Clanship Identity Formation Among the Konso of Southern Ethiopia

CLANSHIP IDENTITY FORMATION AMONG THE KONSO OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

MA THESIS

TADIWOS TUKANO GELEBO

OCTOBER, 2016 ARBA MINCH, ETHIOPIA CLANSHIP IDENTITY FORMATION AMONG THE KONSO OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

TADIWOS TUKANO GELEBO

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES, SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES, ARBA MINCH UNIVERSITY

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY

OCTOBER, 2016 ARBA MINCH II

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EXAMINER’S THESIS APPROVAL SHEET (FOR MAJOR CORRECTION)

ARBA MINCH UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES EXAMINERS’ THESIS APPROVAL SHEET (FOR MAJOR CORRECTIONS) We, the undersigned, members of the Board of Examiners of the final open defense by have read and evaluated his/her thesis entitled“ ”, and examined the candidate’s oral presentation. This is, therefore, to certify that the thesis has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree with major corrections.

______Chairperson’sName Signature Date ______Internal Examiner’s Name Signature Date ______External Examiner’s Name Signature Date

Final approval and acceptance of the thesis is contingent upon the submission of the final four copies of the thesis to the candidate’s department/School.

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Declaration I would like declare that this MA thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other university, and all sources of material used for this thesis have been duly acknowledged.

Name: Tadiwos Tukano Signature: ______Date: ______

Acknowledgement This thesis would have not found its finalization without valuable contributions from advisor, family and friends. My thesis advisor, Professor Ivo Strecker, deserves thanks for his valuable advisory opinion and mentoring not for the thesis but innumerable beyond. My wife’s help is also valuable for her encouragements and assistance to the studies. All my friends, who threw their support on the demand, equally share thanks without differenciation.

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Table of contents CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION PAGE 1.1. Background of the Study………………………………..………..…………………1 1.2. Statement of the problem…………………….…..…………………………………3 1.3. Objectives of the study………………………………..…………………….………4 1.4. Significance of the Study………………………………..……………….…………5 1.5. Scope of the Study………………………………..…………………………………5 1.6. Challenges of the study………………………………..……………………………6 1.7. Solutions sought………………………………………………………………..6

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 2.1. Definition of Identity…………………..……………………………….…………..……7 2.2. Definition of Kinship …………………..……………………………………………….10 2.3. Kinship Construction …………………..………………………………………… ……12 2.4. Social Identity Formation…………………..…………………………..……………… 16 2.5. Theories of identity formation…………………..………………………………………20 2.5.1. Primordialism…………………..………………………………………………20 2.5.2. Constructionism…………………..……………………………….……………21 2.6. Clanship identity among Konso People………………..……..…………………………23 CHAPTER THREE: INTRODUCTION TO KONSO CULTURE 3.1. The Konso and their culture………………………………..…………………..……25 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY…….………………………………....…30 CHAPTER FIVE: CLANS IN KONSO CULTURE 5.1. Konso clans and their values……………………………..……...……………………33 5.2. The Nine clans of Konso and their basic features………………………………….…41 5.3. Clan totems and their symbolic meanings. …………………………...………………44 5.4. The individual in Konso clan organization………………..…………..………………45 5.5. Clanship and other institutions………………………………..……………………….48 5.5.1. Poqalla and their roles………………………………...…………………….…48 5.5.2. Family………..……………………..……………………………………….…54 5.5.3. Village organization……………………………..……………………….……58

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5.5.4. Age grade……………………………………………………………………...61 5.6. Authorities and clan organization in Konso…………………………………………..64 5.7. Spiritual beliefs and Konso clans………………………………..…………………….67 CHAPTER SIX: CLANS AND THE SHAPING OF SOCIAL IDENTITY 6.1. Identity within the clan organization………………………..……...……...…………71 6.2. Performing oaths by reference to one’s clan….……………...………………………72 6.3. Observing particular taboos associated with one’s clan. …...…………………..…...79 6.4. Identifying with the totem of one’s clan. ………………………....…………………81 CHAPTER SEVEN: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN CLANSHIP IDENTITY 7.1. Change and continuity to the values and principles of the clan organization………. 87 7.2. Practices of clanship identity…………………………………………………………90 7.3. Main factors for the changes to the clan identity…………………………………….92 CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 8.1. Conclusion……………………………………………………..…………………….94 8.2. Recommendations………...……………………………………..…………………..96 9. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………..97 Appendix

List of tables Table 1. Months in Konso Table 2. Konso clans and their totems Table 3. Clans and their female polite names

Table 4. Clans and their respective roar ups

List of pictures Picture1. Phallic structured houses at Kalla’s home. List of Diagram Diagram 1. Kinship chart

Abstract Among the Konso people, clan organization is a claim to identity based up on patrilineal line mainly founded on maintaining through observing its basic principle of regulating procreation and family creation. However, clan organization is strongly maintained in other domains of the culture that contributed much for maintaining it untill recent. Thus, clanship is key kinship organization for the Konso people but the emphasis given to it is less and as a matter of this fact it is less dealt with. Main objective of this thesis is to find out identity formation processes and practices, both individually and in group, association of self and the group with clan organization. Institutions of clan leadership, family and village organization are characterized with clan organization and identities if individuals are visible in these institutions. The finding of the clanship identity in these institutions has great contribution to maintain the clan identity and its purpose. The search to the knowledge in the clanship identity formation has methodologically followed selection of two rural villages and with in these villages key informants are targeted along with participant observation and review of relevant literature. The values and principles of the clan organization are maintained to the recent and the impact of the beliefs on the values has resulted in observation of the values by the people. As a matter of this fact, incestuous marriages are not common among the Konso people. Principally the regulatory role of clan identity in determining the sexual relationships and family formations are taken as rules to be followed and maintained. However, the modernization, degradation of natural environment, migrations and introduction of Christianity to the area since 1950’s have resulted in the lessening and omit of clanship identity formation practices of the people. The less attention of the scholars and of the development actors need to be at hand so as to keep and utilize the values and principles of social organization in replicating to other domains of the culture and beyond.

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background of the Study

The work of this thesis mainly addresses the kinship identity of individuals and a group within the specific cultural organization. The clan organization falls within the kinship organization of a given society (Kottak, 2005:165). The consideration of the identity formation with specific domain of a culture has then focused with two main elements; the identity of self within the clan and, the second one is belongingness to the group. Fearon (1999) argues that the identity is presented in two linked senses termed as “Personal” and “Social”.

Identity is a set of meanings that define the person as a unique individual rather than as a role- holder or group member. Identity was understood as a disposition of basic personality features acquired mostly during childhood and, once integrated, more or less fixed (Sokefeld, 1999). In addition, the natural gifts of individuals, for example, strength and abilities enable them to be identified among others, the intellectual, emotional, physical and spiritual qualities that constitute individuals uniqueness are all part of one's identity (Feqadu, 2015). Thus, identity is a set of categories that defines a person in a unique way based on culturally recognized characteristic that one internalizes as his own and which serve him to define and characterize him as a unique individual.

Similarly, having a particular social identity, individuals are viewed and associated with a group to which they share common elements. Social identity focuses on the assumption that self concept is defined by belongingness to social groups (Trepte, 2006).There is a uniformity of thought and action in being a group member. Individuals do not interact with other group members in order to think and act alike. They have active similarities in perceptions and behavior among their group members. Moreover, when an identity is established by reference to the norms, values, and other symbols of the broader society, esteem is even more dependent on successful implementation of an identity. We are not born with an essence of identity within ourselves that we need to discover; identity is rather a social and public process linked to the personal and emotional ways we define ourselves at different conscious and unconscious levels (Tajfel, 1974). It leads to the assumption that membership to a group, alongside value placed on

1 it, is defined as the social identity. The identity with in a group then entails personality and belongingness that has greater implication for commitment.

Kinship organization is common to non industrious societies and fundamental role of the kin is for a social unit that associate group of decent. Kottak preferably use ‘descent group’ for kinship and associate the organization in to the kinship pointing out strong claim to common ancestry and endurance of the membership (Kottak, 2005:165). A kin group frequently is exogamous in which members seek their mates from other decent group or kin. Within the kin based organization, there are two dimensions of viewing either self as a member of a kin or of other. The resulting relationships are founded on the belongingness to the kin groups and accordingly actions, attitudes and involvement are determined. The family information is good example where familial relationships are founded (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:156).

The Konso people who belong to Ethiopia are one of the ethnic diversities of Ethiopian state. They belong to an ethnic group having self developed language (Affa Xhonsso), culture, social organization. Culturally, the Konso people are intimately related with neighboring Borana Oromo, Ale and Derashe ethnic groups (Abdulfetah, 2014). The Cushitic Konso developed a distinct culture characterized by terraced farming, wood carving and stone enclosures (Bahru, 2007).

Clan organization of the Konso people is patrilineal and by principle individuals from the same clan claim decency from one male ancestor at the distant past. Based up on the patrilineal clan organization the marriage between the members from the same clan is forbidden but with the rest clans are permitted (Watson, 2009:70). In order to maintain the order of kinship identities of individuals have to be maintained for kin based relations.

As one domain of the culture, social organization is clan based classification of the people in general where all individuals classify and belong to their respective clans. The clan organization is primarily symbolic, ideological kind and the clans are not corporate social groups but a fundamental division of the human race believed to have existed since the time of the first men on earth (Hallpike, 1972). Shared clan identity provides membership of an imagined community of relations above and beyond the village, and can provide access to other networks of trust and

2 support (Watson, 2009). Nine clans exist in Konso and serve as foundation to create family, relationships and marriage. People of Konso have strong belief in clan organization and also suppose other peoples having clan organization of their type. The clan organization does not only have inward implication for Konso, but also have outward outlook in which assimilation relationships with other ethnic groups is determined by the clan identity (Hallpike, 1968). More importantly, the clan organization has determinant factor on procreation and socialization. In doing so, the clan identity of the Konso has of paramount importance to the people of Konso and work of this thesis looks on the clan organization and resulting identity formation within it.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

In the culture of the Konso, clan organization has significant implication for identity (Watson, 2009). Since early times up until current, the clan organization is important organization that regulates the relationships between individuals and groups. The main reason of organization to clan is to regulate marriage relationships (Shako, 2004). Accordingly, the marriage relationships are arranged to function along the clan identity. Based up on the social organizations, unifying identity of clan is created summing up the people of Konso. Both to individuals and to the people, therefore, the clan organization plays significant role in determining identity. It is therefore obvious that clan organization among the people of Konso is kin based organization founded to regulate marriage and family relations but also serves as element that plays identification role to the public at large.

The clan based identity of the Konso is largely based on the oral accounts and existed for long period of time. The whole culture also has no other alternatives of getting recorded and in the same manner exists in oral traditions. The myths of the clan origin explain why members of Konso clan are regarded as brothers and sisters, and so for them to have sexual relation is (Manyera) incest (Hallpike, 1972). Thus, considering the clanship and the clan identity in the Konso culture has therefore no alternative option than approaching the folk. With regard to the clan identity, the conception has to trace the folk and kin practices of decent in the background of the people and the culture. It then necessarily coerces for concerning over the past practices and evidenced. There are also physical objects and observable patterns that can be studied but need close observation and interpretation so as to reach on appropriate finding. The clanship identity

3 is thus has existed only in practical form than in described form where there is no resources on the clanship identity among the people of Konso.

The people of Konso are organized in to nine exogamous clans that marry each other. As fundamental role, individuals from the same clan refrain from marrying each other and the creation of families are aerated on the principles of clan organization. More importantly, any one from Konso essentially belongs to one clan out of the nine clans. The belongingness to the clan does not only results in identity, but the relationships of individuals and families are determinately founded.

The identity formation based up on the clan organization is intricately created with other social organizations and institutions. This has affective role on the individuals and the people. Further, the institutionalization of the clan organization has impact of orienting individuals to the principles and maintaining the identity. Village organization, age grade, class organization and administrative organizations of the people have elements that associate them with the clan organization. More importantly, the incorporation of the clan elements with other cultural organization of the people have contributive role in maintaining the clan identity. The kin based identity is fundamentally found to regulate marriages and this has been primary objective of it. Kin organization just taken from natural belonging to a given blood line based up on patrilineal organization. The naturally given decent line is drawn to function in social organization and that is organization in to nine clans in Konso. The non addressed topic is the role of clan identity is social life of the people and this thesis is determined to deal with it.

1.3. Objectives of the study

The general objective of this study was to to find out identity formation and its practice practice through clan organization among the Konso people. The study also has the following specific objectives. Find out basic principles of clan organization. Locate role of cultural values and believes in constructing clanship identity of the people. Explore practices of identification in clan based organization. Identify institutions that play important role in the identification of the clan organization.

1.4. Significance of the Study

By its nature, the study focuses on social aspect of the culture which is complex. The significance therefore generates from the thematic areas and focused work in the themes. Accordingly, the work with respect to cultural domain of the clan organization and identity formation would be significant in the following aspects. Provide information on the topics of identity formation in clan organization of the Konso people. There are different actors in the identity formation based up on the kinship of a given people but the specific consideration of the clanship in the Konso culture would assist in identifying and strengthening role of institutions and key actors. Would help in contributing towards attempts of maintaining cultural practices of identity and identity formation.

1.5. Scope of the Study

The scope of the study thematically focused on the clan organization in the culture of the Konso people. Clan organization is kinship element in which the people are related and associated based up on patrilineal genealogy. However, clan organization has various relationships with other domains of the culture that can be taken as cross cutting issue. But, in the same consideration, identities are constructed based up on the clan belongingness and individuals are usually identified with their kin. Founded for procreation, clanship organization has significant role in creation of marriage, family and social relationships and thematic work of the thesis focused on identity dimension of the clanship. Thus, the topic of consideration is clan organization which is more likely under the kinship organization.

