguistic 18 11.6 Nature and Relevance for Multiplicity Policy-Practice multi-ethnic b) National Philosophy 15 9.6 mismatch society c) People‟s Migration 17 11
Policy- a) Lack of follow-up 16 10.3 practice b) Child‟s linguistic 16 10.3 mismatch right denial c) Policy oversight on 06 4 ECLs in museums d) People‟s Mind-set 10 6.5
Current a) Community 13 8.3 practice Involvement b) Policy Achievement 10 6.5 Policy Improvement a) Public Education 13 8.3 Provision b) Inter-Ministerial 06 4 Collaboration c) Policy Reviewing 15 9.6 TOTAL 155 100 Source: Field data from both Policy-Makers and other participants‟ categories as per tables 1, 2, and 3. (2014, 2015).
4.2.1.1 Tanzania‟s Cultural Policy Relevance for Multi-ethnic Society
This issue possessed 18 (11.6%) statements on linguistic multiplicity, 15 (9.6%) on national philosophy, and 17 (11%) on people‟s migration. In defending the policy,
59 relevance of the policy for multi-ethnic society emerged as an outstanding issue in the participant‟s statements. Opting to promote Kiswahili to the level of national language was referred to as a political strategy in bringing people together in socio- political and cultural orientations. For that matter, the policy was commended in the statements to have suitably been relevant to the country and her people for security and peace keeping. See the data below:
In forming policy, national philosophy in the constitution was appreciated so as to erase the notion of tribalism that would encourage ethnic differences and violence. (Interview with a Policy-maker, 2015).
The current policy fulfils the constitutional purpose which was to refrain from dividing the country along ethnic lines. (FGD – Zaramo Parents, 2014).
Its relevance also centres at being expected to provide direction towards the country‟s development process and the ECLs status in their respective communities. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
In this study, these statements were thought to represent the policy-makers‟ general perceptive and community‟s viewpoint on the policy facets and the role it played in practice with great attention to the ECLs acquisition. The same statements were also critical in understanding of the insiders‟ awareness and views on the policy standpoint about the issues around ECLs in the country. In defending the policy, the following grounds were given out:
a) Linguistic Multiplicity
In defending the policy, a significant number of informants put it forward that policy makers had no option other than to make the policy as it is now. It was explained that policy-makers were obliged by the linguistic circumstance to promote one or two languages that would be a lingua franca between such varied speech communities in the country. For that reason, in the policy Kiswahili is a national as
60 well as official language in order to maintain unity and peace in the country. In addition, the policy-makers said that English was specified as an official and as a diplomatic language in international arena.
All what was done was to conform to the national ideology that ethnic consciousness should be suppressed for the sake of peace keeping and social harmonisation. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). It is our view that “Promoting Kiswahili and English has created a threat to ECLs”. (FGD – Maasai parents, 2014).
Therefore, linguistic diversity was pointed out as a barrier in promoting each of the
ECLs in Tanzania. It was argued that in such a situation whereby about 150 languages (based on the Languages of Tanzania Project statistics presented in the
Tanzania Languages Atlas of 2009) are spoken, policy-makers were in difficult times in deciding which community language(s) would have been selected for formal uses and which would have been left out for informal uses. Furthermore, participants informed that in order to save the country from such challenges of perplexing linguistic state, policy-makers had to take a strong position which would accommodate this situation all together, and therefore, Kiswahili and English were highlighted as major languages for wider communication and ECLs were mentioned by the policy to be used at family as well as community levels.
In their statements, some participants concluded that the linguistic complexity was one of the reasons why the policy doesn‟t assign any formal functions to the ECLs in the country. See the data below:
First of all, the policy recognises the presence of about 150 languages according to the Tanzania Languages Atlas. Each of these tribes has its own language. Research has shown that, some of these languages are nearly the same. However, it‟s not easy for these languages in their multiplicity to acquire formal functions. (Interview - Policy-makers, 2015). 61 b) National Philosophy
The major objective of the Tanzania‟s national philosophy stipulated in the national constitution has been to form a state which discourages tribalism in the country. It was found that 15 (9.6%) of statements by policy-makers revealed that, the policy- making purpose was mainly guided by a number of issues including changes in time and history, environment, science and technology and economy. Others were political stand of the times and national constitution, because, they all in turn transformed the people‟s behaviour. In addition, they put it forward that no way a policy that bears national obligations could be made against the national philosophy in the constitution which had been a centre of arguments in emphasizing suppression of ethnicity in the country. Therefore, participants‟ statements further presented that, trying to select some of the ECLs over the others and assign them uses in formal settings would be to awaken ethnic consciousness, thus, this would be to have gone against the national constitution and philosophy.
We see that “Policy takes into Account the philosophy of the country – it discourages tribalism. (Interview - Policy-makers, 2015).
For that case, the policy was defended by the participants to have been correct and relevant. Below are findings:
Policy makers always consider changes in time, national constitution, and the economy in the policy formulation. Such changes affect peoples‟ behaviour in responding to the relationship between them and the environment. It reflects the relationship between social groups and their localities that form the cultural contexts which in turn, the philosophy of the country is sought. Kiswahili and English and other foreign languages were promoted as a strategy to discourage ethnic consciousness in the country. (Interview Policy-maker, 2015).
62 c) People‟s Migration
There were a substantial number of utterances 17 (11%) in the informants‟ statements which spelt out the major reasons that had been causing communities‟ movements from and to different communities. They showed that, the movements had caused intermingling of individuals belonging to varying cultures. Reasons for such movements were pointed out as economic activities, political issues, natural calamities, employment factors, and intermarriages. These were also considered as pull and push factors of migration and they tended to affect CAMT in the two communities. Zaramo community was more affected than Maasai community because Zaramo social administrative system was a bit confusing due to its two lines of traditional heritage. On one side, it practised biological line of descent by the side of the mother and spiritual line of descent by the side of the father and therefore division of responsibilities was not apparent to the community individuals. In this way, new cultures found it simple to intrude into the Zaramo culture. The Maasai had a different social administrative form, strong and well defined. Details of the two communities‟ traditional administrative structures are well illustrated under the sub-sections of section 4.3 in this chapter.
In their statements, participants maintained that migration had caused significant intermarriage cases, and at such a matrimonial home, either Kiswahili or English was said to have been the only alternative means of communication between the couples. In that way, children couldn‟t speak any of their parents‟ ECL because they had no access to the languages. Therefore, the policy was again defended in the participants‟ statements to have been correct in its course of maintaining the use of
Kiswahili, English and other foreign languages because migration and
63 intermarriages cannot be put to an end. Some of the statements are quoted here under:
The commercial activities have caused contacts between different tribes with varying cultures and who speak different languages and we think it can affect CAMT. (Interview – Zaramo local government leader, 2014). Intermarriages have now alarmed a serious problem in the CAMT because the new born cannot acquire any of the parents‟ ethnic community language. (FGD – Maasai Local government leaders, 2014). Political strife pushes people from different localities to other peaceful ones. This causes abrupt change in life styles and equally affects the CAMT. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
Basing on such situation, it was advanced that the idea of one common language of communication for the whole Tanzanian society was inevitable.
4.2.1.2 Policy-practice Mismatch
This is a data grounded issue which featured during data analysis of the participants‟ statements from both communities. Specifically, it was after realizing that what was stated in the policy was contrary to the situation on the ground. While Zaramo people strongly claimed that their language was almost less in use and that they were no longer proud of the ZL, the policy for example states that “People in our communities shall keep on using and be proud of their vernacular languages”
(chapter three section 3.2, sub-section 3.2.1 of the current TCP and my own translation from the original Kiswahili version of the policy, 1997).
It was revealed that the same policy received criticism in relation to the above viewpoint. When critiquing the policy, participants in their statements gave a set of issues in describing the weakness of the policy with regard to the ECLs acquisition and maintenance in Tanzania. These were lack of follow-up which had 16 (10.3%) 64 statements, child‟s linguistic right denial which possessed 16 (10.3%) statements,
Policy oversight on ECLs in museums which had 6 (4%) statements, and people‟s mind-set which bore 10 (6.5%) statements.
a) Lack of Follow-up
This policy critiquing base had 16 (10.3%) statements which focused on the policy by observing it as a document lacking specific strategies articulating proper follow- up and the ways it would have been employed to check out issues pertaining to practice in the course of policy implementation. In their statements, participants lamented that they had not seen any personnel sent by the government to see whether their community languages were used in families and at the community level. This short fall was further considered as a policy problem in its set-up and for that reason the policy was seen as one of the most inhibiting factors towards ECLs acquisition in children by creating negative attitude towards these languages. It was further pointed out that the policy does not stipulate optional measures at times the government may tend to shutout them from formal functions such as the use in media and education.
We don‟t know if you are the one whom the government has sent to verify Zaramo language development here. We have never seen or heard any person sent by the government asking us about the use of our language. However Kiswahili satisfies all communication needs in our life. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014). Had it been that Maa was important, the government would have sent here its people to see if the language is used or not. Because Kiswahili and English are the languages of the government, it‟s over. However we are proceeding with our language. (FGD - Maasai local government leaders, 2014) The policy does not in its statements show follow-ups that would be carried out to see if these languages are really being used in socio-
65 economic and cultural domains at family and community levels as shown in the policy statements. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). b) Child‟s Linguistic Right Denial
Another critique was centred on the lack of direct and open statements in the policy on the child‟s right to language s/he masters most in education obtainment process.
This critiquing base had 16 (10.3%) statements about the problem associated with denying a child the right to access language of her mastery in learning and expression. One of the policy makers in the MoEVT had a question why shouldn‟t a child get education in his/her MT, the language s/he is confident with? Second languages were termed as problematic educational media in early years of a child.
They had this to say:
The policy does not plainly express the right of the child to access education in a language of his/her mastery. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). The world is full of local community languages activists who speak-up defending them as a basic right to communication. They advance that a person has a right to the language s/he masters most and confident with. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
c) People‟s Mind-set
It was found that 10 (6.5%) participants‟ statements that showed dissatisfaction about the policy as it tended to influence peoples‟ psychology on their ECLs. The policy was criticised on its statements to have not clearly stated the functions which would promote vigorously the ECLs development. In that way, the policy was seen as tending to make ECLs speakers in Tanzania feel that their languages were less important in their life:
Foreign languages have been assigned formal functions by the policy leaving ECLs without any function in formal domains. My observation is that, this state has and will gradually twist people‟s mind towards
66 languages of formal functions, then lowering down the ECLs in day to day‟s life. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). Policy has contributed in creating negative attitude towards ECLs by restricting them to formal settings. In this way people tend to embrace foreign languages over their languages. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). The current linguistic context in Tanzania has led communities to scorn their community languages. We witness this behaviour, for example, when advertisements are made in media by imitating community languages‟ accents in Kiswahili. (FGD – Zaramo parents, 2014, 2015).
4.2.1.3 Current Mractice
When making thorough assessment on the research participants‟ statements, community involvement and policy achievement emerged as bases on which the current practice had to be understood. It was further mentioned that the policy could be facilitative if its nature and practice were in favour of the needs and conditions that create rich contexts around the child during her (MTA) process. It would equally be inhibitive factor if it less considered in its nature and practice the same needs and contexts in which a child gets her ethnic community language.
a) Community Involvement
In understanding the current practice, community involvement was thought paramount. After throwing an analytical eye on the policy-makers and the two communities‟ research participants‟ statements, 13 (8.3%) statements showed community involvement in the current linguistic practices as part of policy implementation. The fact that there was such number of statements dwelling on community involvement signified that communities were important stakeholders whose important role in the language use and acquisition was to facilitate their
67 children. In their statements, it was narrated that practically now according to the policy, the use, maintenance, and handling down the ECLs to the successive generations has been vested into the communities‟ traditional leadership. This was considered as government neglect on the ECLs.
In their statements, participants considered the banning of chieftainship in the country that was declared by the first President of Tanzania as stepping stone towards ECLs decline. Such conclusion was arrived at based on, the findings that traditional leadership was mentioned neither powerful nor active to the extent of managing these languages as the policy maintains in its statements. In another practice, findings revealed some doubts whether under such contexts personal efforts could prove success as some of the Ministerial officials and the policy maintained.
This explanation is given behind the following data:
Nonetheless, the duty to lay down strategies on how to develop these languages has been left in hands of communities‟ traditional leaders (Interview - policy-maker, 2015).
It was further stated that:
The languages would be developed through folklores and narrations, traditional dancing, sports, songs, artistic drawings and paints, and various economic activities like agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing, basketry, earthenware, commerce. Others are community issues such as marriage, burial, and birthday ceremonies, festivals, and house inaugural celebrations. But these are no longer to their fullest implementation (FGD - Zaramo parent, 2015). The policy has offered a chance to every community to pass over her language to the successive generations. No one restricts the use of their language (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). The table below presents a critical thinking on the current policy and practice in relation to the ECLs acquisition by children at present and to the future generations.
It is self-descriptive in issues around linguistic context created by the current TCP as
68 were produced by the policy-makers in their statements and later critically conceptualized by the researcher during data analysis process.
Table 4. 3: Disbelief Surrounding ECLs Acquisition in Tanzania
Policy-makers‟ Assertion Researcher‟s Impression
We don‟t see in the policy how follow-ups If no follow-ups, is the government would be carried out by the government to see aware of the state of acquisition in these if these languages are currently in use at languages at family and communities family and community levels in socio- levels? economic and cultural domains as shown in the policy statements.
The duty to scheme how these languages are What type of professional approach to be developed, protected, spoken, and would they employ that would go handed over to the next generation (children) against and compete with the current has been conferred on community‟s traditional linguistic ties extended by languages of elders and leaders. globalisation?
The policy has never clearly shown the child‟s If the policy had created such context, right to achieve education in a language she is how can children acquire their confident with. community languages?
The respective officers in cultural heritage unit In such context, there exists a doubt that would have seized the opportunity to penetrate children have no proper access to rich the aspect of preserving all sources of ECLs in physical and social ECLs linguistic Tanzania into the coming national policies environment for sustainable acquisition. plans.
Preservation of ECLs manuscripts was If no such aspiration, are there any expected to have been strongly emphasised by deliberate wishes and plans by the the policy in the national museums government to develop these languages department, and at regional and district levels to the fullest? to start with.
We know that, Kiswahili and English are Can this linguistic context in the country assigned uses in formal domains and they are encourage parents and other child
69 recognized at national level while ECLs are caregivers to waste their time to teach mentioned by the policy to be used at family their young ones a language of no use in and community levels only. But they are not formal settings though not banned? banned.
My ECL has no such status in wider This created another suspicion whether communication. Leave alone my children to with such an attitude there is still any acquire education in formal, national, and interest in parents to pass over their international accepted languages. ECLs to their children.
Using my ECL will delay my children to get Do communities still feel proud of their formal education and life progress in time. Let ECLs as the policy stipulates in its them find the language at their own pace. statements? However, it is currently not that much
necessary.
Remember that, there exists a fear that A question of doubt comes that, under promoting ECLs might awaken ethnic feelings the current policy, can there have been a in our society, and this may in the long run friendly environment for children to amount to ethnic rivalry and loss of peace in access and acquire their ECLs? the country. Source: Field data (2015)
Following the above table, the subsequent chapter will attempt to respond by making critical discussion to most of these worries. Specifically, those directly related to ECLs acquisition will receive more attention.
b) Policy Achievement
This emerged out of statements that were focused on assessing the policy achievement. It had 10 (6.5%) statements in which the policy was recognized to have a number of achievements as the data portray here under:
As of now, many children can speak Kiswahili though there is a sudden shock during the shift from ECL to Kiswahili (in primary level of
70 education) and from Kiswahili medium to English medium (in post primary education), (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). English has now been understood by a good number of people in Tanzania compared to the period before the establishment of the current policy. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). Research on ECLs is now in progress. Books, dictionaries of a few of these languages have been written. Also, the Atlas ya Lugha za Tanzania (the “Tanzania‟s Languages Atlas”) under the Languages of Tanzania Project (LOT) of the University of Dar es Salaam is now out. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
However, the impressions around these statements were if such shocks experienced by children as they shift from ECL to Kiswahili when they join primary education are correctly addressed by the education system. Such fears emerge because the said problem had not been presented in the policy statements. But also whether the right of the child to obtain education in a language s/he is confident with during expression and new knowledge acquisition was put in place in the process. In addition, the findings revealed that the policy achievements do not in that way exceed their surrounding challenges.
4.2.1.4 Policy Improvement
This concept emerged during analysis of the Policy-makers‟ statements as well as the two communities participants‟ statements. In improving the policy, three important bases were put in place. These were public education provision which had
13 (8.3%) statements, inter-Ministerial collaboration between MoIYCS and MoEVT which contained 6 (4%) statements, and the policy reviewing which possessed 15
(9.6%) statements. Basing on criticism that was pointed to the policy, policy was recommended to undergo some improvements. Below are the bases on which participants suggested to improve the policy for better practice.
71 a) Public Education Provision
Both the policy-makers‟ and the two communities‟ statements presented observations regarding the current practice. In the participants‟ observations, parents were thought to have developed tendencies of not letting their children to access the language of their community by a fear which was centred on where they would use the languages. Therefore, the policy should in its statements emphasize significance of an ECL acquisition by the young generation for the development of that language and the survival of the respective community. Its continuity was said to be vested in its natural tongue without which it loses its identification as a language community.
There was also warning that, loss of any ECL(s) would amount to the disappearance of knowledge rooted in the respective language(s).
Another point of education that the policy would be improved was on its lack of voice on the current society‟s tendencies of mixing languages in their usage.
„Language mix‟ was considered misbehaviour in language use. It was further noticed that, the policy was silent without any convenient measures against such language spoiling:
Currently, we are experiencing mixing of languages in different contexts of language use. For example: Unataka kuwa milionea tuma meseji (ujumbe) or pia tunaweza kum-consult kuona kama anaweza aka- contribute chochote kwa survival ya hawa watoto. (Interview - Policy- maker, 2015).
Learning and speaking more than one language has never been a problem at all. Therefore, let the public be made aware about such an advantage and the correct use. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
b) Inter-Ministerial Collaboration
In making thorough data analyses, inter-Ministerial collaboration between MoIYCS and MoEVT featured as an outstanding basis for policy improvement. The given 72 reason was that, education and culture were considered inseparable especially during education provision process. Therefore, the two ministries as policy-makers each on its own assigned responsibilities had to harmonize the issue of language and culture in education.
One of the interesting ideas found in the policy-makers statements was the notion of inter-ministerial relationship. This concept was centred on the improvements on both the current cultural policy and the education curriculums to accommodate the issue of developing and preserving ECLs in the country. One of the three policy- makers in the MoEVT had this to say:
During preparation of Language Plan, through collaboration the MoIYCS should seize the opportunity to insert in the national education curriculums the aspect of developing ECLs and their cultures all the time. (Interview - Policy-maker, MoEVT, 2015).
Other important issues in improving the policy were to activate the units and departments in the Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports (MoIYCS) responsible for ECLs development in Tanzania.
c) Policy Reviewing
Policy reviewing as another base on which policy improvement was grounded received great attention in the data analysis process. This was because it had 15
(9.6%) statements from both the Policy-makers and the two communities‟ research participants. It featured in the statements that tended to show limitations of the policy on the issue of language use, maintenance, and acquisition in the country.
This appeared as a tool for enhancing improvement in the general practice. The data here under strengthens this emphasis: 73 There is a need for a policy which states clearly the implementation follow-up guidelines. (FGD - Parents 2014).
The museums department hasn‟t received great attention in the current policy. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
As we have said, in the current policy, the issue of the child right to access education in a language of her mastery hasn‟t been addressed. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
The current policy doesn‟t in its statements emphasize on the need to keep languages standard in both oral and orthographic conventions. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015).
4.2.2 Globalisation Prevalence
This sub-theme was grounded in data as per the participants‟ statements. It was observed that at least globalisation effects pervaded every aspect of the present life.
Therefore, the same effects were said to have been pinning down the use of ECLs even in their local premises at family and community levels and through this, communities were experiencing linguistic and cultural imperialism in their localities:
The thought that life without foreign languages is impossible emanates from the effects of globalisation. (FGD – Zaramo Parent, 2014, 2015). Preventing ECLs from being used in formal domains and leaving them without thorough assessment of their fate is a clear abandonment and silent killing of them. (FGD – Maasai Parents, 2014). The present free market economy, employment, and other factors caused by the effects of globalisation have facilitated intermingling between different nationals. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2014, 2015). Learning my language will delay my children in obtaining formal education and life in general at the right time as set by the formal education systems in the country and the world. Let them acquire education in the national and international accepted languages. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2014, 2015). Language mixing destroys ECLs as an effect of globalisation. (Interview Zaramo local government leader, 2014, 2015).
74 English was supposed to be taught at the earlier stages of children than it is now. It would have started in the nursery schools intensively. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2015). It is true that globalisation develops and spreads its languages for example English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, Kiswahili, etc. (Interview - Policy-maker, 2014, 2015).
The emphasis on the use of foreign languages and Kiswahili only in formal settings and the current use of language mix in communication were thought to create a new languages domination context which encouraged negative attitude to ECLs‟ uses and acquisition. Furthermore, the current global free market economic ideology and the new employment systems which force the state boundaries open for less restricted movements of people (global inter-state movements of people and goods) seemed as an issue because of the languages of its spread. In this, two important things were said to have happened: One, it granted possibilities for intermarriages which were observed as one of the serious factors contributing to less acquisition of MT specifically ECLs as in most cases neither of the parents‟ language is accessed by the child for acquisition. Two, in the economic and employment markets, foreign languages and a bit of Kiswahili are the major communication media while ECLs are pushed to a far remote corner.
Thinking in another parameter, formal education to Africa including Tanzania, was conceptualized in the participants‟ statements as the result of globalisation effects and it was said to have in the long run turned into the foremost means of spreading globalisation. Its prevalence was determined through its use of languages which carry the foreign cultures and ideas which were perceived to have affected people‟s attitudes on the ways of local communities. Formal education was also said to have
75 not considered the Tanzania‟s cultural contexts whereby some youths tended to fall away from the ways of their ethnic groups.
To the Maasai community, the informants viewed the education received from formal settings as altering children‟s behaviours in ways that reduce their love to the
Maasai culture in general and use of the Maa language in particular. This situation was claimed to weaken the strong bonds of the Maasai cultural values carried by their language. When responding to why Maa language uses are starting to decline,
142 (91%) of 155 research participants from Engarenaibor, Ketumbeine, and
Eduimet in Longido; and Sungwi, Maneromango and Marui in Kisarawe had this to say:
Globalisation has caused people‟s intermingling and intercultural crushes. The parents‟ emphasis on the use of English and Kiswahili to their children when at school and at home, plus expectations we have on their children, are the effects of modernity. (One of the Zaramo parents FGDs, 2014).
Staying at school for almost all the day hours and the boarding school system had created a room for our children to meet with other children from different cultural norms and this affects each other‟s behaviour. (One of the Maasai parents FGDs, 2014).
On the issue of languages of education in Tanzania, 18 (75%) of the 24 pupils that were interviewed at Engarenaibor and Ketumbeine primary schools said:
Our government doesn‟t protect our language (Maa); it stresses more on Kiswahili and English only. Here at school, our teachers force us to work harder on English, then Kiswahili, and we like it. We are strictly forbidden to speak Maa at school, though sometimes we find ourselves speaking it subconsciously. (One of Maasai pupils FGDs, 2014). Our language (Maa) is not recognized by globalisation. It is not used in class, only Kiswahili and English are used. (FGD, Maasai pupils, 2014). The issue of religion emerged as another domain in which shocking waves of globalisation were said to dictate people‟s minds in getting along with new beliefs in their localities. 76 What we witnessed was for example when Arabs were spreading Islam in Zaramo-land. They did not do it in our Zaramo language (ZL). We had to receive it in Arabic. Then after independence, Kiswahili was declared the Tanzania‟s national language. Since then, Kiswahili gained momentum in our area and ZL started declining in its usage. (Interview with one of the Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
In the Maasai community, Christianity and Islam were said to have been tending to force the converts in family units to surrender their traditional philosophy and accept the new beliefs. This was also perceived to have been equally affecting Maa because these religions were spread in languages of globalisation, mainly English, Arabic, and Kiswahili while a bit of Maa was just done by interpreters where emphasis was needed.
Human rights were raised as a topical issue in conceptualising the prevalence of globalisation in communities. It was presented that, exceeding advocacy on human rights tended to minimize the efficiency of the communities‟ cultural values. The outcome of this was serious behavioural changes in for example dressing, irresistible use of information technology devices and the use of electronic communication systems which facilitated unlimited access to the foreign socio-cultural and behavioural destructive information. The inhuman observable effects of this were reported. They included the irresponsible citizenry, drug abuse, child abuse and abandonment, street children, killings, cyber crimes, laziness, human trafficking, and unreasonable sexual acts, to mention but a few. All these were said to have contributed in devastating humanity. In their statements, reporters in both surveyed communities lamented that, their relatives had been gulped down by these end results of globalisation in towns and cities where they were said to have gone
77 searching for so termed modern life. They were perceived as a direct attack to their traditional experienced ways of life.
My two relatives together with three neighbours whom I know have been lost in Dar es Salaam and other big cities of this country in search of modern life. They are as of now drug abusers and such other nonsense deeds of the kind. (One of the Zaramo parents during interview, 2014)
Globalisation vehicles in the process of its expansion, uses IT facilities such as the media which includes TV, radio sets, news papers, the use of computers and the access to information through the internet; and the modern fashions of man and women garments, new cultural values that are spread through foreign languages all have negatively affected the youth, children, and even adults. We consider this to be foreign cultural attack on our community values. (Interview with one of the Zaramo Parents, 2014).
Feminism and gender relations were also mentioned to have been alarming in their communities‟ premises. It was advanced that, through this women global movement, women had tended to raise-up their voices courageously standing for their rights and womankind. For men in the Maasai community, it was perceived as going against nature, traditional Maasai community norms, and the Maasai man. Its effects were witnessed through changes in dressing code, greetings, speech, rampant sexual arousal acts and violence to mention but a few.
In our Maasai traditions, gender and social relations are well understood through our age-set social organization system. Maasai man is everything. He is the vigilant over the community and property, and he supervises provision of the rights of the Maasai wherever. Morani for example, are the law enforcers of our tribe who make sure that every community member strictly follows the Maasai cultural decorum. Such global declaration that women should be recognized equally to men is to go against the Maasai natural law. Women are neither discriminated nor harassed in our traditions, they have their own rights. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
78 4.2.3 Confluence between the Cultural Policy and Globalisation on CAMT
This was a data grounded sub-theme considered very instrumental along the assumption that “the TCP best explained the current practices in (MTA)”. It carried the central idea of the borderlines where the two concepts, the cultural policy and globalisation meet in different aspects of life. To the current study, it was developed to capture the idealised zones of conflict between globalisation and the Tanzania‟s cultural policy in CAMT. Under this sub-theme, cultural policy was thought best by explaining the current practices in CAMT on one hand, while globalisation on the other hand was thought to have tended to jeopardize the child‟s process in the ECL acquisition. This sub-theme contains two (2) important issues which emerged in statements during data analyses. They were 1st the Unsustainable modernity which implies people being just moved by life styles of the contemporary world, a life that does not have roots in such people‟s traditional philosophy (life copying without knowing the cause) and 2nd the cultural openness, all being accepted as impacts of the confluence between the policy and globalisation on the CAMT process.
What is taking place now is contrary to what is written in the TCP. We don‟t see what is declared in the policy that ECLs would be recognized and maintained by being spoken in families and the community. Globalisation has come in turn against the implementation of the policy statements about community languages. On our side (less educated Zaramo), Kiswahili is heard most and on the other side both English and Kiswahili are heard to the educated people specifically those who hold westernization. (FGD - Zaramo secondary school children, 2014).
In order to come to the fullest understanding of what was taking place in terms of the effects of the confluence between globalisation and the TCP on the CAMT in
Zaramo and Maasai communities the following were put into consideration:
1) The importance of Zaramo and Maa languages,
2) Convergence zones between the TCP and globalisation, and
79 3) The effects brought by the confluence between the policy and globalisation.
Therefore, data were coded from the outlines of all the categories of the research participants‟ statements, and the roles of these languages were realized and are summarized here under:
One of the substantial values of the Zaramo and Maa languages was cultural heritage device. In the participants‟ statements these languages were said to contain the community‟s knowledge and they acted as the transmission platform of the said knowledge. This knowledge covered nature conservation, economic arts and crafts, political organization, conflicts resolution, social relationship and gender differentiation, as well as the traditional religious knowledge. Children were expected to pick up this knowledge through their ECLs. Those who acquired the language grew into useful community members.
The Maa is full of our cultural instruments knowledge in the traditional medicine, beads art, pottery, age-set divisions and gender responsibilities. All these are contained in our language.(Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014). The second role of the two ECLs‟ was that, they were recognised as a tool for personal and cultural identity. In their statements, participants put it forward that
ECLs promoted the sense of belonging, responsible self-consciousness, and were traditional entertainment to the speakers and the audience. All this were socially appreciated by the community through the ECLs.
The language makes us realize ourselves as one develops from childhood to adulthood. (Maasai children, 2014).
Social unifying factor was highlighted as another role played by these languages in the communities. In fulfilling this role, the languages were noted as: social organization and defence appliance, freedom and right agency tool, and political
80 systems device. These were said to have been experienced by the communities as inevitable components in strengthening people‟s togetherness and the community‟s social and cultural consolidation.
The Maa makes we Maasai sustain our unity, love, peace and tribal bond. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014). By speaking your ECL when out of the community, you can receive help if one is faced by a problem because by speaking your ECL fellow community members can identify you. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
Another role was mentioned as contribution to Kiswahili language. In African languages groupings, Zaramo people are recognized as Bantu language speaking group (Mjema, 1996). Therefore, the assertion which was raised by the study participants that Zaramo had contributed vocabulary to Kiswahili endures criticism in all ways. This fact was justified by the following data:
Kiswahili has a huge vocabulary which originates from Zaramo, for example: hasi (Zaramo) = chini (Kiswahili), chanya (Zaramo) = juu (Kiswahili) yenye maana: hasi (Kiswahili) = negative (English), chanya (Kiswahili = positive (English).
Table 4. 4: A table Showing Zaramo as a Bantu Language
Maa Kiswahili Zaramo Ha
Meesidai hasi (negative) hasi (chini = down) hasi (chini = down) sidai chanya (positive) chanya (juu = up) hejulu (juu = up) engare maji (water) mazi (water) amazi/amagezi (water) ormushele (borrowed) mchele (rice) mchele (rice) umuchele (li) (rice) itu- (sija-), malo hapana /aka (no) aka (no) ekaye/ kaye/ eka (no) Source: Field Data (2014)
The above data highlight that, Zaramo and Ha languages resemble Kiswahili in both morphological and semantic language components, a proof that ZL contributed vocabulary to Kiswahili.
81
In the case of Convergence zones between the TCP and globalisation, religion, politics, education, culture, language, and mass media were mentioned. Through religion as one of the globalisation tools, converts were said to have been being forced to renounce their traditional beliefs which were handled down to them through their natural language. Also, globalisation was said to interfere the community‟s traditional social organization patterns by forcing the traditional leaders to give up their powers. This was pointed out to break the principles and laws that were used to shape and make potential community members in their development process. It was advanced within the same area that, globalisation affected national policies including language policy. In this way, Tanzanian national government lose influence thereby being forced to operate within system of rules she does not plan. Formal education was mentioned to carry western values which in turn were instilled in children and in whoever acquired it. In this area of life, community‟s traditional values were said to have been jeopardized. These were highlighted to have affected people‟s behaviours and the way they performed their economic activities.
During data analysis, it was found that the current states of Zaramo and Maa languages resulted from the contexts in which the ECLs acquisition took place. It was pointed out that the situation was created by the confluence between the TCP and globalisation in the areas of convergence highlighted in the former paragraph.
Critical assessment on the data was deliberately done to come to full light on what the government planed through the policy and what globalisation imposed to the same plans as a counterattack on what would be the proper practice. The table below
82 shows the differences between what was construed from the current TCP and what was imposed by globalisation:
Table 4. 5: Disparity between the TCP and Globalisation: Creation of the current critical context in ECLs acquisition. Policy Globalisation
ECLs were said to be knowledge and cultural English was pointed out as the language critical treasure to their speakers. of science and the modern technology. ECLs were regarded incompetent.
The ECLs were mentioned as bearers of There were pressures on global cultural and personal identity of their community identity over single locality. communities. ECLs were not mentioned.
ECLs sounded instrumental in building Confidence was said to become less once confidence for ones expression. one is in the international community where ECLs are not recognized.
People would have been proud of their The formal system and formal linguistic community language if it had been used in usage contexts were said to have forced formal domains. the use of such languages regarded as formal – English and Kiswahili for the
case of Tanzania. Communities tended to
devalue their ECLs.
Every community would have protected and Imposition of common global culture and embraced its own culture and the language as its languages as a disseminating tool. The its major device would have been recognized ECLs significance was questionable. formally.
Community languages would have been There was exertion of pressures to use progressively used as source and treasure in English and other globalisation languages the development of Kiswahili if they were over the indigenous ones including formally recognized. Kiswahili. Source: Field Data Statements (2014 / 2015)
83 The above table presents the linguistic contexts created by the interface between the
TCP and globalisation. That was a situation in which ECLs were acquired. It was further pointed out that, in practice, this condition had caused some negative consequences on the ECLs acquisition process.
In making investigation on the effects of the confluence between the TCP and globalisation, all study population sample categories were interviewed and the analysis of the given statements based on the contexts created by the interface between the policy and globalisation in the above table was done. The analysis revealed the following findings: 1) unsustainable modernity which was caused by the new languages imposition and the ECLs confinement and 2) cultural openness which resulted from acculturation tendency and incompetence in the ECLs transmission. The impressions obtained from these were cultural and linguistic dilemma, loss of hope in ECLs which centred on ECLs uses decline that resulted into the ECLs recession.