Categorization of Konso comprises groupings of Karata, Fasha, Kolmeta, Turota and Komayta based on clustered geographical settlement with linguistically affiliated dialect. It was difficult to address the whole Konso or even a cluster and only the Karat grouping is focused. Further, Dokatu and Turayte villages are selected from the Karat area, which essentially limit the scope in terms of the sample size. However, the functioning of the clan identity as determinant factor

5 for procreation is significant across Konso. This necessarily have representation factor to the theme under consideration.

From Turayte and Dekatu villages clan heads, youth, women, village administrators, civil servants and elders were targeted as target participants. Accordingly, their participation was more greater in provision of information.

1.6. Challenges of the study

The work of the thesis mainly faced the following challenges. As the people in the target villages were farmers, employees and labourers, most of the time they stay away from homes and this caused instances of failint to find people. Rainy times were challenging in limiting mobility and physical accesibility with in the target villages. Financial challenges were there in availing needed stationary, note books and utilities and the field work demanded costs of stay and working equipments (Camera, computer and field bag). 1.7. Solutions sought Convenient times are sought and key informants are communicated to arrange safe times for the work There were some gaps in appointment time looking for convienient time and adjustments are done to target areas. Low cost of stay are opted in staying in the rural villages and optionally equipments (Computer and camera) of field are obtained in borrowing from friends.

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 2.1. Definition of Identity Identity of a person is concerned with distinctive characteristics that identify self with some form of similarly or differently patterned expressions. According to Merriam Webster dictionary, identity is the set of qualities and beliefs that make one person or group different from others (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/identity). Based up on this attribution of the meaning to the term, elements that are associated with a person are differentiated as specific to a given person being known and observed for owning set of qualities and beliefs. Another feature of identity in defining the concept is associated with parties involved in the identification. Identity is a description or, in other words, the definition of the existence and belongingness and consists of two pillars: identifier and identified (Inac and Unal, 2013:223). However, a given person can also view himself as having self identity differently from others as specific and unique features. The unique features of beliefs, attitudes and behavior observed on one person, therefore, can be said elements that contribute to the identity of a person differentiating from others. The intellectual, emotional, physical and spiritual qualities that constitute individuals uniqueness are all part of one's identity (Feqadu, 2015). Identity is something unique to each of us that we assume is more or less consistent (and hence the same) over time (Buckingham, 2008). From the definitions provided to “identity”, there are some elements that define the concept of identity though it cannot operate as universal conceptualization. In the above definitions, the concept of identity is associated with imagined elements about a person as observable pattern in specific manner; elements are judged as unique between identifier and identified personality. Identity is therefore composed of new, more or less imagined or created elements and of older, more or less “given” elements (Dokic, 2001:7). Another feature that is taken in to consideration is similarity in the content of the elements attributed to a person. Identity is commonly understood as one’s personally held beliefs about the self in relation to social groups (e.g., race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation) and the ways one expresses that relationship (Torres et al, 2009:577). Therefore, it can be said that identity is simply unique characteristics displayed by a person observed by other with recognition given to the uniqueness of the characters as associated to someone.

Identity is not only individual but also collective concept that figuratively combines the intimate or personal world with the collective space of cultural forms and social relations (Holland et al, 1998:5). Identity is also related to things like social class, territory, common profession, landscape, songs, agricultural heritage, as well as the know-how (for example, about processing of local products) (Dokic, 2001:9). Identity is also commonly understood to be socially constructed; that is, one’s sense of self and beliefs about one’s own social group as well others are constructed through interactions with the broader social context in which dominant values dictate norms and expectations (Torres et al, 2009:577). Differing from the personal identity, the collective identity is identity within the collective being with shared similarities among the individuals of the group. A person is thus social in both his identity and his expression of it (Baye, 2006:65). It means that individuals are members of the group having individual unique behaviors but at the same time belong to the group, but with the group there are shared identities across individuals. This is important aspect as the work of this thesis is focused on clanship identity which is more likely collective identity based up on kinship.

Another dimension of the identity is that it is changing over time and along with situations and contexts. Identity becomes formed and transformed continuously in relation to the ways person are represented or addressed in the cultural systems which surround the person (Hall, 1990:225). Identity must be seen as a process, rather than a static collection of well-defined elements. Obviously, over the time change, social changes are expected of characterizing changes that potentially affect identity in different contexts. Change of identity is the product of a continuous interaction between the past, the present and the future with its economic, social, and political challenges (Dokic, 2001:13).

Identity is a concept in a social context which associates with individuals and groups most likely constructed on positive or liked behaviors and characters. In the connection between the individual and the group, positive aspects are maintained as the characters that bind up for the identities of the individual and the group. Obviously, positive aspects of the identity are more likely to be valued from others and contribute for the pride and honor of the identity. According to Fearon, (1999) “identity” has double senses of referring to social categories and to the sources of an individual’s self-respect or dignity. Social identity is therefore shaped collectively within

8 the group, and the group has to cooperate in order to arrive at an identity that is perceived as positive (Tajfel, 1974). Based up on different social contexts, identity of person involves both liked and disliked behaviors and characters of a person. But people tend to adhere to self respect and dignity so as to have favorable position within their group. Significant part of a person, that is the face which one shows or hides from other is taken to represent the whole person including character and social standing (Strecker, 2010:75). Though the notion of the identity has been defined as being differentiated and identified with unique characteristics and owning specific behaviors, attitudes and like features, the term has carried different meanings in different contexts. The word identity is derived from the Latin root idem, meaning “the same,” the term nevertheless implies both similarity and difference though identity is something unique to each of us that we assume is more or less consistent (and hence the same) over time (Buckingham, 2008:1). Even from the definitions provided above, the identity is coined with group, individuals and the changing aspect of the identity are also outlined. From that point of view, there is wrangle over viewing the concept as fixed or changing. Perhaps instead of thinking of identity as an already accomplished fact, which the new cultural practices then represent, we should think, instead, of identity as a 'production', which is never complete, always in process, and always constituted within, not outside, representation. (Hall, 1990:222). As a matter of this fact, the meaning of the term is not clear cut as attempted to be shown with basic elements that are used by different people who defined it. Accordingly, it is obvious that the concept of “identity” has different dimensions of conceptualization of the term under different circumstances. Identity is an ambiguous and slippery term and has been used— and perhaps overused—in many different contexts and for many different purposes, particularly in recent years (Buckingham, 2008). In the attempts of looking in to the definitions provided from different authors above, at least, there are differing approaches of defining the concept of identity. Identity is to individuals, to groups, changing; stands for similarity and at the same time difference and so forth. Besides to the definitions and meanings assigned to the term, above the Hall’s definition of the term is drawn by way of concluding the work on the definition of the term. According to the (Hall, 1990:225), there are three very different conceptions of identity  Firstly, he view the concept as “Enlightenment subject” based on a conception of the human person as a fully centered, unified individual, endowed with the capacities of reason, consciousness, and action, whose "center" consisted of an inner core which first

emerged when the subject was born, and unfolded with it, while remaining essentially the same - continuous or "identical" with itself - throughout the individual's existence. In this conceptualization he attempts to maintain that the concept is more about self and individualism. He refers to this conceptualization as “enlightenment subject”.  Secondly, the notion of the sociological subject reflected the growing complexity of the modern world and the awareness that this inner core of the subject was not autonomous and self-sufficient, but was formed in relation to "significant others," who mediated to the subject the values, meanings, and symbols - the culture - of the worlds he/she inhabited. According to this view, conception of the identity is formed in the "interactions" between self and society.  Thirdly, he views the conceptualization of the term within the “post-modern subject”. He maintains that “conceptualization previously experienced as having a unified and stable identity, is becoming fragmented; composed, not of a single, but of several, sometimes contradictory or unresolved, identities.”

2.2. Definition of Kinship Blood relationships among peoples in different contexts takes in to account viewing of each other as belonging to same or similar origin. Kin group is a social group formed on the basis of recognized (including fictive) kin relationships between its members (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:165). Thus ‘social structure’, that is, those rules regulating the kinship, marriage and residential institutions of a people that endow social role and identity, and which therefore perpetuate societal relationships, became anthropology’s proper object of inquiry (Rapport and Overing, 2000:218). Accordingly, relationships of decent, marriage and family formations are constructed for maintaining order in the blood based and sometimes constructed inter relationships. Relationships and groups based on kinship are an especially important component of the social organization of pre- industrial peoples (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:157). Kinship, as the strongest of social bonds, became seen as the basis through which ‘primitive’ societies maintained order, it was through kinship ties that people created relations of social solidarity (Rapport and Overing, 2000:218). Basically, marriages are not preferred among the same kinships and this is commonly observable among different communities. Thus, the relationships of individuals based up on the blood relationships are concerns of kinship and kinship is about genealogical relatedness. When

10 people form an organized, cooperative group based on their kinship relationships, anthropologists call it a kin group (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:164).

The kinship concept is founded on the principle of governing relationships between individuals in determining their kin location. Along that line kinship function through rules that determine the kin. According to Rapport and Overing, an underlying concern was over what could replace the authority of government in ‘simple’ societies, and the answer was to view kinship as having this coercive power and this was seen to be the case because the kinship system became defined as the primary source for the rules and regulations providing for order and continuity of the ‘native’ society (Rapport and Overing, 2000:219). The kin identities of individuals are therefore important in determining self and creating an order where familial relationships are formed. Through such circular reasoning, it was presumed that the status, role, rights, duties and obligations of a person in a ‘simple’ society were seen to be forthcoming from and ascribed by the person‘s place within the kinship system. The primary societal organization of these societies was then understood to be ‘kinship-based’, and it was the ‘kinship polity’ (ibid 219). In the conceptual meaning of the term, therefore, there is ‘ruling out’ based up on the kin relations. To rule out, there has to be prohibitions and permissions to duties activities and relationships within the kinship organization of the people. As a defining element the ruling element associated with the term is critical as having coercive implication on people for maintaining the ruling.

It is worth to mention that kinship has by no means universal working definition. The main reason on the ground is that there are different kin organization practices among communities across the world and across time. Thus, to come up with clear definition that describes kinship is conditionally improbable. It is by now obvious that we cannot achieve an analytic definition of the construct of kinship that would be both universally adequate and at the same time respectful of indigenous understandings and knowledge. In short, anthropology cannot, even if it wished, arrive at a universal definition of kinship not only been highly abstract but also continued to carry the complex historical baggage (ibid 222).

Kinship organization is common to non industrious societies and fundamental role of the kin is to for a social unit that associate group of decent. Kottak preferably use ‘descent group’ for

11 kinship and associate the organization in to the kinship pointing out strong claim to common ancestry and endurance of the membership (Kottak, 2005:165). A kin group frequently is exogamous in which members seek their mates from other decent group or kin. Within the kin based organization, there are two dimensions of viewing either self as a member of a kin or of other. The resulting relationships are founded on the belongingness to the kin groups and accordingly actions, attitudes and involvement are determined. The family information is good example where familial relationships are founded.

2.3. Kinship Construction According to Peoples and Bailey, (2000:164) Anthropologists distinguish between two kinds of relatives as: Consanguine and Affines. The consanguine are “blood” relatives who related by birth; and Affines are “in-laws” who are related by marriage. Among your consanguineous relatives are your parents, siblings, grandparents, parents’ siblings, and cousins. Your affines include your sister’s husband, wife’s mother, and father’s sister’s husband. However, to trace distant ancestors through consanguine and affine basis is difficult as it seems more discernible in nuclear families and gets more complicated as traced to distant past due to complications in the interwoven relationships. But, it is important tool in determining relationships with in the family and resulting cooperation and kin based cooperation. Typically kin members live together, share the use of family wealth and property, rely on one another for emotional support, pool their labor and resources to support the family, and so on (ibid 164).

One of the major components of cultural knowledge is the way a people construct the real world, both natural and social. Kinship relationships and groups are an important part of social reality in all human cultures. Just as cultures differ in the ways they trace their descent and form social groupings of relatives, so do they differ in how they place relatives into kinds, with labeled categories. The labeled categories based on descent are called Kin terms, and the way a people classify, relate and cooperate with their relatives into these categories is called kinship organization. You might think that kin terms reflect the way those relatives are related to biologically (genetically) (ibid 205). Households are not always formed exclusively by family or marital ties, as gay and lesbian couples, heterosexual unmarried couples living together, and various other roommates and housemates illustrate. In fact, in a great many societies, people

12 incorporate unrelated people into their family and household, acting and feeling toward them in the same way as they do consanguineous relatives (Rapport and Overing, 2000:218).:219). This practice is widespread enough that there is a phrase for it: fictive kinship, in which individuals who are not actually biological relatives act toward one another as if they were kin. We begin with the point that every people have rules that govern who may and may not marry. The most universal of these rules is the incest taboo, which is so basic that we discuss it first (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:165-166).