4.2.3.1 Unsustainable Modernity
This issue was developed from all participants‟ statements that focused on the general view that, people had been grabbed into the current happenings brought by the contemporary life-styles that had no roots in their well experienced traditional philosophy (life copying without knowing the cause). Two centres of its explanations were the new language imposition which carries foreign cultural identification and the ECLs confinement that restricts these native languages in formal settings.
84 To our view, external factors are the principal cause of the present state that children do not have an access to their ECLs, and that the whole society does not see its importance for now and next generations. This is to embrace modernity that has no roots in the people‟s natural grounds a kind of lifestyle which is propagated by globalisation. (Interview with one of the Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
a) New Language Imposition
This was one of the two core points on which modernity was realized. It emerged out of the data statements that concentrated on the consequence of the policy to allow some languages and impeding others in use in different domains. It was further advanced that such a situation would in the long run result into ECLs and traditional values abandonment in the Tanzanian society.
What is presented in table 4.5 shows the planned issues in the policy and that the policy had been in turn counterattacked by globalisation through imposition of
English and other foreign languages over the indigenous ones. The context was seen as a linguistic dilemma to the Zaramo speakers while to the Maasai, the very context was seen as a threat to the Maa. It was said to have positioned Zaramo people where they tended to have no defined cultural direction, and what was witnessed from the data was that, gradually this community tended to surrender her cultural perspectives and the language.
Globalisation through language (English and Kiswahili), TV and video pictures display, internet, radio sets, and cinema to mention but a few has discouraged old people to teach Zaramo to the young generation because of such globalisation effects. Old and youth, parents and their children no longer come together for storytelling and listening which used to carry out life values in a traditional way. Our community has tended to follow modernity. Everyone now thinks Zaramo culture is outdated and following it is regarded as to lag behind the contemporary age. (FGD – Zaramo parents, 2014).
85 The community‟s cultural power dwells in its language as a transmitting tool between generations. Basing on this fact, the data put out that, withdrawing from cultural values was gradually a pitfall to children‟s process in their community language acquisition.
Currently, traditions and customs in our area are no longer appreciated as before. This has led people to devalue their Zaramo language. Zaramo values are deepened in the language. And for our culture is not appreciated, children cannot easily access the language because it has gradually been fading away as its culture declined. (Interview - Zaramo parent, 2014).
b) ECLs Confinement
This was another centre at which the unsustainable modernity came into sight. It emerged after critical reading of the participants‟ statements that dwelt much on specific policy statement in relation to practice. Though the policy stated that:
ECLs were historical, traditional, customary, technology and cultural heritage, and that the community would keep on using them and feel proud of them, yet due to the presence of Kiswahili and imposition of English as languages used in all formal settings while confining ECLs with informal uses at family and community premises. (Interview - Maasai Parents, 2014).
This was regarded as the result of globalisation effects on the communities‟ cultural well beings. The scenario was said to have caused loss of hope in ECLs both in speaking and acquisition. See the data below:
Children can no longer have an access to the language. The old has passed, what remains is modernity only. We think, no one can change this global history. However, what we witness today might be just little of what will happen in years to come. (FGD – Zaramo children, 2014).
86 4.2.3.2 Cultural Openness
This issue was more specific to the Zaramo community. It emerged around the countenance between TCP and globalisation, a sub-theme that was developed from the assumption that Zaramo was a relatively open community with individually oriented viewpoint. The Zaramo cultural openness was realized through three points:
1st the internal and external factors for the community openness, 2nd acculturation, and 3rd the ECLs transmission incompetence.
a) Internal and External Factors
Though Zaramo social organization system fostered cultural openness orientation, globalisation effects took advantage and accelerated the results. It was said that, people had forcibly opened more rooms for newcomers and new cultures into the original Zaramo culture. People had gradually become fond of Kiswahili a foreign language to their culture. This situation was said to have been caused by internal and external factors. On one hand, the external factors were:
1) cultural policy,
2) incoming population, and
3) Effects associated with globalisation.
In relation to the policy, one of the national philosophy causes was highlighted as building of national unity through suppression of ethnicity consciousness strategy.
This would be effective by mentioning it in the constitution and be known publicly through the cultural policy that Kiswahili was a national language as one of the most social unifying factors in the country. This was again considered one of the conditions that contributed to the hindrance of ECLs growth, specifically Zaramo.
When Zaramo youth were giving out their observations, they had this: 87 We read from books. It seems old people have gradually been affected since when Kiswahili was declared by Nyerere a formal and national language. We consider this to have been the motive behind your coming here as a researcher. You want to prove if it‟s true or not. This is the situation as you witness. Old people speak to each other in Kiswahili. They also talk to us in Kiswahili. Kiswahili has prospered while Zaramo has gradually been weakened and no doubt, it is to its diminishing edges. It won‟t go further. (FGD – Zaramo children, 2014). It was added that recognizing Kiswahili and English as the only official languages, which were to serve in all formal settings was said to have been an initial shrinking force that led to the loss of ECLs expansive power.
To the Zaramo community, the strengthening of Kiswahili in the area was said to have been accelerated by population movements caused by status of the city of Dar es Salaam in terms of political, economic and improved social services and functions. People influx in the city was also associated with influences of globalisation. Internal factors on the other hand were:
1) lack of motivation in their language
2) Zaramo‟s type of traditional social administrative system
3) loss of confidence in their language
The Zaramo‟s lack of motivation in their language was said to be a result of the aforementioned reasons grounded in the globalisation effects. The intertwined traditional administrative system which was based on two orientations; one being based on matrilineal kinship social system and the other being the patriarchal spiritual lineage were pointed out to have caused the traditional political power inefficiency. The rivalry between the two administrative orientations in a single community was assumed to have been the initial cause of their community‟s openness because there was in the long run no social and cultural consolidation.
88 Lastly, the loss of confidence in their language was highlighted as an outcome of the first two factors.
Our language is no longer useful here. Speakers have relatively decreased; no young generation speaks the language. Kiswahili is the only language of communication in all aspects of life. In addition, old people, youth, and children are all affected by the social products of the west, mainly though technology. When you meet people from different cultures, you just speak Kiswahili. It is a fact; we have welcomed people from different places. We all meet at Kiswahili. (One of Zaramo parents FGDs, 2014). b) Acculturation
This was another explanation ground on which Zaramo cultural openness was established. It featured as an outcome of the above narration (data). The first fact was because, like any other ECL, Zaramo suffered the consequence of being restricted to the less valued levels of uses, the family and community levels. Then after the lack of motivation and the loss of confidence in the language, speakers tended to assimilate by becoming purely Swahili speakers, a gradual behaviour which went hand in hand with loss of some Zaramo traditional ideals.
New values have turned our mind away from our own values. We have forsaken our Zaramo traditions and customs. What remains is the modernity only. Every person wants to be known differently by thinking that civilization is by abandoning one‟s cultural norms. (One of the Zaramo parents FGDs, 2014).
ECLs uses decline was perceived by the participants from the two communities as an emerging outcome related to assimilation as one of the globalisation tools. It was further advanced that because they are not well protected from the pressures of the modern lifestyles, their survival was in question.
Our children no longer celebrate traditional playing at school. Long ago, they were highly appreciated in communicating our traditions and customs to the community members. The emphasis on the use of Kiswahili and English as the only languages of communication in formal domains has been hard-pressing down the ECLs and ultimately they will
89 die, not in Tanzania only but the whole of the African continent. (Interview - Zaramo parent, 2014).
The aforementioned acculturation was again pointed out to likely causing ECLs recession and societal underdevelopment. These effects were presented by one of the FGDs at Maneromango when they were discussing about the direct side impacts associated with globalisation on ECLs and the current communities‟ life.
It was further added that to spoil such a command, is to weaken the people‟s existence because: surveillance, economy, freedom, unity, and their rights as human beings who have thoughts with the right to practice for their own benefits and the survival of their generations were the foundation of their life. Any deficiency in cultural values that were used to strengthen socio-economic and political policies and practices of the community was believed to be leading into delays or weakening of their community‟s development.
c) ECLs Transmission Incompetence
This explanation basis of the Zaramo cultural openness was grounded in participants‟ statements that tended to incline to the idea that, people were no longer capable of speaking the language fluently in the children‟s ears for them to acquire it.
We witness daily decreasing number of Zaramo speakers. Even us here we don‟t speak standard Zaramo and to its widest as it used to be in our fathers‟ times. Kiswahili dominates us more, and our children cannot easily access the language. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
The above incompetence in the ECLs transmission was said to be the result of ECLs access deficiency as it was highlighted by the participants from the two communities
90 as a consequence of the extensive inability in ECLs speaking with a high rate in
Zaramo community and to a comparatively lesser extent in Maasai community. It was spelt out by the participants in Zaramo community that children could not speak the language because it was not heard, and in that way Zaramo language acquisition suffered remarkably.
4.2.4 Zaramo and Maasai Linguistic Discourses
This sub-theme had two main issues which emerged in the course of data analyses of the participants‟ statements from both Zaramo and Maasai communities. These included 1st the Zaramo constrained linguistic discourses and 2nd the Maasai less constrained linguistic discourses. Each of the reflected thoughts had its findings on which explanations were based.
4.2.4.1 Zaramo Constrained Linguistic Discourses
This thought emerged during data statements assessment to determine what real discourses within which the two ECLs operated. It had five grounds on which findings were explained. These were social inclusion tendency, cultural performances, economic, political as well as dispute resolution discourses. In this community, it was witnessed that all expressions and interactions were largely conducted in Kiswahili. Really, it was astonishing to travel all along and around almost the whole of the Kisarawe District without experiencing any Zaramo natural spoken discourse. The language was hardly heard in any of the attended communication contexts except where the researcher wanted to confirm whether
Zaramo language (ZL) once existed.
91 a) Social Inclusion Tendency Discourses
Zaramo community discourses involved social gatherings such as evening informal coffee talks; informal public places mainly where young people met for different social reasons, checker-board playing, liquor clubs & pubs, and marriage celebrations. Others involved home interactions during formal and informal talks.
Formal talks involved parents setting out rules and ways of the family such as internal family members‟ relationships, respect, individual responsibility and rights, hardworking and self esteem. They added that, informal talks would involve story telling during relaxation times, jokes, plays, and unplanned instructions during home economics. Home social discourse would also absorb neighbours, relatives, friends who by reasons visit the home. Below is figure 4.1 which represents the Zaramo community social inclusive tendencies in communication:
92 Figure 4. 1: Zaramo Social Inclusion Tendency Discourse Model
BEYOND NATIONAL BORDERS Newcomers
NATIONAL LINGUISTIC CONTEXT
Newcomers
Kiswahili Kiswahili Kiswahili & English
COMMUNITY
Macro Zaramo language acquisition context Kiswahili
Newcomer Non- Zaramo Kiswahili Newcomers ECL (not active)
Social Inclusive Zaramo Zaramo Individual Individual
Zaramo Zaramo
language Kiswahili language
not active not active
Commu nication
Newcomers Kiswahili
FAMILY
Micro Zaramo Kiswahili language acquisition context (not active) Newcomers
The Child
Source: Author‟s synthesis of the Zaramo social contexts (2014) supported with Bronfenbrenner‟s ecological model of child development (1994).
93 The above model signifies the social and cultural openness behaviour with individualistic orientation in the Zaramo community. Newcomers could easily penetrate into Zaramo social contexts because Zaramo individuals were lenient with their social and cultural ties.
In both home conversations and other social settings as it has been identified, over
128 (82%) of 155 participants were straight away reporting that ZL was relatively absent in their premises, except in some jokes by old people when one or two words were said to be dropped down sometimes unplanned. Nonetheless, such occasional throwing or dropping of one or two ZL words could not suffice full ZL control of conversation discourse. The most important thing to note is that, in all social gatherings which were visited, Kiswahili was the dominant language, and even the participants confessed it as the current norm in almost all their social transactions.
See this data:
ZL is no longer in use to the extent that one cannot be able to identify contexts in which it is used. Children do no access it because we their mothers don‟t know it. We only use Kiswahili in all our communication. Nevertheless, it is not worthy to exclude others (non-Zaramo speaking people, the newcomers) in conversations. (FGD - Zaramo Parents, 2014). Children are no longer able to learn the language because of globalisation, they can‟t receive any advice. They have been affected by the western civilization – video, TV, modern generation music and the like. We have invited newcomers and we live together and we are intermarried. Ethics are now eroded. Nothing is left. (FGD - Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
The above data justifies the existence of the idea that Zaramo is socially an open community. Social patterns as part of culture, Zaramo social inclusion tendencies
94 have left their cultural bonds porous to the new forces. This context had too led into limiting young children to access ZL.
Social discourse is considered the most significant point through which language acquisition on the whole is anticipated to take place (Batibo, 2005). The above findings, suggest a poor ZL linguistic environment which does not allow Zaramo children to access their ECL. In addition, there is in this way an impression that globalisation jeopardized possibilities that would agree to the survival of the ZL.
Under this subsection, the assumption of the research was that, ZL would be in full use in all socio-cultural and economic settings as it was articulated by the TCP.
Contrary to this assumption, ZL was found ineffective and dormant.
b) Cultural Performances Discourse
Cultural performances discourse in Zaramo involves all traditional rituals. They include rites of diseases and medicine in which sorcery and wizardry professionals conduct a spiritual diagnosis of diseases and medicine prescriptions for healing.
Another category of rites is that of life-circle through which birth rites, death and burial rites; girls‟ puberty, seclusion, and pregnancy, and the circumcision rites for boys. Right after their first menstrual period, girls were kept indoors (seclusion) for three to five years, while before circumcision, boys could be taken to a forest and stay for three to six months. The traditional rites were performed at the last day when these candidates were offered a graduation ceremony. Graduants were considered to have been heroes after undergoing such a training that transformed and qualified them adults. One more type of rite was that connected to believing in spirits. This comprised ancestral rites, different shrine rites, and divination rites.
95 Other rites connected to for example rain formation, marriage, soil and crop harvest would accordingly each be considered under a specific category above.
These cultural practices were said to have been highly appreciated especially in those years when the ways of the tribe were strongly emphasised and strictly held by the community members. In these rituals, some few Zaramo words would be used.
In Zaramo culture however, it was believed that, traditional healing services couldn‟t be complete without the use of ZL. This is because it is traditionally conceived by
Zaramo people that ancestral spirits do not understand a language other than
Zaramo, as it was informed through this data:
There are some few Zaramo words that can still be used in such imperative ritual functions. The reason behind is, we Zaramo, believed that, ancestral spirits don‟t understand any language other than Zaramo. Therefore, Zaramo was formally recognized as part of the functions of the traditional healing rites in Zaramo land. (FGD - Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
This finding indicated that ZL was part and parcel of ancestral spirits and that all traditional rites were carried out through ZL. Consequenltly an acceptable ritual function involved use of elderly persons with good command of ZL for successful communication in the spiritual realm. The main impression related to this finding was that ZL and perhaps other ECLs were grounded in traditional rites and beliefs.
Among other motives behind this situation were the most two sound reasons; (1) the community was no longer proud of their language and could not speak it in almost all social, economic and political domains at family and community levels. The data below justify this finding:
We don‟t speak Zaramo, we speak Kiswahili. Even when educated meet, they just speak Kiswahili sometimes mixed with little English and 96 not Zaramo. Also, people have negative attitude towards ZL by thinking that, those who speak it are poor, ignorant, and less developed and this has weakened the language. (One of the Zaramo parents EGDs, 2014). Nowadays Zaramo is less important, even when we speak to them (youth) the remaining little Zaramo we have, they reply in Kiswahili. (Interview with one of the Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014). In this age of globalisation, ZL is no longer important. If you speak it now, especially at a gathering with mixture of people belonging to varying cultures, your fellow Zaramo laugh at you. (FGD - Children, 2014).
The reasons why Zaramo would not prefer to identify themselves by speaking ZL will be presented in detail in the next subsections. (2) Children had no access to the language and almost all of whom the researcher came across in the interviews and discussions could hardly speak ZL. Even those who showed effort to try the language could just mention two or three ZL words and could hardly make any full sentence in Zaramo. For example the data below contains children‟s confession that
ZL is at remote position from them:
For I haven‟t got it, I can‟t narrate any story in ZL. Parents don‟t speak it. We never hear it. Our parents never teach us the language. (FGD - Zaramo children, 2014).
This situation was not observed in children only, but it was as well witnessed in old people, middle age group and in the youth. This state of ZL is in this work interpreted as a warning alarm that if no immediate linguistic revival measures are taken towards ZL, it is thought endangered. Batibo, (2005:62) refers to an endangered language to be that which is threatened by extinction. He maintains that:
The threat may come because the pool of speakers is declining rapidly to small numbers, because the younger generations are not learning to speak it, or because the domains in which the language is used have shrunk so much that it is not used regularly in the language community.
97 The above assertion echoes what was found in the Zaramo community. Children and youths were said not learning to speak ZL because of a number of reasons. Such reasons were: one, because the language was not spoken in the community and therefore not accessed by children, two, there was a fear of where they would use it because all social interactions and economic operations were done in Kiswahili, and three, it was not found in the modern communication devices such as computer, mobile phones, and in TVs and radios. Also, there was among the sampled population, a great concern about attractive domains of use as an incentive to increase the pool of speakers into ZL speaking. For example this data:
Children do not really get the language now. Even those who happen to get it, it‟s not to its fullest. And there is a doubt to where ZL will be used in the modern life, a life which is dominated by Kiswahili and other big popular languages. (Interview with a parent from Sungwi village in Kisarawe, 2014).
We have no access to the language and we don‟t know whether our elders know it. They neither speak it nor teach it to us. (FGD, Zaramo children at Masaki primary school in Kisarawe on 29 September, 2014).
c) Economic Discourse
One function in which ZL was expected to be in full control of all communications as an important linguistic area of pull or push towards acquisition was the economic function. This is because through economic activities, ZL would be used to: instruct, receive instructions, ask questions, and respond to the questions and even by giving explanations or feedback on the performed activity. In all market places, shops, kiosks, carpentry workshops, masonry works and in farms where the researcher visited and conducted interviews and discussions, there was hardly any ZL full spoken text that was made and heard. It must be made clear here that, in the mentioned economic premises, the probability of meeting very old people was
98 minimal. Many of the old people who participated in the study were visited in homes. However, be it as it should, language growth and maintenance is much related to persistence in its acquisition by the young generation. d) Political Discourse
Among the important domains of language use that significantly promote the growth and development of a language, is its use in politics. The use of a language in political affairs may elevate the status of specific language, a situation which can motivate its speakers to keep on using it and assist their children to acquire it. This part of the study is not intended to calculate the historical periods and chronological events of the Zaramo community. Therefore, a short historical account of the political discourse in which ZL was assumed to be in use, is what was accessible from the participants and presented here.
Literature and the Zaramo participants‟ statements revealed that, the traditional
Zaramo‟s administrative system and social organization was basically centred on matrilineal heritage alignment (Swantz, 1970; Mjema, 1996). In their ruling schemes, Zaramo had no consolidated centralized political systems. They practised matrilineal kinship groupings and the lineage heads were mainly associated with their clans. These lineage heads were chosen by the community leaders. It was said that most of the leaders in Zaramo community were men though few women were in some instances chosen. As it has been narrated earlier, ZL was a key instrument in all traditional rituals. Therefore, these leaders by then were expected to be competent in the language because they were responsible in most of these functions.
99 It was pointed out that ZL had tended to decline in use away from political affairs at all levels, and even at community level. The exceptions in this would be within the political candidate‟s discretion to drop some words in order for him or her to attract attention from voters in the poll. The data below is the evidence:
Policy does not state the use of ECLs in political affairs. Nevertheless, during elections the candidate may throw one, two or so words so as to associate herself with the voters (Interview – a Zaramo local government leader, 2014).
e) Dispute Resolution Discourse
Though Zaramo traditional leaders were often attributed to spiritual powers, such as the ability to make rain, or to communicate with the spiritual world, participant provided that they were as well responsible in all matters of the community. One of their responsibilities was to settle disputes. Settling disputes depended on the nature of the quarrel and the jurisdiction level. Disputes settlement ranged from household level to the level of the community. If there happened any miscommunications or misunderstandings or any problem that was against the ways of the tribe or individual social relations, say among household or family members, the problem was handled by the family heads unless it was so severe that it needed traditional clan courts. The clan traditional courts were more advanced to settle disputes that were higher than the family council.
In our Zaramo traditions, when happens any miscommunications or quarrels between say family members or community individuals, they were settled accordingly following levels of jurisdiction powers of the traditional judges and councillors. (Interview - Zaramo parents, 2014).
It was further presented that, in Zaramo community at family level, simple matters were resolved under heads of families. If a family head finds it difficult to settle a particular dispute or the parties in the conflict resolution were not satisfied by the 100 judgement, the matter could be sent to the formal courts. Therefore, by the introduction of formal judicial system, presently, many of disputes are handled in formal courts. In these two systems of conflict resolution in Zaramo community,
Kiswahili was said to be the major communication code regardless of the TCP to state the use of ECLs at family and community levels in social and cultural matters.
However it must be remembered that language policy and plan have been there during colonial rule and even right after the Tanzania‟s independence in 1961.
Generally, what was found in the Zaramo community is that, where people were either two or more individuals gathered for any function be it social, cultural, or economic, there was hardly any order, request, instruction or natural conversation in
ZL that was made by the people or heard by the researcher. As a matter of fact from findings in the data, no one of those linguistic discourses outlined can boast to have used ZL so as to afford Zaramo children to access their ECL. Blames were directed to the government that, it had failed to lay down strategic plans to withstand globalisation forces which have confounded the socio-cultural Zaramo norms.
Our observation is that the government does not through its policy emphasise use ECLs in public meetings, education, and politics or in any formal business. We don‟t see it coming for follow-up to see if Zaramo is in use at the family as well as community levels. Globalisation has destroyed our culture, no respect to our cultural norms. New languages have been promoted by the government on the expense of our language. (FGD – Zaramo parents, 2014).
The effects of globalisation through its wheels were perceived to have devastated
ZL. These were modern technology in information transmission where by adults and children were reported to spend much of their time with TV, video tapes, mobile phones, and computers, all of which the medium was languages other than Zaramo and they were particularly Kiswahili and English. Another globalisation realm was
101 such simplified demographic movements which facilitated people from different cultural origins and speaking varying languages to settle in Zaramo land. This geared the use of Kiswahili as a communication code convergence zone for all.
Population inflow movement was pointed out to be very high and the source of intermarriages between them and the newcomers, something which in turn, was thought to have contributed to the lack of access to ZL by children. Formal education and linguistic domination were pointed out as other globalisation vehicles in which children were forced to use Kiswahili and English as the only languages of social and academic interactions. See the data below:
Kiswahili and English are languages of education at school. When back home, we remain with Kiswahili because it‟s the only language of communication used by parents, other family members, when we play, and the community all together. (FGD Zaramo primary School children in Masaki village, 2014). Migration into our area has been one of the factors for Zaramo language weakening. This has been due to our tradition that a guest should not be left alone and should be welcomed into conversation. For that matter we have found ourselves with Kiswahili and the new culture is emerging in our Zaramo community. (Interview - traditional leader, 2014).
It was found in the above contexts that, right from the family level to community level, people tended to express a sense of loss of hope in the Zaramo community about their language and the destiny of their culture. There were neither intrinsic nor extrinsic motivations that would have developed desires for the current speakers (old people) to speak ZL so to let children access the language. This was because no single formal domain in which ZL was active and in experience, no strategy was made by the government on the TCP statements about cultural heritage endangerment in ECLs. Such preservation would mean Zaramo future breathing of its generations.
102 4.2.4.2 Maasai Less Constrained Linguistic Discourses
This discourse had six grounds on which findings were detailed. They incorporated:
Maa language and Kiswahili, social exclusion tendency, cultural upholding, economic, political as well as conflict resolution discourses. To the Maasai, the situation was different from that of the Zaramo community. Comparatively, the effects of the interface between the TCP and globalisation were as well felt by the
Maasai community, but in a different magnitude. In the Maasai community, Maa was the major means in most of their interactive communications. Kiswahili was heard but not between Maasai individuals talks. It was only when a Maasai for specific reasons had to have an interaction with a newcomer in the area.
a) Maa Language (ML) and Kiswahili
Anthropological and archaeological studies show that the Maasai ethnic group migrated from northern parts of Africa by following river Nile; they came down and settled in some areas of East Africa particularly in Kenya and Tanzania. Their historical trace has been well illustrated in chapter three under the study location section and in the next chapter which dwells on the discussion of the data. However,
Maasai are non-bantu speaking population, and their language is different from
Bantu languages in terms of morphology, phonology, and syntax.
Kiswahili is a Bantu language while the Maasai community language, the Maa, is a non-Bantu language. Therefore, the relationship between these two languages in terms of similarities does not exist; they are not related at all. The data below offer a clear picture:
103 Table 4. 6: A Table Showing Maa as a Non-bantu Language
Maa Kiswahili Zaramo Ha Meesidai hasi (negative) hasi (chini = down) hasi (chini = down) sidai chanya (positive) chanya (juu = up) hejulu (juu = up) engare maji (water) mazi (water) amazi/amagezi (water) ormushele (borrowed) mchele (rice) mchele (rice) umuchele (li) (rice) itu- (sija-), malo hapana /aka (no) aka (no) ekaye/ kaye/ eka (no) Source: Field Data (2014) b) Social exclusion tendency discourses
Social discourses in the Maasai community could involve normal and social gatherings such as evening informal tea talks, liquor clubs & pubs, and marriage celebrations. Others involved old-age social gatherings where checker-board playing was enjoyed. Home interactions during formal and informal talks were also experienced. Formal conversations involved parents‟ teachings on rules and ways of the family to the youths. Such social and economic life skills would include relationships among family members, respect, individual rights and responsibility as per the age-set social organization of the Maasai community, hardworking and self realization. Informal talks would involve story telling during relaxation times, jokes, plays, songs and spontaneous instructions during home operations. Home social discourse would also fit in neighbours, relatives and friends.
Maasai Community members were expected to demonstrate speaking skills in social interaction and in the economic activities either by giving out instructions on how an activity would be performed or receiving the same instructions and executing the duty at hand. In both home conversations and other social settings as it has been pointed out, participants were proudly informing that ML was actively used in most
104 of their social premises, and that children had an access to the language. This is what was found through these representative data:
The ML is spoken at home in normal conversation. It is also used in teaching children the domestic operations, traditional entertainment songs for marriage, circumcision rites, birth day etc. Our language can also be heard in courts of law and in hospitals with the help of an interpreter. (Interview with one of the Maasai traditional, 2014).
The data show how the ML was used in social interactions. Different from ZL, ML was in full occupation almost in all social settings and sometimes in government service delivery premises. This was for example when receiving medical services, legal assistance, or asking for their children‟s academic progress at school. At these services delivery points, persons who knew both Maa and Kiswahili were needed to interpret. As a matter of fact, what was witnessed is that, since the researcher is not a
Maasai, he could not be able alone at any single moment to lead a discussion or interview with these people without a typical Maa speaker research assistant. This was because most of Maasai participants were not good at Kiswahili so the assistant was very useful in the entire stay with this community as it can be witnessed here that:
Many of us are not good at Kiswahili, especially, we women because we are not much exposed to the language. A newcomer (a non-Maa speaker) cannot understand us. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
Socially, whether men or women, it was also found normal when leading their conversations, they tended to exclude non-Maa speaking individuals. They could neither switch to Kiswahili nor interpret the text for them. To them, Kiswahili became important when they were outside their community for different reasons such as employment, intermarriages, education and migration to mention but a few.
Inside the community, Maasai would opt to speak Kiswahili only when there 105 emerged communication breakdown between them and a newcomer whose means of interaction was non-Maa language. They said:
In our community, Maa is the only means of communication. We are obliged to speak Kiswahili only if there is something so alarming to share with Swahili (a non-Maasai individual newly comes to their community) people. (One of the interviews with a Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
The figure 4.2 below illustrates the Maasai community social exclusion tendency in communication.
106 Figure 4. 2: Maasai Social Exclusion Tendency Discourse Model
COMMUNITY
Macro Maa language acquisition context
MAASAI FAMILY
The Child
Micro Maa language acquisition (active)
Maasai Social Exclusive Maasai individual individual Communication
Maa Language Maa Language
(active) (active) Kiswahili
Newcomer
Non-Maa ECL (not active)
Source: Researcher‟s synthesis of the social contexts in which children acquire Maa language as per the data (2014).
Key: Broken lines: Less compelling or not necessary. Doubled arrows: Necessary.
The findings from social contexts that were experienced in the Maasai community as the above model shows indicate that Maa was the only medium of interaction between Maasai adult individuals, parents and family members, and children. The exceptions were in occasions where a Maasai could be in need to communicate with 107 a non-Maa speaker, Kiswahili became a lingua franca. In this way, Maasai are tending to become bilinguals as they on one hand keep their ML and on the other hand learn Kiswahili.
c) Cultural upholding Discourse
Cultural presentation discourse in Maasai community was maintained and it occupied all traditional rituals, customs, and the life style. Traditionally, Maasai rituals were lead by the ever honoured traditional religious priest Laiboni who performed overall tribal responsibilities. Under him were secular traditional leaders
Laigwanani. Cultural discourse involved also traditional and customary teachings such as dressing in both genders, social relations, economic, political and traditional legal institution in conflict resolution. Maasai traditional rites included: circumcision rite for both boys and girls, retirement in age-set responsibilities and promotion rites.
It was also said that women‟s rite of passage would involve undergoing female genital mutilation (FGM) as a girl reaches puberty age or she is about to be married.
This small genital excision is practically done secretly in the girl‟s mother‟s house.
It was performed indoors because no personal endurance like in boys is normally demonstrated. To a Maasai female, circumcision rite would mark maturity and womanhood without which the individual would endlessly be considered a child.
Traditional dress culture is also highly promoted by females. Sisters, mothers, and young girls are urged to keep upright to the dress code. The data below signifies these findings:
This is how it was, without being circumcised; a woman couldn‟t be recognized as a mature one. However, it‟s diminishing at a very high rate by now. In addition, women have their way of dressing; girls also
108 have their own ways. We take into account the correspondence between age and dress. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
Of all, two remarkable traditional Maasai rites were mentioned; these are circumcision rite and retirement in the age-grade duties and promotion rites.
Circumcision in males signifies initiation into manhood and is the most celebrated and memorable life stage of a Masai man. The newly circumcised are known as ispolio (16-18 years). They underwent some traditional teachings before they took over the duties of junior morani (inyangulo – 20-28 years) who by that time became senior morani (irkorianga – 35-40 years). Within the same spiritual discourse, there were other two promotional ritual ceremonies; one being for retiring senior morani
(irkorianga) to become middle aged junior elders (irkindortu – 50-55 years). Their main duty was to supervise and organize all issues pertaining to his family.
However, he could still be an advisor to the senior war planning Morani and the warrior Morani. The other retirement ritual is for the retiring war advisors who join the group of elders usually aged between 60 and 65 years.
Other rites would consist that of: rainfall making, diseases and medicine with a traditional professional conduct in diseases diagnoses and medicine prescriptions for healing. It was presented that Maasai traditional healing methods not only involved health problems emanating from diseases alone, but too, those through accidents by fixing broken and dislocated bones. In congruence to this data, Tarayia (2004:191) acknowledges the Maasai wisdom by elder people in understanding cycles of life by saying:
Knowledge comes in diverse forms, from the wisdom of an elder who understands when rain will fall, to the logic of medicine men who have dispensed their herbal medicine from time immemorial. With this
109 outstanding knowledge, it is perhaps surprising that Western knowledge has ascended to a global ideology at the expense of all other traditional expertise.
Traditionally, Maasai are livestock keepers and they are known polygamous people.
The major reason for this is more of socio-economic ties than individual oriented desire because one would do so in need of labour force as livestock number multiplies. See the data below:
You know! If Engai (God) blesses you in increasing the number of your livestock, you would need people to help you. So, we are polygamous not because of any other reason apart from that.
From all these cultural practices in which every community member plays his or her responsible part, ML was said to be the major means of communicating the ideas and steps in the processes involved in each of the cultural institutions. One of the cultural practices was the following exercise the researcher attended and witnessed:
110 Figure 4. 3: A Snap Taken During the ‘Dume la rika’/Orikiteng’ Loorbaa/ „the Bull of the Age-mates‟
Source: Research data from Maasai community Engikaret in Longido (2014).
Following the above observations, it was found that, the community was proud of the Maa language because it was the only means of communication in the celebration. Below is what one of the traditional leaders said:
Maa is very important to us. The orders of the tribe (traditions and customs) strengthen the life of our community. It means, Maa is a pillar to the rules and orders of our development. If each tribe clings to its language and all the ways contained in it, then there would be a well structured development networking in the country. Such development would be sustainable because it is obtained from the respective people and their being in the environment. (Interview with one of the Maasai traditional leaders, 2014). 111 And this could help the Maa language acquisition and growth in the generations of this community.
d) Economic Discourse
This was another explanation ground on which the Maasai less constrained linguistic discourse was based. Maasai are livestock rearing community. To them, livestock was seen not only their source of food and income, but also their traditional prestigious desire. The role of women in African communities has been unquestionable. And like in most African communities, Maasai women seemed overwhelmed by many activities in homes. Such activities were building huts arranged in Kraal along thorny fence for their families‟ shelter, and they grazed calves and goats. They also collected firewood and fetched water for cooking food for the families. Apart from that, a Maasai woman was obliged to take care of her children, and milk cows together with storing foods for the family. It was also her duty to make ornaments and had to go farming and grew crops. In addition, she had also to attend markets for either buying or selling or both. Girls were also very busy.
They would go for grazing calves and goats near their homes, and helped their mothers to take care of very young children. Stating the importance of ML and indicating the domains in which the language is used, research participants from this community had this to say:
Maa is very important. It is the only instrument and the important connecting point in communication between us and our children, and that‟s why they acquire it easily. We use our language in different social and economic activities in conversation and giving or receiving instructions. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
Young men, who are popularly called Morani, mainly warriors of the tribe are reliable in defence to protect the community and the land in general. They also graze 112 with the help of boys who are around but not yet circumcised. Young boys are as well involved in grazing calves and goats around the kraal. In those days, it was a duty of morani to go out for cattle rids so as to increase the number of the family stock. At present, they are useful in driving cattle to various markets where attractive prices are available. Junior and senior elders in Maasai men mainly concentrate on consolidating their families and improving their herds. They are home advisors and form the community traditional advisory board. See the data below:
If cattle got lost, it is very important for the young men to clearly explain how it got lost, how he was in defence of his life and the herd etc. so that proper measures can promptly be taken. For that sake, we teach them our ML right from their early childhood. Ourselves, we are the supervisors of these principles. (Interview with one of the Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
Currently, the economic activities in the Maasai community are changing. Some changes are due to internal factors whereby young men are trying other possible opportunities other than livestock raising so as to cope with the ties of modernity.
Others are external ones ranging from national to global. Land alienation in the government process to expand National Parks, and the national as well as the international laws pertaining to micro and macro fauna protection are external conditions which unwillingly compel them to do away with outdoor extensive animals raising and opt for other work like farming and security job in towns and cities.
e) Political Discourse
It was provided that, the political system in the Maasai community is based on their traditional age-class social organization. Each age group has its own social and economic roles to play at either family level or community level or both. The age-
113 grades range from little boys olaiyoni through junior morani (olbanoti), senior morani (olmurrani), junior elders olmuruo 1 to senior elders olmuruo 2. Each of these age-sets had its own specified roles to play. Traditionally, in the Maasai community, morani are young energetic men, who among other roles, are traditionally well trained warriors and they are the implementers of the ways of the tribe in the community. On top of the hierarchy is the Olaiboni, a religious leader, who was said to make sure that his subordinate leaders (Laigwanani) to specific age groups were sworn in.
According to Marshall (1998), collectivism which is an ideology ascribed to closed society is made into two categories, namely horizontal collectivism and vertical collectivism. Horizontal collectivism emphasize more on equality and people engage in sharing and cooperation, while, vertical collectivism put more emphasis on hierarchy and people submit to specific authorities. Within this context, in practice,
Maasai are vertical collectivist oriented community. As their traditional administrative structure has been shown in the next sub-section in this chapter, they have a hierarchical social organization. The integrity of the in-group (family or community) is commended, and individuals sacrifice themselves for the in-group when necessary; and competition between different in-groups is highly motivated.
Showing how a Maasai man should act and sacrifice in favour of the community‟s dignity and integrity, the data below states:
We Maasai, traditionally we live by clans and boma (stronghold kraal). The aim is to help each other. If one of us lacks livestock, we contribute for him. We never ask for anything from different communities. If we are riled up by a different community, every man will have to go out to participate at the war front in favour of the Maasai Community‟s dignity. And Maa is our cultural language. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
114 Politically, Maasai believe in social cohesion within social group whereby the group goals are prioritised, harmony and peace are paramount and individuals are expected to take care of the group and the group should in turn take care of the individuals. In this strict chain command administrative structure, Maa was the language of instruction.
f) Conflict Resolution Discourse
Traditional judicial system of the Maasai community was headed by elders. The main factors for selection were age, clan, allegiance, fairness, and wisdom in handling such matters, be it wedlock conflicts, abuse of language, failure to keep upright to the Maasai cultural decorum and all those conflicts between individuals or an individual and the community. Representation and witness on both parties were among the specific elements during justice administration. Their office was under a known specific tree. In support of this see the following data:
Laigwanani‟s offices are usually under a specific tree in handling different disputes with regard to age-group. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
The language of communication was Maa and that is why a witness or every party had to be competent in the language in order to cope with such a complex language in form of idioms and proverbs which were said to have been the language of the
Maasai traditional court. Therefore, language skills in both form and content, was a sharp weapon in defence.
Apart from witness, language skills could make one to win or lose the case. Maa is a language full of idioms and proverbs. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
115 These findings provide a clear image that the MT linguistic environment in
Maasai community was rich. Physically, the researcher witnessed children sub-consciously speaking the ML in a school premises. Along the way to and from school and in informal playing grounds children could be heard communicating in Maa. Frankly speaking, a Maasai child had an access to his or her own language irrespective of all the modernization constraints around his or her learning and acquisition of the language. The factors contributing to this situation are well detailed in section four of this chapter.
4.3 Uses of the Ethnic Community Languages – Maa and Zaramo
The analysis of the data indicated that there were different uses of the Maa and
Zaramo ECLs. The major uses of these languages were classified into 4 groups, namely: 1. Cultural heritage device, 2. Personal and cultural identity, 3. Social unifying factor, and 4. ECLs contribution to Kiswahili. The specific findings corresponding to each of these categories are presented in Table 4.7. The next sub- sections provide detailed findings as shown in the table:
116 Table 4. 7: Uses of the Maa and Zaramo Languages
Sub-themes Specific uses Benefits Cultural Heritage Device Intelligence exploration vehicle Knowledge and Skills
Interactional & instructional tool Cultural values Transmission
Behavioural Formation Social behaviour Personal and Cultural Economic attributes Identity
Human dignity Freedom and Rights Agency Social Unifying Factor
Social relations and Solidarity & community’s entertainment Cohesion Political alignment
ECLs Contribution to Morphology and syntax Kiswahili Resemblance Source: Field Data (2014)
Maa is very significant to us because through it we learn many things of our tribe. If someone does not know his/her community language, he/she will very easily be transformed from our natural ways of life and thereby lose control straight away. Through this language, children are instructed to become good family as well as acceptable community members. (FGD - Maasai Parents, 2014). Zaramo is an important language because it contributes vocabulary to Kiswahili. Also, it was very useful during initiation ceremonies and in normal conversation as well as in other traditional rites. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
4.3.1 Cultural Heritage Device
Cultural heritage device was mentioned as the most significant function of the ECLs under study. It comprises two specific uses, the intelligence exploration vehicle and the interactional and instructional tool. To each of the said specific use, benefits obtained have been presented.
117 4.3.1.1 Medium of Intelligence Exploration
In knowledge and skills acquisition process, ECLs were said to act as intelligence exploration vehicle. It was further argued that once the knowledge is acquired and the skills are mastered, an individual could gain experience in practice for effective life and sustainable community‟s prosperity.
a) Knowledge and Skills
Knowledge and skills are benefits obtained in the course of intelligence exploration.
Such knowledge includes nature conservation, economic arts and crafts, and the scientific and technological aspects in the course of work simplification. In the participants‟ statements, it was said that ECLs contained knowledge in all fields of life. These included: traditional medicine and healing, seasons‟ detection, dress code, and the environment management. Others were science and technology in iron smelting, beads art, and basketry, pottery and music instruments creation. Science in agriculture and animal husbandry was noticed as an important aspect to both communities though in varying degrees, and all these fields of knowledge and skills were highly appreciated through the language as a community member develops into a full potential individual.
The Maa is full of our cultural instruments and knowledge in the traditional medicine, beads art, pottery, age-set divisions and gender responsibilities. The importance of environment and livestock are among significant ideals contained in our language. (interview – a Maasai traditional leader, 2014). A child could be taught through Zaramo economic activities such as pottery, paddy, cashew nut, cassava, fishing production, traditional medicine, etc. We also acquired knowledge in developing social relations and obedience in following our cultural values. (Interview – a Zaramo parent, 2014).
118 4.3.1.2 Interactional and Instructional Tool
This specific use had one obtained benefit, the cultural transmission. To this use,
Maa and Zaramo were said to have been cultural knowledge transmission platform and a means of social interaction in the community.
a) Cultural Values Transmission
It was pointed out that, Maa and Zaramo languages had a significant role in bringing children to the historical trends of the respective tribe which showed the origin, movements, social organization, knowledge and other issues contributing to the development of the community as time went on. Religious patterns were also shown as another cultural aspect that was important in good moral creation. All these were strongly emphasized to have been transmitted to children of one generation to the next and they developed into full potential members of their communities.
The cultural values highlighted were political organization ethics, conflicts resolution procedures, social relationship and gender differentiation norms, as well as the traditional religious beliefs. These values and the accompanied knowledge were said to have been picked up by children through their ECL and as they grew into adulthood, they could become accepted potential community individuals. Their potentials were expected to contribute to personal, family and the community‟s development because their behaviours were culturally shaped so that they accommodated such knowledge and values through that important tool, their natural language.
119 In addition, traditions as long lasting ways of actions and set of beliefs, and customs as the accepted ways of doing things like greetings, dressing and eating styles, and social relations were transmitted to children through the ECL. These were perceived as the core attributes highly observed by every individual in the community. It was further said that tribal natural laws were another feature that an attention was paid to.
Tribal natural laws were said to have been useful in settling disputes among community individuals in conflicts.
In our Zaramo community, our tradition and customs in clan families were that no one was allowed to pick a ripen crop for the first time without permission from the head of the clan. It was a custom that the entire first harvest was brought from each single family and be cooked and eaten together from when the clan head could now permit them to continue harvesting and using the harvest. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 20914).
Maa is the only language that our community members can freely and confidently express their feelings both in peace and conflict resolution. Our tribal natural laws are well known and obeyed through our Maa language. (Interview – a Maasai local government leader, 2014).
4.3.2 Personal and Cultural Identity
Close examination on ECLs‟ uses was made, and these languages were recognised as a tool for personal and cultural identity. This sub-theme had one specific use which was the behavioural formation in building the said identity. It was made clear that ECLs promoted the sense of belonging and responsible self-consciousness as it is shown by the data below:
The language makes us realize ourselves as one develops from childhood to adulthood. (Interview - Maasai parent, 20114)
4.3.2.1 Behavioural Formation
In making thorough investigation on personal and cultural identity, the data analysis revealed that behavioural formation was the key use that emerged and through
120 which identity could be realised. The behavioural formation constituted two benefits which were social behaviour and economic attributes.
a) Social Behaviour
In forming behaviour, discipline was said to have been the centre of social behaviour. It featured through respect. To the Maasai community, it was further advanced that children were brought up by teaching them in Maa the taboos and all social limits between adults and youth and the gender relationships.
Maa makes us realize ourselves as one develops from childhood to adulthood. (FGD - Maasai children, 2014).
To the Zaramo, it was said that formally the language was used with the same intention to children and also if it were in full use, it would serve the same purpose because it contained such teachings.
Any language carries the cultural identity of its speakers. Our Zaramo language was used in teaching our children the ways of the tribe, for example respect to adults, gender roles, economic activities, and moral values. (FGD - Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
In vigilance to the ways of their communities, Zaramo and Maasai though in different degrees shown in their statements, great concern about gender relations was emphasized. To the Maasai, it was pointed out that men had been dominant in all aspects of life as it is revealed by their social organization structure.
Traditionally, women were highly respected in the Zaramo community though currently the effects have changed due to historical trends of the tribe. In the data obtained from Marui suburb of Chole village, they said that their movements from the south to the present area of occupation, intermingling with tribes belonging to different cultures, and the effects of what is taking place in the today‟s age of 121 globalisation, all have influenced the community in every aspect of behaviour and the life in general. It was explained that, the community had tended to do away with matrilineal kinship tradition as it is now to a lesser extent remains in naming children only.
b) Economic Attributes
Hard working behaviour was said to have been dominant in the two communities.
Traditionally, Zaramo pointed out that, a man would be respected in the community if he proves hard working behaviour that would lead him into property possession such as having enough to eat and other material things for the well being of his family.
To the Maasai, it was rather said that duties were visibly distributed regarding age and gender relations.
In our tradition, labour distribution and accountability are based on age and gender. For example young boys can assist junior Morani in grazing while the little ones look after goats and sheep. Girls and women have their own duties such as domestic activities as well as herding calves. Morani are our community military, law enforcers, and assist in all tougher works plus grazing animals to distant places especially during droughts. Old men can form advisory bodies in dispute resolution in our traditional law courts. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
4.3.3 Social Unifying Factor
In making data analysis, social unifying factor emerged as one of the uses of the
Zaramo and Maa languages in their communities. The specific uses that were highlighted under this were freedom and rights agency, and solidarity and community‟s cohesion. It was further advanced that these languages were regarded
122 as traditional entertainment tool to the speakers socially appreciated by each of the communities through the ECLs.
The Maa makes we Maasai sustain our unity, love, peace and tribal bond. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014). By speaking your ECL when out of the community, you can receive a help if one is faced by a problem because by speaking your ECL fellow community members would identify you. (Interview – Zaramo parents, 2014).
4.3.3.1 Freedom and Rights Agency
Freedom and right agency as a relevant function, human dignity was its emerging output. This was according to the statements which focused on language as a human right in knowledge acquisition process and during expression. These statements were pro to the idea that human dignity was one of the important aspects carried by
Maa and Zaramo languages.
a) Human Dignity
It was said in the participant‟s statements that the idea of freedom and rights agency would promote human dignity in his struggle for sustainable development. It was further given out that understanding and the use of one‟s community language would promote self esteem and confidence in expression. It was expounded that security, unity, freedom, and all human rights including the right to thought and expression then practice, were very significant in dignifying humanity. And that, any deliberate spoiling of the same would lead into weakening of the community‟s sustainability for their development. The following data were given by the Maasai community during discussions:
Our language promotes freedom of thought in making our community do away with slavery of thought imposed by other people. It strengthens 123 human dignity. Through this language, we learn how to control our environment and it capacitates us in expressions. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
4.3.3.2 Solidarity and Community‟s Cohesion
This specific use emerged as one of the two relevant functions thought within the social unifying factor parameters during data analysis. It was grounded in the data which emphasised community language as a unifying agent in which social relations and entertainment, and the political alignment were valued benefits. These were said to have been experienced by the communities as inevitable components in strengthening people‟s togetherness and the community‟s social and cultural consolidation.
a) Social Relations and Entertainment
As social unifying factor, the ECLs were distinguished instrument in social relation and entertainment. These were pointed out major socially oriented benefits of
Zaramo and Maa languages. In this study, social relations were considered the most platforms where interaction would take place and in turn allow children to access specific language in their acquisition process.
The Maa makes us sustain our unity, love, peace and tribal bond. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
The Zaramo language made its speakers feel unified when inside or outside their community though currently its speakers have lost confidence in speaking the language. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
Again, Zaramo and Maa languages were identified by the participants in their statements as the entertainment device. This was explained in two (2) parameters: 1.
Their use in traditional singing, dancing and other artistic presentations, and 2. Their
124 use in conversations and other interactive occurrences. It was further extended that the rhythmic patterns of these languages were so impressive that children and adults were motivated to participate in either singing or dancing or both and take part in interaction. To children, this was pronounced to have been the simple and important way of children‟s acquisition of the tongues. In their statements, aged participants from Zaramo community said:
Traditionally, our language was used in entertainments activities like singing and dancing. This was mainly performed during initiation graduation ceremonies to both boys and girls. Some of the cerebrated Zaramo traditional drum bits were mkwajungoma, mgumbuli, kabele, gombesugu, tokomile, mganda and mkole. (FGD – Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
The Maasai participants were also not behind to praise their language by saying that:
Our Maa language is still applicable. We use it in conversation to strengthen our social relations. We also use it in our traditional entertainments and it‟s however lovely to enjoy its beats and patterns in utterance. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
b) Political Alignment
Political alignment was highly appreciated in both communities in which this study was conducted. This concept had all to do with the two communities‟ social organization structures. The phenomenon was considered important in bringing people together for political unity consolidation. The two communities had different social systems in which each had its own administrative alignment. In Zaramo community, it was highlighted that the mother‟s side was the line of inheritance relationship. Children received their names in the name of the mother‟s clan. It was a traditional value for a man to join his wife on her side. If the father in-law died this son in-law could inherit and be the head in many of the family issues. It was further 125 advanced that, ZL at that time was the medium of teachings and receiving of instructions to children as well as anybody in the community. However, things were reported to have been changing gradually because of external socio-economic and political forces that devastated Zaramo traditions. As time went on, men became dominant through traditional ritual festivities. They became religious leaders as overseers, rain makers, and disputes resolvers. Later, Islamic religion influenced much of their social organization and gender relations.
In our Zaramo traditional kinship association, the mother‟s side was powerful. Even traditional names were given to our children following the side of the mother. Introduction of the Islamic faith changed this system. For now effects have changed. Men have tended to become dominant. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
To the Maasai community, things were said to have been different from time immemorial. The community followed age social set up system whereby responsibilities are distributed among the community members based on age. The age-grades ranges were from little boys olaiyoni, junior morani (olbanoti), senior morani (olmurrani), junior elders olmuruo 1 to senior elders olmuruo 2. Each of these age-sets had its own specified roles to play. The focused group discussions held in Engerenaibor, Ketumbeine, and Enduimet in Maasai community, Morani were described as young energetic men whose duties were defence and security of their livestock, land, other property and the community‟s lives. They are traditionally well trained warriors and they enforce tribal laws and values. In their description, they said that at the top of the hierarchy was the Olaiboni, a religious leader, who ensured that his subordinate leaders (Laigwanani) were sworn in and were responsibly, serving their specific age groups (their leadership relationship has
126 been well illustrated under next theme, the influential factors for CAMT (Figure
4.5).
Maa was said to have been useful in such kind of social relations which could lead into proper understanding of the expressed responsibilities and there too be performed accordingly. It was explained that Maa language contained words and signs which were used to signify various unsafe conditions to the community at different times.
Our language (Maa) has many words and signs that are specifically used to communicate events such as wars, and any other dangers or unusual happenings. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
It was also pointed out that Maa was used in conducting various meetings. In making the political organization complete, gender issues featured whereby females were said to have their own specific responsibilities different from those of males.
So impressive with this community was the way they are well organised in economic, social, and cultural accountability all of which were facilitated by their strong traditional administrative structure and the knowledge in security and peace keeping.
Important and unusual events like fierce animals, livestock invaders, and all other kinds of wars have corresponding words and signs in our language. Following this, our young men Morani take charge in the forefront for fight. (FGD - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
4.3.4 ECLs Contribution to Kiswahili Language
In African languages groupings, Zaramo people are recognized as Bantu language speakers. Therefore, the assertion which was raised by the study participants that
127 Zaramo had contributed vocabulary to Kiswahili endures criticism in all ways. The presented data here under bring to light such the aforementioned fact.
Kiswahili has a huge vocabulary which originates from Zaramo, for example: hasi (Zaramo) = chini (Kiswahili), chanya (Zaramo) = juu (Kiswahili) yenye maana: hasi (Kiswahili) = negative (English), chanya (Kiswahili = positive (English).
This sub-theme had one relevant issue that was resemblance to Kiswahili and was developed from mainly Zaramo participants‟ statements that were directed to the idea that Zaramo as a Bantu language had contributed vocabulary to Kiswahili.
4.4 Factors Influencing CAMT
The data leading to formation of this theme revealed that (MTA) was influenced by multiple factors. Further analysis of the data showed that there were two broad groups of factors - facilitative factors and inhibitive factors. These factors are presented in the subsequent sections.
4.4.1 Facilitative Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition
This sub-theme was developed from participants‟ statements that were produced by both communities, Zaramo and Maasai. Statements which focused on strict cultural adherence, positive attitude, social organization structure, tribal cultural activities and economic activities as facilitative factors in child‟s acquisition of the Zaramo and Maa languages were considered.
4.4.1.1 Strict Cultural Values Adherence: Relatively Closed Culture
It was pointed out in the Maasai community that, traditionally a Maasai community member was expected to strictly be faithful to the ways of the tribe at all costs. It 128 was said that the age set social organization and such well defined and responsibly structured administration, helped to abide by the rules and principles that govern their economic well being and the social order. These were said to be appreciated through the use of their community language, Maa. In this way, the community felt proud of their language and its culture, a condition which made the language accessible to children for acquisition.
Every member of our community should respect our culture. And no wonder, any who disobeys our norms is severely warned or punished without delay. Principles have to be followed. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
Following the above data, exemplifying finding was given that when a Morani found an old man‟s stick at the roof of a house, it was strictly forbidden for him to dare getting into the house because in such circumstance youth were made to believe that old men had been discussing important matters, irrespective of whatever might have been taking place in the house. In such settings, youth were conditioned to stay as far as possible so that they could not hear or detect anything from inside the house.
It‟s our custom that, when a Morani (warrior) finds old man‟s stick over a house‟s roof, he keeps away from the house. (Interview Maasai parents, 2014).
Circumcision rituals were said to have been very useful and effective means of the
Maa language use in the Maasai community. Through this the candidates were taught all the ways of men in becoming good fathers and potential elders of the community. Other important values in which the language was used were traditional celebrations such as singing, birth days, and marriage. Also, new acquired house or any other property was blessed by Loiboni, the traditional Maasi priest. All these were taught and conducted in Maa.
129 Maa is the only language that we use during our traditional rituals and all other cultural communications. We walk in Maa, we sing in Maa, we eat through Maa. Our children get it from the scratch. (Interview – a Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
It was further advanced that traditionally Maasai would not like newcomers to interfere into their culture, their interaction, and their social relations. They also added that they would like to accomplish whatever they do alone and they would not prefer inviting anybody for assistance in any compelling circumstance. Furthermore they said that every member of the community should commit himself to the interest of the community, and personal gain should come the second. In turn, the community was said to play its role to the individuals, that is to say, helping each other was received as an order of the day. All these were said to have made Maasai community feel unique from other communities around them.
All Maasai live communal life by helping each other. We never seek assistance from Swahili people (outsiders). (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
To the Zaramo, it was said that originally rituals were very significant in the community. Rituals were named based on its function. They included:
1. Rituals related to spirit beliefs that involved ancestors‟ rites; divination rites;
and rite at various shrines.
2. Rites related to medicine, sorcery and witchcraft included acquisition and
application of medicine; rites of self-defence and rite of aggression.
3. Rituals related to life-cycle included birth rites; circumcision rites; girls‟
puberty rites, pregnancy rites; and rites of death and burial.
The above mentioned rituals categories were arranged and conducted so as to teach them the responsibilities of the respective gender. Circumcision rites for teen-age
130 boys at their puberty age were done purposefully. Following this, boys were initiated to the ways of the tribe in order to become good fathers and potential members of the community. Teen-age girls at their puberty age were kept indoors for three to five years. The reasons for this were to protect them from immoral men who would impregnate them. Another reason was to initiate them to the ways of the tribe in order that they would become good wives and mothers in their families. Initially, these were said to have been conducted using Zaramo and every individual was responsible to master the language because failure in fluency would disqualify the candidate from graduating. To other individuals, failure in mastery of the language would lead him or her into missing such service a person would need. It was believed that Zaramo was the only language the spiritual world knew.
Zaramo is the only language understood by our ancestors in the spiritual world. Therefore speaking another language in the ritual sermon would mean misbehaviour to the spirits, and this would amount into punishment to the individual, family, clan or the whole community. (Interview - traditional leader, 2014).
4.4.1.2 Positive Attitude
This factor was highly agreed to have been very important condition in community‟s language acquisition to a child. It was said in both communities that positive attitude would play a great significant role in exposing children to their community language. Maasai spoke loudly to love their language and this was very practical in any oral interactions they did during the author‟s data gathering period in this community. The language could be heard at home, during cattle grazing, at the market, in the traditional singing, and in various traditional ceremonies and rituals the author witnessed.
131 Figure 4. 4: A Snap taken During Maasai Traditional Rite
Source: Field Data (2014)
This language is very significant to the Maasai. It keeps cultural ideals of our community. It serves communication among us, and with it children tend to value their being as they develop into adulthood. We love it because it‟s our identity. Also it makes us feel unified all where we are. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
It was extended that, traditional political meetings, gender relationship as well as all social interactions in homes and elsewhere which emphasised the use of Maa created a facilitative environment for children to access the language. Such environment was said to have been so compelling to the child to use the language because it was the only means of communicating his or her needs to the surroundings.
In the Zaramo community, positive attitude towards their language was said to have been a farfetched aspect.
132 In my view and experience as a Zaramo, many of us don‟t see the importance of our language. If you speak to your fellow in Zaramo, he would tell you that “don‟t be a Zaramo too much; in Dar es Salaam we just say Hi!” (Interview - Zaramo parents, 2014).
The above assertion is just a representative of many other data in which negative attitude was vividly shown by the Zaramo toward their language. Different from
Maasai community, Zaramo could hardly be heard in any of their conversations or any other social or economic interaction as the researcher witnessed in my stay during the study. Without hesitation, they in their statements provided that children had no access to their community language because no rich environment in which
Zaramo was spoken. Following this, a 44 years village leader had this to say:
Zaramo has no importance in the current age of globalisation. It cannot be used in the media. Nevertheless, this generation doesn‟t know the language. (Interview - Zaramo parents, 2014).
Here it was not proper to conclude that Zaramo could not be used in the media, because, any language can serve in the media.
4.4.1.3 Social Organization Structure
As one of the factors in the two community languages acquisition, social organization structure emerged from the data as an important condition in the process to both communities, the Maasai and the Zaramo. Their social systems had much influence in shaping the specific community individuals‟ behaviour towards loving their culture and its language.
133 a) Maasai Social Organization
In the Maasai community, the age-set responsibility social system was said to facilitate in their community language acquisition and development. At the top of the Maasai administrative structure was the Laiboni (a very highly regarded spiritual leader). This was always a male person whose among other duties were rain making, swearing in Laigwanan(s), overall supervisor on human rights for all community members, and to monitor if all the ways of the tribe were in full swing and highly observed by the community members. He did this through the secular leaders and the Morani. Under him were leaders called Laigwanani (secular leaders). These secular leaders were divided into four social organization categories.
The first category was the Laigwanani for the old-men (Orng’eher), while the second headed the Morani (Maasai woriors). The third category was the
Laigwanani for the clan while the forth category was the Laigwanani for women.
It was said out that the major responsibilities for these secular leaders were to assist in handling all collective affairs of the respective group, to emphasise traditional values observance spirit among the group members, and to call attention to the economic activities for the welfare of the group individually as well as collectively.
It was further argued that, in executing their leadership duties, ML was the only language of communication. The situation facilitated children to access their natural language, the Maa:
Every leader is obliged to use standard Maa, he must be an example to other community individuals. (FGD – Maasai traditional leaders, 2014) Below is the illustrated summary of the Maasai social organization system:
134 Figure 4. 5: Maasai Traditional Administrative Structure
MAASAI COMMUNITY
LAIBONI (Spiritual Leader)
LAIGWANANI LAIGWANANI LAIGWANANI LAIGWANANI (secular leader) (secular leader) (secular leader) (secular leader) FOR OLDMEN FOR MORANI FOR CLAN FOR WOMEN
SENIOR SENIOR SENIOR ELDERS MORANI CLANS WOMEN OVER CLANS 55 YEARS
JUNIOR FULL FAMILY SIANKIKI ELDERS MORANI HOLDS FULL (JUNIOR MORANI WOMEN)
JUNIOR MORANI NDITO (GIRLS)
OLAIYONI (BOYS)
Source: Author‟s Synthesis of the field data.
It was emphasised that, in this kind of social administrative structure, follow-up and evaluation on proper execution of duties both by the specific traditional leader and the respective individual subordinates were smoothly observed.
135 b) Zaramo Social Organization
In Zaramo community, presentation about social organization structure was different. At the very beginning, the structure was said to have been based on the maternal social heritage whereby the mother was regarded as the political leader.
This went hand in hand with the recognition of the father as a spiritual leader of the family. However, both biological line of descent by the side of the mother and spiritual line of descent by the side of the father were thought of in terms of alternate generations. This kind of relationship resulted into a bi-lineal system of social organization and it was pointed out to have created a socio-political system in which division of privileges and responsibilities in families were not exactly clear. In addition to this, participants were of the view that, new legal systems of law
(specifically, the Islamic religion laws) had the impact of strengthening the patrimonial inheritance pattern, and brought a gradual change which resulted into the general influence of the father in the whole system.
It was pointed out that, ZL was the language of leadership and in all social-cultural and economic activities. Therefore, from the time immemorial, ZL was respected by all the community individuals and by then, every person struggled not only to peak the language but also to become competent in the same. In this way, parents, family members and the community in general afforded children to access their ECL easily.
136 The following is the Zaramo traditional political organization system:
Figure 4. 6: Zaramo Traditional Administrative Structure
ZARAMO COMMUNITY
MATRILINEAL HERITAGE LEADERSHIP MOTHER FATHER
Political Spiritual
Leader Leader
Biological Spiritual descent descent
follows the BI-LINEAL follows the line of the line of the SOCIAL Mother ORGANIZATION Father SYSTEM
PARENTS
CHILDREN
GRAND CHILDREN
Source: Author‟s Synthesis of the field data
It was said that this kind of socio-political system in which division of privileges and responsibilities in families were not precisely apparent was thought to have been one of the major causes of community openness from the beginning. It was perceive so because of the tendencies in encouraging extended families‟ relationships for the 137 sake of leadership tracing. As time went on, this Zaramo traditional social organization scheme made it easy for new economic and social forces to encroach on the cultural ideals and slowly frustrated the community‟s social systems.
Gradually, the community‟s bonds became porous and a bit by bit the new forces became transporting agent in the course of Zaramo cultural values erosion process.
When the external new socio-political and economic pressures were exerted on the community‟s cultural values, our traditional social relationship couldn‟t endure the stress. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
It was further advanced that the meeting point between this condition and the political influence on the linguistic platform in the country, spearheaded the current experienced state of the ZL. What was witnessed during this study was unpromising state to the ZL progress. This pre-emption was created in the author‟s mind from core statements the participants gave plus what was witnessed by the author through ears and eyes. The community‟s linguistic environment was neither loud in their language nor making it accessible to young generation for acquisition.
Zaramo was used in our traditional dances, but now new religions say that our traditional ngomas (drum beats) are satanic and adultery arousal cause. For this attitude, speakers have tended to ignore it in their communication and it has lost its functions in almost all social, economic, and cultural domains in our community. This has caused our children to have no access to the language. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
4.4.1.4 Tribal Cultural Activities
This factor developed around the information that was about various activities performed by the two communities, Zaramo and Maasai. All communities engaged in religious rituals, traditional singing and dancing, and all accompanying performances. However, each of these communities had her own distinctive degree
138 and methods of handling sermons and other artistic presentations. To the Maasai, religious rituals consisted circumcision, traditional healing, swearing in new leaders, age-set responsibility retirement, and promotion rites. Others were blessing new houses and other newly acquired property, marriage, new borns, and burial ceremonies.
4.4.1.5 Economic Activities
Both Zaramo and Maasai practiced the following economic activities although in varying degrees and different traditional approaches. Such activities included animal husbandry, farming, commerce, and traditional methods of food preservation.
To the Maasai, animal raising has been their major occupation. For young Maasai men, cattle grasing and stock number rising were reported to have been an order of the day. Traditionally, Maasai were not crop cultivators, but because of the modern life and environmental hazards which devastate their animals, now they have adopted crop farming. In addition, they conducted commercial business. In this, both men and women attended market places, shop keeping, beads art, pottery, and basketry. Others were milking, and butchery. Traditional ways of food preservation were also highlighted. It was said that in Maasai community this activity was specific to women. So important was that, ML was said to be the only means of instruction by the adults and learning to youth.
Maa is very important in our community because it is used during various economic activities. To children, it is used as an instructional media when teaching them how to do different economic activities such as to look after animals and domestic activities. (Interview - Maasai local government leaders, 2014).
139 Zaramo were presented as mixed farmers who did both crop growing and animal keeping though mainly goats and sheep with very little cattle, and some fishing. In commercial activities, they were said to engage in market places and shop keeping.
Others were pottery and basketry. Different from the Maasai, Zaramo were also very technical in music instruments designing and creation.
Zaramo is a language full of knowledge. We see how economic activities were arranged and then executed in different ways. It was used during work by teaching the individuals how to work and why. We knew it because our parents devoted their time to teach us in the language although today things have changed. The types of drams you can see are our own traditional fabrics. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leaders, 2014).
4.4.2 Inhibitive Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition
This sub-theme was developed to capture issues and conditions that were considered negative factors towards Maa and Zaramo languages acquisition. The specific factors were cultural policy, negative attitude, migration and intermarriages, socio- cultural openness, and formal education. Others were foreign religion, the spread of
Kiswahili as well as foreign languages. These were all thought to have affected
CAMT in both communities even if in different magnitudes.
4.4.2.1 Cultural Policy
In showing their reaction on what was practically experienced, research participants from the two communities tended to blame the policy that in its statements, it favoured Kiswahili and English as well as other foreign languages by declaring them the only formal languages in Tanzania on the expense of the ECLs. They were said to have been recognized through the policy as official languages in politics, education, commerce and other economic activities as well as in public speaking. In
140 addition, Kiswahili is mentioned by the policy as the national language, a condition which makes it currently encroach on the community languages in the country.
Language programme in the country is in favour of languages other than ECLs. More specifically, English and Kiswahili are declared official languages in formal domains. Although Kiswahili is an indigenous language, it threatens our community language as it is recognized by the TCP as national language. (Interview - Maasai parent, 2014).
4.4.2.2 Negative Attitude
This inhibitive factor was identified along data which directly tended to be against the two ECLs of the selected two communities. Participants from both communities and the Ministries had a loud voice against promoting ECLs to a level of serving in formal settings. These policy-makers had had this to say:
I would not like my children to acquire education in ethnic community language because it is to delay him/her to receive the planned knowledge through formal education system. (Interview with a Policy- maker, 2014). Currently, my community language has no such status in wider communication nationally and internationally. Let my children and later my grand children, get education through nationally and internationally accepted languages. Teaching them through the ethnic language will delay them to receive planned education and their development widely. (Interview with a Policy-maker, 2014/2015).
Over 95% of 30 children who were interviewed from both primary and secondary schools at Engarenaibor, Ketumbeine, Enduimet and Engikaaret in Longido had negative attitude towards some Maasai cultural tendencies such as: women genital mutilation, forbidding girls to attend school, early age and forced marriages to young girls, esoto (night traditional singing and dancing of Morani with girls in a special premises) practices even to school age girls, using the same instrument on all candidates during circumcision practices were considered by children in the Maasai community as immoral, unhealthy, and violation of human and child‟s rights.