In the kinship organization, there are principles of decency that importantly experienced among various societies. The tracing of the decency base up on the male, female or both prioritizations as a line of decency. Then, kinship relationships are defined by how people trace their descent from previous generations. Thus, how people in a given culture trace their descent is called their form of descent. According to Peoples and Bailey, (ibid 165), descent can be traced through males, females, or both sexes. So there are opportunities of tracing decency from male, female and from both and these decencies are differently termed. Tracing of decent in both cases of either female or male is termed as unilineal (Kotak, 2005:165) decent whereas kinship organization based on decency from both is termed as bilateral kinship system (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:149). Therefore, cultures that trace relationships through only one sex have unilineal or one line descent and people place importance on either their female ancestral line or their male ancestral line, but not both. Along that line, in cultures with patrilineal descent, a person’s father’s relatives are likely to be most important in his or her life and individuals are more likely to live among their father’s kin, and there are instances where most property is inherited by sons from fathers. In the same pattern, in matrilineal descent people trace their most important kinship relationships to the ancestors and living relatives of their mother and it is the mother’s relatives who are most important in a person’s life. People are most likely to live with or near their mothers’ relatives and usually inherit property from their mother or mother’s brothers. Inherently, there is cognition that in the unilineal and bilateral kin groups, parents passes their identity to their offspring which is biological and blood based. The work of this thesis is concerned with unilineal decent and unilineal decent generation lines are presented in the kinship chart below.

Male Is descended from Female Is the sibling of

Figure 1. Patrilineage five generation deep

Apical ancestor (Female)

Diagram 1. Matrilineage five generation deep (Source:Kottak:2005) An important purpose for the decent groups is to regulate marriage and govern relationships of the kin members. Organization in to the kinship is also important to harmonize family relationships and create cooperation for work and communal well beings. Peoples and Bailey, 2000; 124 state that descent groups of unilineal kin groups recognize close ties, hold common property, cooperate in work and share ritual responsibilities. In organizing in to kin groups, there are principles that rule out the marriage in allowing and prohibiting marriage relationships among the people. Unilinieal kin organizations prohibit marriage with in the same kin and the marriage in the same clan is termed as incest. Kottak, 2005:168 maintains that incest is sexual relation with close relatives and this kind of relationship is considered as taboo in all cultures. For example when unilineal decent is strongly developed, the parents who does not belong to

14 one’s own decent group isn’t considered a relative. Thus, with the strict patrilineality, the mother is not a relative but kind of in law who has married a member of one’s group-one’s father (ibid 168).

Within the kinship organization, with specific focus to unilineal decent, there are important terms that need clarity as they are thought related with the topic under consideration. These terms are clan and lineage. Clan is related lineages whose presumed common ancestors may be a mythological figure; sometimes no specific ancestor is known or named whereas lineage is a group of kin whose members trace descent from a common ancestor and who can demonstrate those genealogical links among themselves (ibid 165). Lineage formed by decent through male line is called patrilineal whereas lineages formed by decent through the female line are called matrilineal. Thus the decent group may be lineages or clans. Common to both is the belief that members descended from the same ancestor or the person who stands at the apex or top of common genealogy. In other word, major difference between a clan and lineage is generational depth. Peoples and Bailey, 2000:142 state that clans and lineages are usually exogamous and though their functions vary from societies maintain them for wellbeing of economic, political and social units of the society.

One of the basic functions of kin organization is to regulate marriage among the kin groups. Kin groups in most cultures of the societies do not engage in marriage to members from their group. Sexual relations with the close relative is prohibited and is viewed as taboo. In this form the kind of sexual and marriage relationship that are allowed with external groups are called exogamy. According to Kottak, 168 mentions that all cultures have taboo against inter marriage between members from the same group or kin. On the other hand, mating or marriage with in the same group to which one belongs is known as endogamy (Peoples and Bailey, 2000:127). Kottak mentions that endogamous marriages are commonly practiced among members of ethnic groups and provides Indian caste system as an example, though abolished in 1949.

2.4. Social Identity Formation Identity is a description or, in other words, the definition of the existence and belongingness. The belongingness to a given kind of group is primarily accepted by individuals which is vital in the formation of identity. Identity has to do with defining and assessing oneself, one’s environment and the transience of one’s life (Dokic, 2001).This means that people are likely to define themselves in terms of what is relevant in associating themselves to group memberships (e.g., religion, race, or gender), family, ethnic group. Being a self requires others who endorse and reinforce one's selfhood. Simply defining and recognizing of self is of paramount importance in the creation of persuasive situation for maintaining self identity. Identity is people's concepts of who they are, of what sort of people they are, and how they relate to others (Fearon, 1999). This means that people should feel better about themselves, more capable of attaining their goals, and so on, in contexts that provide these frameworks than in contexts that do not. In the construction of identity, individuals are therefore important in maintaining individual self that is also vital in making group identity based up on shared elements. It can be said that construction of identity is looking inward and recognizing self first.

Thus, in dealing with peoples identity within a given context there is dimension that the identity consists of two pillars: identifier and identified (Inac and Unal, 2013:225). It is a very important to bear in mind that if the identity is solely defined by the ‘other’, the distinctive features and otherness dimension of the identified is emphasized and the common points are disregarded. Identity is recognized aspect and involve observer who recognize the unique elements that one possess. This brings in to the scene persons that involve in the identity formation processes. It must not be maintained strongly that the identification always involves two way communications between actors. Main reason for that is someone can identify himself having his own unique elements and recognizes himself by giving value and maintaining it. The self recognition of identity, however, is expressed and others observe by bringing the inward view to external observer.

One feature of the identity is its attainment through natural and gain by birth. This has no construction elements and belongingness to a given group is attained in natural right of birth. Personal identities reflect traits or characteristics that differentiate one and results in social

16 identities linked to traits and characteristics (Leary and Tangney, 2012). Physical appearances, color, and kinship are features that are endowed to the people through nature. People differ in their appearances and color. These differentiations are not cultural or social constructions but they differentiate individuals by boldly observable appearances. Significant consideration here is that these differences are naturally given but are factors for the constructions of identity socially. The identity is also supposed to be multi-dimensional. The multicultural and multi-societal character of the identity requires the necessity of a plurality of people, groups, social confrontations, mutual challenges and profound interactions and, finally, a strong possession is needed for the gained identities and these identities may be redefined in accordance with the conjuncture. It is also appropriate to refer to multiple identities because identity is often a mixture of various elements which themselves are in a state of flux (Dokic, 2001). However, this socialization process may lead to the creation of the newly constructed identities. The continuity of the process will lead to a permanent character in the identity values as well.

Social identity refers to “that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group” (Tajfel, 1974). Social identity is therefore shaped collectively within the group, and the group has to cooperate in order to arrive at an identity that is perceived as positive.

Social identity is constructed in accordance with the special condition of the time process and dependent on time and space. The concept of identity is introduced both, the notion of continuity and that of change without making them contradictory; on the contrary, continuity, in so far as it concerns the ‘self’ in its relation with the ‘other’, is meaningless without transformation (Cain,1998). As identity is often conjunctural and never “essential” nor eternal, a formation process can be observed and Prominent among factors contributing to identity formation are power relations (Dokic, 2001).

Identity is also commonly understood to be socially constructed; that is, one’s sense of self and beliefs about one’s own social group as well others are constructed through interactions with the broader social context in which dominant values dictate norms and expectations (Inac and Unal, 2013). It is constructed within the social and historical framework. Social constructivists

17 emphasize that our communications with others not only convey messages but also always make claims about who we are relative to one another and the nature of our relationships (Cain, 1998). Accordingly, the constructed sense of identity means not only the positioning of identity with different groups, but also changing the comprehensive and holistic character of any given common identity unit within the historical perspective. Identities are not the fixed markers people assume them to be but are instead dynamically constructed in the moment (Leary and Tangney, 2012).Thus, in any certain period of history; a kind of identity might be comparatively more influential over the people.

The formation of social identity is also based on objective and subjective elements (Inac and Unal, 2013). Accordingly, the objective elements are communal in their features and bind members together for communal wellbeing. Social identity has focused more on the meanings associated with being a member of a social category; identity theory has focused more on the meanings associated with performing a role (Burke and Stets, 2000). Objective elements are depicted as the properties shared by all members of the social identity unit such as symbols, myths, language, religion, ethnicity, geography, the mode of life, common history, values, traditions, etc. Subjective elements of social identity are defined as the relative indication of to what extent the internalization process of the objective ones is carried out (Smith, 1989). Through looking in to the objective and subjective elements, while subjectivity has an implication of diversified identity shared elements within the subjective elements are vital in maintaining and construction of the objective elements. On the other hand, objective elements refer to the extent to which an individual has considered the personal significance of and feels a sense of solidarity with his or her social group. The construction of any certain identity is an inclusive process with the internalization of the same values of identifier, but it is also an exclusive process with the elimination of other identities (Inac and Unal, 2013).

Historically, cultural identities come from somewhere, that means have histories. But, like everything which is historical, they undergo constant transformation. Far from being eternally fixed in some essential past, they are subject to the continuous 'play' of history, culture and power (Fearon, 1999).

Individuals within a given ethnic or cultural group are likely to differ in terms of how important the group membership is to their overall sense of identity, and this importance has been shown to be associated with the person’s psychosocial adjustment to the historical condition. Thus, belonging to a group has a great influence in adopting, reinforcing or weakening of other identities, such as the social identity. That is, group identity determines the social identity and has a great impact in shaping other identities. The perception of different identities is based on the reciprocity and mutual understanding as well as interaction positioning. A social identity unit generally separates and differentiates the other. Here there is a reciprocal interaction working to find out negative and positive differences of each identity. If the identities are rival and threat each other, the negative emphasis is pointed out (Inac and Unal, 2013:225). Fearon,1999:11 brings “diginity,” “honour,” and “pride” as synonymous words to “identity” mentioning that personal identity is a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in; (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them; or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to. In seeking to deﬁne their identity, people attempt to assert their individuality, but also to join with others, and they work to sustain their sense of status or self-esteem in doing so (Buckingham, 2008:6). In order to elaborate this fact, the study of the interaction within the history is required and this is made and remade over the time in history and play important role in the social identity formation.

The social and cultural identities can be grouped in two categories, as “granted” and “gained” identities (Inac and Unal, 2013: 226). Family, ethnic group, society, community, nation and civilization are ‘granted’ identities and are created within the socialization process. They are exclusive because of their inborn character. However, the identities chosen by the free will of the individual are ‘gained’ identities. Nevertheless, the dynamism, continuity and plurality of the identity prevents gained identity for having absolute authority over the individuals such as the case of conversion, since the voluntary factor and humanitarian interference can be mentioned even in granted identities in some extent. For instance, the national identity as a ‘granted’ identity is not a natural and spontaneous identifier that emerged in any certain period of the history (ibid 225).

The identity of individuals is supposed to be identical to the identity of the group to which they belonged. Another important aspect of this view of identity concerned the presupposition of stability and permanence. People were regarded to share the same identity because they also shared the same history. The community or society to which they belonged was consequently considered to be solid and immutable (Meijl, 2008:170). Identity was understood as a disposition of basic personality features acquired mostly during childhood and, once integrated, more or less ﬁxed. This identity made a human being a person and an acting individual. Inconsistency of personality—that is non sameness of the self, nonidentity—was regarded as disturbance or even psychic illness (Sokefeld, 1999: 417). Here it pointed not simply to selfsameness but to the sameness of the self with others, that is, to a consciousness of sharing certain characteristics (a language, a culture, etc.) with in a group (Inac and Unal, 2013: 227).

2.5. Theories of identity formation 2.5.1. Primordialism The primordialist perspective is an approach that treats the identity as founded on natural elements. According to the primordialist, identities of a group exist because there are traditions of belief and action towards primordial aspects such as biological factors and especially territorial location. The first theoretical position of cultural identity it as shared culture, a sort of collective 'one true self', hiding inside the many other, more superficial or artificially imposed 'selves', which people with a shared history and ancestry hold in common (Hall, 1990:241). Within the terms of this definition, our cultural identities reflect the common historical experiences and shared cultural codes which provide us, as 'one people', with stable, unchanging and continuous frames of reference and meaning. Hall maintains this stipulating 'oneness', underlying all the other, more superficial differences, is the truth, the essence, of 'Caribbeanness', of the black experience, and pan africanism (ibid 226). The identity of people through blood relation is fundamental factor for the primordial view. Accordingly, the identities of the people and group base common blood and family belongingness which is liked by individuals. The notion of primordial view of identity addresses the “we-ness” of a group, stressing the similarities or shared attributes around which group members coalesce (Cerulo, 1997:386). Early literature approached these attributes as “natural” or “essential” characteristics—qualities

20 emerging from physiological traits, psychological predispositions, regional features, or the properties of structural locations. A collective’s members were believed to internalize these qualities, suggesting a uniﬁed, singular social experience, a single canvas against which social actors constructed a sense of self (ibid 386).

The elements that the primordialists maintain as important factors for the identity formation are natural and blood based relationships. Natural emphasizing the elements like common blood, family, belonging, roots and solidarity are taken as essential considerations for the construction of identity. This is mainly maintained in associating identity as fixed and non changing identifier. The answer implicit in most constructivist scholarship is that people often believe, that certain social categories are natural, inevitable, and unchanging facts about the social world. They believe that particular social categories are ﬁxed by human nature rather than social convention and practice (Fearon, 1999:15). Identities are natural and long lasting feature than changing and conditional feature. This theory is also known as essentialist view of identity. There are at least two different ways of thinking about 'cultural identity'. Within the terms of this definition, our cultural identities reflect the common historical experiences and shared cultural codes which provide us, as 'one people', with stable, unchanging and continuous frames of reference and meaning, beneath the shifting divisions and vicissitudes of our actual history.

2.5.2. Constructionism According to the constructionist view identities of individuals and groups are constructed due to historical and political factors. From the perspective of the constructionist, the identities of people and of individuals are constructed and are not primordial in nature. As identity is often conjunctural and never “essential” nor eternal, a formation process can be observed and Prominent among factors contributing to identity formation are power relations (Dokic, 2001). The fact that individuals own specific natural differences is not sufficient factor for identity and they rather argue the constructive aspect of identity is common among humans and change over time and due to various social factors. With this view cultural or social identity is more historical and multi-dimensional and in this approach, cultural identity is a matter of “becoming” as well as “being” (ibid ).