141 We children hate some of the Maasai traditions such as women‟s genital mutilation, forced marriage to underaged girls, esoto, and other bad customs. (FGD - Maasai children, 2014).
In addition, Maa language was also considered not eligible to analyse complex knowledge as English and other formal languages do. In respect of this, research participants from the Maasai community produced the data below:
Maa cannot analyse formal education knowledge such as geography, chemistry, physics, biology, computer science, etc. Children will speak Maa when at home, on the way to school or back home, during cattle riding, and in their plays. (FGD - Maasai children, 2014).
When responding to the same issue, Zaramo community participants had this to say:
Zaramo is a language which is used by one tribe only and it has never been used in education. It cannot be appropriate in formal education abruptly. (FGD - Zaramo children, 2014).
4.4.2.3 Migration and Intermarriages
This factor was conceived as one of the challenges facing ECLs acquisition and development in the current age of globalisation. Migration can either be due to push factors such as political insecurity, droughts, floods, typhoons, hunger, and land pressure to mention but a few. It can also be influenced by pull factors which include political stability, life supporting climate, food availability, land availability, new technology and others. Push and pull factors can in their combination influence migration. They were highlighted as national policies, intermarriages, employment, and education. These factors pushed people into Zaramo land and some people later decided to settle. It was said that the language of communication between the host
(Zaramo) and the newcomers was Kiswahili only. Therefore, ZL and the newcomer‟s language both suffered such magnitude with reference to such period length of contact.
142 In another parameter, intermarriages were pointed out to have been affecting negatively the ECLs in terms of acquisition and development. It was advanced that, children born by the intermarried couples had no full access to either of the two parents‟ ethnic languages. This challenge was according to the data from both the communities, much louder in the Zaramo community and to a very minimal scale in the Maasai community. The reasons behind this difference were the geographical locations and the cultural formation of each community. In their statements, Zaramo confessed to have been so close to newcomers by welcoming them into the ways of the tribe. This was pointed out to have been one of the reasons why Zaramo are now out of Msimbazi, the heart of the present Dar es Salaam. To the Maasai, newcomers were regarded as Swahili something which narrowed down the rate of intermingling.
4.4.2.4 Socio-Cultural Openness: The Zaramo Culture
During data analysis there were statements that had been oriented towards social and cultural openness as one of the factors that affected the Zaramo culture and its language. It was presented that though originally Zaramo community based on biological line by the mother, yongside went with the spiritual line by the father.
This is to say the generic family continuation was based on the relationship between mother and children in the former, while in the later the father‟s taboos were recognized and given to his children through his sister. In this way the community had many social groupings for a person to identify with. Gradually, people became less loyal to any of the groups and rather oriented to personal than collective goals.
Our traditional heritage system was based on the mother‟s side. Even children acquired their names from their mother‟s side. At the same time, taboos were by faith given to the children from the father‟s side. Such system caused many groupings in the community, and this
143 destabilized the community instead of strengthening it. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
Based on the above social and cultural condition, it was added that, by introduction of the Islamic and Kiswahili cultures, later Zaramo became a culturally diverse community. The combination of multicultural dimensions with less defined social organization structure transformed the community into a relatively open community oriented to individualistic view point.
When new religion came to our community, it did not consider our social organization structure that had lasted for ages. Islam favoured the side of men. (Interview - Zaramo parents, 2014).
4.4.2.5 Formal Education
The idea of formal education as one of the challenges to the Zaramo and Maasai community languages was pointed out by over 91% of the sampled population.
Formal education was seen as a threat to both cultural values and the respective language in which they are transmitted. It was said that formal education had been rendered through languages other than ECLs that is Kiswahili and English. These languages were said to have been being strongly emphasized in the education obtaining process over the child trough the policy.
People were on one hand much worried about the fate of their ECLs and the cultural values because of the new spreading cultures of foreign languages speakers. On the other hand, they regarded formal education as an indispensable current life governing instrument for themselves and for their children in future. And then, they considered it inevitable irrespective of its effects on their cultural norms and the
ECLs. Formal education was said to have not linked with the Tanzania‟s cultural
144 contexts whereby some youths tended to fall away from the ways of their tribes.
Viewing the state of schooling in relation to the community‟s culture and its language, participants had this to say:
We as Maasai community, we hold our children and women to dressing code which we think is proper. Long and wide dress which does not offend any of us had been our decorum. The introduction of formal education has changed many of our social and cultural values. Children now have no time to stay at home, to them time is limited to stay with their parents. All the daylong are at school and it is even worse to the boarding scholars. We used to greet our children by touching their heads as a sign of respect but nowadays children don‟t come closer for that. This is denying the child his/her right to access the community language. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
In addition, formal education through the cultural policy was said to have spearheaded linguistic imperialism in Tanzania. Highlighting much on the use of
Kiswahili, English, French, and other foreign languages had made them dominant over the ECLs; a state which was presented as a threat to such indigenous languages.
Kiswahili and English have come to rule over our culture and language. We see that later our ways will disappear. We think formal education is good and we want it but Maasai culture will later be diluted and probably faint in the long run. (Interview with a Maasai traditional leader, 2014). Our ways are almost endangered, our children and even adults have tended to forget their origin, now everything is new, and nothing is old and natural in Zaramo land. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
4.4.2.6 Foreign Religion
Foreign religion could not be left out in the process of data analysis and in this presentation. The reason behind its consideration was drawn from the strong emphasis made by most of the participants in this study. In their statements, they showed the religious influences on both the traditional culture and the language of the local people of both Zaramo and Maasai.
145 We used to dance our Zaramo traditional drums, but now during Islamic cerebration days no such beats should be appreciated because they are regarded as satanic and sexual arousal factor. In their teachings, Sheikhs discourage our traditions. What remains is Islam. Our social and cultural ways of unity have been made illegitimate. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
There were five ways through which globalisation threatened the Maa language: (1) foreign religions; (2) formal education; (3) information technology; (4) linguistic imperialism and (5) inter-marriages. Each of these factors was reported to introduce alien cultural orientations at the detriment of the Maa language. Christianity and
Islam tended to force the converts to surrender their traditional philosophy and accept the new beliefs.
New faiths have reached our areas. If a Maasai man has many wives, Christianity forces him to remain with one and abandon the others. Christianity and Islam regard our traditional rituals and other ways of our community ungodly. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
4.4.2.7 Technology
In the data analysis process, modern technology emerged as another challenge the
ECLs faced in their development. It was found that, information technology (IT) particularly the use of computers, mobile phones and television brought into the
Maasai and Zaramo communities western civilization that was antithetical to the local cultures. It was further advanced that through these information exchanging devices, English was much dominant in operating them. However, Kiswahili was also pointed out to feature in the use.
Our natural ways of life have greatly changed. Communication through mobile phones, television, and computers has made people shift from old experience to the new one. Every one of us is struggling to become modern. (Interview - Maasai parents, 2014).
146 4.4.2.8 Spread of Kiswahili and Foreign Languages
The expansion of Kiswahili in Tanzania mainly as national and official language was said to have made it encroach on the ECLs, at the same time foreign languages,
English in particular were informed to have taken over all the formal domains such as education, foreign relations, and high official transactions.
It was highlighted by the Zaramo community that Kiswahili was the dominant language in all social and economic operations. It was further observed that even in cultural functions in which Zaramo was expected to have been the language of communication; it was not active at all. The reason provided was that Zaramo remained with a minimal number of speakers especially very aged individuals who were also said to be lowly motivated in the language because of limited number of speakers and the domains of its use in the community. To whom would they speak it if Kiswahili was the only means of communication in all daily routines?
Our Zaramo language remains with only few speakers, the old people. Currently, young generation do neither possess nor access this language. Kiswahili has strongly become the medium of communication in all aspects of life to our community. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
Giving their response to the current cultural, social, and linguistic situation in their community, Maasai had this to say:
Kiswahili is widely occupying our community in communication. This is because of the new forces that we need communication with the newcomers and the outside world whenever we are in or out of our community premises. We feel that our cultural ideals and the Maa language are now under threat. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
147 4.4.2.9 Globalisation Effects
Globalisation and its associated effects were considered as inhibitive factors in the process of the ECLs acquisition by children. It was pointed out to have been influencing the contexts in which children live and acquire language. It was further reported that formal education and the languages, the advancement in IT, and the current simplified movements of people and goods all acted as spreading agents of globalisation and in that way became a threat to the local culture and its language.
We like formal education to our children. At present no one can live without it successfully. Life has changed. If you haven‟t gone to school, you can‟t access employment. No more enough produce out of land and livestock at present. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
4.5 Theorizing Acquisition of ELCs in the Context of Globalisation
This theme was deductively developed from the study objective that sought to determine a theory or theories that could best explain the acquisition of ECLs in relatively closed and open communities in relation to globaliation. To achieve this objective, the main theoretical stances in each theory were related to the findings in order to establish the degree to which a specific theory best explained the findings.
Using this criterion, two sub-themes were developed: 1. State of community as mediator of ECLs acquisition, 2. Policy as mediator of ECLs acquisition.
In explaining this theme, two theories on which the study subscribed were used. The main reason for the use of the two theories was to explore the socio-cultural contexts and the processes involved in MTA in relation to the broader context created by the effects of globalisation on MTA in the two selected communities, Zaramo and
Maasai in Tanzania.
148 Figure 4. 7: Relationship between Policy, Practice, Socio-cultural and Globalisation Contexts.
Globalised context under Sceptic theory
Consumer & non consumer goods
Multinational corporations Socio-cultural
context Media Other foreign languages IT
Fashions
Formal education Kiswahili
English Practice in individualist Policy and collectivist communities Intermarriages
Migration Other services
Source: Author‟s realization of the interplay between Policy, Practice,
Globalisation, and Socio-cultural context.
4.5.1 State of Community as Mediator of ECLs Acquisition
In data analysis, findings were linked to the theoretical perspectives of the study. In the process two (2) main issues emerged namely: 1. Community openness or closeness, and 2. Community and globalisation. These issues featured as characterizing conditions of specific community‟s state. The study was mainly based on the socio-cultural theory of learning on one part, and the sceptic theory of
149 globalisation on the other. These are the ground on which inferential fundamentals of the theoretical discussion will be based in the next chapter.
4.5.1.1 Cultural Openness
In their statements, participants‟ showed the social role in CAMT. To the Zaramo, children complained that parents and the community in general did not speak ZL to them. In addition, the Zaramo tendencies of openness to newcomers was said to have weakened their language maintenance.
The major reason for the present state of ZL is because our parents and the community in general do not speak to us in the language. We don‟t hear the language. (FGD - Zaramo children, 2014).
To the Maasai community, children maintained that parents and the community spoke the ML to them. Other participants pointed out that the Maasai social organization scheme and their cultural behaviour of not opening doors easily to newcomers into their social systems helped the community to maintain closed oriented tendency. This in turn created a supportive environment for children to access the language.
Children obtain ML through their parents and the community in general. The language is heard all around them. (Interview with a Maasai local government leader, 2014).
In this study, socio-cultural theory was found the most corresponding theory to the findings. This was because of what was presented by the findings corresponded with what is believed by the adherents of socio-cultural theory of learning. Adherents of the theory emphasize that, people‟s role is critical in a child‟s knowledge acquisition as they provide mediation (Vygotsky, 1978) between the child and the environment through interaction and instruction. To the Zaramo, interaction and instruction in
150 knowledge acquisition was said to have been taking place in Kiswahili. Therefore, the open social tendency by the Zaramo inhibited their children from accessing and acquiring ZL because the language was not in their environment. To the Maasai, the same interaction and instruction in knowledge acquisition was mainly by using ML and this in turn facilitated a child to acquire and use the ML.
4.5.1.2 Globalizing Community
The above issue developed out of participants‟ statements that aimed at providing information about globalisation tendency in creating inhibitive contexts in children‟s
ECLs acquisition process. The use of IT and the media (TV, radio sets, phones, internet access, news papers and books), tourism and the flow of goods from and to distant places in a very short time were mentioned as globalisation vehicles in the current era. Others were migration and intermarriages, languages, multinational companies, human rights activists/movements, religions/new beliefs, and people‟s mindset towards ECLs. All these were said to have created a social and physical contexts which did not favour child‟s acquisition of her community language.
The new global economic order and the free market ideology, IT, and the media have caused a challenging environment for our children in learning Zaramo. Migration and intermarriages, political and economic integrations, and the use of globalisation languages have caused a critical environment in which children grow and obtain our ZL. Nonetheless, we wonder why we should hold to the new languages that carry with them the cultures of their native speakers. (Interview with a Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
However, with regard to the sceptics who believe that individuals should take their own positions in issues pertaining to their lives, cultural homogenization is not necessary as held by hyperglobalists. Therefore, the above presented findings in
151 which people showed that they had their own ways of viewing the world in their surroundings corresponded with the sceptic theory of globalisation.
Although the Maasai showed their culture to have endured new forces, yet they were very suspiciously worried of such external pressures they were experiencing at the moment. In many of their statements they had this to say:
Our social administrative structure and the traditional adherence to the ideals of the community have made our community culturally uniquely strong against the external compelling social demands. These demands are letting our areas accessible to the external world [tourists, immigrants, intermarriages, formal education, new religion with foreign beliefs, monetary controlled markets, media, and heavy investments accompanied with vast tracks of land occupation by newcomers] a situation which predicts cultural attack on our traditional and social norms. We witness our young girls dressing in short skirts and boys in shorts instead of the Maasai men traditional garments, the cloak when attending school and even when at home. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
In consideration with the sceptic theory of globalisation, the findings in the data below discloses the Maasai secrets that though they were compelled by the current emerging global culture, yet they were not lenient with modernity. Once again, people had their own ways of viewing the world around them.
At present, as a Maasai I have changed. Economically, I don‟t depend much on livestock any more. My children are no longer taken to the forest for traditional teachings (jando) or taking cattle to the forest for the same initiation. However, I still stick to the Maasai traditions and even our language is still on. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
It would have been useful to independently use our mind in deciding on what to do for our own fates. We would have been critical to any situation which seeks to jeopardize our cultural integrity and linguistic freedom and the right to our children to access their ECL and the embedded knowledge. (FGD - Maasai Traditional leaders, 2014).
The research findings have reflected the framework outset held by sceptics that in forming a cultural and socio-economic heterogeneous global society, the idea of 152 openness in the today‟s cultural and economic integration should base on liberal and critical minds. Behind this view, there was an impression that cultural groups
(Zaramo and Maasai communities) are pulled into and squeezed in the cultural homogeneity created by the North in their deliberate cause to droop the awareness of the South on the expense of their cultural integrity.
Though there are many learning and globalisation theories, socio-cultural theory of learning and sceptic theory of globalisation were selected as ones on which the study was subscribed. The reason behind their selection was based on the idea that the study was set out to explore the immediate contexts in which children live and acquire community languages in the two selected communities, the Zaramo and the
Maasai in Tanzania. Language is a social and cultural constructs device. During data gathering and analysis the decisive role of the family and the public in shaping the child so as she becomes socially interactive was considered critical. To the Maasai community, it was provided in their statements that children were socially linked with their surrounding world by the use of Maa language. And this behaviour was said to have helped children to withstand the critical contexts created by globalisation through its associated effects in their ECLs acquisition process.
4.5.2 Policy as Mediator of ECLs Acquisition
It is shown in the TCP that culture is the product of the interaction between people and their environment. In this relationship, man uses technology through creative initiative in structuring work tools and acquiring skills. At the same time he formulates thinking principles and controls his actions so as to maintain life as he improves human living standards and the environment. It is also shown that two
153 kinds of technologies are applied in the country. On one hand people practised traditional local technology and on the other hand the modern one.
To the Maasai and Zaramo communities, the traditional technology was said to have been naturally appreciated in all along their life. As it has already been narrated under economic activities sub-theme, Maasai practised animal husbandry as their chief occupation, crop farming, and commercial business such as attending market places, shop keeping, beads art, pottery, and basketry to mention but a few.
Traditionally, we have been livestock keepers, though currently we have adopted crop cultivation. So shocking is that, globalisation has come against what is said in the TCP and our traditional values and Maa language are at risk now. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
Zaramo expressed themselves as mixed farmers who practised animal keeping as well as crop cultivation. They also did commercial activities such as fishing, attending market places, shop keeping, pottery and basketry. On addition, Zaramo designed and created music instruments.
We are traditionally practicing crop cultivation and animal raising. However, globalisation has brought new technology which we think has destroyed our local means of life. This has in turn lowered down the use of Zaramo language in our economic and cultural values. (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
These activities were the bases of the communities‟ political organization structures.
The relationship between such activities and their associated traditional administrative structures were the source of social and cultural conditions with which during interaction, they shaped children in their cognitive development.
Through this, a child gained economic and social experiences as a form of traditional knowledge which would make him or her accepted individual community 154 member. This interplay social process was said to have been facilitated by the community language as an inevitable medium during instruction and learning. This was in tandem with the socio-cultural theory notion in which one of the most significant emphasis was the social roles of language in child‟s cognitive and social developments.
Our language has been very important in helping a child learn our social and cultural life. This made people develop into independent and potential Maasai community members. (Interview - Maasai parent, 2014).
Policy and theoretical inference was also thought under two critical environments in which children in the selected communities lived and had to acquire the respective community language. One context was thought through the socio-cultural theory of learning and was created by interaction between policy and the community. In this context, it was presented that, first, the policy did not recognize community languages in formal domains like education, politics, public gatherings, and the media to mention but a few. Second, in practice the policy did not inform any follow-ups to check whether the languages were used as it lays it down in its statements. Third, the Zaramo community had hardly in the findings any promising economic or socio-cultural settings in which their natural language was easily accessible to their children for acquisition. The reason was said to have been their social inclusive tendency behaviour when interacting with newcomers as it is presented as a model in figure 4.1 under linguistic discourses theme in this chapter.
Zaramo love people. We would not like anybody coming into our area feel excluded in our social interaction. We speak Kiswahili so that everyone participates in our conversations. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
155 To the Maasai community, the circumstance was different. It was said that their natural language was adequately used in many of the economic, social, and cultural activities, and that, children had access to the language. The reason for this was said to be because of their social exclusive tendency behaviour to the newcomers during interaction.
We like speaking our language. We consider Maa as a language of secrecy, cultural decency instrument, and the social interaction power device among the Maasai. (Interview - Maasai traditional leader, 2014).
The other context was considered through the sceptic theory of globalisation and was created by interaction between globalisation, policy, and the community. In this context, it was presented in the findings that, the interface between globalisation and the TCP tended to create such less conducive environments in which Zaramo and
Maa languages were to be acquired. It was given out that, first, globalisation reached their areas with consumer goods that conveyed ideas and symbols of western identification. Such cultural goods were mentioned as printed matter, radio, crafts and fashions, television, cinema, visual arts, games, and sporting goods. The medium of transmission of these was said to have been English and Kiswahili.
Second, policy was said to have lined along the wishes of globalisation by promoting English and Kiswahili as formal languages in schools, public gatherings, and the media on the sacrifice of the ECLs.
Also, the community was said to have been gradually dissolving in this extrusive cultural features of globalisation by tending to abandon their social and cultural values. In this way, their language of cultural transmission was not used as they tended to identify themselves with modernity. It was further advanced that the idea
156 of openness in the today‟s cultural and economic integration with liberal and critical mind in the context of globalisation as believed by sceptics was not taken into consideration by the policy and the community. In their statements, Zaramo indicated that this context had tended to deny their children access to their natural language. To the Maasai, situation was not that much tense although some observations were given out that, the effects associated with globalisation were creeping up to the ways of the community. See the data below:
Currently we are witnessing youth being drawn attention to learn what is taking place now while losing interest in their natural traditional decorum. This has made some of the youth to even forget their communities. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
The socio-cultural theory threw light on how the created social environment was either potential or not in the respective ECL acquisition practices. With the sceptic theory of globalisation, the insight was on one side how globalisation was a threat to such particular ECL and how a liberal mind would take a right decision so as to survive the globalisation exerted pressures and in the course integrate into the same without being jeopardized by the current life systems.
4.6 Basic Research Questions vis-a-vis Research Findings
This section presents the research questions and their corresponding research findings for the purpose of determining the extent to which the former are supported by the latter. The questions were: 1. To what extent does the confluence between the current cultural policy and globalisation affect (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania? 2. What are the uses of Tanzania‟s ECLs in the current age of globalisation? 3. What are the major facilitative and inhibitive factors in the process of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open
157 communities in the contexts of globalisation? 4. What are the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ECLs acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation?
Question # 1
To what extent does the confluence between the current cultural policy and globalisation affect (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania?
This research question was set out to explore the role of the policy in creating the context in which children acquire their community languages. The context was thought to emanate from the interface between the policy and globalisation. Findings clearly indicated there was an apparent mismatch between policy and practice. It was found that while the Maa and Zaramo languages assumed a rather inferior position, their counterpart languages notably Kiswahili and English were highly regarded as reflected in close and regular follow-up on their use in schools, public meetings and social service delivery premises. Although the policy stated that community languages would be spoken at family and community levels, conditions on the ground proved quite the opposite. The study found that Zaramo was hardly spoken at family and community levels. The research participants confirmed that
Kiswahili was the major avenue for communication. Likewise, Maasai in their statements showed worries about the future of Maa although they admitted to use the language as their key communication avenue. Therefore, in a general view according to the findings, what was stated in the policy was contrary to the actual practice on the ground.
158 Question # 2
What are the uses of Tanzania’s ethnic community languages in the current age of globalisation?
Under this question, the study was set forth to investigate the uses of the ECLs and it was found that specific uses were: Cultural heritage device, a tool for personal and cultural identity, social unifying factor, and contribution to Kiswahili language. As cultural heritage device, Zaramo and Maa were said to contain many cultural teachings to the people. Through these languages, people received knowledge in traditional medicine, environment, social relations, and gender role appreciation. As a tool for personal and cultural identity, these languages were used in forming social behaviour, hard working behaviour, and political administration systems strengthening. As social unifying factor, these languages were used as freedom and rights agency and forming solidarity and community‟s cohesion, as well as social relations and entertainment tool. Zaramo as a Bantu language was said to have contributed vocabulary to Kiswahili, though Maa had hardly any remarkable contribution to Kiswahili.
Question # 3
What are the major facilitative and inhibitive factors in the process of children’s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in the contexts of globalisation?
Under this question, findings revealed both facilitative and inhibitive factors.
Facilitative factors were: strictly cultural adherence - relatively closed culture, positive attitude, social organization structure - Maasai and Zaramo. Others were tribal cultural activities and economic activities. Inhibitive factors were cultural 159 policy, negative attitude, migration and intermarriages, socio-cultural openness - the
Zaramo culture, formal education, and foreign religion. Others were technology, spread of Kiswahili, and globalisation effects. Findings revealed that each of the mentioned factors had an influence in forming either rich linguistic environment or poor linguistic environment as facilitative and inhibitive conditions respectively in the children‟s acquisition of mother tongue process.
Question # 4
What are the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation?
The study findings under this question focused on two major issues namely: the state of community as a mediator of ECLs acquisition; and policy as a mediator of ECLs acquisition. Findings were subscribed on two theories namely: socio-cultural theory of learning and the sceptic theory of globalisation. The findings from the two communities in which this study was conducted indicated that family members and the community were the key in exposing children to the environment for knowledge acquisition. To the Zaramo community, Kiswahili was said to have been mainly the medium of knowledge acquisition process though since the time immemorial,
Zaramo language was said to have been the medium. To the Maasai community,
Maa language was used in the process. The two scenarios were in tandem with what was believed by the adherents of socio-cultural theory of learning who hold that society plays an important role as a mediator between the child and the environment through interaction and instruction in knowledge acquisition process. In addition, the findings showed that people had an inquisitive mind by questioning why they should
160 stick to learning and using languages other than their community languages, Zaramo and Maa. This indicates that people had their own ways of viewing the world and this corresponded with the sceptic theory of globalisation. The sceptics believe that individuals should take their own positions in issues pertaining to their lives and that cultural homogenization is not necessary as the hyperglobalists emphasize.
4.7 Concluding Remarks
In concluding this chapter, it has to be remembered that the study was guided by four specific questions namely:
1. To what extent does the confluence between the current cultural policy and
globalisation affect mother tongue acquisition in relatively closed and open
communities in Tanzania?
2. What are the uses of Tanzania‟s ethnic community languages in the current age
of globalisation?
3. What are the major facilitative and inhibitive factors in the process of children‟s
acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in the
contexts of globalisation?
4. What are the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic
community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities
in the context of globalisation?
Following these questions, findings of the study revealed that each of the two visited communities had its own state of affairs in the process of CAMT. As it has been explained in various sections and sub-sections of this chapter in relation to the specific objectives, through descriptions, well illustrated figures and tables, findings have put to light that on one hand Zaramo community was an individually oriented
161 and a relatively open community while on the other hand, the Maasai community was a collective oriented and a relatively closed community. The most identified distinctive features between the two communities were: 1. Zaramo was not used while Maa was used in most of their social and cultural settings; 2. the social inclusive tendency by Zaramo and social exclusive tendency by Maasai; and 3. their traditional social organization structures.
Also the findings revealed various linguistic discourses in the two communities.
These included: 1. Zaramo constrained linguistic discourses which were social inclusion tendency discourse, cultural performance discourse, economic discourse, political discourse and dispute resolution discourse; 2. Maasai less constrained linguistic discourses which were ML and Kiswahili, social exclusion tendency discourse, cultural upholding discourse, economic discourse, political discourse, and conflict resolution discourse. Of all these discourses, it was found that social inclusion tendency discourse in which Zaramo invited newcomers in their conversations and even in their cultural activities (social inclusive tendency) and the social exclusion tendency by which Maasai did not like to invite newcomers in their social settings and cultural activities (social exclusive tendency) had a significant impact in creating social environment in which children would access the respective
ECL for acquisition. In relation to question one therefore, the findings allow to submit that although TCP states ECLs to be used at family and community levels, there experienced pressures to use Kiswahili and English on the expense of the
ECLs as an impact of the confluence between the policy and globalisation.
162 Another outstanding finding was the belief that ancestral spirits could not understand any language other than Maa in the Maasai community and Zaramo in the Zaramo community. Following this, an individual‟s command of the ECL in communication without which the person could not qualify to access the spiritual world through prayers. The impression behind this belief can be that, this situation established the need for every community member to be proficient in the specific community language. It was perceived as the only means for his or her survival in the time of need and if the same person wanted to sustain his or her success and prosperity as all were vested in one‟s ability to communicate with the ancestral realm. In consideration of question two, this explanation presents the significant premise in which specific ECLs were naturally expected to be in full use.
In relation to question three, the most facilitative factors that would promote the
ECLs acquisition were: one, tendencies surrounded by the social discourses. Two, the orientations within the cultural discourse with more emphasis on traditional religious beliefs are underlined. The alarming inhibitive factors were negative attitude, socio-cultural openness, and the effects associated with the use of IT and its devices.
With reference to question four, the determined theoretical perspectives in explaining the state of the specific ECLs acquisition are the individualist and collectivist in the socio-cultural openness and closeness respectively, and the sceptic perspective in a globalizing community.
163 In short, the said states had caused the communities to have varying degrees in enduring the effects of modernity (globalisation) and the identified weaknesses of the policy. In turn, each of the two communities had its own distinctive context in which children lived and had to acquire the respective ECL. Following this, findings have shown that the created linguistic context in Zaramo community was critical in such a way that children had limited access to their ECL thereby making its acquisition relatively negligible. To the Maasai community, the linguistic context was relatively friendly such that children had an access to their language.
4.8 Summary of the Chapter
This chapter focused on presentation of the research findings from three sampled population groups of the study, the Zaramo community, Maasai community, and the
Ministerial officials. From the two communities, four research participants‟ categories were involved. These included: Local government leaders, traditional leaders, parents and other family members, and children. From two Ministries as indicated in table 3.3 were policy-makers. The chapter begins with the introduction in which data analysis plan and presentation of the findings were highlighted.
In the chapter, themes and sub-themes of the study have been presented. Themes were: 1. The interface between cultural policy and globalisation; 2. Uses of ethnic community languages – Maa and Zaramo; 3. Factors for child‟s acquisition of mother tongue (CAMT); and 4. The Theoretical Perspective on ECLs Acquisition in
Relatively Closed and Open Communities in the context of globalisation. Each of these themes had sub-theme(s) against which seminal quotation(s) from data were shown. Under each of the sub-themes emerging issues were identified and clearly
164 explained. In addition the chapter presents other sections which are: Basic research questions versus research findings; Findings concluding remarks; and summary of the chapter.
165 CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS
5.1 Introduction
The current chapter discusses the research findings that hane been presented in the previous chapter consistent with the research objectives. The chapter proceeds along the following themes: 1. Interface between TCP and globalisation; 2. Uses of the
ECL – Maa and Zaramo; 3. Factors influencing CAMT; and 4. Theorising acquisition of ECLs in the context of globalisation. Each of the themes has sub- themes that were developed to make thorough description and discussion of the study findings.
5.2 The Interface between TCP and Globalisation
The main argument underlying the interface between cultural policy and globalisation was that while globalisation tends to encourage cultural homogeneity, specific cultural policies should provide safeguard against external forces that lead to extinction of ECLs (Patton, 2002). Despite the current influences of globalisation on ECLs, there is an abundance of literature that advocates protection of these languages for various reasons (Roy-Campbell, 2006). ECLs play a critical role in preserving and transmitting cultural values from one generation to the next.
Significantly, they are personal and cultural identity tool, social unifying factor, and cultural heritage device. Also, most of them contribute vocabulary to Kiswahili, the
Tanzania's national language. The data obtained from both MoEVT and MoIYCS that were given by policy-makers indicated that, there was no language policy as an independent document other than chapter three in the current cultural policy. In the
166 chapter, issues pertaining to language in Tanzania had been presented briefly
(Ministry of Education and Culture, 1997).
What we have is out of date. New Policy is in process. It will be out soon. (Interview with Policy-maker, 2015).
Lack of such important document can be interpreted as one of problems creating conditions in ECLs acquisition and maintenance processes. It is argued here that, the same lack of the document draws people‟s attention to conclude that there was no government will to take into seriousness the language issues and their impact on communities and to the national development at large (Rubagumya , 2011). While the current TCP recognizes in its statements the value of community languages as treasure of knowledge, the new Tanzania‟s Education and Training Policy (TETP) has not even mentioned them in the system. The two policies represent the government‟s position on the issue of language use and development in the country.
Arguing on the relationship between policy, language and education in Tanzania,
Rubagumya (2009:48) points out that “Public policy regarding language of instruction is usually based on political expediency, not on research results”.
Likewise, in safeguarding ECLs against cultural homogeneity and the current idea of linguistic globalisation which is spearheaded by modernity (Spolsky, 2007), a suitable language policy would be expected to favour ECLs by considering research results. Among other critical issues presented by scholars on language policies are: contextual factors, policy flexibility, socio-cultural factors, and the national philosophy (Bwenge, 2012). Contextual factors are linguistic situations at community and national levels. For example the country may either be monolingual or multilingual society by using one or more national languages as cross cultural
167 means of communication in social, economic, and political matters at local as well as international levels (Gadelii, 1999; Sukumane, 2000).
This theme was deductively developed from the first objective of the study which sought to investigate how the interface between the current cultural policy and globalisation affected (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in
Tanzania. It was guided by a question which aimed to explore the extent to which the confluence between TCP and globalisation had affected CAMT in the Zaramo and Maasai communities.
5.2.1 Policy-practice Mismatch
The discussion about policy-practice interplay has for decades dominated the debates about the relationship between social policies and realities on the ground.
This section discusses the policy-practice mismatch and its main causes in the current practice. While African studies indicate that children accessed their ECLs through storytelling, asking questions, and being involved in different social and economic activities (Babaci-Wilhite, 2013), the reality on the ground in the Zaramo community was different. Children in this community had no rich environment to access their ECL for acquisition. The effects associated with the confluence between
TCP and globalisation in the process of CMTA was part of the problem. In order to achieve this, meanings of the two conflicting sides will be explained at the initial stage of the discussion. Subsequently, before going to the core parts of the discussion, two important things will be put forth namely: the convergence zones between the TCP and globalisation, and the effects brought by the confluence between the policy and globalisation.
168 On one side, Tanzania‟s cultural policy (TCP) is understood in this study as a written document in which customs and beliefs, arts, ways of life, attitudes, symbols and values shared by Tanzania nationals are outlined. In addition, knowledge, morals, laws, religion, as well as economic and political attributes, (Jaja, 2012) are also inclusive. They are as well believed by the society in Tanzania to be good, right and desirable. Language as a container and as a cultural tool has been incorporated in the same policy as the major means in which the outlined content of the policy and their community values are communicated to the members of the Tanzanian society.
On the other side, globalisation has emerged as a multidimensional phenomenon which is explained in varying ways by different authors. Hornby (2010) defines it as a fact that different cultures and economic systems around the world are becoming connected and similar to each other because of the influence of large multinational companies and of improved communication. Jaja (2012) highlights it as a process which is not yet accomplished and it encompasses the integration between global and local economies and cultural orientations as central driving forces in the world history (Robinson, 2007).
The edges at which the policy and globalisation meet mark the confluence between the two phenomena, a situation which draws attention to discuss the idealized zones of clash between the TCP and globalisation. Findings revealed that there existed dissatisfaction on what was taking place as a practice resulting from the policy plan about ECLs acquisition. While studies from other countries show that their ECLs were successfully planned to the extent of acquiring formal uses at the practice level
169 (Subramaniam, 2007; Stairs, 1988), the case was found different with the TCP on the ground. The extent to which confluence between policy and globalisation affected CAMT in the two communities was different because of two major reasons, the geographical location and their socio-cultural orientations.