The claim that “identities” are changeable and historically contingent may sound like an insight, due in part to an implicit play on the older idea of identity as the constitutive properties of a thing that remain the same through time (Fearon,1999:15). Social categories are important in the identity formation and have two distinguishing features: first, they are deﬁned and by implicit or explicit rules of membership, according to which individuals are assigned or not to the category (some examples are discussed below) and, second, social categories are understood in terms of sets of characteristics – for example, beliefs, desires, moral commitments, or physical attributes – thought typical of members of the category, or behaviors expected or obliged of members in certain situations, as in the case of roles, such as a professor, student, or police ocer (ibid 13- 14). Suppose we oer the translation, “social categories are socially constructed,” and take “socially constructed” to mean that social categories vary over time, historically, and are the products of human thinking, discourse, and action (ibid 14).

Besides the two main theories of social identity, some attempt linking social constructionism to more essentialist views. Accordingly, social identity is viewed as a product of both “natural” and conscious manipulation. Natural continuity emerges from pre-existing ethnic identity and community; conscious manipulation is achieved via commemoration, ideology, and symbolism. Smith compliments this duality with a social psychological dimension, citing a “need for community” as integral to identity work. In Smith’s view, this tri-part combination distinguishes national identity, making it the most fundamental and inclusive of collective identities (Cerulo, 1997:391).

The cultural identity analysis of Stuart Hall, 1990 provides us the theoretical ground to do this. Hall indicates that there are two different ways of thinking about cultural identity (Hall, 1990). The first approach is based on the ideas of essence, completeness, and closure. According to this, cultural identity is understood as a shared essence, a type of “one true self”. In this sense, defining and experiencing the cultural identity is a move for searching an essence, a glorification, and providing this essence with privileges, and hence returning to this essence. Identity is not only individual but also collective concept that figuratively combines the intimate or personal world with the collective space of cultural forms and social relations (Holland et al, 1998:5). There is, however, a second, related but different view of cultural identity. This second position

22 recognises that, as well as the many points of similarity, there are also critical points of deep and significant difference which constitute 'what we really are'; or rather - since history has intervened - 'what we have become' (Hall, 1990 :225).

2.6. Clanship identity among Konso People Konso society is based on clan, lineage and family organization. As Watson writes, “The clan or kaffa is the most important principle of social organization and primary signifier of identity” (Watson, 2009:69). Every Konso is born to one clan and takes the identity of his father. The lineage, like the clan, is patrilineal and exogamous but unlike the clan it is localized and members of the same lineage normally live in the same town for many generations.” (Hallpike, 1972:156). Currently, the Konso are organized into town-like villages called Pallewwa, where the clans live together. The smallest unit of Konso social organization is the nuclear family consisting of the parents and their offspring. When children grow up they marry and form their own family except for the oldest son who will continue to reside in his father’s home with his wife.

The origins of Konso clans is claimed to different places and the origin of the people to the land has greater connection to the clanship organization and clan identity. The families of first comers to the land of the current Konso were valued as seniors and clan head. Through oral traditions and kinship decent, the first come families are recognized and respected as clan heads families. “At very early time, they began their social life at a place called Aylo'tta in Ko'mmayti part of present Konso district. Under the spiritual leadership of the Aylo family, the founding group of the nine Konso clans, they organized and developed their traditional Konso culture” (Shako, 2004).

The nine clans of Konso are called Sawdatta, Keerttita, Eelayta, Passanta, Arkamayta, Tikisayta, Ishalayta, Mahaleta,Tokmaleta (Shako, 1994:81). All nine clans intermarry and create interwoven relationships. Hallpike (1972: 156) says: “Nine” itself is a number of mystical significance that represents lineage descent from early fathers of the nine clans. He also adds that the nine clans are “dramatization of a folk philosophy” in which people are represented and

23 organized into a fixed set of hereditary groups. The clan organization of the Konso helps them to regulate marriage and assimilate migrants from the neighboring communities.

The organization in nine clans is founded for practices of having sexual, marriage relationships and family formation by the individuals in the Konso are still observed among the people. The purpose for which the clan organization found is observed, but practices that were associated with associating self with clanship identity has characterized changes. For example, primogeniture inheritances, migrations to surrounding areas, property inheritances (the land), interrelation with neighboring communities and other migrant communities press not to maintain formerly existing clan based associations and practices. But, it is worth to mention that the practices did not resulted in affecting the belongingness to a given clan and marriage and family formations. This works in the intra clans relationships but to other ethnic groups this is not observed as others are viewed not having clan organization. The marriage with external communities are recognized as relating with non clan having member and external member can join the clan organization.

The identity formation in the consideration in thesis deals with the intra clan relationships. Thus, the clan organization is part of the Konso culture with focused attention to kinship. As mentioned above, the people of Konso have emerged to the land through migrations from different places and from the early beginning the clan organization was union of different families from different places. In addition, there are instances of uniting external communities to the clan organization in the past. Further, there are also marriages out of the nine clans of the Konso people. These conditions clue that the clanship identity formation among the Konso people are constructive. But, after the coming in to the land most of the people have maintained the patrilineal clan organization which gives unique decent based identity to the people. This has primordial approach of identity formation for the people of Konso. Therefore, theoretical approaches are critical in looking in to the identity formtion, however, the existence of constructive and primordial identity constructions show up mix of the both. Accordingly, both the constructive and primordial construction of identity are are approached in the attempts of working with the clanship identities.

CHAPTER THREE: STUDY AREA DESCTIPTION 3.1. The Konso and their culture The Konso, locally known as Xhonssitta, live in the Segen Area Peoples’ Zone within the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region (SNNPR). The Central Statistic Agency reports that the total population of Konso was 235,085 in 2007. Konso woreda is bordered by the Amaro and Burji woredas in the East, Borana Zone of the Oromia region in the South, Ale woreda and South Omo zone in the West, and Dirashe woreda in the North.

The Konso speak an East Cushitic language (Afa-Xhonso) which has about 46 percent cognates with ‘Afaan-Oromo’ (Hallpike, 1972). Across Konso land, Affa Xhonso is spoken widely but with slight local differences such as the dialects of Karata, Kenna and Turo.

The Konso have developed a close relationship with their environment and from the beginning they have preferred to settle in mountainous area. This mountainous area, locally known as Xhonssitta, was preferred for residence, agriculture and livestock rearing (Demeulenae, 2002). It offered protection against the neighbors (Borena, Guji, Tsemai, and Derashe) with whom they were often in conflict, as well as against insect born diseases prevalent in the lowlands (Watson, 2009). These lowlands, locally known as Komayta, were originally not inhabited by the Konso who only used them for hunting (buffalo, zebra, antelope, lion, leopard and other wild life species). However, over years the Konso have gradually also descend to the lowlands and have begun to use the Komayta habitat for both agriculture and pastoralism.

According to some oral traditions the Konso are descended from the Borana, while others say they came from northern highlands named Alla. Yet, again others trace the origin of the Konso to Xhoyra, east from Burji (Korra, 2006:12).

It is believed that Konso society had existed already for more than five hundred years before it was conquered by the forces of Menelik II in 1897. Since its incorporation into the Ethiopian state, the Konso had to endure many imposition from external powers, and despite the recognition of Konso as an autonomous ethnic group under the 1991 constitution of Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), for long time its cultural identity was

25 denied. However, more recently the Konso have been given the responsibility for their own governance.

Traditional farming in Konso involves the building and maintaining of terraces, and fertilizing the fields with manure (Yeshambel, 2013). The main crop is sorghum, along with some tuber and root crops (yam, cassava, sweet potato and taro) and cotton (Yeshambel, 2013). Watson (2006) mentions that for hundreds of years the Konso have terraced their hillsides and implemented a wide range of low-tech soil and water conservation practices to obtain a living in an environment where rainfall is unpredictable.

People who live on farming, are called Etanta while those who live from making pots, tanning hides and working leather, weaving cotton, working on iron and trading are called Xhawda. Hallpike (1968) observed that Xhawda are not a submerged class, but a separate class, not fully integrated into the religious and social life of the Etanta. In the past these social groups had strong social identities and did not intermarry (Watson, 2009:48).

Working in groups is preferential among Konso society, and intensive agriculture is performed and attained through work parties. There are networks of cooperation that extend all over the community and make the complex landscaping possible that characterizes Konso country.

As agricultural people, People of Konso grow sorghum as main crop for daily consumption. Sorghum is drought resistant crop and preferred by the Konso, also enable to harvest two rounds as main or Parra and the second harvest as Hakaytta. Main rainy season in Konso is from mid February to April and the second rainy season fall between July to October. The main harvest crop plants are cut out in such a way that many seedlings flourish from single cut plant root and grow as second round harvest plants. Sorghum is particularly suitable to Konso environment because of its drought resistance and its fast ratooning, enabling two crops to be obtained from one sowing, the first harvest producing 70 % of the total yield (Messeret, 1990, 178). Different types of sorghum are known among Konso people amounting to 19 types locally (Hallpike, 1972). Diversities are liked by the farmers across the land based up on drought resistance, taste,

26 resistance to bird, insects, length of ripening period. Barley and wheat are cultivated in highland areas of Fasha. Along with these crops, maize is introduced as foreign crop.

Farming is practiced by mixed farming of crops with beans and trees with cattle production. (ibid) mentions variety of pulses: kidney pea (locally known as Alqquqqa), pigeon pea (Ashakiltetta), Tonga beans (O’kalla), mung beans (Neqqayyatta), and cow peas (O’hota. Main foliage among Konso is Middha collected from Moringa tree (Shelqhatta) as main diet. Cash crops like coffee and cotton are also grown by the Konso people. However, crops like bananas, papaya, limes, oranges, citron, tomatoes, red peppers, hot peppers, onions, garlic, sweet potatoes, cabbage, corn and teff are introduced with the expansion of Amhara (Korra, 2006:5). Honey is also produced along with agriculture. Animal production involves cattle, goat, sheep and chicken, kept for milk and meat production. Konso livestock mainly comprise cattle, sheep and goat (Hallpike, 1972:42). Above all, Korra, 2006:6 mentions branches of agriculture as production of crops like sorghum, wheat, barley, finger millet, maize; cereal crops like cotton and pigeon peas; cash crops like coffee and chat; tuber plants like, yam, taro, corms and potatoes; fruits like banana and papayas; vegetables like pumpkins, Amaranthus; bee keeping, poultry, cow goat and sheep rearing.

The Konso believe in Waqa, a supernatural being who is omnipotent and brings rain, thunder, pests, drought and death to humans. However, the Konso also sometimes say ‘Waqo ka piito’, which translates as “You heaven and earth/land”. God is here perceived as sky and also earth/land. It is not clear whether God is in a male form or female however they call “Waqa” or “Mooha” (ibid 32). He with hold rain and bring up natural disasters on the land. People use to say God is raining than it is raining. Blue sky is sometimes associated with God as they seldom describe the blue color of the sky as Waqa or God. Rain is highly valued by the Konso people due to dependence on harvesting from agriculture. Withhold of the rain during the farming periods are critically viewed as resulting from quarrelling of individuals and grievances between people. Accordingly, maintenance of peace among individuals is observed by individuals for the wellbeing of the society and abundance of productivity at large.

Seasons of a year are associated with weather and the resulting human activity. Four seasons are known among the Konso as Ponna (dry season), season of preparing land, Sorora (main rainy season), Masana (Post harvest collection) and Hakayta (Second harvest months). Months are counted based up on lunar system and harvest time. Main harvest year is known as Parra (Year) and rounds of the main harvest year are basis to count years based on the lunar system. Table 1: Months in Konso S/n Name in Affa Konso Name in English Name in Main activity Amharic 1 Oypa January Tirr Tilling of the land to prepare for sowing 2 Sakaano Kama February Yekatit Emerging of seedling and weeding 3 Murano(or Muralo) March Meggabit Attack of plants with pest and its prevention 4 Pelalo(or Pelalta) April Miyaaziya Bird keeping 5 Hari(or Hara) May Ginbot Ponds become full of water and need 6 Tola June Sene Good time of keeping goats 7 Orxo Leysha(or July Hamle Month of harvest collection Orxolasha) 8 Sessaysha August Nehaasee Cutting out main harvest for ratooning 9 Partupta September Meskerem Month of festivals 10 Kisha October Tikimt Weeding 11 Ollin Dala(or November Hidar Ripening of second harvest Ollindela) 12 Poorinka (or December Tahisas Collecting of second harvest Poorinkatta) Source: Korra Garra,2006

Village organization is town like, fortified with enclosing terraces. The villages are densely populated with houses built with huts in the past, but recent threats of degrading grass and construction trees coerced for alternative preference of building houses with iron sheets. With in the villages, families live together belonging to nine different clans of Konso. Homes of the families are fenced with woods and supporting small terraces at bottom. Besides to the homes, villages involve Morras (Public gathering centers) and roads connecting houses and public places. Near to village, land planted with euphorbia and some other vegetation is maintained as

28 public latrine. In addition to defecation purpose Dinna serve as protection area for enemies and reservation of euphorbia plant as fire extinguisher. In cases of fire eruption, people cut euphorbia and bite the fire with its branches controlling the fire with excessive water excretion of the euphorbia plant.

CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Thematic consideration of the study focused to identity with attention to the clanship in the culture of the Konso people. The clan organizations of the people have both inward and out ward implication in the identity formation of the individuals and of the group. In most cases, marriages takes place among members of the nine clans which can be said external to a given clan. Thus, with in the Konso ethnic group, clan is one domain of culture and universal among the whole members. At the same time, individuals belong to their respective clans in the unit of the whole culture. Accordingly, nine clans are exogamous patrilineal kinship organizations that consider intra clan marriage as taboo. The intermarriage of the nine clans is on the other hand endogamous relationship among one ethnic group. Based up on the thematic focus, the identity of the clanship is kin based and also entails social constructions of the society. Kin identity among the Konso people is mainly founded on patrilineal genealogy and extends throughout generations through myth. Obviously, examination of clan identities in quantitative dimension has less significance as only contribute to identification but missing relevance in showing social implications and constructions. Thus, to feel the gap of finding quantitative data pre existing genealogical practices of the target community are taken as available context of clans. Taking this in to account, qualitative method is employed to work with clan identity of the Konso people.

The study used random sampling techniques to select kebeles. The villages of the Konso are autonomous and can be said sovereign in administering their affairs. Along with that, clans in these villages are composite in clan types, usually all the clans exist preferably interwove through marriage. Taking this in to account two villages is selected for the primary data collection with assumption that villages are representatives particularly in clan composition. However, Konso are regionally known for groupings as Karate, Fasha, Kolme, Turo and Komayta, associated with dwelling people and their language dialect features. Out of the five sub divisions Karate is selected for the information gathering and empirical accounts. Consequently, two adjacent villages of Turayte and Dhekatu are selected for the field work.

Instruments used for gathering data are in depth interview and field observations. Interviews were semi structured or in-depth interviews utilized for data gathering from the target sample

30 people of the study from two Kebeles of Tutrayte and Dekatu. Interviews are conducted with key informants from the villages’ different categories of representatives. Interviews are open ended, but followed a general themes within the topic of clanship identity. Field observations are also conducted as additional data gathering tool through observing social discourses, patterns of communication and living environments of the target people. As the researcher is from the area, prior experiences with regard to the clan organization are re observed.

Interviews are conducted with representatives from different categories of the villages. Categories were elders, youth who are not married, village administration representatives, clan heads, women, educated members (who completed college or university studies and employed residing in the village) of villages. Accordingly, representatives are selected from the categories; 2 individuals from each village representing elders, youth, administration representatives, women and educated members. Totally, 24 (Twenty four) representatives have participated in the interviews of the study. Observations are conducted within the target two kebeles through visits to public places, communal works, clan leaders’ homes and day to day activities of the people. Both for the interviews and observations, two months time was spent.

Field data gathering was targeted in the randomly selected two villages and hierarchies of Kebele administration and sub village leaders are communicated first. In addition, local chiefs and other categories were met based up on information from village and sub village administrations. However, rapport creation is successfully attained through addressing clanship identities of the persons in communication and introduction of researcher through clan belonging which was pivotal in wining cooperation. It is worth to mention that the sending letter to the field for data gathering was helpful in adding credibility to researcher for some who query the field data gathering activity. As the researcher was from the study area, communications were facilitated with the local language and understanding of the contexts of the target study area was helpful in creating easy communication and information exchange.

In addition to the primary data sources mentioned above, secondary data was also used as the main source of information for the study. In connection with this, the researcher used books,

31 journals, periodicals, internet (web site) and other relevant materials to enrich the study document.

Analysis of the gathered data is assisted with sorting out of similar item of evidences about the topic. Particularly, data gathered through interview are detailed with intensive explanations from informants with too many ideas. Thus, similar ideas are grouped together for determining knowledge about the topic. Data mentioned from all informants are taken as credible information for the thesis work.

Ethical considerations have taken in to account pre informed cooperation from the informants. Prior to conduct data gathering, informants are requested for their voluntariness by introducing the objective, purpose and activities to be conducted in the interviews. Along with that, they are well informed of having right for reservations as they found the interview not comfortable. Use of the gathered information only for the research purpose is clearly communicated to the informants and information from informants is promised to taken as personal and private. Accordingly, information provided for the work of this thesis is only for consumption of this thesis and not passed to any authorities.

CHAPTER FIVE: CLANS IN KONSO CULTURE 5.1. Konso clans and their values In the culture of the Konso people, clan organization plays essential role in determining marriage and social relationships of individuals within the society. Accordingly, cultural principles of the clan organization are valued by the community and individuals are convinced to observe them. The value paid to the culturally founded clans has persuasive implication to individuals of the community as they learn and abide by the clan organization. Fundamental principle of the clan organization is its basic purpose of serving as identity of a person. At the group level, clans also have implication as valued by the people. Cooperation for work on clan organization is common among the Konso for increasing agriculture productivity and construction.

The Konso clan organization is part of the whole Konso culture. It is intricately sewn with other institutions of the people and integrated to their social life and revolves around politics, economy, marriage, ritual and beliefs, warfare and the like. Families are founded on clan identity, and identity in the autonomous villages of the Konso people is based on the families. Accordingly, the role, personality and the social status of individual is based up on the corporate environment of clanship, family and villages. Irrespective of belonging to political organization (Villages), the clan organization is universal for the people of Konso. The clan organization is based on lineage, which is believed as the extension of the same blood, and person at a given point is convinced to accept any one who belongs to his clan as brother from the father. This is world of clan organization to the Konso people that helps to see each other and define roles with in the social institutions.

At any moment of first meeting, individuals prefer to ask the clan of one another as custom. This has been created in the past as cultural norm, practiced among the current community members as a way of communicating. It is also viewed as a respect to each other and introduction not only between individuals but in doing so trace clans based relationships. Instantly, after knowing ones clan people draw the relationships they have and salutations came warmly after the introduction of the clan. If one finds that the person he/she meets belong to self clan, he/she discovers that they are brothers and sisters. The intermarriage of clans in Konso helps to trace kin relationships

33 of individuals and the clans. Personalities of individuals are therefore found through their clan belonging and social relationships are identified easily.

Kin role, wich is not only sexual but social, of person is also valued among Konso by either begetting own clan or become either brother or sisters of a clan and based up on that engaging in procreation with the rest eight clans of the Konso. The symbolical meaning of clans plays important role for the existence of the kinship and the Konso people. A clan engages in marriage with the rest eight clans refraining from theirs, where males begot their clan and females produce other clans’ offspring. Symbolically any member of the society represents his clan, either male or female, and observes the rules of the kinship. In return for the observation of the kinship rules social reward is offered from others as fit member.

The emergence of clan organization in Konso is traced to early times of the people and first settlers of the land. There are different oral traditions told about the emergence of the Konso and their clan to Konso. Hallpike (2008:156-172), who worked on the values of the Konso people, in mid and late 20th c, presents different oral traditions on the emergence of the clans; reasoned out various directions of coming to the land. Besides the legends, from early settlement, clan was the basic social organization and original communities(first migrants claimed to have been migrated to the land from all directions) were divided in to clan groups. As mentioned above, the emergence of clan is believed as appeared once as people settled to the Konso land. One family of Aylo from direction of North east in the local place known as Aylota are also believed as first settlers to the Konso land and begot nine clans. However, based up on some oral accounts, only five clans had emerged and begot the rest four, which is clue requesting further look in to the emergence of the clan to the land but could not possibly addressed with this thesis.

The clan organization of the Konso people is also mythological in drawing life of the bees and termites. Konso claim to like colonies of bees and termites. The organization of the bee and termite is led by head and surrounding members of their population cooperate around. The leadership by figure head and unique feature of being organized under a figure is character drawn from the bees and termites. Any attempt to approach the figure heads territory of bees and termite is reacted by serious attack of defense. This has great implication to the Konso to be both

34 harmonious and self defending with vehement opposition (Marqhinotta). Kilate Katana, who is elder informant from Turayte kebele, informant strengthens this by saying Xhonsitta haa Xhantta pitta which translates as Konso people are bee of the land.

Diirumma (Manhood) has central role in the life of the Konso people which is associated with authority and heroic achievements located in clan organization. The phallic structures are curved on roof of the Poqalla houses, Wakas (statue) of hero, erected stones at Morra, Xhallasha (phylacteries worn by hero and clan chiefs). The phallic symbols are communication of heroic achievements and fame regarded with respect. Heroic achievements are attained in killing Ewa (bandits) and big cats (Lion, leopard, and tiger). Diirumma (Manhood) is heroic world, non dared, autonomous and independent personality which is represented by male in the Konso. Fundamentally, killings and heroic achievements belong to persons and clans. Heroic achievements are based up on the identity and identity is primarily of clan.

Since early times people are convinced to accept the created clans and abide by the principles founded by the fore fathers. Despite different historical accounts of sources on the emergence of the Konso clans, there is confirmation of the nine clans as the first organization of people to clanship. The nine clans are therefore major clans that have existed based up on the agreement of forefathers as found essential for people to organize. Usual expression among the Konso goes “Waa akka xhattaw eyye Khodhe” which means “What grandfather founded is right”. The respect is paid to grand fathers as they are believed seniors who are better experienced to challenges of humanity on the earth. The institutions founded by the fore fathers are therefore observed from the perspective that great effort has been paid by prudent fathers. The seniority, usually coming first to the Konso land by birth and owes greater respect. To be born first in Konso endows privilege of seniority in all aspects and it is revered.

It is important also to mention here how Konso people view themselves and other based up on their clan organization and principles. For the Konso, clan is basic human identity up on which all relationships founded and most of the time difficult for stranger to be compatible. No one exists among the Konso’s without membership to clans. It is also disliked to have marriage with other communities as they are viewed failing to have clan organization. Hallpike (2008:161) had

35 on some occasion coerced to feel that “I therefore concluded that the Konso were simply being ethnocentric in attributing their clans to other peoples in the area. This belief was reinforced by the fact that they asked me how many clans we had in England, and when I replied that we had none they were most disconcerted. “How, then, do you know whom you can marry””. It is not liked by the parents when their children engage in love and marriage relations with other people who are believed of not have clan organization. If the other communities’ clan organization is not matching that of Konso, according to the rule of the clanship it is difficult to show kin relationships to the offspring and families. This is referred as Namma patte, which translates as person who disappeared or lost. Migrants to the Konso also adopt the clan organization in their respective destinations and preferably opt to be clan member of receiving families. It is not possible in Konso to engage in love relationships without making clear clan identity of the others. According to Kalsimo Dinote, who is elder key informant from Dekatu, it is abhorred to be without clan and to be in that state is felt as living in animal manners failing to qualify for marriage. Identity of clan is location of a place to create marriage relationships and resulting social status.

Social relationships between individuals are needed to be friendly and are founded on the clan organization and seniority. Any one, irrespective of gender and class, if is from ones clan, is saluted as Kaffa (Brother), and Kafitetta (sister of clan). Across Konso and beyond, members of a clan are brothers and sisters and accordingly treat each other. Sisters of a clan call their clan males as alawa (Clan brother) and refrain from any romantic play at their presence and vice versa. In case she is invited for romantic play, she refrains and warns with the presence of her clan brother and prevents the provoking. Male who belongs to the same clan also refrain from romantic invitations and do the same for the respect of his clan sisters. This emanates from the value of the culture seeing each others as children of one father. Brothers of mother are called Appuyyawa (Uncles) and respected much by observing their order and advices as they call the sister’s children as Ashumotta (Nephews). However, sisters of mother are called Ayyadha (Mothers) and all females of mother’s clan are mothers. Father’s brothers are Appadha (fathers), whereas, father’s sisters are Mamawa (Aunts). These are honor names people call each other and show their relationships to each other in daily lives based up on the clan solidarity. Seniority is based up on birth and age. First born are qartta/qaritteta and respected by younger as atte (my

36 elder), but there is no response from elders except saying e’ee (Yes). Whereas, at instances of failing to discern some ones clan, salutations take in to account age and physical appearance and honorary calls are made accordingly. For the Konso, the Salutations based on the clan and seniority relationships is honor and respect for each other in orderly manner. Consequently, this is harmonious and ordered world for the Konso that yield fertility and happiness to the land. It is said that Waqa (God) also likes the harmony and respect of each other by sending rain and peace to the people.

First settled ancestors are seniors who are respected among Konso society. First coming is associated with first occupation of the land, authority and senior dominance of the area. The first settlers to the Konso are families of Poqallas (clan leaders). The clan leadership is attained by no other means than coming first and occupying land. They are honored as the first who saw the land of Konso and viewed as privileged individuals known as pitta akkentta (First to see the land). Poqallas, are the first settlers of Konso and are lineage leaders. The term Poqalla in Konso is equivalent with “King”. But the official role of Poqalla is more of ritual in bringing peace to the people, cursing evil, settles conflicts and quarrels, symbol of fairness and truth. Above all, they are ritual leaders who are viewed as symbols of peace.

In one village, a clan only own one poqalla and no other at all. Within the whole Konso, there are nine major clan chiefs who gave birth to all the people. There is a belief that the human organization has to be similar to that of the bees and termite. Drawing from these insects, Konso dislike occupation of a given territory by two seniors. Clan chief in one place never exist with other clan chief from his lineage in the same territory. There is saying poqlla laki oll qarra kutti’nincho. It translates as “Two kings of a clan do not dwell in one location”. It is believed that, the staying together of more clan chiefs in one territory is bad for people bringing tragic deaths and infertility. Accordingly, junior clan heads have to leave to other teritories and coronate there.

Number nine is symbolic and ideological among the Konso people as Hallpike (2009) points out. One may ask why the number “nine” is associated with clan. There is no further explanations and reason for the question why “nine” but respondents express that it is “Attaytteta a’appa

Xhattaw eeyye Kodhe” which translates as “It is a tradition laid by early father”. It is created as the principle to maintain marriage and relationships between kin being transmitted to the generations. Methods of transferring the cultural values are also strong among the Konso and folk based transfer of cultural values are liked by the parents.