The effects of the confluence between globalisation and the TCP on the CAMT in
Zaramo and Maasai communities were felt. In order to come to full understanding of the said effects, their discussion is pinned under the following important ideas:
1) Convergence zones between the TCP and globalisation, and
2) The effects brought by the confluence between the policy and globalisation.
Studies inform the areas or zones of clash between national policies and globalisation to be religion, politics, education, culture, and language (Olasunkanmi,
2011). Through new beliefs, globalisation penetrated into African culture by deceiving the converts illusorily to surrender their community‟s traditional beliefs in which people could learn ethics for decent life (Kasongo, 2019). While it was found in the Zaramo community that traditional religious beliefs had been fading away at high rate, Maasai community were strongly holding to their traditional religious beliefs. Through traditional rituals the ML was easily transmitted to the children. To the Zaramo, traditional religious discourse was not in full operation thereby reducing the ZL upholding. From time immemorial, religious sector as the basic essence of
African culture (Kasongo, 2019) was very important in keeping the community tight to its language. This was because ritual proceedings were conducted through the community language. Reduction in it had caused less access to the specific ECL.
170 It is reported by Tandon (2009) that in the present times, the nation-states‟ powers operate within limited decisions falling under the influences of globalisation.
Although TCP vests powers into the traditional leaders to handle over the ECLs to young generation, they cannot endure the ties of globalisation in their traditional powers exercise because traditional doctrines that were command of a day in communities‟ development process are ignored in the current life-style systems. The loss of traditional powers was initially marked by being renounced by the first
Tanzania‟s President, the late J.K. Nyerere. He declared right after independence that there was no longer chieftainship appreciation in the country (Biswalo, 2010).
While Tanzanian national government plans social, political, and economic development through its policies (Wilhite, 2013), globalisation imposes its effects through its realms full of western cultural ideals. Cultural homogenization as the current global policy extends its effects to the nation-states language and education policies (Swilla, 2009). In turn, this had transformed Zaramo from their traditional cultural ties into the modern social tendencies. These events are also tending to influence negatively the Maasai people‟s behaviours towards their traditions and language. In the same way, children in these communities face great challenges in their ECLs‟ acquisition due to the current growing limited access to the said languages.
The effects of the confluence between the TCP and globalisation were felt by both the Zaramo and Maasai communities. Findings inform that the interface between the
TCP and globalisation had caused critical contexts in which children lived and had to acquire their respective ECLs. At times both cultural and education policies were
171 expected to have protected the ECLs, new language imposition and uncontrolled formal education which do not consider the local contexts were found a barrier to the growth of the specific ECLs. Therefore, the aftermath was an unsustainable modernity and acculturation tendencies that could not benefit children in acquiring their ECLs.
The current practice in the two communities that were studied, the Zaramo and
Maasai was different from what is stated by the policy. As Spolsky, (2005) argues, policy becomes a facilitative factor if it favours the needs and conditions that create rich contexts around the child during her (MTA) process. The same policy would in the same way be considered inhibitive factor if it ignores the said needs and contexts in which a child obtains her ethnic community language (Lo Bianco, 1987).
Though the policy in its statements showed that ECLs, Zaramo and Maa in this respect, would receive great attention by being spoken at family and community levels, it was practically different on the ground. The account has been clearly illustrated in table 4.5 in the previous chapter. The table identifies the plan of the government through the policy and the way globalisation opposes by counterattacking the plans. This situation leads into the judgement that the crush between the policy and globalisation creates such unpromising contexts for Zaramo and Maa community languages acquisition and maintenance.
Policy has made people to have negative attitude towards their own languages. Though policy has permitted the use of community languages at family and community levels, research on them, and write them still the government is going against the said permission by forbidding them to be used in radio and TV broadcasting, newspapers or in public meetings with a fear of awakening of ethnic consciousness in the country. (Interview with a Policy-maker, 2015).
172 In this regard, it stands out of doubt to present that the actual practice contradicts the present language plan and its goals as it is shown in the current TCP statements and as it is observed by (Swilla, 2009).
There was participants‟ claim against the policy that it lacked optional measures when the government may seem to shutout these languages from formal functions such as the use in media and in education. Such deficiency is hereby interpreted in line with the above quotation as a critical step towards language shift and to what
Ndagala (2008) says specifically about Zaramo community is nearly losing its language. Findings presented in other sections of this work indicate that if nothing is done immediately, ZL is on its way to extinction. This is because it was confessed by its speakers in their statements that currently it is neither appreciated nor accessed by children for acquisition. One of the FGDs from Zaramo research participants said:
Zaramo children currently do not access ZL. What we witness are bigger changes brought by modernity. Even us by this age we failed to acquire the language in those times, will it become true to our children of the present ages of such great people‟s intermingling? (Zaramo parents FGD, 2014).
5.2.2 Community Involvement
In discussing the current practice in reference to the current TCP, findings reveal that the involvement of the community members should be put at stake. As it has been presented in the previous chapter, there was a significant number of participants‟ statements which pointed out the involvement of the two communities in the course of practical implementation of the policy. With respect to what Ezema
(2013) observes, the members of the said communities were not aware of what was really taking place on the ground because the policy is perceived undemocratic. We 173 say undemocratic because participants said no political or professional meeting or seminar which was held physically or electronically in the media showing that traditional leaders were assigned the duty of making sure that their community languages are in full use for progress.
It is argued here that assigning the duty of making sure that specific community language is handed over to children and protected under traditional leaders while it is plainly in practice that chieftainship is currently neither appreciated nor active enough in the country is beyond imagination.
Under the linguistic state in the two communities as the findings clearly indicated, no more doubt that the same government through its cultural policy contributes to the current ZL declining signs and the Kiswahili encroachment on the ML. This was witnessed on the ground during data collection because participants admitted in their statements that their languages though in different magnitudes were threatened by larger languages of globalisation promoted by the policy (Kiango, 2005). In Zaramo community, Kiswahili was said to be the only means of social and economic interactions in their daily life operations. Zaramo was said to have tended fading away as Batibo (2005) informs in the list of African community languages that are undergoing extinction, in this case some ZL only remaining in traditional ritual business. However, even in this domain it is with a limited vocabulary which was believed to remain in old people of the Zaramo population as the findings inform.
Although still appreciated, Maa was also said to have been invaded by modernism.
Kiswahili was reported to have been tending to encroach on the ML as pressures and
174 new forces in both socio-economic and political spheres press on the Maasai traditional norms. The effect of their tribal cultural ways on children was reported to have been significantly reduced because a voice was heard in their statements that:
Things have changed. Our cultural norms are now polluted. They are no longer as they used to be. (Maasai parents FGD, 2014).
Although the duty to handle down ECLs to children has been laid in the hands of traditional community leaders, how can the duty be productive while they are neither recognized by the national constitution nor powerful as they used to be before independence! (Interview - Policy- maker, 2015
The presented doubts against the asserted issues in table 4.3 in the antecedent chapter primarily suggest critical contexts in which children live and forcibly struggle to achieve their community languages, as well, this has resulted into: First, for the government does not strictly make follow-up on ECLs, this implies that it has not come to the fullest understanding of the current ECLs states in the country.
Second, for the policy does not plainly state the linguistic right to the child, it connotes that there is a presence of limited social contexts in which children acquire
ECLs. And third, for Kiswahili and English are the only languages in formal domains (education, politics, economy, publications, as well as the media), this brings to light that there exists negative attitude in parents causing loss of motivation in affording their young children to acquire the respective ECL.
Culture and language are units of the same institution because no culture which is not expressed though its language at the centre or language which stands out of its own culture (Mclvor, 2009). When informing the language policy about the need to protect Aboriginal languages in Australia, Mclvor says:
Culture is language, many traditionalists and language activists argue that language acquirement is an essential part of a rich and genuine
175 Aboriginal identity... Language is a living history and cultural institution that if not preserved and practiced, like anything else will die.
In this viewpoint, Zaramo and Maa languages would have been viewed in the same horizon as the Aboriginal languages case so that ZL was not endangered (Batibo,
2005) and ML should not be left under threat without being protected against the widely used languages of globalisation (Mlola 2010). Therefore, as it was implied by the policy-makers, during their meetings that the two Ministries should think of a national language policy (NLP) in which ECLs would receive fair treatment so as their speakers may retain identity in the future and in front of the current official languages in Tanzania.
5.2.3 Globalisation Prevalence
Studies on globalisation, term it as a multidimensional phenomenon which pauses complexities in arriving at its fullest meaning (Robinson, 2007). The cause of complexity in its meaning comes from the perception that as a process it has not yet reached to its terminal point and therefore it is still in progress. Some scholars on globalisation trace its history as far back as the first half of the 15th century when
European penetration was experienced on the African continent while others associate it with the recent past (Jaja, 2012). Viewing globalisation in the economic perspective, Kasongo (2010) informs it as an increasing integration of the world‟s economies, including the movement towards trade. He keeps on arguing that globalisation is the spread of worldwide practices, relations, consciousness, and organization of social life that transforms people around the world whereby some of these transformations are dramatic. They are said to be dramatic in the sense that cultural transformation affects cultural identity of the transformed people.
176 To the current study, globalisation had in its tendency pervaded all life facets including language use in both communities in which this study was conducted.
Members of these communities reported to have been experiencing erosion on their cultural values and stagnation in their ECLs growth. The rapid growing use of
Kiswahili and English as languages of globalisation had pervaded the existence of the ECLs. As cultural tool, they were said to carry with them values other than those of Zaramo and Maasai traditions. This situation is interpreted here as cultural and linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 1992).
Modernization which emanates from globalisation has deceived people to accept that letting their children to learn their community languages delays them to obtain formal education at the right pace as it has been programmed by the education systems in the country. Parents now have reached, in this view, to a point of no return (if things continue as they were found) by regarding the national and international languages as more important on the expense of abandoning their own languages of personal and cultural identification and dignity. See this data below:
Our ECLs are not allowed in formal settings; therefore, learning them will delay my children in the process of getting formal education for better life. Let our children go as it is arranged by the education systems in the country and the world. It is better our children obtain formal education and in the national and international accepted languages. (Interview with one of the Policy-makers, 2015).
The above assertion portrays the impact of preventing ECLs from being used in formal domains. Banning these languages from formal use emanates from the effects of globalisation in that the current social, economic, and political systems are modernized and have been subjected to stiff competition (Tandon, 2009). Those who have them already would like the environment in which these life domains are
177 obtained remain under their control, if possible forever. They would not like any other person to get into the cycle.
It cannot get better into one‟s mind to witness such perceptions that one language is better than the other while the meaning of language serves across all languages. It even scratches one‟s ears to hear that some languages are well developed to carry and convey complicated concepts or knowledge if you like, and that others are least developed to the extent that they deserve to carry out just simple concepts (Roy-
Campbell, 2006). These two conceptual orientations (of course supporters of globalisation at the core) are one of the reasons why some people, in this case, think that their natural languages (ECLs) are not fit for complex knowledge transmission.
The argument here is that thinking (knowledge) and language are behaviour in which the human mind is trained (Bodrova, 2007). Therefore, all languages are equal because they serve the same purpose which is thinking and communication.
Studies on globalisation advance their perception on the concept in three describable concepts namely: economic, cultural, and political globalisation (Kasongo, 2010).
However, it is not the intention of this study to go deeper into this phenomenon; rather it works to relate its effects on MTA in the contexts it creates through economic, cultural and political spheres. Hollingsworth (1998) argues that economic globalisation is currently felt through the so called competitive market ideology which has swept all spheres of life across the world. In the process, material commodity or service become free trade flows from local through transnational to intercontinental borders (Garzón, 2012). Cultural globalisation is experienced through life styles in form of fashions, sports, social behaviour, language, and the
178 less limited peoples‟ travelling; all these being facilitated by advancement in information and transport technologies. Political globalisation reveals itself by reducing the nation-state‟s influence on its own economies and decision making on national issues as well as international relations (Moius, 2010).
At present, globalisation has championed migration whereby Zaramo and Maasai communities receive newcomers from different communities in the country and even from outside the country. This resulted into people‟s mixture and intermarriages. In such a trend, Garzón (2012) points out that the contacting cultures and languages may influence each other. Relatively, when educating on how migration had caused changes in the life systems of people in Spain, Garzón
(2012:2502) informs: “Migration flows have transformed Spain very quickly...” In the same way, it was highlighted that compared to Maasai, Zaramo were more affected by the global process of modernization. The incoming migration had encouraged intermarriages between Zaramo and the newcomers and was pointed out to have been one of the serious obstacles in the respective ECLs because couples could not speak their native languages in the home and for that case, children born in such a family could not access either of the two parents‟ ECLs for acquisition.
Authors in African studies report that formal education has caused social, economic, and political imbalance on the continent. They present it as one of the major resource by which globalisation is spread across the world particularly Africa (Roy-
Campbell, 2006). To Africa, in this case Tanzania, formal education systems use foreign languages (English in case of Tanzania) that were inherited from the former colonial education systems. Languages as cultural tool, English and Kiswahili have
179 influenced people‟s attitudes toward their communities‟ traditional values. It is argued here that the said education has not put in place the Tanzanian natural social and cultural contexts. The consequence of this trend was that, people especially young generation were tending to fall away from the ways of their communities.
With this, a specific emphasis is made to the Maasai community whose parents lamented that their children had been forced by the education environment and requirements to study and use Kiswahili and English. Skirts for girls and shorts for boys were all regarded by the parents as an unethical tendency according to the
Maasai dressing codes. Also modernization brought through formal education was blamed to contain cultural values of the West. Out of school (along street) dressing was even considered a curse because girls who came back from town and the newcomers whom they name waswahili went out in skin-tight dresses contrary to the Maasai traditional dressing decorum. The Maasai dress decorum is here vividly displayed through this photograph.
180 Figure 5. 1: A Photograph Showing Traditional Maasai Dress
Source: Field data - a snap taken at Engikaret, Longido (2014)
Both communities, in which this study was conducted, are considered to have in one way or the other been affected by the formal education in their lives. Similarities were that in the two communities‟ children and parents had a limited time
(globalisation behaviour) to stay together because children were obliged to attend school while parents concentrated on life earning occupations. Children at school used Kiswahili and English as communication media strictly in subjects and as far as possible out of class during extra curricula activities. At home, they were expected to communicate in their specific ECL, but time constraint and home curricula activities could not allow close stay between children and other family members.
This tendency suggests that children had not enough time to access the community language even if it was or would be there. These similarities were more tensely felt in the Zaramo community. 181 Differences were considered only to the Maasai community and more effective to this community than to the Zaramo. Formal education was interpreted by the Maasai community as a behaviour changing tool to their children which is used to spread modernization in their community. At school, on the way to school and back home
Zaramo and Maasai children met and interacted with others from different cultural origins speaking different languages and in this case Kiswahili and English were the only means of communication. In relation to this, Maasai culture and the ML both were undergoing sufferance and were facing difficulties to endure the effects of formal education.
In the findings, children‟s voice in Longido was heard and they pointed fingers to their government to have not been protecting their language rather insisting on the use of Kiswahili and English only. These children had positive attitude towards their language and at the same time, they loved the tendency of their teachers to emphasise them to speak English as first preference and Kiswahili as second priority
(an effect of the current global trend in education (Kasongo, 2010).
Religious ideology and beliefs have been established by some scholars in cultural anthropology to be a very significant component of traditional philosophy ranging from individual level to the society level (Kasongo, 2010). This area of language use was perceived by the Zaramo and Maasai research participants to have been a key way in which globalisation influences people to accept and follow new beliefs by tending to forsake their cultural perspectives.
Arabs did not spread Islam in Zaramo language; rather they did it in Arabic and some Swahili where emphasis was needed. (Interview - Zaramo traditional leader, 2014).
182 New ways of belief have invaded our land and our people‟s morals are pervaded by Christianity and Islam. Our culture and even our language are slowly fading away. (Interview - Maasai traditional, 2014).
These findings suggest that globalisation through religions as one of its forces; new converts have been forced to renounce their traditional philosophy in lieu of these new religions. This can be argued to have equally shaped parents, children, and the communities‟ attitudes toward their traditional language. Indisputably, this trend is believed to have in turn created unfriendly environment in which children were to acquire the specific ECL.
Across the world, human rights observance has emerged as a lovely song in the ears of many in recent years. Human rights activists in Africa have bitterly spoken against human rights neglect (Ezema, 2013). The reaction over this global agenda as per the findings was that the exceeding advocacy on human rights tended to create consciousness among individual community members especially women and girls.
This tendency was reported to have curtailed the effectiveness of the communities‟ traditional social ethics. The aftermath of this was critical changes remarkably on dressing codes, uncontrolled access on unethical information through the use of electronic communication systems. The apparent inhuman effects of this were reported as the reckless citizenry, drug abuse, child abuse and abandonment, street children, killings, cyber crimes, laziness, human trafficking, and unreasonable sexual acts, to mention but a few. This can really be interpreted as a serious attack on the communities‟ natural ways of life. In addition, it is argued that the said changes are attributed to humanity devastation of the current age.
In its expansion process, globalisation uses IT facilities TV, radio, news papers, computers in accessing information through the internet on which modern fashions of men and women garments are seen. Also, 183 some new cultural values that are spread through foreign languages have in some way influenced our children, and even adults to fall away from our values. We regard this as foreign cultural attack on our natural ways of life. (FGD - Maasai parents, 2014).
5.2.4 Cultural Openness
Cultural openness tenets include critical attitude to traditional tribal or closed society, freedom of thought, interests are heterogeneous, and people are of equal value and equal rights with equal opportunities. Others are protection is given to individuals, knowledge is considered imperfect, and it is liberal and democratic
(Gebert, 1999). Zaramo had a cultural openness guided by social inclusion tendency as it has been illustrated in figure 4.1.
The present Zaramo cultural openness tendency according to the findings was due to: First, the developed behaviour of gender sensitivity whereby women were highly respected as social system administrators of the community with the matrilineal kinship orientation on one hand and the recognition of men as spiritual heads on the other hand. Second, the gradual change resulting from developed negative attitude towards the said traditional practices. Third, from the former two reasons developed a sense of freedom of thought, heterogeneity in interests, and equality. And the cultural knowledge was in this sense seen imperfect, negotiable and liable to change.
These tenets suggest Zaramo as liberal and democratic community with cultural openness viewpoint as it was also observed by (Swantz, 1970) that Zaramo had changed from family social organization system to individual social approach.
184 5.2.4.1 Social Inclusion Tendency Discourses
It is a traditional value in African context that socialization finds its own words.
When explaining how language facilitates instinct for socialization, Batibo (2005) asserts that African people are more given to such forms of socialization than people from western countries. He maintains that African people find it impolite to come across people and pass them without saying a word of greetings. Likewise, in fulfilling their social obligations, Zaramo people showed such a typical African social behaviour by welcoming newcomers into their conversations. This conclusion is drawn from their own assertion that they found it exclusive to use ZL in public or at any social settings which constituted a non-Zaramo speaker. From that base, it suffices to understand Zaramo as people who are socially polite and practise social inclusion tendency in their usual interactions. This is realised from what they said as social discourse which absorbed neighbours, relatives, and friends. This social context has been well illustrated in figure 4.1 in the previous chapter.
The said social inclusive tendency created a linguistic constrained context in which
Zaramo children were to acquire ZL. As it has been put forward by Batibo (2005), social discourse is the most significant point through which language acquisition rests. The linguistic state in Zaramo community suggests a poor environment that could not guarantee the Zaramo children an access to their community language.
5.2.4.2 Cultural Performances Discourse
Culture as it has been explained by Levy (2002) can be understood as membership in a discourse community that shares common social space and history and common imaginings. In the process it captures the idea of identity in terms of race, gender,
185 sex, age, class, caste position, religion, geography, and the specific language which is used to express them. According to the findings, Zaramo cultural performance discourse involved traditional rituals with their special functions or aims. These, included rites of diseases and their corresponding medicines, sorcery and wizardry.
In the process, sorcery professionals conducted spiritual sessions in which diseases were diagnosed and medicine being prescribed; also, other healing directives were given to the patients. Others were rites of life-circle which comprised birth, death, and burial rites; girls‟ puberty, seclusion and pregnancy and the boys‟ circumcision rites. Believing in spirits was accompanied with separate rites which comprised of ancestral rites, different shrine rites, and divination rites.
Cultural practices in Zaramo community were carried out in ZL. Showing African languages as resource and cultural transmission platform, Batibo (2005:32-33) says:
Languages are vehicles through which cultural experiences are accumulated, stored and transmitted from one generation to another, hence the popular saying that language is a mirror of culture. In most African societies cultural experiences have been accumulated in three ways namely: by long interaction between the members of the society and their milieu, by the long interaction between the members of the society among themselves, and by the interaction between the members of the society and their supernatural world.
With reference to the research findings, the above quotation coincides with the
Zaramo cultural practice trend before it was spoiled by the new forces. In addition, it was their belief that traditional healing would not be achieved without using ZL because ancestral spirits were believed to communicate in no language other than
Zaramo. However, as findings inform that Zaramo community are no longer proud or competent in their language, communication with the ancestral spirits has been gradually fading away. Because of the loss of pride and incompetence in ZL, it was
186 not even used in economic activities of which children would hear it during instructions and would speak it in response as well as in the course of implementing the laid down instructions. In this way, the same children have been deprived of the right to access their Zaramo community language, a condition which indicates ZL has been at very high risk.
Such existing tendency in the Zaramo community that children have no access to their community language suffices to take it according Batibo (2005:152) as an indicator that Zaramo is one of the “highly endangered languages” in Tanzania, and is according to the findings of this research, on its way to extinction. This conclusion is drawn from what was found on the ground during this research as Bamgbose
(2011:3) points out that a language is highly endangered when: Very few speakers remaining, most of them very old, no longer used in any meaningful purpose in the community, and not being transmitted to younger generation. Also when no orthographic or written materials in it, language shift has taken place such that the language has been or is being replaced by another language. This is all what was the linguistic trend in the Zaramo community as this community now communicates in
Kiswahili which to most of them is the first language, and the young generation is currently not in full ZL acquisition.
5.2.4.3 Zaramo Community‟s Shift to Kiswahili
Studies (Swantz, 1970; Batibo, 2005; Ndagala, 2008) and the research findings indicate that ZL has been gradually on its way to disappearance. This is a remarkable and it will be unforgettable historical event to the world in general and to the Zaramo people in particular. In respect of this, language shift is observed as the
187 situation “when speakers abandon their language, willingly or under pressure, in favour of another language which then takes over as their means of communication and socialization” (Tristram, 2007:147). Whether willingly or by pressure, study findings have revealed that Kiswahili is the major means of Zaramo community‟s socio-economic, political and cultural communication. As Kijai (2012) points out, language shift can be realized under two levels. The first is the macro level language shift caused by urbanization and population movements, formal education, political influence and language contact. The second is micro level language shift due to exogamous marriages, locality and demographic factors, attitudes and values or prestige, as well as social and economic goals of individuals (Holmes, 2001;
Batibo, 2005).
Study findings as well as literature indicate that before the arrival of newcomers to the present Dar es Salaam, the predominant inhabitants of this place were Zaramo people whose language of communication was Zaramo (Swantz, 1970; Kurtz,
1978). The introduction of the slave trade and the intensification of overseas‟ trade mainly in ivory strengthened the use of Kiswahili as the major means of interaction between the newcomers and Zaramo people in the area for this case. Later this place developed into a trading centre as well as a political activities point. The increasing social services provision attracted population pressures from the interior and this incoming population was accompanied by mixing of cultures. The context later frustrated Zaramo culture and the ZL started to lose its importance to its users.
Formal education as it came in different languages other than ZL, and the political influence whereby Kiswahili was announced as the Tanzania‟s national language
188 (Tibategeza, 2010), all paved the way towards Zaramo community‟s shift to
Kiswahili.
The above cultural and linguistic contacts went hand in hand with exogamous marriages whereby the individuals of such newly established family units were socially united by Kiswahili as their alternative communication means. Children from such families could not find any of the couples‟ native language but Kiswahili was the first language to get from their parents. Another factor was the social and economic goals of the Zaramo individuals which according to this context Kiswahili was seen convenient. This was because Zaramo people were forced by the circumstance to cope with these new forces by getting into social ties and employment opportunities of the times. As time went on, attitude towards their language and culture was gradually drawing along the negative side of the line.
Although Swantz (1970:80) advocates that by then Zaramo were still clinging to their culture intently as the author says:
“...Zaramo...when speaking of the Kiswahili...they have kept their traditional identity not through the use of the language but by perpetuating the tribal ritual way of life”
It remains absolutely that no cultural values upholding out of the own natural language (Phillipson, 1992; Hudson, 2000; Batibo, 2005), in this case the Zaramo culture into the ZL. Under such situation, what stays is no matter other than falling remnants of it, as the same author‟s findings puts it clearly in the same context that:
“We are only children in these things”, “all big people have died, we do not know”, “There is nothing left any more”, There is not a thing which we do as it should be done” p 81.
189 It was found that such context was on another view reinforced to its current state by the policy and globalisation. Globalisation was blamed by causing fast population movements accompanied by intermarriages, introduction of new languages
(Kiswahili and English) and their cultures, and its effects through advanced IT. This world historical tendency affected Zaramo linguistic settings in which it was previously used. It suffices to equate this with what (Hornby, 1977; Baker, 2006) say on language shift, decline, and death that, industrialization and urbanization brought about social changes in social networks, relationship between people, patterns in language use in communities. Therefore, the growth of the present Dar es
Salaam into a city for industries, commerce, and national and international political activities led into cultural mix of which later Zaramo hosted. The host was later frustrated by this mix and in turn, the mix has left Zaramo community displaced out of the heart of the Zaramo land, the Msimbazi in Dar es Salaam. In addition, the long hands of such ghost of destruction have followed the same Zaramo community in the vicinity.
5.2.5 Less constrained Linguistic Discourses
Maasai linguistic discourse was found less constrained because it was not dominated by Kiswahili. This discourse is discussed based on three grounds namely: Maa language and Kiswahili, social exclusion tendency, and cultural upholding. Though the external forces were felt by this community in their linguistic discourses, the ML was still appreciated in their normal routine.
190 5.2.5.1 Social Exclusion Tendency Discourses
Different from that of Zaramo, social discourses in the Maasai community had exclusive tendencies. Whether in public or in a more private situation, socialization was said to been much exclusive. Social exclusive here means that irrespective of being a man or a woman, conversations were led in ML and the non-Maa speaking individuals who by different seasons happened to be in the Maasai area were straight away excluded from the talk. Bringing to light how and why social capital as a collective asset in society is maintained for enhancement of group members‟ life chances Lin (1999:32) says:
While acknowledging the essentiality of individuals interacting and networking in developing payoffs of social capital, the central interest of this perspective is to explore the element and process in the production and maintenance of the collective asset.
The relevance of the above assertion to the Maasai community comes at the point that individuals interacted in the realm of understanding for economic and social gains networking. In fulfilling this, their community language was the bonding tool that helped them hold their cultural and social values and knowledge that were maintained as a collective asset for the sake of the whole community. In their social discourses, Maasai did not invite newcomers into their conversations (as it has been illustrated in figure 4.2 in the antecedent chapter) rather they tended to exclude them in their social communication as they could neither switch to Kiswahili nor interpret the text to such newcomer. However, if there arose a substantial issue that they would like to hear or obtain from a newcomer, it is when they sought some
Kiswahili.
191 Informing on how Maasai people are committed to their traditional norms, Bruner
(1994:466) comment “The Maasai are proud of their culture and they are willing to defend it.” In all Maasai social settings in relation to the findings, community members were expected to be competent in their ML because of two major reasons.
First, speaking skills in Maasai community were highly appreciated. These skills were mainly based on command of the ML and all social, cultural, and economic activities were conducted in the language. The ability to possess a good disposition in getting along with other family or community members would equally be translated into being, according to (Mlola, 2010), a qualified graduate of the curriculum, the social elite.
To a Maasai, learning speaking skills is implicitly acknowledged as the core social curriculum for the candidate. Appreciating such imperative element in social life of an individual Maasai in the eyes and ears of the community Tarayia, (2004:194) has put forward a Maasai idiom which states that “a good orator (a proficient public speaker) has an effective self defence”. “emitu enkutuk olopeny”. The interpretation that one can obtain from this idiom is a loud call for linguistic knowledge in full understanding of both form and content in the course of language use in all communication discourses of the Maasai community.
This social exclusion tendency is interpreted here as one of the cultural walls strengthening behaviour of a relatively closed community where by family members and the community as a whole maintain emotional ties to one another and are typically linked for true life (LeFebvre and Franke 2013). This relative cultural
192 closure marked by exclusion behaviour can be thought under the conceptual premises they believe in that:
The meaning of the word Maasai is “I don‟t beg for anything from you, alone I can”. This is why we live by clans and boma (strongholds kraal). The aim is to help each other. If one of us lacks livestock, we contribute for him. We never ask for anything from different communities. When war happens, every man will have to go out to the battle field in favour of Maasai Community‟s dignity. We fight for our own sake, we never ask for help from different communities. (FGD - Maasai traditional leaders, 2014).
The above presentation signifies social exclusion tendency and it is interpreted here as one of the cultural walls strengthening behaviour of a relatively closed community (LeFebvre and Franke, 2013) where by family members and the community as a whole maintain emotional ties to one another and are typically linked with a true natural life.
The Maa was socially used in all social domains say at home whereby children could receive instructions in doing domestic work, in public by singing traditional entertainment songs for circumcision rituals, marriage, and birthday to mention but a few. Though not always, the language was also said to have been used in public social services in law courts and hospitals with the assistance from an interpreter.
This trend indicates presence of rich linguistic environment through which children could have access to their community language for acquisition. This kind of linguistic social discourse has been illustrated in Figure 4.2 in the previous chapter.
5.2.5.2 Cultural Upholding Discourse
In Maasai culture, the issue of observing traditions and customs is of paramount
(Mlola, 2010). Their culture is mainly governed by age-set social organization system. In the system, the topmost leader of their social administrative structure is 193 the Laiboni who holds two leadership positions, the spiritual leadership and political leadership. On one hand, Laiboni is traditionally recognized as the spiritual top leader and on the other hand, he assumes top responsibilities as the respected head of the Maasai social administrative structure. To them, religion is however a very outstanding cultural element which overshadows the political sense in their social organization structure. Together with leading spiritual performances, he inaugurates subordinates who assist him in both positions. Such assistants are known as
Laigwanani, the secular leaders. These are named and installed based on groups with which they are expected to lead namely: the laigwanani for old men, for morani, for clan, and the one for women (see their social administrative structure in figure 4.4 in the antecedent chapter.
Cultural practices that were appreciated by the Maasai were traditional and customary trainings in socio-economic and the community‟s political organizational relations. Of the main Maasai cultural practices was circumcision rite through which their social organizational structures were base. It is through this traditional value, the age-grading social system was appreciated and it marked the individual‟s social promotions for both males and females from former to the next higher age groups. This gave rise to change of social roles and different responsibilities were assumed by every individual in his or her basic family unit at the first instance and thereafter to the community at the second instance. In another sense, promotions meant retirements from the specific responsibility and roles. This scheme of social organization, distinguishes them from their neighbouring and many other distant communities. Traditionally, Maasai are livestock keepers. To them, livestock keeping is not only an economic occupation and as source of revenue but they also
194 consider it social prestigious activity. Most of all what findings seek to present is the love to their culture and their behaviour to identify with it by language and actions in a traditional way which is mainly emphasised by their social structure. This has been an opening way to rich linguistic context which favours children to access their community language for acquisition.
Figure 5. 2: A Snap of the Maasai Traditional Ritual Ceremony
Studies on social identity theory specify that a social identity is a person‟s knowledge that she belongs to a social category or group (Stets , 2000:225). This theory relates to the Maasai social structures in that, Maasai, in relation to this claim, feel that they belong to African cultural icons as Mlola (2010:63) admiringly honours them by saying:
Maasai are perhaps the best example of an East African tribe that has welcomed modern practices, but also has faithfully retained the old 195 traditional customs – unlike many others who have tended to relinquish these customs.
In the same perspective, it was found that, Maasai were intact to their cultural standards and courageous to identify themselves as purely traditionalists physically and by deeds. In addition to this, Spear (1993) in Mlola (2010) appreciates their standing firmly without being induced by their neighbours‟ tribal ways, colonial conquest, or modernization; they conclude that Maasai have steadily stood in a proud mute testimony to a vanishing African world.
Although there are both positive and negative attitudes toward their cultural practices and the ML, yet, the positive side is according to the findings more than the negative side. For any language to endure threatening conditions around it, be it linguistic imperialism, unhealthy language policy of the country or any other threatening factors, studies indicate that positive attitudes toward the language is the key phenomenon to its survival (Phillipson, 1992; Hudson, 2000; Batibo, 2005).
Based on findings of the study, the Maa language could survive the threats of globalisation, a major tool of linguistic imperialism. The positive attitude to the Maa language was revealed through the important uses by which the speakers were impressed. Such uses include the influential power of the Maa language in resolving problems among the Maasai community, retaining the ways of the tribe by understanding it.
Another use that called for people‟s attention was its ability to hold the community tied to the cultural and social commands. The evidence was during the study process at Engikaret in Longido, the researcher witnessed one of their traditional
196 celebrations known as „Dume la rika‟ (Orikiteng‟ Loorbaa) which means „the Bull of the Age-mates‟. By following all the processes of the activity and the order of the day, the candidate was declared to have been baptised traditionally. Finally, through this ceremony the candidate acquired a new name and he was blessed by the elders led by Laiboni (the spiritual leader) as a hero.
It has been through this trend; the Maasai community appreciate and maintain their traditional social relations that in turn have helped them remain intact to the ways of their community. Despite the pressures of globalisation that strikingly impede efforts made by communities at every corner of the world (Phillipson, 1992;
Rubagumya, 2010) in maintaining their cultures and the ECLs, the Maasai community have shown endurance. It goes without saying that, the existence of any language centres in the possibility to acquire it (Batibo, 2005).