Clan ship is important social organization among the Konso people as sign of identity. Each individual belong to his clan and consequently his social and marriage relationships are founded. Culturally, the clan organization is maintained as basic social organization for Konso people. The nine clans form an ideal model of the people for procreation over time. The clan organization is mainly founded on the lineage decency and the relationships are created that help individuals view themselves and others. The interrelation between clans is mainly based up on intermarriage and tracing familial relationships at its foundation maintaining the solidarity of clans. Therefore, significance of clan for Konso people is symbolic and helps to maintain the fundamentals of race with in their cultural context.

Konso clan, locally known as Kaffa, are distributed throughout the Konso land and live together where there is no exclusive territorial association of sole domination by one clan. The settlement is usually in town like villages, Pallewa. Villages are dominantly settled by all nine clans living together and maintaining marriage relationships. Therefore, the clans are found evenly distributed to three main geographical divisions of Konso, Karatti, Kenna and Turo. These geographical areas are divisions commonly mentioned as residence places of Konso since origin. Currently, there are extensions of the Konso people through migrations to the surrounding areas in search for livelihood needs. Recent migrations to arid areas to all directions in search of livelihood needs are also composite in clan types and there is no few clans associated with migrations.

One may ask why there are nine clans and whether the number may rise above nine. For People of Konso there are only nine exogamous clans who never marry each other since the time of early ancestors. It is vehemently abhorred to have marriage with the same clan. In cases where marriage happens between a clan, offspring are termed as the tenth clan or Kutumayta or manyera. This is derogatory connotation for committing incest marriage. It is taboo to have

38 marriage with the same clan and having offspring is such cases create non existing clan. Engaging in such relationships is viewed as taboo that may affect others and results in social discrimination and out casting from social lives.

Konso clans are icons of solidarity and peaceful coexistence and their harmony on earth place Waqa (God). Any breaking of the social peace due to quick-tempered behavior and conflicts between the community members are believed to result in punishment from God by withholding rain, sending pests and natural deaths. There is firm believe that, anger offends God who deny his favor to men. Whereas, harmony is preferred over violence and people are advised for it. There is famous saying; ‘Olli dhakaynna wan dhama andhapnoy’ and translates as ‘When we are in harmony we never starve’. The instances of conflict and adversity of clans are not common among the Konso. Clan chefs or Poqallas are symbols of peace and play vital role in maintaining harmony and peaceful coexistence among villages of Konso. To maintain the harmony of the people Dehamta, “Discussion” is preferred as prevention alternative. At head of a lineage, poqalla, “King” mainly advice his clan through his spiritual role of preventing evil at far. According to Kedaya Garra, women key informant from Dekatu villagethe clans are icons of peace and their mutual coexistence is of paramount importance for the wellbeing of the people and the land. She interrogatorily elaborates “How people marry and whom to marry and become relative with if there is no clan? Or how can one know his father, mother sister, uncle aunt and grandparents if there is no clan?”

The nine clans are not hierarchically organized and there is no formal ranking of the clans. Even the lower class known as Xhawda (Craft workers) are not excluded and rather found dispersed among all the clans. Similarly, the upper class of Etanta (Farmers) is dispersed among all the clans. The composition of clans with in wards is significant indicator where all the clans cooperate and mutually coexist. Dedicated proverb to mutual coexistence is told ‘Olkapa kkallaada ka olquda kara laata’ which translates as ‘living together is sharing resources’. There is no discriminatory practiced based up on clan membership and settlement is preferred in wards than in clans.

Property ownership in the past was founded up on the clan organization as Poqalas own large territories of land occupied through coming first to the land. As the life base of the Konso people is agriculture, land is valued more than other properties and clans are associated with Poqallas and their lineage. Regional poqallas, who came to the Konso land early, hold large areas of land and distribute them to their lineage offspring. Key informant, Dinote Kussiya’s, explained that land is also shared to other clans as rent and on some occasions it was offered as gifts.

People of Konso believe that ‘Death is triumphed by birth’, ‘Tooi’tta Xhayyane ppunnii’. Death of children and youth is vehemently hated by the Konso and is treated with deep sorrow as they are considered extinct seeds. Having many children is taken as fertility and families are usually characterized by large family size. Having many wives are allowed to men so that many children are produced. According to the informants information, the polygamous marriage is common and even exists in among the current generations even practiced by the educated as observed in the community. In cases when brother dies without having child from his wife, fellow brother inherit his brother’s wife and bear children for his dead brother. The inheritance is based on the principle that the seed of a clan should sustain by the name of the dead and inheriting brother produce children to his dead brother. The symbolical relationship between King, Poqalla, and death is also another significant domain in dealing with clans. Poqalla are not associated with death and they never visit mourning houses or funeral ceremonies. As Poqallas are clan leaders and ritual figures of cleanness, there is no association of Poqallas with death and their act of involvement in death ceremonies are believed to affect their Poqalla ritual status. Dinote Kussiya, who is educated key informant from Turayte village, the symbolical association of clan heads is meant to encourage fertility by opposing death and liking fertility of the people by euphemization of death.

Natural difference between male and female in sex and their respective sexual role within the procreation plays important role in determining the status and value given to both sexes. Though female is known as, Kafiteta (clan sister), the she is equally treated as Kaffa layyo (she belongs other clan). The role females play in sexuality is taken as collaborative role. When a girl got married it is termed locally as ittawtte or iihemmamtte (which carries a meaning she went out) but the marriage of the male is termed as Iffade or iiheme (he found or collected girl). Thus, with

40 in the culturally constructed context, male is recognized as seed of a clan and maintain the lineage of the clan by his sexual role whereas female bear forth children for other clan. The sexual role and the value culturally associated with it, in cultural life of the Konso, entails lower social status for females. For example, males inherit authority of the clan and property but females never share of these. So, by principle there is no share of clan property to the females. The important aspect of the sex is association of belongingness and inheritance with sexual role of individual.

Clan organization of Konso is also believed as basic principle of human existence on the earth. They don’t only assume that other peoples have clans but discriminately view others for not having clan organization. Marriage and family formation with external communities that do not share similar clan organization of the Konso kind are not liked among the Konso. They are viewed as communities that have no rules that govern human relationships. That is due to the regulatory function of the clan rule in determining sexual relations and family creation, in doing so creating personality and to the end building community. For the people of Konso, society without clan is incestuous and chaotic where there is no rule on individuals and lead to prevail of lawlessness. The world without the clan principles for Konso is not real world in human history but imagined as instinct acts of animals. Symbolically, the clan based organization in the cultural world of the Konso signifies social order, harmony and peaceful coexistence.

5.2. The Nine clans of Konso and their basic features In Konso, humanity is divided in to nine clans. The clan organization is order of sustaining life on earth. Coming to being as human being is through procreation and procreation is through marriage among different clans. Besides the solidarity and mutual coexistence of the nine clans, each clan is associated with some basic features that represent the behavior of clans constructed culturally. These features are symbolical founded on long existed together and view of each other in daily lives since distant past. Accordingly, these features are conveyed to the generations through oral traditions. Below, the description of each clan is outlined based up on the information from key informants.

Arkamayta clan This clan is associated with worshiping and heaven kind. They like worshiping. Their worship is bringing peace to the humanity and declaring peace daily as sun is daily bright shining. They are considered as people who are of heaven and of peace. This clan appeals to the sun saying ‘Ottaya ahtta letta arkamma ahhta letta enon pahhe’ which translates as ‘Our mother of the heaven, arkamma, save us’. Totemic symbols of this clan are camel, sun and eagle. Members of the clan attribute the behavior of these beings as their character identifying them from other clans of Konso. The character they take is valued as specific function of their clan which differentiates them as specialists to the heavenly matters. They are also known as the people who eagerly like flesh consuming. Accordingly, members of the Arkamayta clan adopt the unique features associated with their clan. Ishalayta clan This clan is differentiated from other clans by its peculiar behaviors of innocence, benevolence and harmless. Besides their innocence and meekness, their behaviors of aggressiveness if touched associate them with Dog from animals. However, their innocence is associated with harmless grass eating wild animal dik dik. Catterpillar is also associated with this clan as harmless. Members from this clan use to roar with the saying Ishala, nick naming their clan. Members from this clan are trusted for justice as they are trusted as not interested in self. Tikisayta This clan is known among the Konso as greedy and self centered. They are not tended for helping others and are not generous for needy. Their greediness is not for accumulating for wealth but merely they do it as their behavior. Popular poem for the clan and its behavior reads as tikissayta charcho dama dakinttaysho so’a sokittaysho aa namma dashan kappa dakka qarre xhaynni This translates as ‘Tikissayta clan of charcho family feel food as their flesh, meat is their salt, and they prohibit giving for others.’ This clan is associated with dove, locally known as napala, gravel and small plant called Kunieta. Person is mocked as belonging to this clan if is greedy if found behaving in greedy manner.

Sawdata Clan This clan is known to cause harm to people as well as properly. It is said tend to damage rather than to protect the property of others. Therefore, the tokens of this clan tend to revolve around wild animals that are known to cause harm to crops and properties. Unlike the other clans, there are several tokens for this clan and they are elephant, mouse, ape, baboon, pests, locust and Karssata tree. From the part of the animals, spleen is associated with this clan and the clan does not use the spleen for food. Like other clans, members from this clan believe as behaving in daily lives in similar manner with the behavior of the totems of their clan. Mahleta This clan is said to be gluttonous. It is said that this clan eats any kind of food and would tend to use force just to fill its own stomach. The token of this clan is hyena, orayta. There is a legend that tells of how this clan did a favor to the hyena and how the hyena returned the favor. Passantta This is a clan of spirits and posses spiritual powers. It is said to have a connection with spirits and to use a lot of witch craft and incantation. The members of this clan are believed to make a swarm of locust return the way they came without causing any harm to the crops. They are said to serve the community in this way. However, this clan is not totally loved by the community because members can use their witchcraft to protect the community from harm, they can sometimes use it to harm individuals. The symbolically taken of this clan is jackal, kidney and tippita plant. Kertita clan This clan is known among Konso as the clan which likes hunting. Lion, tiger, leopard, Fox, are animals that are associated with this clan. The behaviors of the symbolically associated animals are similar behaviors of the clans. Hunting nature of this clan associates strong teeth and seriousness behavior. Elayta clan This clan is associates with tokmaleta clan in their behavior as they are believed to have been emerged from one father in the distant past. By their behavior they are hesitating in nature. It is said to be extremely devoted when it wishes to be good to one, and extremely stubborn and unbending when it wishes to be negative. The token of this clan is neck muscle Kholmaytta to show their aggressive behavior with unbending neck muscle when in action of quarrel. This clan

43 is described with saying Elayta ereso ekta elematta (Elaytta clan of Ereso family have swinging tail during conflict). Once they join fight conflict they not calm down and continuously involve in act.

Tokmaleeta clan This clan is said to be a nagging, grumbling and touch me not sort. There is a saying in the region that refers to this clan saying Tokmalleta xhotta torra (tokmaleeta clan dedicate its entirety for fight if messed with). Female sheep and its character is taken as the symbolical representation of this clan. The clan is benevolent and cooperates but for conflict it is said that the ‘Dead also view from graves’ locally ‘Aaa to’ee kulli toyanni’.

5.3. Clan totems and their symbolic meanings. The nine clans have totems of their own as mentioned above. According to the key informants, the lists below are some of the terms for the totems. Totems are assumed to be relatives of the clans they represent. They are also symbols of identification and clan members express these terms in their discourses, oath, heroic exaltations and admirations. Clan members refrain from utilizing the animals or plants that are totems of their clan usually for consumptions. For that matter, totems are taken as the families of the clan they represent and it is taboo to be for utilization purposes. Constructed characteristic identity of the totems and the clan is thought as associating the clan with totems. Accordingly, the characteristic features of the totems are shared by the clan members and taken as an identity and unique behavior. Interestingly, clan members like and feel proud of their clan totems as symbols of their identity. In the current form new generations are not in a condition to know totem animals and plants but there is oral transfer to children which is limited in knowledge than having practical experiences with the totems.

Basically, association of the clan totems and the clan is based on the principle of prohibition or abstain. Oppositely, symbolic unity between the clan members and totems also exist with taken character of animals and natural objects as representing self. The taboo of refraining from engaging in marriage with clan member is taken to the relationship between the totems and clan members. Mussa (refraining from) or Dawra (Prohibition) is vital words for the Konso implying strict rules of abstain on relationships of clans and clan members. According to the key

44 informants, the observations of the prohibitions are preconditions for the fertility and abundance on the land.

Table 2 : Konso clans and their totems S/n Clan Name Totem Konso word 1 Kertita Lion,Tiger, fox Karma, qayrantta Ka’altta 2 Arkamayta Falcon, Camel, Sun Alatteta, Kaalla, Letta 3 Tokmaleeta Sheep (long tailed) Sunge

4 Tikisayta Dove, gravel, Kunietta plant Napalla, Qirra, Kunitta

5 Baboon, Elephant, Locust, Keltayta, Arba, Toraita, Sawdata Pests, Karssata tree Kuyrrata, Karsata

6 Passantta Jakal, Kidney, Tippitta plant Fo’otta, Xhalla, Tippitta 7 Elayta Meat(internal) Xholmaytta 8 Mahleta Hyna Oraytta 9 Ishalayta Caterpillar, dik dik antelope Ra’asotta, Sakaritta Source: Kilate Katana, Kalsimo Lemita, Korra Garra and Dinote Kussiya, 2016 5.4. The individual in Konso clan organization A Konso proverb goes ‘Xhassa xhawi xhawi, Xhaya xharra takka’ which translates as ‘Though birth is through one gate, need is diverse”. Accordingly, the diversity of the individuals within the society is recognized and handled in independent way. This is cultural institutionalization of the individualism in the whole culture of the people. It is also important to mention that among Konso, imposition and rule by one man is disliked. Leadership by group of people is rather preferred than one man rule. The world of self and others, therefore, is created within the part- whole order.