In the process of CAMT Maasai community used different strategies in making their children learn the ML. There were two main stages namely: breast feeding stage and post-breast feeding stage. In the breast feeding stage, adults and siblings in the family talked to their infants and toddlers while the principal roles of the children were listening and observing. When adults and siblings talked to children, they as well performed actions to help the children construct concepts. During the post- breast feeding stage, olaiyoni (boys) and ndito (girls) acquired much of the ML through participating in domestic and economic activities such as looking after cattle as well as taking part in plays and initiation rites. Based on this observation, Maasai have well established social and economic systems for helping children acquire the
ML.
197 5.3 Uses of the Ethnic Community Languages – Maa and Zaramo
Like other languages elsewhere, Zaramo and Maa had uses in their communities.
These uses can be categorized into four major classes. The two languages served as: cultural heritage device, personal and cultural identity, social unifying factor as well as resources to Kiswahili. Their usages were realized through quotations that lined up along the importance of the Maa and Zaramo languages.
5.3.1 Cultural Heritage Tool
As a cultural device, Zaramo and Maa languages were used as an intelligence exploration platform. They also served as personal and cultural identity as well as social unifying factor. In relation to this, Batibo (2005) presents that languages are vehicles through which cultural experiences are accumulated, stored, and transmitted from one generation to another.
Knowledge and skills are important aspects that children should acquire from the physical and social environments which form a context nurtured by adults. As an ability to learn, understand, and think in logical way (Hornby, 2010) intelligence is used to examine and analyse contents of the environment so as to come to full knowledge about it. In view of this, Tassoni (2002), when educating on how to work with young children, notes that language and thought processes are connected.
In this way, application of knowledge leads into skills of which mastery brings one to experience in the course of intelligence exploration for life sustenance. Bringing to light the relationship between language and theory of mind, Malle (2002) believes that they are closely related because of their tight connection in social behaviour formation of an individual. The author maintains that language and mind are
198 neurologically, cognitively, or functionally inseparable as a person grows into a full potential individual in conquering her environment.
Knowledge, skills, and experience are the output of the linguistic inputs in the intelligence exploration process. Expressing how theory of mind interconnects itself to language Malle (2002) presents that in adult social behaviour, language is an important vehicle by which theory of mind skills are expressed and put to use.
Congruent to this, it was presented in the statements from Maasai and Zaramo research participants that the obtained knowledge through their ECLs covered economic arts and crafts, science and technology for work simplification, as well as nature conservation. Within the same context of intelligence exploration, language was pointed out to have facilitated understanding the traditional medicine and its prescription for healing; seasons‟ detection, dress codes, social relationships, and environment management were also known.
Language as medium of knowledge and skills for practical human life experience was perceived by Zaramo and Maasai as a precious tool and treasure of their traditional education. Along the same concept, Malle (1992) maintains that in the same theory of mind, language becomes a generative format for thinking and planning. For that matter, concepts formed by the mind through language are fundamentals by which people grasp social reality as well as ability to represent, conceptualize and reason through their mental states whereas language functions as platform.
199 Studies show that language is a tool in the process of cultural transmission from one generation to the next (Holmes, 2001; Batibo, 2005). In the Maasai and Zaramo communities, their ECLs were reported to have been the medium of cultural values transmission and social interactions. Along this understanding, Machlup (1982) submits that educational training is for sharpening the intellect, improving the quality of individuals‟ life skills, efficiency for improved productivity in material things and service. In light of this, ECLs acquisition went simultaneously with different traditional trainings in the fields of economy, social standards, cultural norms, and even political administration. This assisted in managing the well being of the community collectively, so as in the long run produce human capital which was efficient and potential to increase the community‟s production for her development.
Showing how most of African societies accumulated their cultural experiences,
Batibo (2005:33) points out three ways of accumulation namely: 1) by long interaction between members of the society and their milieu, which has resulted into unique knowledge of the environment, 2) by the long interaction between the members of the society among themselves which resulted into development of customs and traditions in that society, and 3) interaction between the members of a society and their supernatural world. With reference to this assertion, Zaramo and
Maasai communities accumulated cultural knowledge in relation to these ways.
During initiation of the youth into adulthood, different teachings were conducted.
Such teachings covered knowledge about environment conservation skills, social and gender relations, varying tactics of effecting different economic activities, traditional religious adherences and the ethics related to matrimonial and family
200 maintenance to mention but a few (Swantz, 1970; Mlola, 2010). This was an important period when youth were introduced to the ways of the tribe before they were circumcised. In all these performances their ECLs were used. To the Maasai,
Maa was strictly the only language and it is still appreciated by the community
(Mlola, 2010). On the side of the Zaramo, their Community language was used in those years before the community was strike by external forces that have devastated their tribal norms as Swantz, (1970:87) confirms by saying:
A society which was based on kinship relations has acquired more different forms of organization, caused by political and economic developments, by requirements of changed religious identification and by outside contacts.
From the above evidence and from the research findings, at present Zaramo use
Kiswahili as a language of knowledge exploration and social interaction. According to the findings from both field and literature, Zaramo has been gradually declining and now it is on its way to extinction (Swantz, 1970; Batibo, 2005).
To the environment management, for example, a young Maasai was strictly prohibited to kill wild birds and animals for meat and Zaramo were for example not allowed to cut some trees by any reason while other trees were cut for specific reasons and not otherwise. To maintain such norms, penalty for the offender were clearly stipulated in their natural laws. For example a Maasai boy who was caught killing a bird could be humiliated by being beaten and a bundle of feathers being tied on his hair for some weeks. They were also taught methods of soil conservation for fertility retention. This is where rests the notion of relationship between world heritage and the ECLs (Wright ., 2000).
201 Other cultural values were religious conducts used to shape community individuals‟ behaviours so that they would become morally upright. To the Zaramo, findings show that their religious institution can be examined within three successive periods.
The first was that when Zaramo community was still intact to their culture, before it was watered down by new values. The second was when they had accepted the new forms of beliefs as Swantz (1970) observes that as Muslims on one hand and as traditionalists on the other, Zaramo sought for ways of meeting the pressures of the urbanized rational-technical world around them. The third is the current religious practices whereby new beliefs have overshadowed and therefore dominate the
Zaramo traditional religious principles. In the first period, religious knowledge was handled down to youth through ZL as means of beliefs concepts of transmission and grasping. In the second period, dilution of cultural beliefs and the ZL started while in the third period Zaramo cultural decorum and the language are really exhausted and overwhelmed by the new forces and beliefs.
To the Maasai, cultural and the religious beliefs were reported unbroken and constantly followed by the community members. From that standpoint, Mlola (2010) commends the Maasai to be the tribesmen and women who still stand out as cultural icons. The proof of this, can be realized from their social system of administration in which their spiritual (religious) as well as political leader, the Laiboni is still recognized despite banning of chieftainship by the Tanzania‟s government soon after her independence (Tibategeza, 2010). In the process, ethical rules in the social administrative systems were intensely observed in cultivating good leadership from family holds through clans to the community as a whole (Swantz, 1970; Mlola2010).
202 Under these cultural values, the ML was and is still the language or the traditional knowledge transmission and acquisition platform in this community.
5.3.2 Personal and Cultural Identity
Language as tool of identification, serves to distinguish people belonging to different groups, classes, races, tribes or nationalities. Every one of these categories has its own distinctive features that separate it from another or others. Batibo
(2005:33) highlights such features as types of dress, food, houses, taboos and specific practices. Preferably, these features can be represented by concepts formed by the mind through language. Zaramo and Maasai ECLs were in this understanding reported and hereby interpreted to have an ability to endorse sense of belonging and responsible self-consciousness in the communities‟ individuals. In order for the reader to come to full understanding, personal and cultural identity is discussed through behavioural formation as an underling specific use.
Studies inform that personal and cultural identity can be realized by looking at one‟s behaviour to any action performed by the same person. Such actions might be socially effected or individually oriented. Brisbene (2000:57) for example points out that families meet their members‟ intellectual needs, and in the process, family is the first child‟s teacher from whom she learns language, numbers, colours, objects, relationships, and other concepts. In this way, she develops observable behaviour that distinguishes her from other individuals within the same family at the first instance and from the outside world at the second instance (Küspert-Rakotondrainy,
2013). In the same way, study findings revealed that Zaramo and Maasai family members were said to have been agents of child‟s behavioural formation in these
203 communities. In practice, their ECLs were the carrier of the behavioural concepts.
Behavioural formation description proceeds by discussing the relevance of social behaviour and economic attributes that influence identity.
Social behaviour as a benefit obtained in the behaviour formation process is in
African traditions and customs understood through respect. Brisbane (2000) argues that a strong family is one of the best gifts to give a child. The family is the first child‟s connection to the world, and it provides each individual with the chance to love and be loved. Broadening such behaviour, establishes an automatic sense of respect and careering among family individuals. On family systems theory as a concept which focuses on what goes on in families, Fingerman and Bermann (2000) argue that mutual interactive communication among family members is important in shaping children‟s and all individuals‟ behaviour. In the value of this, the authors maintain that while some families would like to stress independence and creativity, others would like to emphasise obedience and loyalty.
Like in many African traditions, findings put to light that Zaramo and Maasai centred their teachings on shaping children‟s social behaviour. They believed that by so doing, children would grow into potential individuals to their families and the community at large. To the Maasai, Maa was mentioned to have been the means of the teachings because it contains knowledge in social relations such as respect to gender, older age, consanguinity, and social administrators (Mlola, 2010). To the
Zaramo, it was highlighted that ZL was in earlier times used in the same lines of purpose and it would hand out similar goals if it were in full use.
204 In relation to social behaviour maintenance, “gender” was so significant in the two communities. The issue of gender relations in these two communities comes out prominently because it was handled distinctively. Findings indicate that while in the
Zaramo culture women were regarded as political leaders in their social administrative structures, Maasai men overrode the community‟s social structures.
Traditionally, Zaramo practised matrilineal kinship connection. Through this kind of social relation, women were highly respected by the community. However, trends have changed due to the introduction of the Islamic culture which was claimed to rank men highly. Indicating how women have socially lost their importance, Swantz
(1970:98) asserts that “Socially her importance in the Islamic community has decreased, where as men have taken up new roles and gained a new sense of superiority”. Based on this and as time went on, the influence of women in traditional social administrative structures equally have declined. To the Maasai, though men were highly regarded, findings revealed that women are respected as mothers of the community. More to this point, Tarayia, (2004) informs us that their social and economic contribution is remarkable and appreciated by the whole community. Comparatively, there exists difference between Zaramo and Maasai regarding gender checks and balances in the community all of which are contents of
Maa and Zaramo languages that were expected to be handled to children.
Another benefit obtained from shaping children‟s and any individual‟s behaviour is economic aspect. Indicating the core of an identity in the social identity theory, Stets
(2000) argues that categorization of the self as an occupant of a role associates the role with expectation of which its perceived meaning form a set of standards that guide behaviour. Although it has been presented that women were highly regarded
205 in the Zaramo community, on the other side men were expected to work hard to satisfy their families and possess what they would consider enough as property possession. A man who displayed such behaviour was highly respected in community (Swantz, 1970). In Maasai community, findings put to light that their social organization system determined the distribution of duties and responsibilities.
Tasks were given based on age and gender. Tarayia (2004) and Mlola (2010) point out duties of Maasai men as to graze their cattle, participate in war, and protecting the community while women‟s obligations are mainly to construct and maintain family‟s huts, cook for the family and take care of children. These, as cultural contents of the communities which were to be transmitted to children in their ECLs, to the Zaramo, the case was different because ZL had not been in full use.
5.3.3 Social Unifying Factor
Studies on social identity theory relate it to language, a tool which serves as a unifying factor among the users. Showing how identification works in social unification, Stets and Burke (2000:224) pinpoint that “one‟s self-esteem is enhanced by evaluating the in-group and the out-group on dimensions that lead the in-group to be judged positively and the out-group to be judged negatively”. Such social identity of which one identifies herself to the related group, her culture should relate to that of the group. Whether traditional culture or whichever culture in question, language, behaviour, and other social attributes are paramount as identification precedes unification. What was found in both communities was that, their ECLs would equip them with freedom of expression as a human right and the languages would bring them together for solidarity. In the process, these languages as it has been portrayed by Mlola (2010), they were a point of entertainment to the speakers
206 and whoever interested in the social as well as cultural presentations of the same languages. Within this context, Gergen (1997) adds that interaction is essential in the humanist tradition of social construction.
Language especially MT provides freedom of expression to the user. The user feels free to speak because she is confident with the language and it has equipped her with full knowledge in understanding the world (Levy, 2007). Such confidence is a product of competence in the language as it allows the individual to think critically and produce complex but productive expression of facts about the existing realities in a world perspective. To the Maasai community, findings put it out that children had full access to their community language through which they acquired cultural knowledge Tarayia (2004) in viewing the world in different perspective other than that they obtain from Kiswahili. To the Zaramo community, children had no access to their ECL. They were competent in Kiswahili as their first language. They had single world understanding because they had missed that which was deep-rooted in their ECL.
Giving out the impact of denying a child her right of getting her ECL, Squire (2007) says that the result would be lack of sensitivity to the language itself, its culture, and the religious content on which the community is affiliated. Along this argument, findings indicate that Zaramo people including youth have lost sense of their community language and its cultural philosophy. This have led them into missing knowledge, diversity cultures, food flavours, specific dressing code, and linguistic inputs that would help her make comparison between languages. Others would be socialization at playing grounds and proper emotional development which could be
207 obtained from the appealing content of the culture through its language as she grows into adulthood. The failure to access or use one‟s own ECL, Rubagumya (2010) calls it as missing linguistic right that should be enjoyed by all citizens. In the same view, Mtahabwa (2010) contends that giving young children sufficient opportunities to participate in cultural activities (in this case, language a basic tool of expression) is one of their basic rights in social justice and knowledge acquisition in their early developmental stages.
It is a right of children to access their ECL. Possessing it provides the owner with human dignity. Lacking it denies them confidence in the eyes of the public and in the education process (Rubagumya, 2009). To these children, this creates some difficulties and it depresses their life. To all people, lack of a language of mastery denies an individual or the community the right to participate in decision-making as regards to her life even if she is invited – plans will pass without being aware of her destiny.
Language as a unifying factor encourages solidarity and cohesion. These two specific functions result into promoting social relations, entertainment, and social organization as significant benefits in communities. Batibo (2005) puts it forward that language fosters solidarity and cohesion. He maintains that speakers of the same language feel close to each other and thereby establish a sense of belonging. To the
Zaramo and Maasai communities, although in different magnitudes their ECLs were points of solidarity and cohesion and could bring people together by feeling that they belonged to the same cultural origin. However, while the Maasai currently
208 appreciate their language, and handle it down to their children, Zaramo children are relatively missing their ECL (Swantz, 1970; Batibo, 2005).
Studies show that language is a very significant agent of national unity and political consolidation in the country (Petzell, 2012). Findings reveal that, each of the two communities had its own traditional social organization structure as a political alignment. In strengthening the political control of their units, language was important. Zaramo followed maternal kinship social control system along with patrilineal spiritual alignment while Maasai practised age-set social organization structure. In these two distinct political systems, language was a social unifying factor that was used in consolidating their social control units. Language was used to give orders, interpret traditional laws, distribution of duties, gender differentiation, and as an instructional medium in provision of traditional education, to mention but a few. This social benefit helped to maintain culture and the language. In this way, children could access their community language.
5.4 Factors Influencing (CAMT)
This section focuses on discussing factors influencing CAMT. These factors have according to the findings been categorized into two broad groups, facilitative factors and inhibitive factors.
5.4.1 Facilitative Factors for Zaramo and Maa Acquisition
From the findings five facilitative factors were presented from both communities in which this study was conducted namely: cultural adherence, positive attitude, social
209 organization structure, tribal cultural activities. All are discussed under this sub- section.
5.4.1.1 Cultural Adherence: Relatively Closed Culture
Studies indicate that there is a direct interrelation between culture and the language through which it is articulated (Mekheimer, 2011). There was a strict emphasis on observing the Maasai cultural etiquette to every community member. According to the findings, parents were informed from heads of their social systems to pass on to their children the Maasai cultural contents that had been within their reach. Values which were very deep to the heart of the Maasai culture were taught to the young men who were expected to join the group of junior morani in the forest. For females who had attained the respective age, teachings were done at home specifically in her mother‟s house (Mlola, 2010).
The aim of the above presentation is to bring to light the importance of these cultural values and the reasons why they should not perish in vain of the current age of globalisation which presses on cultural openness all around the world. The main argument here is that this Maasai‟s traditional trend of emphasising adherence to their cultural norms that every community member should strictly follow the tribal principles is really a sign of strong hold to the African world view point. Holding to this point, Mlola (2010) agrees with them by saying that although Maasai have travelled at home and abroad still the tribesmen and women stand out as traditional icon of African culture. It is through this emphasis that the existence of a community‟s culture dwells in maintaining to speak language of the specific culture
210 as once Phillipson (1992) said that the loss of culture of a particular community is preceded by the loss of language of its presentation.
Findings have revealed that the Maasai social discourse setup as it has been illustrated in figure 4.2 in the previous chapter was relatively exclusive in that it was not so simple for a newcomer to intervene or interfere in Maasai social interaction discourses. This was because they are fond of their language and they would not easily switch to Kiswahili. One would interpret this conduct as a dominance feeling that have been maintained to govern the community. Arguing on this cultural behaviour, Batibo (2005) mentions them as the East African nomadic people who are known to dominate smaller language groups by forcing them to abandon their languages in favour of their Maa. This cultural trend has been a facilitative condition to child‟s acquisition of the ML because it has been highly desired by the community.
5.4.1.2 Positive Attitude
Attitude has been defined in many ways by different scholars as the way one thinks and feels about somebody or something (Hornby, 2010). Batibo (2005:97) mentions attitude as feelings, reaction or emotional disposition towards an idea, concept or phenomenon. Equating it with intentions in teaching, Mtahabwa (2007) articulates it as mental states without motivational or causal power. The three definitions centre on feelings and intention. Following these viewpoints and according to the findings,
Maasai had always in their feelings intended to sustain their cultural philosophy and its language of expression. For this reason, they can in their perception be understood to have positive attitude towards their language.
211 Also, by understanding that the language served communication purposes, kept their cultural ideals, and that children could develop understanding of their being as they grew into adulthood, signifies cultural maturity of this community. As Batibo (2005) presents about attitudes towards the first and second language(s), Maasai associated their language with identity, unity, and wisdom. While accepting their language to provide such services to their humanity, yet they had another prevailing idea. This was revealed by the findings in statements that Maasai were not willing their children to acquire formal education in the ML. This plus the emphasis by TCP that
Kiswahili should be used as the Tanzania‟s national language as well as in formal domains, signifies that Maasai in the near future will become bilinguals at the community level although this is not a focus of this study. It is because it went out from their own words that they knew very little of Kiswahili especially in the interior of their geographical locations. This is contrary to the Zaramo who are considered to have been gradually becoming monolinguals at the community level on the cost of losing their ECL.
5.4.1.3 Social Organization Structure
Findings have revealed that community‟s social organization system reflect social relations and structures. In both communities, Zaramo and Maasai, this factor was thought important and relevant for MTA practices. Social organization structures offer arrangement of social discourses and the specific language usage in the related domains of practice for human relations. Asserting on how this idea works as per social construction in humanist tradition, Gergen (1997) expounds that meaning of any utterance is not self-standing; rather it is dependent on a vast history of language use in which this utterance is implanted. Borrowing this idea from social
212 construction theorist view, it suffices to say that the current ECLs states in the two communities are due to their historical social structures construction.
Maasai practised age-set social system in their community‟s organization. Their social structures followed age and gender relations. Duties and responsibilities were distributed among family and community members based on age grades. This cultural practice had helped the Maasai to strengthen relationship which, always exists between culture and language. Stressing on this relationship, Mekheimer
(2011) presents that culture and language crisscross with each other through cumulative human experience, shared understanding of the past and the future including effective participatory interactions in interlocutory situations. In this regard, Maasai‟s age-grading system facilitated consolidation of their political unity, cultural manifestations, and the social exclusion tendency. In these holds, children would receive and implement orders; they would hear and take part in different social interactions with adults and among themselves in exchanging ideas and plays.
In so doing, they strengthened their linguistic knowledge, thinking capacity, and created sense of self-realization which gave them freedom of expression. In support of this, Tarayia (2004:194) quotes a Maasai idiom that “A good orator has an effective self-defence” meaning that courage in public speaking is sustained in one‟s mastery of the specific language of expression.
To the Zaramo, social administrative system was very different. Findings indicate that their social structures were led by kinship heritage based on the side of the mother Swantz (1970). While the mother was recognized as political leader, the father on the other side was accepted as spiritual leader. In this way, the mother was
213 a biological descent tracing line and the father was a spiritual descent tracing line.
This way of social organization, clearly indicates that there existed two kinds of social relationships which can be termed as bi-lineal social structure (Swantz, 1970).
This kind of sibling social classification system brought about unclear privileges and responsibilities distribution in family units. This can be interpreted as one of the key points on which the current visible Zaramo cultural openness stands. Such bilateral social administrative system caused community‟s traditional political instability which on the way resulted into cultural porosity. From the findings, this community‟s cultural weakness, simplified the erosive power of the new forces that struck the Zaramo‟s cultural and social walls whereby the community could not bear the impact.
The first ground of culture that was mostly affected was its fundamental element, the language. While Batibo (2005) informs that language is a vehicle for thought and intelligence exploration, Zaramo community including children could not properly get to their cultural ideals. This was because their language correspondingly went down as time went on. Heritage (2010) terming language as a backbone of culture, says that cultural values are underpinned networks of family resemblances of cultural aspects endlessly featured in language. This idea can be borrowed to mean how ZL was significant to its culture and how its los has become a serious problem to the general understanding of the Zaramo traditional ways of life in the modern age.
214 5.4.1.4 Tribal Cultural Activities
As peoples‟ cultural icon, this factor is very significant in portraying such traditional deeds which differentiate communities. Zaramo and Maasai practised religious rituals which were connected with spirits. These spirits were the centre of worship, problems solving – diseases, environment, family conflicts, and bad lucks and they as well practised singing and dancing (Swantz, 1970; Mlola, 2010). Singing and dancing, could on one hand serve as the medium through which rituals were transmitted and on the other hand these performances acted as social entertainment activity. These would include celebrating crop harvest, if an individual had endured different social or economic crisis, after one graduates a certain stage in life circle, to mention but a few.
Findings have shown that the two communities practised these cultural activities differently but they all meant the same in the African context. Their religious rituals included taboos, sacrifices, and worshiping. In this way, their social life was linked with the order of the universe and nature through which human beings were believed to be the integral part.
Of particular importance, cultural activities were mentioned to have been occupied by the use of Maa and Zaramo languages in their respective communities. These languages were seen as communicative necessity in the cultural performances. To the Zaramo, it was believed that and as Swantz (1970) supports, Zaramo ancestral spirits could not communicate with the physical world in any language other than
Zaramo. This is the reason why in those days ZL was very significant to every
Zaramo individual. To the Maasai, communication in cultural activities was also
215 carried on using Maa (Tarayia, 2004). For example in religious practices, it was as well believed that their ancestral spirits were only able to communicate with the physical world in the ML (Mlola, 2005).
The revealed understanding from the tribal cultural practices is that, such activities would have helped the specific community to see them as positive force and not as something which hinders them from participation in the current states of wider social and economic life scales (Swantz, (1970). This would have assisted Zaramo for example to stick on their traditional world view which they used to obtain through their language instead of thinking that abandoning their values and language would integrate them into modernity as Gergen (1997) values these cultural activities as traditional disciplinary boundaries that help the specific individuals to retain their social ideals and human dignity. While integrating into the current unavoidable modernization process, through the said activities they would retain unity, strength, and cohesion as their protecting power in acquiring a sustainable life which would emerge out of integration between their traditional world view and the new forces. To the Maasai, the same would be expected in their perspective to maintain their ways of the tribe as a defence in integrating into the current life process. The main weapon in retaining this is the language through which they are presented from one generation to the next.
5.4.2 Inhibitive Factors for Maa and Zaramo Acquisition
Findings revealed that there were inhibitive conditions in the process of acquiring
Maa and Zaramo. Such factors include: cultural policy, negative attitude, migration and intermarriage, socio-cultural openness, and formal education. Others were the
216 spread of Kiswahili, and globalisation through foreign languages, religion as well as technology. As it has been presented in the previous sections and sub-sections, about the cultural and linguistic trends as well as contexts in which children from the two communities were to acquire their ECLs, the extent to which each community was affected differ.
5.4.2.1 Cultural Policy
There was a clear indication from the findings that one of the causes of the current state of ECLs in the two communities in which this study was conducted was the
TCP. The underlying problems of the policy are embedded in its nature; they include lack of follow-up, child‟s linguistic right denial, policy oversight on ECLs museums, and prohibiting ECLs in formal domains. Others are promoting Kiswahili and foreign languages over ECLs, people‟s mind-set, and policy practice mismatch.
Ezema (2013:25) disputes about the quality of the language policies towards African languages on the continent by saying that:
Governments pursue policies of virtual monolingualism which in their opinion is necessary in encouraging mass participation in political and economic activities. ...speakers of other languages are forced to assimilate the so called official or national languages or forfeit active participation in the government activities.
This assertion can be understood that while such policy may succeed in letting political and economic activities accessible to a large segment of the society, it fails to take into account the linguistic human right of speakers of other languages. This is purely a misconception on linguistic and cultural diversity and deliberate violation of individual‟s linguistic human right.
217 In light of the above observation, the TCP nature lacking of follow-up mechanisms such as implementation plan, supervision strategy, evaluation techniques, stake holders in the process, time specificity, and resources both fiscal and equipment had led into improper practice. In the same perspective, Rubagumya (2009) gives out a critical view that lack of meaningful dialogue between policy-makers and practitioners is part of the said problem. Another weakness was the policy oversight on ECLs in museums. Traditional songs and artistic performances are argued here to be kept in museums in an electronic form for future generations but also would attract tourists.
Prohibiting ECLs from formal domains was another problem which had created negative attitude towards ECLs. In relation to this, Rubagumya (2010) critically shows how TCP as a document which recognizes the importance of developing all languages of Tanzania, ECLs remain banned in mass media. Isolating them from being used in education, politics, public gatherings, and in media has made the speakers not see the importance of speaking their language and there along take time to teach their children the language.
Promoting foreign languages and Kiswahili alone was a policy grounded problem which any one could understand to have created a room for Kiswahili to encroach on
ECLs. Showing the importance of ECLs in education, Batibo (2005) informs that education can also be introduced in a community language at elementary level hand in hand with major languages in a bilingual form of education. This has worked in
New Zealand with Maori groups, again according to Batibo (2005).
218 Child‟s linguistic right denial was according to the quotations another policy related problem. Pointing out how language policies in Africa are unhealthy, Ezema (2013) argues that such policies have marginalized the African languages and their speakers. Marginalization of these languages in this view has led into child‟s right denial to her ECL, a language that would equip her with a more diversified knowledge of perceiving the world in a different perspective. Therefore, as
Rubagumya (2009) asserts, lack of constructive and productive dialogues between policy on one hand and practice on the other hand resulted into policy practice mismatch.
5.4.2.2 Negative Attitude
One could discover from the participants‟ quotations that there was a negative attitude prevailing around ECLs not only in Maasai and Zaramo communities but probably in the whole of Tanzania. This conclusion is drawn from what was said from all five participants‟ categories because for example, among the policy-makers who participated in the research no anyone who belonged to any of the two communities. In their statements, no single category or individual person that was pro to the idea that an ECL could serve as a medium of formal education in
Tanzania. This is congruent to what Rodà-Bencells (2009) and Rocha (2010) communicate to us, that people learn a particular language for a specific purpose basically related to social and economic beliefs. In the same premises, Batibo (2005) presents that speakers would tend to have positive attitude if their language is used in communication, socialization, and ethnic identity.
219 The voice of children was again heard under this point that they hated some of the
Maasai traditional norms such as female‟s genital excision, restricting girl children to go to school, early age and forced marriage to mention but a few (Tarayia, 2004).
This may in the long run cause a negative influence on the ML acquisition.
Although some other influences such as Kiswahili encroachment on Maa and modernization pressures on to their cultural ties and their language, it comes out of this voice that as time goes on, if this community does not rethink on such socially unhealthy cultural practices, children‟s Maa acquisition may probably start wilting.
To the Zaramo children, their voice was that their language was a tribal oriented.
Maa and Zaramo languages were criticized by children as well as other participants categories in communities that their languages were not adequate enough to carry out such complex subjects like physics, biology, geography, computer science and chemistry to mention but a few.
The above thinking draws an attention to the three key points which Rocha (2010) points out that 1) people learn a particular language to achieve a certain purpose which primarily relates to socio-economic beliefs, 2) attitudes are manifested in the learners parents‟ behaviour and in their interaction with and through the language, and 3) once the child‟s own language is validated by the school, motivation and attitude towards the language is generally enhanced. In light of this observation, one can define TCP to have been the key influential factor to the two communities‟ perception that their ECLs cannot analyse complex knowledge mentioned in the antecedent paragraph. Had their languages been handled as they are theoretically mentioned by the policy in chapter three sub-section 3.1.5 and section 3.2 of its provisions, the speakers view point towards their languages would probably had
220 been different. Such doubts centred on why the ECLs are not used in education, not promoted in public contexts, or in politics would not emerge.
5.4.2.3 Migration and Intermarriages
Studies in linguistics point out migration and intermarriages as a limiting factor in
(MTA). If one migrates from the country of origin to the foreign country he or she works hard to cope with such compelling social and economic circumstances which may even lead the individual into assimilation (Chiswick and Houseworth, 2010). In the two communities, migration which means immigration (receiving people from outside the area) and emigration (sending people to other places) was experienced by both communities but at a different rate. Reasons for migration are not point of interest in this study, but to highlight them can be: political stability or instability, scarcity of resources or their availability, economic reasons, employment opportunities or unemployment state, natural hazards, and intermarriages to mention but a few.
Historically, the factors that attracted incoming population into Zaramo land differed from that related to the Maasai community. Such factors were geographical locations, Tanzania‟s national influence through different policies, and the differing social organization systems of the two communities. To the Zaramo, their area became a sphere of both national and international economic and political influence.
As a trading and political activities centre, flow of immigrants into the area was very high. The incoming population into the Zaramo community came with their cultures, religions, and languages which Swantz (1970) calls new forces. During this trend,
Kiswahili became the major means of communication in socio-economic and
221 political activities in the area as well as nation wise. Kiswahili like any other language carried its own culture. To the immigrants, assimilation (Robinson, 1989) was a necessity so as they could survive the new life conditions. But to the Zaramo as natives, they would have stood firmly along the ways of their tribe. Such endurance would have helped them to shape their life into the modern life that was pressing them. As Zaramo cultural philosophy could not withstand the new forces, therefore, both hosts and immigrants gradually assimilated into new culture and language.
To the Maasai the trend was different from that of the Zaramo community. As a historical nomadic community, their area was not a trading or political centre. It was evident that Maasai had strongly bonded social structures in their traditional administrative system. This became their cultural protecting walls against new influences (Mlola, 2010) that would in the long run force them to assimilate into new cultures and languages. From this account, it stands out of doubt that the magnitude of the effects which were brought by these new cultural trends to the two communities, differed. This is because there was a clear indication from the findings that while Zaramo were unfastened to their cultural values, Maasai community was found intact to her ways of the tribe.
Socio-demographic studies indicate that intermarriages operate under a number of factors (Council of Europe, 2007). One of the factors is migration (Jackson, 2007).
Migration can relatively cause intermarriages between the people in contact. Quotes highlighted that most children born in the intermarried couples in both Maasai and
Zaramo communities were said to have no direct access to their parents‟ community
222 languages and in that way could not speak either of the parents‟ ECL. In the two cases, Kiswahili was pointed out to have been the first language of the said children.
The main argument and focus of the current sub-section has been to assess the two issues, migration and intermarriages, and see how they interrelate in bringing impact on MTA.
5.4.2.4 Socio-cultural Openness: the Zaramo Culture
Studies on social and cultural openness provide that a society or community is open if it is individually oriented (LeFebvre and Fanke, 2013). The core elements of individualism are independence and uniqueness. The prototype example of individualism would according to Triandis (1993) in LeFebvre and Fanke, (2013) be marketplace where an individual makes payment and receives a good or service in return. The relationships here are emotionally distant and although members of the market interact frequently, each member maintains his or her own distinct identity.
Findings have revealed that Zaramo community members were liberal, flexible and almost less tied to their traditional norms.
Currently we are not so much tied to our Zaramo traditions and customs. Will you question a person when she is with her own normal routine? When in town, don‟t speak Zaramo to your colleague, she will be surprised. Probably you may not receive any response! (FGD - Zaramo parents, 2014).
From this quote, it was evident that members would socially like to identify distinctively. When differentiating social identity from personal identity, Stets and
Burke (2000) in personal identity an individual would like to act in terms of her own goals and desires rather than as a member of a group or category. In relation to this,
Zaramo can be understood to have defined themselves in their self-image as independent individuals or as just part of the larger group, the community (LeFebvre 223 and Franke, 2013). Therefore, such a context could not fuel ZL prevalence so that children would get it.
5.4.2.5 Globalisation Effects
The term globalisation is perceived as a multidimensional phenomenon (Kasongo,
2010) thereby being defined by various scholars in different ways. Guy (2009:3) defines it as “one of contemporary society‟s self-descriptions that corresponds to a discourse or narrative telling society what‟s going on throughout the world as we speak”. Garzón (2012) defines the term as “an economic system which works globally in real time which means that for the first time in human history, what happens in one corner of the world may have instant effects on distant locations. In relation to its effects on CAMT, globalisation is here dealt with by looking at dimensions such as formal education, foreign religion, and technology.