However, it is simply to recognize, and merely remind, that individuals are existed based on biological difference besides their culturally constructed being. But also, the procreation is fundamental role played on sex basis regulated by the principles of intermarriage among the nine clans. Along with this, it is also essential to point out that in traditional societies like the Konso,

45 sexual difference and roles are not clearly differentiated from culturally constructed attributions. This is because female is conceived as being subordinate to man in its entire being, relating her biological difference and functions with socially attributed status, making difficult to differentiate between culturally attributed values and biological being. It necessarily leads to assume that the biological and physical difference and functions have implications to social values.

Clan membership is undeniable to both sexes but the weight of recognition given to male is greater as a result of perceiving male as lineage line. Women are also regarded as socially unstable, leaving their lineage and marry to form unions with outsiders (Other clans). Korra Garra mentioned that females are susceptive to deception and less analytic. It is therefore assumed that male are to guide females and societal issues are dominantly not handed over to females.

The other dimension that individuals can be viewed with respect to the clan organization is social role learned. Clan identification in Konso context is ideological and is dramatized. Accordingly, the social participation of individual begins at home and surrounding, exposed for mentoring through folk culture. At the family level, individuals are born by their fathers and inherit the clan of their fathers further maintained through different ways of discourses and relationships. Mother of children belongs to other clan but she is a mother of her husband’s children responsible for taming her children in her relationships at home. Thus, family mainly exists as the basic institution of father and children forming the main unit of organization of the clan. The organization with in the family then endures one for the community participation.

The central figure of clans and lineage is poqalla (Clan King), who play priest role as a bringer of peace as mediator and also a man of resource sustainer by sharing land and other resources to the clan descendants and the community at large. According to the Konso tradition, Poqallas (Kings) are the first settlers to the present land and own seniority. In the cultural context of Konso, therefore, the reigning poqallas are descendents who inherited the title from their fathers as first born. Thus, large areas of land are claimed by them and they are also viewed as first begetters of their line. Besides the social and ritual power, the office of the Poqalla is also

46 important economically to the individuals in position. The economic power emanating from legal position secured through inheriting larger share of the family.

Seniority based up on birth is significant factor among the Konso’s in determining ones position within the family and the community. Anyone who is born first is entitled to Qartuma or first born hood. This entitlement is by principle based on birth right and only the first born Male and female deserve it. The rest, other than the first born, are called Kussiya most likely imply juniors. Symbolically, Qarta, particularly the male, is viewed as a figure for inheritance and seniority to the family. Senior female and the rest Kussiya stay within the family until they leave for creation of their family. It is said that ‘Kussiya esho iiskata oxhintopane soknni’ which translates as ‘Females and Kussita (Male juniors) leave through fence’ to point out that the Qarta remain at the familial home and inherit than leaving. The male Kussiya can inherit the land as an offering from fathers and the larger share remain for the Qarta. First born are symbolically icons of representation for family line and seniority but this does not necessarily imply subordination of the juniors to the first born. First born are not symbols of domination but rather play role of maintaining the fertility through caring responsibility.

Classes of Etanta and Xhawda are also essential in determining roles of individuals. Based up on the class membership, ones social roles are determined and constructed. Xhawda class are those who live on craft works of tannery, trade, pottery and smith and are given low status by the Etanta whereas Etanta live on agriculture and value themselves higher than to Xhawda. But in the context of Konso, means of subsistence is not basic factor for determining social status and the value of the classes, but also culturally constructed behavior of the classes. Etanta are taken as genuine, trustworthy, moderate, and people of stance. Xhawda are liar, prioritize individual benefits, unstable, too much flexible in their behavior.

However, organization in to nine clans is not discriminatory and members from both classes are distributed in to the nine clans. For the Xhawda, the organization in to the nine clans does not enable them for leadership and honorary ritual positions. The view that Xhawda are not sacred is also important factor for discriminating from ritual roles. For example, Xhawda are discriminated from the Poqalla institution. Etanta hold lion’s share in dominating social institutions leadership

47 and participation. The age grade system of Konso, was functional before 1990, however, excludes the Xhawda, as system which determine ones generational responsibilities according to my key informant named Korra Garra. Ritual ceremonies also discriminate Xhawda for viewing them as profane and entitlement to it is most likely to Etanta class preferably from the Poqalla family. Though the clan organization is fundamental principle in determining the intermarriage and procreation between clans, Etanta do not prefer marriage with Xhawda. Therefore, individuals either exist as Xhawda or Etanta and their social role is determined based up on the class membership. The view of self and others with respect to the class belongingness emanates from societal values and along that way the role of individuals and their class is constructed and reconstructed within the cultural context of the Konso people.

5.5. Clanship and other institutions 5.5.1. Poqalla and their roles Poqalla are clan chiefs who are heads of their own lineage, symbolically first to come to Konso and considered as to have given birth to everyone else. The fame of the families who first come is widely told and always people pass it to their next generations. All poqallas are male and position is inherited from early descendants through primogeniture. Symbolically, the first coming to the Konso land is precondition for seniority and yields heightened position for the offices of the Poqallas. Up on the origin of the nine clans to the Konso land Mr Korra Garra remind the myth as “Before the coming of nine clans to Konso, the settlers in the present land of Konso were Xhoyra people (The current Burji people). The Xhoyra were circumcised and have twelve clans which is different from that of the Konso. The Konso during that time considered the circumcision as an insignificant and disliked it. As a result of the differences over the culture there was fight between the Konso and Xhoyra, and Konso won the battle and expelled the Xhoyra. Finally, the occupation of the land was obtained by agreement between Konso and Burji, where the Konso should observe the age grading and carefully know the need of the land and serve it” All poqallas in Konso claim their origin from liben area of Oromiya region. This claim is widely told among the people until recently. However, there are also accounts of migration of the first settlers to land from different directions. Despite the differences over locating the origin of the

48 first settlers, the emergence of the clans to the Konso land as migrants is evident as an important element. Along with this, all key informants maintain location of Konso clans not to the present settlements but to the surrounding areas pointing to migration as main element of the history.

Another feature of the poqallas in occupying the land is also associated with action of burning the forests and bushes. According to the myth, the occupation of the land was executed by setting fire on the forests and the extension of the burned land where fire impedes is owned as a legal territory. According to the commentaries from Dekatu and Turayte, the wider occupied lands of Ashuma, Pata, Pamalle, Monoqta land are the occupied lands secured through setting fire on the forests. Until now, the land is claimed as family ownership and the holding of the land entails legal authority.

Therefore, the lineage controls the availability of land, although there is private ownership as well, regulates marriage arrangements and human reproduction, and takes care of the continuity of the living, to ancestors in the past and to the unborn in the future. The occupied lands are shared to the lineage descendants where there are also instances of renting (without charges) pieces of land to other clans during times of drought.

As repeatedly mentioned, ritual role of Poqalla is much more visible than that of political and economic role as they are associated with peacemaking and protecting the people from evil with the sanctified personality they possess. The Konso belongs to clans which have no centralized authority but live by non formal rules. The function of the poqallas as clan heads and their ritual power however is respected more than the centralized political power. Poqallas are also viewed as possessing greater spiritual power and their residence is isolated from others. Key informants explained that Poqalla refrain from evil acts and viewed sacred that they should reside separated from the people withstanding spiritual power maintaining self in sacred condition. Until now, the spatial isolation of the clan chiefs near Karat area; the Pamale forest and the Kalla forest are popular with their homesteads base.

Along with the first coming of the Poqalla, there is related idea of bringing culture and order to the people. The organization in to the clan is orderly world for the Konso. The principles of clan

49 organization are founded by the ancestors who had found the organization in to the clan essential, creating relationship between individuals, ruling procreation. According to Kedaya Garra, who is key informant for the thesis, the main reason fathers found clans is to prevent marriage between the same clan and avoid incest. As poqalla are the first settlers of the land, they are also claimed as founders of clans. However, it is not clear whether the nine clans are created after the migrations of early settlers or having being organized in to clans before migration. The claim that the clan organization is kin rule inherited from ancestors widely exists and is claimed by every individual. Emanating from ancestral role of arranging the society to clan organization, Poqalla are perceived as figures that maintain the order of the people.

Figurative roles of Poqalla are important for performing ritual activities for the people. The ritual ceremonies that are performed by Poqallas are trusted for resulting fortune they bring. Poqallas refrain from profane activities and meal throughout their life. The isolation of residence from the rest people symbolically keeps the Poqallas away from exposure to profane spirits. Poqalla refrain from feeding foods of others and only feed from their home. The refrain from the foods is known as Mussa. They never pay visit to mourning, funerals and dead bodies. It is prohibited for the Poqallas’ to kill animals except slaughtering on rituals. Killing is not role of Poqalla and is opposite to their office. The symbolical association of Poqalla with peace and fertility has essential meaning for the Konso and Poqallas maintain these values through the positions they inherit.

Among many ritual roles of the Poqallas arxhatta ayla and lokaitta ceremony are the major ones. Both ceremonies take place at the cultivation times. Arxhatta ayla ceremony is ceremony that carries literal meaning of sawing the lower part of the house. It involves ceremonial activities whereby Poqalla sow the lower part of his home stead and blesses the land. This is a call for fertility of the land and good harvest time to the farmers and the people in general. Whereas, the second ceremony is Lokaitta, which involves the mixing of the drink from the Poqalla home with that of the lineage families, and drinking together. This is performed as a sign of consensus of the humans on the earth that will call rain to the earth and sown seeds. All Poqalla bless people in order that they will give birth to children. Other people in the community can do so, but when a Poqalla does, the blessing is thought to be more powerful. Regional

Poqalla can also pray directly for rain. The ritual roles of the Poqalla are viewed from the people as special authority vested by Waqa (God) and in return Poqalla have ritual power over the people.

The homesteads of Poqallas are larger than ordinary houses of the people as they often contain many large houses and stores. There is abundance of resources usually grain stored in storing baskets called Unkulla. Storage of the grain is role of Poqalla and they serve as feeding stores to the people during the times of harvest fail and drought. The houses of the Poqalla at their top are molded in to phallic structure as a sign of manhood and fertility. However, ordinary men can also build their houses with the phallic structure but in the Fasha (North Western region of Konso), only Poqalla are allowed to own phallic structured houses. In the homesteads of the Poqalla stand trunks of the juniper tree for generations achievements as reward paid by the Poqalla. When Poqalla bless one generation he erect the juniper tree and this stands for continuity of the generation in the life of Konso age grade. The homesteads of the Poqalla are comprised of various objects and buildings involving entrances, fences, phallic grass houses, ollahita (the structure of the juniper tree), home utilities and ritual objects of the Poqalla. Totally, the homesteads of the Poqalla magnificently show the ritual role of the Poqalla in the lives of Konso. The description of the homestead in the above manner however does not represent all Poqalla homestead and their residences except grand ones.

Poqalla position is not only inherited offices. From the beginning, the offices are owned through first coming to the land and burning the territories. In addition to the first coming, the offices of the Poqalla are attained through blessing and coronation of the family clan chief. Clan chiefs ordain the junior children up on their request to reign over lands lying further. Another feature associated with this is that son can beseech kingship from his father (especially juniors) and become Poqalla in other lands. The lands and homesteads owned later are less in size comparison with the senior Poqalla. In such a way, there are also instances where some Poqalla are mixed with the ordinary community and as a result their Poqlluma hood is of less ownership in terms of the homestead sizes but functions are the same.

Picture1. Phallic structured houses at Kalla’s home.

Poqalla is the richest member of his lineage as he is entitled to inherit the whole homestead of his father and the land. Primogeniture based inheritance privilege eldest son as the deserving son to inherit the Position, homestead, land and the properties. Other younger sons (usually male) are provided share from the lineage land as they are considered juniors or Kussiyya. No woman can inherit land at all. Economic and social positions that Poqallas attain due land holding and inheritance have greater implication. However, the fact that, power Poqallas exercise is more of ritual and the holding of property and its management does not entail political autonomy over the individuals.

Another basic feature of the Poqalla is dominion of ritual and cultural ownership. The authority of the Poqalla is ritual and people accept the ritual activities of the Poqalla and observe the advice from the headquarters of their clan chiefs. From the early emergence of the Konso clans, the history is associated with nine clans and members of the community claim their belongingness to their ancestral clan chiefs.

“All clans claim their origin to the living place of their clan chief from the time of emergence. As a matter of this fact, any one of a given clan is thought as begot from one ancestral father which is one blood” Kalla Gezehagn The lineage is therefore basic concept for the Konso and the authority of a Poqalla extends over his lineage. Whereas, his seniority as first comer to the land inherited through primogeniture is vital and other clan chiefs accept that position. It symbolizes coexistence and harmony between the nine clans in the Konso land.

This spiritual role of Poqalla is also source of power to their offices. The perception people of Konso have towards God is closely associated with supernatural being in cosmos. The sky is also taken as the God of Konso, as they point to the sky and say Waqo (You God). The spiritual experience of the Poqalla is different from that of the ordinary people and the spiritual communications are believed takes place at night between the Poqalla and spirits. These spirits guide Poqalla and give them information bringing appropriate messages to lineages. Thus, the order and advice of the Poqalla are respected by the lineage and the people due to the legitimate holding of the office and spiritual power they gain resulting from communications with supernatural spirits.