Formal education as one of globalisation dimensions is the most powerful tool which is used by globalisation (Bwenge, 2012). Studies indicate that in Africa formal education is provided through ex-colonial languages which are English,
French, or Portuguese mainly as media of instruction in classroom. Some other foreign languages like Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, and Arabic have also been added in the school curriculum as subjects. Showing the impact of embracing foreign languages, Phillipson (1992) advances that language cannot be separated from its own culture and that, as one teaches it on one side it comes with its culture on the other side instantly. Therefore, globalisation in its spread uses these languages. In this way, Phillipson (1992) argues that African languages have tended to be marginalized and have lost in the competition with European languages.
224
It was presented by Zaramo and Maasai communities that formal education is good and they needed it by giving out a reason that it had become a global commodity everyone needs to pursue. Although participants were on one point saying that their
ECLs were very significant in keeping cultural values and moral upright to the community members, yet on the other point they liked the use of these foreign languages in education and that their ECLs be used at home only. Showing how
African people especially elites consider European languages central to economic and technological developments on the continent, Batibo (2005) and Makinde
(2013) find that parents would like their children speak fluent English, French, or
Portuguese. They advance that many of the said parents would not even care if their children had limited mastery in their own MT and that African indigenous languages are not associated with social advancement, job opportunities, or cannot serve wider global communication.
On another side of view as regards to the above presentations, it was found that people were also anxious about the destiny of their ECLs (Zaramo and Maa) and the cultural values. Such worries were centred on the current trend of spreading the new cultures through foreign languages and Kiswahili. This condition was said to have been hard-pressing the local cultures by gradual replacement of their natural languages (Roy-Campbell, 2006; Rubagumya, 2010).
Another globalisation dimension is religion. Giving out the Karl Marx viewpoint on religion, Ritzer (2008:70 cited in Kasongo (2010:314) refers religion as “an ideology and the opiate of the people”. Through this orientation, it was revealed out of the
225 two communities that Islam and Christianity as tentacles of globalisation overwhelmed the Zaramo and Maasai traditional beliefs. Foreign religions were according to Kasongo (2010) being introduced in the name of civilization which he terms as concept and ideology of domination. This was equally true to what happened to these two communities in which this study was conducted. Islam and
Christianity were spread on basis of forcing local converts to forsake their traditional beliefs in favour of the new faith (Swantz, 1970; Mlola, 2010).
As formal education did, religion was spread through the use of languages of globalisation such as English, French, Kiswahili and Arabic. This situation, as
Kasongo (2010) educates, denied the community members the right to collective socialization which used to be obtained through rituals of traditional religion and community language as believers enjoyment and life pursuance. It further led into social frustration which generated maladjustment of group members to the new system of belief that ruined the traditional philosophy in which the communities were shaped. Findings clearly showed that women as primary traditional values and language transmitters to their children through storytelling and teachings were pinned down by foreign religions.
As knowledge in the application of science, technology has been pointed out by scholars as another key factor on which globalisation and its spread rests. Dreher
(2008) supports this idea by stating that technological innovation is the engine of globalisation. Although it is not the focus of this study, studies indicate that advanced scientific discoveries and technological inventions can date back to 1765 as a period of steam engine application then later introduction of steamship followed
226 by steam locomotives in the second half of the 18th century and at the current, the fuel engines (Makinde, 2013).
As it has been mentioned that technology is one of the major means of spreading globalisation, in relation to the above observations, findings pointed out that advancement in IT had put humanity to a successful age never reached before in the human civilization. In the same civilization process, Maasai and Zaramo were found not idle, but they had been dragged into by using computer, to surf internet, they had mobile phones, TV sets, and radio sets. The term “dragged into” has been borrowed from Probyn (2009:128) in Rubagumya (2010) as the quote shows:
We have to take them, you know pull them, pull them from the mother- tongue to the foreign language...negotiate a foundation of understanding (n Xhosa)...then (I move) to English again, dragging them in English...I have to hook them up.
Through this quotation, the author was trying to show how English language has been inflicting pain to learners in education rather than enjoying the learning.
Likewise we say Maasai and Zaramo were “dragged into” the IT technology not because they liked or were very much aware of it, but because they were caught by the current ages.
We are no longer living our natural experience. Life is constantly changing because of new communication means. Computers, mobile phones, and televisions are the order of a day and nothing is in our usual life. Through these devices western civilization has watered down our traditional norms, we are not sure of the future of our children. (Interview - Zaramo parent, 2014).
Again from this quotation, it seems that cultures of the two communities were threatened by westernization through technology and the languages of such
227 communication devices were neither Zaramo nor Maa. This trend suggests a poor linguistic environment which does not favour children to obtain their ECLs.
5.4.2.6 Spread of Kiswahili and Foreign Languages
As an inhibitive factor in the process of CAMT, Kiswahili overshadows other indigenous languages in its expansion process in Tanzania. There are reasons why this expansion. Some of these reasons are: the idea of the government to suppress ethnicity and strengthen unity in the country, to widen up its usage as a language which was planned to serve in formal settings, and to promote it as a symbol of national identification, to mention but a few (Bwenge 2012). Showing how
Kiswahili is becoming a threat to other local languages, Kezilahabi (2008) informs that local languages especially those with wider communication have tended to encroach on other local languages specifically those with limited communication spaces. This tendency is mentioned by the author to be an emerging linguistic behaviour which threatens ECLs. In the same context, English has also been promoted by the TCP to be a formal and official language in the country. Kahigi
(2008) mentions the TCP to have been weakening the cultural pillars embedded in the Tanzania‟s ECLs.
The impact of the said promotion and spread of Kiswahili and English was experienced by the Zaramo and Maasai communities. It was found that Kiswahili had dominated the linguistic usage in the Zaramo community and their ZL had been weakened. The situation was very alarming because it was reported that ZL had remained with very limited number of speakers specifically very old individuals.
Such findings suggest that ZL and its culture are highly endangered as Batibo (2005)
228 points it out to be among highly endangered languages in Tanzania. Although not with the same magnitude, findings from the Maasai highlighted that Kiswahili had been tending to occupy various linguistic and social discourses in their community.
The cause was reported to have been new forces under which they were obliged to interact with immigrants and the outside world. While this community was found intact to its traditional norms through their social structures dominated by social exclusion tendency yet the spread of Kiswahili as a language of wider communication and English as a language of education as per the findings, suggests threatening tendency on the Maasai‟s culture and its language of presentation.
5.5 Theorizing Acquisition of ECLs in Globalisation Context
As a set of ideas or principles on which a particular subject is based (Hornby, 2010) this study was guided by two theories namely: Socio-cultural theory (SCT) of learning by Vygotsky (Allahyar, 2012) and sceptic theory of globalisation (Hayden and el-Ojeili 2006). While socio-cultural theory was intended to capture the possibilities that were rendered by the environment either socially or physically in the child‟s process of ECL acquisition, the Sceptic theory was projected to illuminate on how globalisation was a threatening trend along ECLs acquisition practices by children within their cultural contexts. It was also intended to reveal if there existed in Maasai and Zaramo communities any possibilities for an individual or community to make right choices in participating in the present life formations
(Hayden and el-Ojeili, 2006) in helping children acquire their ECL and its corresponding cultural structures for survival of the same community.
229 The above two theoretical sub-contexts created one broader context in which children lived and had to acquire their specific community languages. The first sub- context was structured under the influence of socio-cultural formations through which the child had to interact with the created social and the physical environment in understanding the world around her (Turuk, 2008). The second sub-context was a result of the influence of the confluence between globalisation and the TCP over the respective community (Rubagumya, 2010). The two sub-contexts created an overall complex context which was much constrained by the effects associated by globalisation whereby children faced critical conditions in their specific ECL acquisition process.
From the findings, the current theme took two sub-themes which were constructed during data analyses. The sub-themes were: state of the community as a mediator of
ECLs acquisition and the second was Policy as mediator of ECLs acquisition. Below is a diagrammatic representation of the major elements of the two sub-themes.
230 Figure 5. 3: Relationship between Contextual Specific Findings of the Status of ECLs, Globalisation and Socio-cultural Theories in Language Acquisition.
CONTEXTUAL SPECIFIC FINDINGS ON THE STATUS OF ECLs (Individualist and Collectivist communities and policy)
Socio-cultural theory Sceptic theory of in language globalisation acquisition
Source: Author‟s conceptualization of the interplay between contextual statuses formed either by individualistic or collectivistic behaviour and socio-cultural understanding.
5.5.1 State of Community as a Mediator of ECLs Acquisition
The role of community in language acquisition has been considered by some scholars as inevitable condition in the process (Gömleksiz, 2001). This is because children‟s families do not live in isolation; rather they are integrated into forming a community. In this way, children become members of their families but also form part as a valued group in the respective community. In relation to this, Brisbane
(2000) points out that although parents work as primary language teachers of their
231 children on one side, community on the other side forms a ground on which children practice the language in order to affirm their proficiency in public. Therefore, the state of the community in which the child lives contributes significantly to the language possession of the child. This section constitutes two sub-sections namely: cultural openness as the state in the case of Zaramo community and cultural closeness as the state in the case of Maasai community. The discussion is made by subjecting the findings to the theoretical stances of the theories of individualism or collectivism which underpin society‟s cultural openness or cultural closeness understanding respectively (Oyserman, . 2002).
5.5.1.1 Cultural Openness
The term “cultural openness” is coined from the broader one the “open society”. The term “Open society” is a concept originally suggested in 1932 by the French philosopher Henri Bergson and later developed during the World War II by an
Austrian-born British philosopher Karl Popper (Marshall, 1998). Popper describes an open society to be that which is based on activity, creativity, and innovation of many individuals and would develop unpredictably through piecemeal social engineering (Marshall1998). He maintains that in such societies, social policies are monitored for unintended consequences, openly criticised, and altered in the light of such criticism. This kind of society must be both liberal and democratic because it is possible to remove from office rulers who fail to respond to justified criticisms
(Triandis, 1998) and it is guided by cultural openness.
As it has been mentioned earlier, cultural openness is viewed in the individualistic theoretical thinking (Villareal ., 1988). An open culture is thus, one in which
232 members of the community or society prefer to act independently in fulfilling their life desires (Hofstede, 1980 cited in Oyserman, 2002). Indicating how people in an open culture rather operate autonomously in self defining, Triandis (1998) observes that people usually tend to know more about themselves than about others and the self takes in the achievements of the individual.
In light of the above observations, it was found in the Zaramo community that there was an emphasis on one clan, one family, or an individual person working for one‟s own benefits rather than working for the whole community‟s paybacks (Swantz,
1970). In their socio-economic functioning, goals were achieved in the same spirit that individuals in all levels (as a clan, family, or person) were motivated when they had individual choices (Iyengar and Lepper, 1999). This was because a royal family or clan would feel to maintain royalty and any challenging mind in the sense of opposition would immediately be suctioned and put under control. In the same value, they maintained self-sufficiency in all basic human needs (Triandis, 1998) whereby a Zaramo man would be respected if he had enough to feed his family as well as property to sustain the same family.
In respect of social behaviour, Zaramo had less separation attitudes between in- groups and out-groups treatment (Lee and Daphna 2008; Villareal., Triandis and
Bontempo, 1988) a behaviour which was marked by the Zaramo‟s “Social inclusion tendency”. Findings revealed also that they were lenient people but skilled in getting into new groups with contractual exchanges and less intimacy. This behaviour featured out through social structures of their traditional administrative system
(Swantz, 1970).
233 Showing how cultural context influence mental functions of a child, Bodrova and
Leong (2007:22) inform that:
The acquisition of higher mental functions also depends on the cultural context. Abstract thinking such as using numbers is learned differently depending on the cultural background. In some American cultures children use their hands in a specific rhythm to help them add, in parts of Asia they use an abacus, and in some North American classrooms, children count using questionnaire rods. The children in all three cultures learn the same mental skills but in different ways. Individuals may have the same higher mental functions, but the paths to their development may be different.
The same concept was extended on language issue that language is a universal cultural tool because it is formed and shared by members of a specific culture.
Again, it is a mental tool even in using numbers and other concepts because every member of the culture in which such language was created uses it in thinking
(Bodrova and Leong; 2007). Therefore to the Zaramo community, such cultural openness which led into social inclusion tendency formed a linguistic context that favoured Kiswahili at the expense of ZL. In terms of socio-cultural perception, social inclusion tendency worked better on the social side, but it tended to downgrade their culture and ultimately ZL. Overall, the cultural context created through openness denied children opportunities to acquire their mother tongue.
5.5.1.2 Cultural Closeness
Cultural closeness is related to closed society or community. Kiruki (2011:28) terms closed society as one which protects all that has reasons to value against outside influences which creates anxiety in respect to the unknown and unpredictable variables. It is defined within collectivism theoretical lines (Voronov, 2002). As it was found in the Maasai community in Longido, a closed society has a mind-set enclosed within a specific society‟s socio-cultural ethical values. Such values 234 include cohesion within social group and emphasises interdependence of every human whereby group goals are prioritized over those of an individual (Triandis,
1998; Polat, 2012). Despite animal herding being their major tribal economic occupation, it was also found that such livelihood was ancestral confined activity.
Studies in anthropological sociology indicate that culture is the basic influential factor in shaping one‟s behaviour (Babarino, 1977 cited in Mtahabwa. 2007). Basing on this thinking, Maasai community‟s life was thought to have been controlled by relative cultural closeness. Such culture led them into practising social exclusion tendency, a behaviour which formed a linguistic environment in which external cultures and languages were not preferred. To them, Maa language was seen as basic social and cultural tool in shaping their children and other members of the community (Tarayia, 2004; Mlola, 2010). Expressing Vygotsky‟s socio-cultural theoretical stances on the role of language in child‟s development, Bodrova and
Leong (2007:14) highlights three key language functions in the process namely:
1. Language‟s primary impact is on the content of a person‟s knowledge.
2. Because learning occurs in shared situations, language is an important tool
for appropriating other mental tools.
3. Language facilitates the shared experiences necessary for building cognitive
process.
Following this quotation, the existed socio-cultural context (relatively closed culture under collectivism school of thought) although it is challenged by some modernism theorists (Voronov, 2002) Maasai culture could endure the challenges brought by the interface between the TCP and globalisation on their community (Mlola, 2010). The
Maasai‟s cultural emphasis and their type of social orientations facilitated children
235 to access their community language because as supported by Tarayia (2004), it was all heard in many of the social, economic, and cultural instructional settings.
5.5.2 Policy as a Mediator of ECLs Acquisition
The relationship between policy and language has for decades dominated debates in social and education studies all around the world. Findings in such studies indicate that policy is a factor in influencing the belief and attitude towards a language. For example Corson (1990), Philipson (1992), and Baker (2006) have shown how
English and French in the two linguistic territorial Canada are valued differently although the country is said to practise additive bilingualism. In Australia, Joseph
(1987) have informed that different Australian local speakers have become positive to their ECLs after the government through its current cultural and language policy to recognize the local languages and openly state in its provisions formal functions such as education at a community school level. In case of Malaysia, Subramaniam
(2007) shows how Malay language received attention from its speakers after it was promoted to a national and formal language levels over the former, English. Much would be said about language policy in Africa through Batibo (2005) and Ezema
(2013), language policy in Zimbabwe by Ndamba (2008), in Nigeria by Danladi
(2013), in Uganda by Vilhanová (1996) and Norton (2008), and in Kenya by
Gacheche (2010). In Tanzania Rubagumya, (2009), Bwenge (2012), Tibategeza
(2010), and Mulokozi (2008) to mention but a few, have in their valued works shown the influence of policy as a factor on language in education and other peoples‟ life settings.
236 With reference to the above scholarly works, the current study findings revealed that the TCP had contributed to the state in which children were obliged to acquire the specific ECL. Policy becomes a facilitative factor if it creates a favourable linguistic atmosphere for the language, specifically by assigning them formal roles in the society (Batibo, 2005). Tanzania as a society, its language policy which is just shown as a chapter in the TCP (MoEC, 1997:15-20) does not in its statements assign any formal use to the ECLs. This has created negative attitudes towards these languages (Mulokozi, 2008). This was revealed also by the quotes from all participants‟ categories. Their concern was that their ECLs are not mentioned by the policy to carry out any role in formal settings in the country. For this reason, they had a question why should they force their children to learn a language which had no direct economic impact to their life as experience showed from the policy and practice on the ground!
On another side, the same policy turns into an inhibitive factor if it does not assign any formal function(s) in its usage (Rubagumya, 2010). By this or by the former factor, policy also influences the social and cultural linguistic context of a given community. Situation becomes critical when in the current age, the same policy is in confluence with globalisation and the child is obliged to acquire language in such a complex environment whereby the policy may provide a use on one side, and globalisation extends languages of its spreading as a counter attack on the other side.
A live example is that the policy (see chapter three (3) section 3.4 sub-section 3.4.1) states that:
Special plan will be prepared and implemented to facilitate education and training in all levels to be provided in Kiswahili (my translation from the original Kiswahili version) p 19.
237 The content of this quotation has not yet been implemented despite some researches to have been conducted on the same issue, but the government has been reluctant to implement its own statements through its own policy and instead, English is still used as the educational medium in post primary education in Tanzania.
5.5.2.1 Globalizing Community
A globalizing community is that which its members whether consciously or sub- consciously either on their own consent try to enter or without their willing are dragged into the current global systems of socio-economic and political organization
(Olasunkanmi, 2011). In the findings, it was established that like any other community in the world, Zaramo and Maasai communities had been affected by the effects associated with globalisation. In this view, Nabudere (2001:13) confirms that globalisation has been a move ideally to make the word a single place in economic, political, and socio-cultural life of all global nations:
...right from the beginning, “modernization” which in effect meant the universalization of the European historical experience (just like globalisation of today)...was contested...and it was humanistic and yet, on the other hand, it was oppressive and dominating.
In this way, globalisation in its expansion process depends on factors such as: technologies in communication by informatics and transportation, financial institutions and markets by transnational corporations and their suppliers and customers being linked together by instantaneous electronic communication and data exchange, new forms of local and international management and administration, and liberalization of trade. Others are education, language, and culture (Hollingsworth, 1998).
238 In relation to this, the study findings revealed that the above globalisation vehicles hit the Zaramo‟s and Maasai‟s human life basic dimensions which are economic, political, and socio-cultural areas. The socio-cultural and political dimensions were the striking points of interest of this study. It was observed in the Zaramo community that social organization structures had been affected by new systems of beliefs and government influence through its policies before and during colonization as well as post-independence periods (Swantz, 1970; Mlola, 2010). From the findings, the communities had been affected through the use of TV, radio, phones, internet, news papers and books, tourism, and the flow of goods from distant locations. It was said that community members were trying to adjust themselves into this system of life though with different rates of attendance. However, the belief that ancestral spirits could not understand language other than Zaramo is considered one of the unique findings of the study and this could probably had been the major factor for ZL proficiency and maintenance in the community in the beginning before the current ages.
However, as Mlola (2010) supports, but quite opposite to the hyperglobalist minds who believe in global cultural homogenization, Maasai community had different attitudes towards their culture and the use of their language. Although Western individualism works hard to wipe out African communal organization life structures
(Olasunkanmi, 2011) through mass media by disseminating western values and models of life, Maasai were found still in hold of their cultural decorum. Maasai had endured the spreading socio-cultural features of globalisation by maintaining their traditional human ecological endeavour. In the course of doing this, their language
Maa was the major means of communicating with the ancestral spirits during
239 traditional rituals such as circumcision, burials, child naming, age-grade promotion, to mention but a few. This context facilitated their children an opportunity to access and acquire the ML.
5.6 Summary of the Chapter
This chapter aimed at discussing the findings of the study. The discussion began by discussing the interface between the TCP and globalisation. In the discussion, it was imperative to go through the nature of the policy and the practice mismatch, relevance of the policy to the multlinguistic and multiethnic society, the current practice, and the policy improvement. On addition, globalisation prevalence was underscored. Thorough clarification has been made on the confluence between the
TCP and globalisation in CAMT by pinning it under three conceptual understandings: one, the importance of Zaramo and Maa languages; two, the convergence zones between the TCP and globalisation; and three, the effects brought by the confluence between policy and globalisation on CAMT.
In the above contexts, Zaramo and Maasai linguistic discourses have been key issues that were considered in the outgoing discussion because they had a very significant impact on the child in her process of acquiring her specific ECL. Of most significant findings that were discussed under the two communities‟ linguistic discourses were the two social interaction models, the “Zaramo social inclusion tendency discourse model” and the “Maasai social exclusion tendency discourse model” during their interaction with newcomers.
Uses of Zaramo and Maa languages ware further discussed. The languages were seen as cultural heritage device, serving as personal and cultural identity, and as social unifying factor. 240 The factors influencing CAMT were given a respective attention in this discussion.
These factors were discussed under two categories, the facilitative factors and the inhibitive factors. These were further broken down into sub-categories for thorough analytical discussion.
The last area of this discussion was the acquisition of the ECLs in the context of globalisation. The concept was subjected to the theories underpinning the study so as to come to the full understanding of the theoretical stances governing the ECLs acquisition process. The ECLs natural and narrower contexts were under the influence of globalisation which forms a broader context in which children are obliged to acquire their specific ECLs. In order for this to be clearly understood, the phenomenon was grouped into two main concepts, the state of the community and policy as mediators of ECLs acquisition. The aim was to understand the relationship between the natures of the communities (their socio-cultural contexts) under the influence of the policy and globalisation.
241 CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.1 Introduction
The major focus of this study was to investigate on the state of children‟s acquisition of ECLs as their mother tongue under the influence of the interface between the TCP and globalisation. As a multiple case designed study which also aimed to make comparison between two cases, it is bound to the socio-cultural behaviours and contexts of the Zaramo and Maasai communities. This is because, not all the open or relatively open communities practise for example kinship social system of administration or not all closed or relatively closed communities practise age- grading system of social organization. Nonetheless, there is a direct relationship between the two studied socio-cultural contexts and children to either miss or get an opportunity to access and acquire their specific ECL.
In the documentary and cultural policy analysis, problems were brought to light that, many of the policy provisions in its statements about language issues in the country are not fulfilled to the complete capacity. While culture cannot be separated from language of its presentation, the other cultural artefacts identified in the policy are provided in isolation from their ECLs. For example:
Every citizen should understand that it is his or her basic right to participate in his or her various cultural activities (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1997:37) (my translation from the original Kiswahili version).
From this statement some questions emerge: “Where is this right if the language that would be used to present the said culture is declining or nearly to extinction?” Out
242 of its language, what kind of culture is stated in this provision? However, it would require another separate study to bring forth reflections to all the TCP provisions.
The TCP does not on the positive side serve as a facilitative factor to create a promising milieu for ECLs to grow. Impliedly the policy has been a setback to establish a foundation on which formal education that best fits Tanzanian socio- cultural contexts would be step forth. This has led into the policy‟s failure to inform productive practice in the Tanzania‟s cultural and language issues.
6.2 Summary of the Study Process
This research was a multiple case study designed one. The intention behind its choice was centred on its effectiveness in obtaining first-hand information of social values and cultural contents of specific society or community in order to arrive at closer meanings of the features of the same contents. The study used two cases, the
Maasai community and Zaramo community. Selection of the cases was based on comparison mode whereby Zaramo was considered as a relatively open community while Maasai was considered a relatively closed community, hence, different. The design enabled the researcher to intensively explore the context and realize the process in MTA in the wider milieu of globalisation. It also helped to investigate differences within and between the two cases as cited by Baxter and Jack (2008) to be one of the advantages of case studies. Below is the table showing a brief summary of the key differences between the two cases in the current study, Zaramo and Maasai communities:
243 Table 6. 1: Summarised Differences between Zaramo and Maasai Communities Zaramo Community Maasai Community
Relatively open and it operates within Relatively closed and it is guided by individualistic orientations. collectivistic viewpoint.
Traditionally, they are matrilineal Traditionally, they practise age-grading community in their social organization social administrative system. system.
Operate within constrained linguistic Operate within less-constrained linguistic discourses. discourses.
Prefer social inclusion tendency in their Prefer social exclusion tendency in their interaction with newcomers. interaction with newcomers.
Believe that their creator “Mulungu” and Not applicable. However, they practice in the ancestral spirits do not understand the name of their creator “Engai” language other than Zaramo. traditional rituals for circumcision, social
promotion rites, birth and death rites, and
child naming rituals by women.
Relatively untied to their cultural values Still hold their cultural values because their because they are currently not in ML is in full command in their social life command of their ZL and would not like and never hide their identification, rather to identify themselves as Zaramo when they are proud of being Maasai. they are out of their locality.
Their geographical location is along the Their geographical location is in the coast and around township. hinterland in rural areas.
Source: Field Data (2014)
Their similarities were: one, both live within the same nation, Tanzania. Two, both are reached by the effects associated with globalisation although in a different magnitude because of geographical differences. Both operate within the same TCP
244 influence. And four, both are affected by the interface between TCP and globalisation. Although the results obtained through this design could not represent larger contexts as its weakness on one hand, yet specific examples of instances which on the other hand could not be provided by broader generalization were attained.
The study was conducted in the natural settings of the participants. Therefore, in order to capture their perspectives and collect as rich data as possible, qualitative approach was deployed. This approach facilitated to appreciate the process involved in MTA in the divergent socio-cultural contexts of the two selected cases, the
Zaramo and Maasai communities. While the Maasai children acquired their ECL in a collectivist socio-cultural context, Zaramo children were to acquire their ECL in an individualistic socio-cultural context. Each of the contexts had direct impact on the
CAMT process.
Five research participants‟ categories were involved in this study namely: local government leaders, traditional leaders, and parents. Others were children between primary I to form IV, and the policy-makers. These research participants were obtained through purposive sampling technique assisted by snow balling strategy.
In carrying out the present study, three data collection methods were deployed.
Being considered as a flexible method semi-structured interview was used to gather rich qualitative data from local government leaders and policy-makers. The sought information from the two categories was specifically on their role as public leaders in their children‟s ECL acquisition and information on the TCP with strong emphasis on language policy and the anticipated practice respectively. The second
245 method was focus group discussion (FGD) which was aimed at obtaining information from parents, traditional leaders, and children. The striking information needed was about the efforts made by family members and the community to facilitate children acquire their ECL, their attitude towards the ECL, and factors including globalisation in influencing the acquisition. The third method was documentary review. Through this method, the researcher went through official documents such as the TCP, government reports, and TETP. Others were theoretical documents such as books, and empirical studies such as articles and project reports.
The aim was to make critical analysis to the works so as to achieve theoretical and empirical basis on which this study would relate.
The data collection procedure was so important in reaching the planned substantial information that would enrich the study. Two sources of information that were put in place were research participants and documentary reviewing. In the procedure, the first step was visitation of sites such as physical and online libraries and journal articles through the internet. The second step was the pilot study which assisted the researcher to negotiate entry into the research site.
In data analysis plan, the six steps data analysis system suggested by Silverstein,
(2003) was followed. The steps were compilation of the raw text, selecting and coding the data to obtain relevant text, coding of repeating ideas to obtain themes, themes formation, and grouping the themes to form constructs of which developed into narration of this thesis.
Most researchers in qualitative case studies approach admit that the issue of validity and reliability is subjective and complex to handle in studies (Baxter and Jack,
246 2008). Triangulation method, rich data, thick description, back translation, and theme verification were used to keep the validity of the findings and the results of the research.
Ethical protocols were not left behind during the study processes. Permission to carry out this research was granted to the researcher by the Directorate of Graduate
Studies of the University of Dodoma. The researcher also obtained permissions ranging from Ministerial, Regional, District to the Ward and Village levels. In addition, individual consent of the participants was also obtained before and during the study process. Issues of confidentiality, rights of the participants, and the responsibility of researcher were all adhered to.
6.3 Overview of the Findings and Conclusions
The current study was set forth to investigate the state of CAMT in relatively closed and open communities in relation to the effects associated with globalisation in
Tanzania. The said investigation was conducted in two communities which were
Zaramo community in Kisarawe district of the Coast region and the Maasai community in Longido district of Arusha region. The underlying themes were developed from the four specific objectives of this study which were to: 1. investigate how the interface between globalisation and the current cultural policy affects (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in Tanzania; 2. establish the uses of ECLs in the current age of globalisation in Tanzania; 3. establish the major facilitative and or inhibitive factors towards children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in the contexts of globalisation; and 4. determine the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ECLs
247 acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation.
In the process of this study, the researcher subjected the findings under different interpretive lenses so as to reach to the closer meaning of those findings. The conclusions made are based on the current state of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue. In the study, the researcher tried to keep consistency in making it a communicative work to the reader in relation to insiders‟ viewpoint. Conclusions are made around the 4 basic questions which served as a guiding mark of the research namely: 1. To what extent does the confluence between the current cultural policy and globalisation affect (MTA) in relatively closed and open communities in
Tanzania? 2. What are the uses of Tanzania‟s ethnic community languages in the current age of globalisation? 3. What are the major facilitative and inhibitive factors in the process of children‟s acquisition of mother tongue in relatively closed and open communities in context of globalisation? 4. What are the theoretical perspectives that best explain the state of ethnic community languages acquisition in the relatively closed and open communities in the context of globalisation? Based on the study findings, below are conclusions drawn from the above 4 themes.
Theme # 1
6.3.1 The Interface between TCP and Globalisation
The major findings under this theme were first, the nature of the current TCP which was analysed to find out its relevance for multiethnic society. The main findings were that, the policy was made to protect the national philosophy which was unity and peace keeping in the country. To maintain the same, Kiswahili was announced
248 the national and official language and the ECLs were banned in any formal setting with a belief that to allow any one of them would be to stimulate ethnicity in the country. Second, the policy had good provisions although there was practice mismatch which was revealed in the discrepancy between policy statements and practice on the ground. Third, the TCP had failed to articulate clearly the implementation, monitoring and evaluation strategies of its provisions. Therefore, the nature of the policy, and practice on the ground created a hostile linguistic environment which could not support children to acquire their ECLs.
In a short but clear understanding of the policy, the study realized three analytical perspectives in which the TCP would fit into one of them. Each of these analytical perspectives carries significant effects on social contexts in which children acquire their ECLs. One, a policy which states good provisions but practically on the ground have not been implemented. Two, a policy that fails to articulate clearly what and how issues pertaining to the ECLs can be handled. Three, a policy in which some stated provisions have been implemented on one hand and some provisions have not been implemented on the other hand. As it has been presented under literature review of this study, language policy is put up with three significant components namely: language practice, beliefs about the language, and language management.
Therefore, the overall gate-keepers around it are implementation of the policy with monitoring (supervision) and evaluation as key issues within the policy.
Globalisation prevalence was manifested through languages of its spread. Such languages are English, French, Kiswahili, and Arabic in the case of Tanzania. It was also felt through formal education as its content was seen mismatching the
249 Tanzanian cultural context. Religion was another vehicle through which globalisation extended its repressive beliefs. Such new beliefs forced traditionalists to surrender their natural spirituality and the traditional philosophy which used to bind people together for centuries.
While the contemporary world is loudly advocating for human rights, it was interesting to find a challenging attitude toward the so called human rights. It was not a negative attitude towards the rights, but towards the accompanying behaviours.
Although it sounds good in many ears, it was considered worthless and a threat to the Maasai cultural decorum. Due to this, behavioural changes were reported as new dressing styles such as skin-tight and half necked garments, access to immoral information and pictures through internet, video cassettes, TV, and radio broadcasting. The impact has been the irresponsible citizenry, drug abuse, child abuse and abandonment, and street children. Others are cyber crimes, killings, laziness, human trafficking, and unreasonable sexual practices, to mention but a few.
Rampancy of this was understood to in a long run overshadow the ECLs contexts that had existed for ages and thereby threaten CAMT.
Though in a different intensity, confluence between the TCP and globalisation was felt by the Zaramo and Maasai communities. While the government through its policy planned a linguistic environment that would better fit the Tanzanian cultural context, globalisation presses the use of its languages, English in particular. To achieve this, it counterattacks the recognition of the Zaramo and Maa (ECLs) value provided in the TCP statements (see table 4.5). The highlighted convergence zones are: religion, politics, formal education, languages and mass media. Trough these,
250 globalisation destabilises the cultural and social structures that had been the source of peoples‟ sustainable development for a dignified life. Table 4.5 illustrates clearly how globalisation counterattacks TCP plans by the imposition of foreign languages which leads into ECLs being confined in lowly-regarded non-formal usage. The confluence causes people to enter into unsustainable modernisation, opening up their cultural doors and social bonds which used to tie up them together.
Zaramo and Maasai linguistic discourses were also realized in this study. They were realized differently if they were to be compared in terms of the two communities‟ orientations. The most striking discourses were among others social and political discourses. While Zaramo community practised social inclusion tendency in interacting with newcomers, Maasai community were held by social exclusion tendency in interacting with newcomers (see table 4.1 and 4.2). Likewise, Zaramo were a matrilineal community in their social organization system while the Maasai practised age-grade social organization structure (see figure 4.5 and 4.6).
Social inclusion tendency and its effects on ECLs acquisition
This study reveals that there is a direct relationship between social inclusion tendency and: one, the weakening of the social and cultural bonds thereby losing their traditional philosophical content that was accumulated and kept for ages by a community. Two, ECL declines as it fades away from the reach of the young generation who would ensure its development. Social inclusion tendency creates constrained linguistic discourses in which the specific language lacks opportunity for use.
251 Social exclusion tendency and its effects on ECLs acquisition
It is also presented here that there is a straight forward relationship between social exclusion tendency and: one, endurance against external forces on the cultural and traditional philosophy of the community. Two, ECL is maintained and easily accessed for acquisition by the young generation. Social exclusion tendency creates less-constrained linguistic discourses in which the specific language is in full usage.
Theme # 2
6.3.2 Uses of the ECLs (Zaramo and Maa)
Languages serve many functions. The following were found with Zaramo and the
Maa languages. The specific uses were: one, to explore one‟s intelligence in obtaining knowledge and skills. These were tools which facilitated an individual to become potential to herself and to the community at large.
Two, they served as tools for interaction and instruction in transmitting cultural values by the elders and receive the same values by the youth. Such values included leadership ethics, conflict resolution procedures, social relationship skills, gender differentiation rules, and the religious beliefs. All these were picked up by children through their specific ECL.
Three, they were used in behavioural formation in two specific lines. One line was that of social behaviour which catered for respect during interactions, gender relations sensitivity, and promptly responding to the administrative directives and orders. Under economic attributes line, an individual was trained to become a hard worker so as to attain human dignity.
252
Four, these languages were freedom and rights agency. Proficiency in the same was a weapon to promote one‟s freedom to express the needs and feelings for self success and satisfaction. Through the same language one would realize her rights be it linguistic, social, political as well as economic.
Five, the sense of togetherness was also felt through these languages. The corresponding benefits for this were good social relations, entertainment, and political awareness. A social relation has in the current study considered the most outstanding feature in distinguishing the two communities. Also the same being a platform through which ECLs could be used and heard by children so as to acquire it. These languages were also an entertainment device during traditional singing and dancing as well as in other artistic presentations. Their speech tones, pitches, and rhythmic patterns were impressive such that even children could be interested to participate in the interaction and hence acquire the language.
Six, ECLs have been mentioned by the policy that they are source of Kiswahili vocabulary. In this way, Zaramo has been indicated to have been contributed to the
Kiswahili lexicon therefore serving as treasure for Kiswahili development. However, it was found that in reality ZL is currently not in full use by its speakers in the above perspectives.
The most significant finding on the uses of the specific ECLs studied is that, there is a direct connection between religious practices and the survival of an ECL and its cultural contents. This manifests itself in the findings from the two communities that
253 Zaramo ancestral spirits and their creator “Mulungu” could not understand any language other than Zaramo. To the Maasai, their creator „Engai‟ was the centre of their ritual proceedings. Therefore, proficiency in ZL and ML was the first and the foremost step that guaranteed a person an opportunity to communicate with the spiritual realm.
Theme # 3
6.3.3 Factors Influencing CAMT
Be it for the first or second, language acquisition is always being influenced by some factors in the process. To the Zaramo and Maa languages acquisition, factors were categorised into two main groups, facilitative and inhibitive factors.
Facilitative factors were strict cultural adherence which was mainly apparent in the
Maasai community. Maasai operate within social collectivist tradition therefore, the behaviour of performance in relation to “the group first and an individual later” theory has helped them to hold their culture and social structures by which their ML is a tying rope. Despite the confluence between the TCP and globalisation, it is promising that children can obtain it through social, economic, and cultural functions as a favourable linguistic context. To the Zaramo children, the linguistic context was not in their favour because ZL was not heard.
Attitude towards language is one of the significant factors in language acquisition and maintenance. Through positive attitude parents and the community find it useful to teach children their ECL. Maasai community valued their language because through it they were able to recognize their humanity and it simplified understanding of the world in their own perspective. To the Zaramo, situation was different
254 because they did not value their language because of their cultural and social formations that did not withstand the current global trends.
The system of social organization was another facilitative factor. In leadership activities, Maasai used their community language and such chain command structure assisted them to retain the Maa because it was the only language of instruction in all socio-cultural, economic, and political commands. In addition an individual could be respected only if he or she could be able to express himself or herself in public. To the Zaramo community, their social system of organization could not endure the new forces which led them into surrendering their cultural values and ZL could not survive longer.
These languages faced some inhibitive factors which included the cultural policy which in its statements, it favoured Kiswahili and English on the expense of the
ECLs. Negative attitude that was shown by many of participants in Zaramo community and the policy-makers was an alarming indication that Zaramo linguistic context was not in favour of the children to access and acquire ZL. Migration and intermarriages was another barrier to MTA because the child could not access any of the couple‟s mother language.
Zaramo socio-cultural openness was seen as an obstacle to children in accessing ZL.
It was serious because most of their social structures were mainly influenced by social inclusion tendency in interacting with newcomers.
255 The effects associated with globalisation were outlined as contributing to the already specified CAMT inhibitive factors. Globalisation manifests itself through formal education, religion, and technology as its major dimensions. Education spreads globalisation by the use of foreign languages in which foreign cultures are felt by the learners. Globalisation also uses foreign religions in order to downgrade the African traditional philosophy by showing that local beliefs are worthless. Technology has in the recent decades become a powerful globalisation weapon to jeopardise African languages and cultures. Through this, media devices such as TV, radio sets, newspapers, internet access through the use of computer, and video cassettes have devastated the African youth to a great deal. In addition, the spread of new languages, including Kiswahili had significantly threatened the growth and the future existence of the ECLs in their localities.
It is again construed that, traditional social administrative systems can serve as either facilitative or inhibitive factors in ECLs maintenance and acquisition. The age-grade social responsibility system which forms the in-group collectivistic social behaviour has served as a base for strong consolidated Maasai social units by maintaining the ways of the tribe and its language of cultural content expression.
This behaviour creates a rich linguistic context in which a child lives and naturally accesses the language of her community. The kinship social administrative system encouraged “less-restricted social behaviour” into the Zaramo community. In turn, this system formed individualistic feelings of the self in maintaining the personal gain. Such behaviour could not hold people to their cultural content and its language of presentation. This tendency created a poor linguistic environment because the sense of social cohesiveness and cultural values adherence to them are not the
256 priority. Under such context, a child cannot richly access her community language for acquisition.
Theme # 4
6.3.4 Theorizing Acquisition of ECLs in the Context of Globalisation
There were two sub-contexts in which children lived and had to acquire their specific ECLs, the ZL and ML of the two communities in which the current study was conducted. One sub-context was formed by the influence of socio-cultural constructs while the other was formed under the influence of TCP and globalisation.
In turn the two sub-contexts created larger complex context that was constrained by the effects related to globalisation in which children encountered critical conditions in acquiring their ECLs.
Zaramo community operated within socio-cultural individualistic theoretical premises in which their cultural openness led into social inclusion tendency during interaction with newcomers. On another side, the confluence between policy and globalisation stirred up the individualistic behaviour forming a new complex life dimensions. The concept behind this was an emergence of a serious constrained linguistic discourse in which Zaramo children had to acquire their ZL. And in fact, the context was not in their favour.
Maasai lived within socio-cultural collectivistic theoretical grounds in which cultural closeness led into social exclusion tendency when interacting with newcomers. Such behaviour assisted their children to access their ECL because it was all heard in most of the people‟s social and economic settings.
257 The cultural policy was perceived as a facilitative factor on one hand if it creates a favourable condition by assigning the ECLs some formal uses and it becomes an inhibitive factor on the other hand if it does not in its provisions assign any formal use to these languages.
It is once more reported that, there were linguistic contexts formed by the influence of socio-cultural understanding and the confluence between TCP and globalisation.
The contexts are: one, within an individualistic socio-cultural community; and two, within a collectivistic socio-cultural community. In the two varying contexts, policy and globalisation had manipulative power over the linguistic context in which children were to acquire their ECL.
The first theoretical ground was considered under socio-cultural openness working within individualistic parameters which creates another thinking line about such society. Based on the findings, a new theoretical approach comes in and it is the social inclusion tendency practised by Zaramo in communicating with a newcomer.
This tendency favoured Kiswahili on the sacrifice of the ZL because as per the findings ZL speakers did not want to offend the newcomers by excluding them from any social interaction. The second theoretical ground was apparent under the socio- cultural closeness operating within collectivistic viewpoint that highlights another consideration on this kind of a society. From the findings, Maasai practised social exclusion tendency in interacting with a newcomer. The tendency favoured the ML.
On addition, the above two contexts were further influenced by the policy in the premises of globalisation perspectives.
258 From the above conclusive observations therefore, the best theoretical perspectives that can explain the state of ECLs acquisition are: socio-cultural, individualism, collectivism, social inclusion tendency, social exclusion tendency, and, the sceptic theories. Be it individualistic or collectivistic, a community is turned into a complex context in which children acquire their MT as its socio-cultural values are interfered by globalisation. By this understanding, peoples become critical and they can take their own position in relation to the natural ways of their life as they get into the current global social formations.
6.4 Overall Concluding Remarks
The overall remarks open up with the following statement from a very significant work by Rubagumya . (2011:79):
The citizenship concept would propose that it is people themselves engaged in grassroots agency and struggle who can develop and use their language. ...Change from the top comes from governments who legislate MTE into effect, as they have in Eritrea and Ethiopia, opening up the Mol in primary schools to several African languages. Change from the bottom comes from the community themselves such as those who established L1-medium literacy in a large number of local languages in Papua Guinea. Change from the side comes from NGOs and academics who disseminate information, apply pressure and help develop capacity. Change from the bottom is normally advanced with the help of change from the side: ...
Relating the above important observation to what was found in the two communities in which this study was conducted, comes a light in mind that research work has been vividly disregarded. To the Maasai, from the bottom and from the sides the community‟s and the academics‟ efforts are stalked on by the effects associated with globalisation respectively. In support of this we can recall the finding that:
259 We don‟t know what is going to happen on the cultural ideals and social structures of our community some next few decades (Maasai parents and traditional leaders FGD; October, 2014).
To the Zaramo, from both bottom and sides, community‟s and academics‟ efforts are overwhelmed. It seems that the top (government) has either less consideration on its own statements through the TCP‟s provisions or the same state is not aware of the situation due to the lack of monitoring and evaluation plans not informed by the policy (Chris, 1982). The effects associated with globalisation as they are discussed in this study have struck the walls of the Zaramo community, its bottom has been shaken and the community‟s cultural contents have oozed down and children are extremely less accessed to their lovely ECL, the Zaramo language.
Such contexts by which the TCP does not clearly define the domains of use that can initialize inner most rooted interests in the ECLs owners, suggest that the survival of these languages is really in question. Lack of political will to safeguard and plainly state some formal uses of ECLs in most of African language policies in this case,
TCP, is always felt by the ECLs a bit by bit on their way to declining and diminishing.
The two communities can be said to have been living within different social formations. Maasai community were still strict to their traditions and customs and their language was spoken among the community members and children could easily access it for acquisition. Zaramo community had changed their attitude and they were less strict to their traditions and customs thereby their children could not easily access ZL for acquisition.
260 6.5 Recommendations
The drawn conclusions highlighted the significant influence of the TCP in the ECLs acquisition in Tanzania. The policy either facilitates or inhibits maintenance of these languages. Maintenance depends on whether speakers use the language thereby their children can access the language for acquisition or the vice versa. The following are recommendations pertaining to the policy and the communities:
6.5.1 Policy Relevance
The issue of language use in the cultural policy should consider the cultural contexts and the beliefs of different speakers in the country. This is because, as it was observed by Chris (1982), policy statements alone do not on the ground guarantee goals achievement. Also, despite confining the policy around the national philosophy which prioritises unity and peacekeeping by suppressing ethnicity, yet linguistic diversity should not be considered as a rival enemy to the unity, rather as a base of the unity because a person who has not been nurtured to feel patriotic to her lovely immediate community, will she really feel patriotic to the distant communities at the society level! Many scholars appreciate linguistic diversity
(Tibategeza, 2009) as a treasure from which unity can draw strength. On the same policy issue, Rubagumya (2009:57) warns that “public policy should not be based on political expediency rather than informed debate or research results”.
Studies (Gedelii, 1999; Mtahabwa, 2007; Swilla, 2009; Rubagumya (2011); and
Kasongo, 2010) report that it is a high time now for the education policies and their systems of practice in Africa to reflect African context. Out of this concept, the current formal education systems do not create acceptable social behaviour that
261 emphasise uniformity within communities. Encouraging new cultures which seek to replace our own cultures does not nourish our future but it creates social and cultural frustration.
6.5.2 Policy Improvement
The policy can be improved by observing the following issues:
One, the foremost suggestion to inform the policy is to have an independent document called Tanzania’s national language policy not just the current chapter in the TCP.
Two, the policy should emphasise public awareness creation on the importance of
ECLs in keeping communities‟ and world‟s cultural heritage. The awareness should also include the impact of the loss of an ECL and its cultural contents to the same community, nation, and the world in totality.
Three, there is a need to strengthen inter-ministerial collaboration between the
MoIYCS and the MoEVT so as to cultivate all possible opportunities that are vested into the ECLs and their cultural contents. For example cultural tourism, knowledge and financial gain from ECLs documentaries, anthropological and archaeological tracing of cultures of the past in order to realize the present and predict the future, to mention but a few would be appreciated.
Four, improvement on its statements by adding other important provisions pertaining to ECLs acquisition and maintenance for „revival‟ or „survival‟ of the cultural heritage the nation seeks to promote, because the ECLs are the source of the material culture for the national culture.
262 Five, the policy should plainly articulate monitoring and evaluation strategies for policy practice implementation achievement.
Six, specifically, it should consider the child’s rights provided in Article 13 of the
United Nations Declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples which states the right to one‟s own culture and language.
Seven, Language and cultural revitalization should also be mentioned in the policy as another right provided in the same Declaration.
Eight, immediate measures should be taken to revitalize the declining minority languages including Zaramo before the few remaining speakers follow their ancestors as the natural ecological system orders.
Nine, Development of other related policies – In addition, policy-makers are informed to develop other related policies (policy on language use in the process of justice administration in courts, policy on language of education as a basic right, and language about culture, sports and community welfare, to mention but a few). This will help to practice education that suits African context in this case, Tanzanian context.
Ten, Traditional religious ties are highly recommended, because, as from the
Zaramo experience, their natural religion was useful in holding people to learn and acquire their ECL without which one could not access the spiritual realm for success in life.
263 6.5.3 Recommendations to the Communities on Cultural Values Observance
Intermarried couples are urged to afford their children an opportunity to access their
ECLs in their geographical areas of origin.
Socio-cultural openness – In the case of the current global trend, getting into it people should find out with critical mind and take their own positions so as to create their desired life. A life which is built on their own natural foundations rooted in their cultural philosophy and the physical environment.
Technology – If not well used, it can devastate humanity. Through IT and the access to internet unethical information and video pictures with Western cultures have destroyed (and that is their aim) our youth as it has been presented from the findings of this study.
Social organizational systems - Communities are highly urged to rethink about their cultural values and social structures (economic activities, respect, gender relations, child care, traditional rituals, good interaction between social needs and the natural environment). Such social systems and structures were useful in retaining the language of their presentation during social and cultural transactions.
Positive attitude and beliefs – the whole society has to cultivate positive attitudes and beliefs toward their ECLs as ones which can serve technological, educational, political, economic, as well as social purposes. Do away with the notion which has developed among many people that ECLs are neither capable nor eligible for
264 transmitting complex knowledge such as physics, chemistry, astronomy, to mention but a few.
6.5.4 Recommendations for Further Research
Recommendation # 1
The first and critical area which needs research is on the child‟s right to his/her language of mastery in education and the life in general. Findings on this area would inform policy formulation or improvement. Results would also inform stakeholders to create opportunities that would facilitate the child to reach to freedom of expression lack of which one may experience social isolation, intellectual depression, and economic stagnation. This will add to the people‟s consciousness to demand for their rights.
Recommendation # 2
The current study was done in a small area; therefore, there is a need for research on the effects associated with the interface between language policy and globalisation on ECLs acquisition in Tanzania that would cover a wider geographical area. This would serve a possibility for a wider generalization of the findings and conclusions.
Recommendation # 3
Research on socio-cultural heritage rooted in specific ECLs in Tanzania is recommended. As Ethnolinguistic and cultural anthropological studies would help in archaeological traces and historical records for knowledge realization and it would inform curriculum development in a multidimensional way in the fields of academics.
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283 APPENDICES Appendix 1: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Traditional Leaders August, 2014 - February, 2015 Dear participant, you are kindly requested to participate in this interview session about "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". The aim of this interview is to gather information that will help analyse the challenges facing mother tongue acquisition in the Tanzania's ethnic community languages in relation to the effects of globalisation. The final objective of this study is to initiate a debate that will lead into improving the language policy to protect ethnic languages in Tanzania. These questions have been designed for research only and the information you give will remain confidential between you and the researcher, therefore, you are requested to provide true and relevant information. However, you still deserve to inquire for the results of this research. You are welcome. Let us cooperate for change and development.
(i) Background Information (a) Name (optional) ………………………………………… (b) Gender (male/female) …………………………………… (c) Age ……………...... (d) Level of education ………………………………………………...... (ii) Questions 1. Explain the traditional ceremonies in which you use your ethnic community language. 2. What are other social functions and places where you use your ethnic community language? 3. Outline and explain the economic activities in which you use your ethnic community language? 4. Do you use your ethnic language in holding political meetings and other political issues? 5. Explain why you would like to talk in your vernacular to your colleagues when you meet out of your home locations especially in a different linguistic environment (in people who do not speak your language? 6. What are the challenges do you encounter in maintaining the traditional social order respective to the culture of your community?
Thank you for your cooperation
284 Appendix 2: Interview Schedule for Local Government Leaders (Ward and Village Chairs)
August, 2014 – Febbruar, 2015
Dear participant, you are kindly requested to participate in this interview session about "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". The aim of this interview is to gather information that will help analyse the challenges facing mother tongue acquisition in the Tanzania's ethnic community languages in relation to the effects of globalisation. The final objective of this study is to initiate a debate that will lead into improving the language policy to protect ethnic languages in Tanzania. These questions have been designed for research only and the information you give will remain confidential between you and the researcher, therefore, you are requested to provide true and relevant information. However, you still deserve to inquire for the results of this research. You are welcome. Let us cooperate for change and development.
(i) Background Information
(a) Name (optional) …………………………………………
(b) Gender (male/female) …………………………………………
(c) Age ……………......
(d) Level of education ………………………………………………………….....
(ii) Questions
1. What ways do you use in handling matters of a community member who comes for official procedures and s/he is not good at any other language other than the community language?
2. Please, tell what you really see: if parents and the public still seriously hold to speak their community language?
3. You as a parent, would you like your children or grand children to be taught in your community language at school? Why?
4. What is your advice to the community and to the government about the issue of the ethnic community languages in Tanzania?
Thank you for your cooperation
285 Appendix 3: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Parents/Caretakers August, 2014 - February, 2015 Dear participant, you are kindly requested to participate in this interview session about "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". The aim of this interview is to gather information that will help analyse the factors which contribute to the mother tongue acquisition in Tanzania's ethnic community languages. The final objective of this study is to initiate a debate that will lead into improving the language policy to protect ethnic languages in Tanzania. These questions have been designed for research only and the information you give will remain confidential between you and the researcher, therefore, you are requested to provide true and relevant information. However, you still deserve to inquire for the results of this research. You are welcome. Let us cooperate for change and development. (i) Background Information (a) Name (optional) …………………………………………… (b) Gender (male/female) …………………………………… (c) Age ………………………………………………………… (d) Level of education …………………………………… (ii) Questions for Focus Group Discussion 1. Do you like your children to acquire your ethnic language? Why? 2. In which premises do you talk to your children in your vernacular? 3. Would you like your ethnic language be used in education to your children? Why? 4. Would you like to identify yourself to other people who do not speak your vernacular by speaking it to your colleagues when you meet out of your home location especially in a different linguistic environment? 5. Which conditions do you think would facilitate children learn your ethnic community language? 6. What are the problems do you encounter in the process of helping your young ones acquire your ethnic language? 7. Do you belong to the same tribe? (a) If no, which language would you like your children to acquire, yours or your spouse's? (b) Why do you think so? Thank you for your cooperation
286 Appendix 4: Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Schedule for Children August, 2014 - February, 2015
Dear participant, you are kindly requested to participate in this interview session about "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". The aim of this interview is to gather information that will help analyse the factors which contribute to the mother tongue acquisition in Tanzania's ethnic community languages. The final objective of this study is to initiate a debate that will lead into improving the language policy to protect ethnic languages in Tanzania. These questions have been designed for research only and the information you give will remain confidential between you and the researcher, therefore, you are requested to provide true and relevant information. However, you still deserve to inquire for the results of this research. You are welcome. Let us cooperate for change and development.
(i) Background Information
(a) Name (optional)……………………………… …………………
(b) Gender (male/female) ……………………………
(c) Age ……………………………………
(d) Level of education ………………………………………
(ii) Questions
1. Would you like to speak your vernacular?
2. In what premises do you speak it?
3. Would you tell us a short story of any play in your vernacular?
4. Do your parents and other family members speak to you in your vernacular?
5. What would you suggest to your community and the government about your vernacular?
Thank you for your cooperation
287 Appendix 5: Interview Schedule for Policy Makers
August, 2014 - February, 2015
Dear participant, you are kindly requested to participate in this interview session about "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". The aim of this interview is to gather information that will help analyse the factors which contribute to the mother tongue acquisition in Tanzania's ethnic community languages. The final objective of this study is to initiate a debate that will lead into improving the language policy to protect ethnic languages in Tanzania. These questions have been designed for research only and the information you give will remain confidential between you and the researcher, therefore, you are requested to provide true and relevant information. However, you still deserve to inquire for the results of this research. You are welcome. Let us cooperate for change and development.
(i) Background Information
(a) Name (optional)…………………………………......
(b) Gender (male/female) ………………………………………
(c) Age ……………………………………………
(d) Level of education …………………………………
(ii) Questions
1. How does the cultural policy affect ethnic languages acquisition in Tanzania?
2. Do you consider ethnic languages important in the Tanzanian development?
(a) If yes, what are the strategies you have laid down to promote ethnic languages in Tanzania?
(b) If not, why?
Thank you for your cooperation
288 Appendix 6: Grand Questions in Relation to the Objectives (Asked to all participant categories) August, 2014 – February, 2015
1. In the current age of globalisation, what do you say about the importance of mother tongue?
2. To what extent is the mother tongue currently used in your day to day activities compared to use of the mother tongue before globalisation? (Probe: Contexts characterized by use of mother tongue Vs Contexts with limited OR no use of mother tongue).
3. In your views, what could be the major explanations for the current state of mother tongue acquisition in your community? (Probe: External factors Vs Internal factors).
4. Based on the explanations you have given for the current state of mother tongue acquisition in your community, which factors between external and internal ones best explain the current state of ethnic community languages in Tanzania and why?
5. What is your overall assessment of the government‟s efforts regarding preservation of the mother tongue in Tanzania? (Probe: Policy and practice matters on ethnic languages)
6. In your opinion, what needs to be done to preserve ethnic languages in Tanzania?
Thank you for your participation
289 Appendix 7: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Viongozi wa Kimila
(Kiswahili Version) – August, 2014 - February, 2015
Ndugu, unaombwa kushiriki katika hojaji dodoso hili linalohusu utafiti juu ya "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Community Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". Lengo la mahojiano haya ni kupata taarifa zitakazosaidia kuchambua kwa kina changamoto zinazosababishwa na athari za utandawazi katika mchakato wa kujifunza lugha ya asili ya mama kwa mototo. Lengo kuu la utafiti huu ni kuweka msingi wa majadiliano yatakayopelekea ubreshaji wa sera ya lugha ili kulinda lugha za makabila ya Tanzania. Maswali haya ni kwa ajili ya utafiti tu, habari utakazozitoa zitabakia kuwa ni siri kati yako na mtafiti. Kwa hiyo unaombwa kuwa huru kutoa habari sahihi, na unayo haki kujua matokeo ya utafiti huu. Karibu tushirikiane kuleta mabadiliko kwa ajili ya maendeleo.
(i) Habari binafsi (a) Jina (ukipenda) ______(b) Jinsia (…me/…ke) ______(c) Umri ______(d) Kiwango cha elimu ______(ii) Maswali kwa Viongozi wa Kimila 1. Tafadhali eleza ni katika sherehe zipi zinazoendeshwa kwa kutumia lugha yako ya asili 2. Eleza matumizi na maeneo mengine inakotumika lugha yako ya asili. 3. Taja, kisha ueleze shughuli za kiuchumi mnazotumia lugha ya asili 4. Je, mnatumia lugha ya asili katika mikutano na mambo mengine ya kisiasa. 5. Eleza kwa nini ungependa kutumia lugha yako ya asili kwa wenzio mnapokutana nje ya mazingira ya jamii yenu (kati ya wazungumzaji wa lugha nyinginezo wasiotumia lugha yenu kwa mawasiliano) 6. Ni changamoto zpi unazokumbana nazo katika kuendeleza mila (traditions) na utaratibu wa kijamii (social order) kwa kuzingatia utamaduni wa jamii yako. Asante kushiriki.
290 Appendix 8: Dodoso kwa Makatibu Kata na Wenyeviti wa Vijiji (Kiswahili Version) – August, 2014 – February, 2015
Mpendwa mshiriki katika utafiti huu, unaombwa kushiriki mahojiano kuhusu "Hali ya lugha za makabila ya Tanzania katika zama za Utandawazi: Mahsusi watoto wanavyopata lugha ya mama." ("The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue"). Lengo la mahojiano haya ni kukusanya taarifa zitakazowezesha kuchanganua changamoto ambazo upataji wa lugha ya mama kwa watoto unakumbana nazo katika lugha za asili za Tanzania ukihusianishwa na athari za utandawazi. Lengo mahsusi la utafiti huu, ni kuanzisha mjadala utakaochochea maboresho ya sera ya utamaduni ili kuwepo sera inayoeleweka ya kuzilinda na kuzienzi lugha za asili za jamii ya Tanzania. maswali haya ni kwa ajili ya utafiti tu, hivyo , taarifa utakazotoa zitabaki kuwa siri baina yako na mtafiti; kwa hiyo, unaombwa kutoa habari za kweli na husika. Hata hivyo, bado unayo haki kujua matokeo ya utafiti huu. Karibu tushirikiane kusababisha mabadiliko yaletayo maendeleo. (i) Taarifa binafsi (a) Jina (kwa hiari) ..………………………………………………………...... (b) Jinsia (Me au Ke) ...... …………………………… (c) Umri ..…………...... (d) Kiwango cha elimu ..………………………………… (ii) Maswali Je unatumia lugha ya asili ya jamii hii ofisini? kama ndiyo, kwa nini?
Kama hapana, ni njia zipi unazotumia katika kushughulikia mambo ya mwanajamii ajaye kiofisi, hotuba katika hadhara kisiasa, kitamaduni au kijamii huku akiwa hajui lugha nyingine isipokuwa ile ya asili ya kabila lake?
Tafadhali, eleza kile unachoona hasa: Je wazazi na jamii kwa ujumla bado wanazingatia kuzungumza lugha yao ya sili?
Wewe kama mzazi, je ungependa watoto au wajukuu wako wafundishwe kwa kutumia lugha yako ya sili shuleni? Kwa nini?
Nini ushauri wako kwa jamii na sirikali kuhusu lugha za asili jamii hapa Tanzania?
Asante kushiriki
291 Appendix 9: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Wazazi/Walezi (Kiswahili version) – August, 2014 - February, 2015 Ndugu, unaombwa kushiriki katika hojaji dodoso hili linalohusu utafiti juu ya "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Community Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". Lengo la mahojiano haya ni kupata taarifa zitakazosaidia kuchambua kwa kina changamoto zinazosababishwa na athari za utandawazi katika mchakato wa kujifunza lugha ya asili ya mama kwa mototo. Lengo kuu la utafiti huu ni kuweka msingi wa majadiliano yatakayopelekea ubreshaji wa sera ya lugha ili kulinda lugha za makabila ya Tanzania. Maswali haya ni kwa ajili ya utafiti tu, habari utakazozitoa zitabakia kuwa ni siri kati yako na mtafiti. Kwa hiyo unaombwa kuwa huru kutoa habari sahihi, na unayo haki kujua matokeo ya utafiti huu. Karibu tushirikiane kuleta mabadiliko kwa ajili ya maendeleo. (i) Habari binafsi (a) Jina (ukipenda) ______(b) Jinsia (…me/…ke) ______(c) Umri ______(d) Kiwango cha elimu ______(ii) Maswali kwa Kundi lengwa la Wazai/Walezi 1. Je, ungependa watoto wako kujifunza lugha yako ya asili? Kwa nini? 2. Ni katika mazingira gani wewe utumia lugha yako ya asili kuwasiliana na watoto wako? 3. Je, ungependa lugha yako ya asili itumike katika elimu kwa watoto wako? Why? 4. Je, ungependa ujulikane kwa wazungumzaji wa lugha tofauti na yako kwa kuizungumza lugha yako kwa wenzio mnaozungumza lugha moja mnapokutana nje ya mazingira ya jamii yenu? 5. Ni mambo gani unayodhani yangewezesha watoto kujifunza lugha ya asili ya jamii yao? 6. Ni matatizo gani mnayokumbana nayo mnapowasaidia katika kujifunza lugha ya asili? 7. Je, mnatoka kabila moja? (a) Kama jibu ni hapana, ni lugha ipi mngependa watoto wenu wajifunze? Yako au ya mwenzio? (b) Kwa nini unafiri hivyo?
Asante kushiriki.
292 Appendix 10: Maswali ya Mjadala wa Jibuji Maalum (FGD) kwa Watoto (Kiswahili Version) – August, 2014 - February, 2015
Ndugu, unaombwa kushiriki katika hojaji dodoso hili linalohusu utafiti juu ya "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Community Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". Lengo la mahojiano haya ni kupata taarifa zitakazosaidia kuchambua kwa kina changamoto zinazosababishwa na athari za utandawazi katika mchakato wa kujifunza lugha ya asili ya mama kwa mototo. Lengo kuu la utafiti huu ni kuweka msingi wa majadiliano yatakayopelekea ubreshaji wa sera ya lugha ili kulinda lugha za makabila ya Tanzania. Maswali haya ni kwa ajili ya utafiti tu, habari utakazozitoa zitabakia kuwa ni siri kati yako na mtafiti. Kwa hiyo unaombwa kuwa huru kutoa habari sahihi, na unayo haki kujua matokeo ya utafiti huu. Karibu tushirikiane kuleta mabadiliko kwa ajili ya maendeleo.
(i) Habari binafsi
(a) Jina (ukipenda) ______
(b) Jinsia (…me/…ke) ______
(c) Umri ______
(d) Kiwango cha elimu ______
(ii) Maswali kwa Watoto
1. Je, ungependa kuzungumza lugha ya asili ya wazazi wako? Why?
2. Ni katika mazingira gani huwa unazungumza lugha ya wazazi wako?
3. Je, unaweza kutusimulia hadithi yoyote au mchezo wowote kwa kutumia lugha yako ya asili?
4. Je, wazazi wako au mtu mwingine yeyote wanakusemesha kwa kutumia lugha yenu ya asili?
5. Je, unatoa maoni gani kwa jamii yako na serikali kuhusu lugha yako ya asili?
Asante kushiriki.
293 Appendix 11: Dodoso kwa Watunga Sera (Kiswahili Version) – August, 2014 - February, 2015
Ndugu, unaombwa kushiriki katika hojaji dodoso hili linalohusu utafiti juu ya "The State of Tanzania's Ethnic Community Languages in the Age of Globalisation: Focus on Children's Acquisition of Mother Tongue". Lengo la mahojiano haya ni kupata taarifa zitakazosaidia kuchambua kwa kina changamoto zinazosababishwa na athari za utandawazi katika mchakato wa kujifunza lugha ya asili ya mama kwa mototo. Lengo kuu la utafiti huu ni kuweka msingi wa majadiliano yatakayopelekea ubreshaji wa sera ya lugha ili kulinda lugha za makabila ya Tanzania. Maswali haya ni kwa ajili ya utafiti tu, habari utakazozitoa zitabakia kuwa ni siri kati yako na mtafiti. Kwa hiyo unaombwa kuwa huru kutoa habari sahihi, na unayo haki kujua matokeo ya utafiti huu. Karibu tushirikiane kuleta mabadiliko kwa ajili ya maendeleo.
(i) Habari binafsi
(a) Jina (ukipenda) ______
(b) Jinsia (…me/…ke) ______
(c) Umri ______
(d) Kiwango cha elimu ______
(ii) Maswali kwa Watunga Sera
1. Ni kwa njinsi gani Sera ya utamaduni inaathiri ujifunzwaji wa lugha za makabila ya Tanzania?
2. Je, sera ya utamaduni imezipa umuhimu katika maendeleo ya nchi?
(a) Kama jibu ni ndiyo, ni mikakati gani iliyopangwa kuzipandisha chati lugha za makabila ya Tanzania?
(b) Kama jibu ni hapana, kwa nini?
Asante kushiriki
294 Appendix 12: Maswali Makuu kwa Malengo Mahsusi Kiswahili Version (Kwa makundi yote) (August, 2014 – February, 2015)
1. Katika zama hizi za utandawazi, unasema nini kuhusu umuhimu wa lugha ya asili ya kabila lako?
2. Ni kwa kiwango gani lugha ya asili inatumika kwa sasa katika shughuli zenu za kila siku ukilinganisha matumizi yake kabla ya kuja kwa utandawazi?
a) Muktadha/mazingira (shughuli) inamotumika lugha ya asili – toa sababu. Sherehe, biashara, nyumbani, mazungumzo ya kawaida. b) Mazingira (shughuli) inamotumika kidogo au haitumiki kabisa – sababu. ofisini, elimu, mikutano,siasa.
3. Nini maoni yako kuhusu hali ya sasa ya upataji lugha ya asili katika jamii yenu?
4. Kwa kuzingatia maelezo uliyotoa kuhusu hali ya sasa ya upataji lugha ya asili katika jamii yako, ni mambo yapi kati ya yale ya kutoka nje (external factors) ya jamii yako na yale ya ndani (internal factors) ya jamii yako yanabainisha hali ya sasa ya lugha za asili (za makabila) hapa Tanzania?
Internal factors – language policy, intermarriages, External factors – kasumba ya matumizi ya Kiingereza, na msisitizo wa matumizi ya Kiswahili, na lugha nyinginezo (Utandawazi/globalisation) dhidi ya zile za asili za makabila.
5. Kwa ujumla, nini maoni yako juu ya jitihada za serikali katika kuhifadhi na kulinda lugha za asili hapa Tanzania? a) Mambo ya kisera kuhusu lugha za makabila. b) Mambo yahusuyo utekelezaji wa sers katika lugha za makabila.
6. Kwa maoni yako, nini kifanyike ili kulinda na kuhifadhi lugha za makabila hapa Tanzania?
Asante Kushiriki
295 Appendix 13: Permission Letters
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