The death of the Poqalla is euphemized in the culture of Konso and Poqalla are immortal. Symbolic opposition between death and Poqalla exist in the Konso culture according to the commentaries. As a matter of this fact, Poqalla never kills living things except sacrificing for ritual ceremonies. The sacred drums, symbols of law, are beaten on the ceremony of Mana (Mummification) as signifier to the law and order. “The Old Kalla, Qanyazmach Kayote, died on 13th July 1990, and was buried on 4th January 1991. In theory, a Kalla’s body is kept for nine years and 9 months. Embalmers come from Turo (Northern region of Konso) and stays there with the dead body until his death is officially announced, and during this time the Kalla is said to be suffering from “influenza””(Hallpike, 1972:383) Besides from the death of the Poqalla, when one passes away, his soul is believed as transforming to familial spirit and burial of the body consequently took place at the ancestral

53 fields. Whereas, the craft workers (Xhawda) and strangers who do not have clan, are alienated from the ancestral fields and buried at Dina (woods around villages used for defecation).

Poqalla also settle conflicts between villages and their position is observed and their fair justices are followed usually believed visited by good face of God. It is usually mentioned in elderly advices, ‘Inna appan upnini Waqan uppan’ which translates as ‘He who does not know father, fails to know God’. Which has greater implication to the people of Konso in viewing the hierarchical world of authority.

5.5.2. Family Tolla is the name for family in Konso. It means the group of people from the same clan living together or working together. Within the lineage, there are families. The concept of the family, however, is directly associated with clan. According to the commentaries, other clans’ members who are in marriage with a one clan are called Daltayta (relatives) and not Tolla (Family). One can claim his ancestral Poqalla as Tolla. Father, mother and children can also be called Tolla. So, the application of the term ranges to the family of father, mother and children to far ancestor lineage. According to the commentaries, Tolla is taken as the smallest unit of the clan which comprises father, mother and children. This is closely associated with clan as the all family members belong to one clan except mother who is from other clan. In the land of Konso, under a given clan, there are different families and down there are individuals of the clan.

In the discourses of elders, it is usual to come across the description of the lineage descendants as the urine of their family. Here the association of male semen is metaphorical. Males’ semen is associated with urine which also stands for children of the lineage. The metaphorical association of semen and urine has a meaning of claiming lineage as a family. This is sign for symbolically viewing the clan with metaphorical association. That goes to dramatization of clanship.

Families own land in their villages as they inherit from their lineage. Optionally, families also own lands by purchasing from others. The dominant way of owning land is through inheritance from the lineage. The ownership of the land on the basis of clan ship from descendants has greater significance than obtaining the land as a way of purchasing. As a result of this, the

54 farming lands are popularly known as land of early owner families associated with honor to the early ownership. It is common to come across large fields and forests named with occupying families which are orally evidenced.

Within the families, females are viewed as external members who leave to other clans. Females are associated with earth whereas males are considered as sky or heavenly body. The sexual functions of the female and female are metaphorically associated with the natural principle between the earth and the heaven. The symbolical association of the male with the heaven is heightened position in relation to the females. Therefore, females never give birth to their clan and rather give birth to other clans. According to the clan organization principle, female can bear forth other eight clans other than her clan. As female is able to marry to other eight clan, men only stay with his clan by giving birth to his clan from other clans’ female. Females are taken as flexible of joining other clan and not sustain for the truth and viewed as submissive to other clans. Similarly, they never inherit properties from their family as long as they are not lineage members. However, clan sisters remain within the same clan and their siblings are Ashumota (Sons of sister), who revere their mothers clan as uncles. As a result of leaving to other clan for the procreation, female are not considered as family members and rather form family of her husband.

Within the clan organization, the responsibility of male is higher than that of the females. There are instances where clans of a family disappear as when males fail to give birth to male or die without having male offspring. In such occasion, it is said the person has disappeared. On some occasions marriage to external non clan based communities is also treated with the same outlook, as long as the clan of the wife is difficult to trace relatives’ relationships. Bearing of children from other people who do not have clan is perceived as Kaffa layo (Other clan). Similarly, by birth from external communities that have no clan, the privilege of becoming a member of the family is betrayed.

There is also spiritual association of families with death spirits. Life on the earth is believed as continuing after death and based up on this conception lineage members are buried in the family burial grounds. It is shameful to be buried in other families or other clans’ grave yard. This is

55 described as ‘Turkka aa la’ayoo’ which goes as ‘Others’ grave yard’. As Xhawdha don’t own land they don’t own familial burial grounds and find their resting in communal defecation places around villages. This has great implication for social status in the lives of Konso. Despite feeling grief to the death of children and youth, the death of aged family members is taken as age of joining families in grave. That is why at the death of elders is accompanied by chanting by youth.

Failure to secure economic need oblige some to serve in other families for fulfilling the living demands. These individuals are known among the Konso as Orxhayya (Servants). Orxhuma (Servant hood) is not disliked among Konso or it never degrades status. At the time of facing economic failure to serve needs, individuals apply for servitude to other families of their clan, though can also applied for other clans. Accordingly, individuals are treated based up on their character and personality they hold. The concept of Orxhaytta in Konso is not associated with oppression. Servant of a family can obtain land from the family for the service he rendered and can also obtain gifts for his services. Servants in Konso approach to other families for contributing their labour and in return fulfill their economic needs. As a result of the relationships between the servant and the receiving families, consideration of each others as relatives is common and host families are respected by the servants as seniors. Families of the servants, after coming out of the host family and creating own family, are considered as emerged out from the host family and known popularly as the servants of the family they stayed with locally called ‘Orxhayya tolla allolle.’

Polygyny is common among the Konso clans. According to the myth, polygyny was not liked in the culture of the people but emerged later in times not clear to identify its emergence. The wife and children of the junior wives are called Lamotta which literally means being second. Resulting from the polygyny, there are Lamotta (Junior) families, probably families of the second wife. The first born son from the second is named Lamitta and entitle for the seniority in his mother’s home. The concept of seniority is also reflected to the polygyny and the first wife and children are given priority over the junior wives. There is antagonism between the first and junior wives within the accepted senior and junior arrangement. The antagonism between these

56 families is not belligerent in its nature as long as they are families of the same father and the same clan.

Divorce is not common in the culture of the Konso people. However, they are not treated discriminately but allowed to stay within the community preferably in abstaining from marriage. Female who divorced is called Arpalla and not liked by the people viewed as deviant member of the community. Men who lie with divorced women are derogatorily described as ‘Arpalla Alisha awdhan tolla kalla’ which means ‘Love with divorced women bring fever to family’.

Families are submerged to the ward and village organization and the resolution of the wards and the village are powerful. Family member who caught stealing and committing adultery or fornication is judged accordingly. As deviant and conflict monger family member degrade the social status of the family, they are not defended by their families. But families are advised to counsel and guide their members according to the order from the wards and the village. The family organization with in the ward is of paramount importance in framing individuals.

In the view of Konso, death is threat to families in cases of failing to give birth to male or lose males by death. According to the commentaries, it is not preferred to be with few males in family due to threatening deaths in the past as there was no availability of curing medications0. This is served with a proverb ‘Tolla kutta isha totta qara hasnni’ which translates as ‘Larger family withstands death.’

Killing of person and vengeance are taboo to the people of Konso. Killing of human, except eewa (Bandits), is wrong doing of bleeding to Konso which is vehemently opposed by God and spirits. It is because nine clans are interwoven through marriage and turn out to be one. To kill someone is cause to human extinction to the Konso and killers are out casted with their families. Historically, it is also accounted derogatorily to the clan to which killers belong. It is disgrace for a given clan as their member kill member of other clan. Atrocious and sudden killings in the village on children, females and males are derogatory. Killing of community member is not tolerated and results in exile which is done to prevent vengeance.

5.5.3. Village organization Village organization in the Konso is collection of nine clans and every member is identified with his clan. Thus, the clan composition and the resulting association to others with in the village is important. Even greetings are conducted in daily lives in taking in to account ones clan identity and association with the rest nine clans based up on marriage relationships of ones family.The Konso live in dry stone walled villages (Palewa) located on high hills selected for their strategic and defensive advantage. These towns are circled by rounds of dry stone walls. Paleta (Village) is the collection of families from different clans usually settled in collected arrangement. Villages are sub divided in towards, locally known as Kanthda, enabling smooth functioning of the traditional political and socio-economic system. There is sometimes a groove of dense trees of euphorbia around the villages (Palewwa). This groove is known as Dina used as latrine for the community. The overall view of Pallewwa (Villages) in Konso can be taken as comprising the whole village subdivided in to (Kanthada) wards, (Kawatta) stone terraces, encircling terraces and bush for latrine (Dina). Konso villages and their physical structure and the symbolic meanings are helpful to understand how association of the physical organization is associated with the human organization.

Villages of Konso comprise crossroads, houses, public places and stone fences. These physical appearances have built with meaning in the cultural context of the people. In some villages where Poqallas (Clan leaders) are mixed with ordinary people, their houses are constructed with phallic structure at their top. This is symbolic differentiation of Poqallas (Clan leaders) homes from the ordinary people. The roads are built within the villages and serve as walking ways but also serve ritual purpose on some cultural ceremonies.

Public places called Morra are located at different places within the villages. Morra function as socialization places for symbolization and retain an important and central role in the life of the Konso. Morras are built mainly for meetings, dancing, chanting, playing, resting, ritual ceremonies and sleeping. In the Moras of Konso, generation grading and manhood stones are erected following heroic achievements of generation. Morra or plural Morrada are built with greater labour contribution from the people. The structure and design of the Morra differs from regions in the Konso, in Karat area the Morra are built with big grass thatched houses where as

58 in Fasha and Turo areas only open spaces are representing Morra. Functions of the Morras are multipurpose serving guest for spending nights, meeting, conflict resolution spaces, nurseries for children, dancing fields and sacred places. It is communal home where no one controls its administration.

The walled towns (Paleta) have evolved through time with population increase. Villages are sum up of the nine clans interwoven through marriage. According to tradition, the elder son of each family would retain ownership of the original homestead and the juniors, by birth (Kusia), have to move out to build their own homesteads outside of the central wall. The outskirts of the villages are distributed to juniors when they create new families. This is because of the principle that Kussiya (Juniors) have to leave fathers home up on creating their own families. There is good will expression elders use to bless with going, ‘Qittanta ishil kella qacho’ means ‘Let cow hide come short for you as you are spreading’. This is said for willing fertility and increase in population.

The Dina (The grooves around the village for latrine) is part of the village serving the people from the village and around. It is forbidden to cut the trees from the Dina for individual purpose as it is communal property. The over flow of the population, however, is accommodated by expanding the villages to the surrounding Dina. As first born reside in the home of his family, juniors are provided the Dina for home construction. This allocation of the living place is administered by the Paleta (Village) and not by the families. Dina is also euphemized in Konso as it is said “I going to Dina” and not to toilet.

The settlement pattern with in the villages of Konso is not kin based and founded composite in clan organization. The early settlement is believed as based up on the coming together of the clans and forming the villages. Despite that, commentaries suggest and associate the some territories to some families as legal holding. The strong cohesion among the clans with in the villages is founded for fighting enemies, farming, hunting, construction of ponds, construction of stone walls around villages, construction of water walls, construction of (Morras) public places, burial of dead persons and other communal demands. This has necessitated solidarity and cooperation among the clans than kin based communal organizations According to Algo

Awgaro, who is commentary, early settlement are smaller in clan sizes and the handling of communal responsibilities is not managed by the lineages. Therefore, it is more likely sound vicissitudes of life has necessitated the communal front among the nine clans.

Paleta (Village) is autonomous social organization in the world of the Konso people. Palewa (Villages) are autonomous in determining the administration of their people and their resources. Important part of the socialization is that individual in one village is closer to members from his village than in other villages. According to the commentaries, the social boundaries of growing with in ones village limit socialization with other neighbors and there were instances of war between neighboring villages. The autonomy of the villages imamates from communal power founded on the cooperation of the clans. With in the village organization, clans are kin identities, less authorized than the villages.

The alliance between Konso Palewa (Villages) is much more visible than the belligerence. The people of Konso consider themselves as children of nine fathers and that is basic principle of viewing social self. The autonomy of the villages has both inward and outward implication for viewing self within the (Palewa) villages. According to Kilate, usual poem among the Turayte village in expressing alliance to Tepana village goes ‘Tepana telliyya parka oyrra tella’ which translates as ‘The Tepana village of teliyya family are party of Oyrra tella (Nick name for Turayte)’. In such a way villages have close alliance each other usually during conflicts over land but the cause to the alliance is not clear. The alliance formation is thought founded on the belief that in the early times families that created the villages were from one clan and alliance is associated with principle of considering clan member as brother.

The Konso term Kanta refers to a social organization based on neighborhood. As mentioned above, the Kanta (Ward) is the lowest hierarchy below the Paleta (Village) and is sub autonomous unit. This type of organization plays a considerable role in the day to day life of the society. Individuals and families are directly administered through Kanta (Ward). Rights and responsibilities of an individual are expected at Kanta (Ward). This has greater part in individuals and families lives as fundamental unit of neighborhood. Kanta members are obliged

60 to help their fellow members in various aspects of everyday life. Kantas (Wards) are less autonomous organization in comparison with Paleta (Village).

It can also said that there is necessarily some internal consistency in a society's values because any group of people who live together permanently can only do so if they are in agreement on its basic principles. These values are the collective response which the members of the society have made in the course of their history to a number of fundamental parameters of social order: the nature of authority and the relative importance of equality and hierarchy; the value of the individual and the kind of control which the group should exercise over the individual; the organization of exchange and reciprocity; the ownership of property; the means of resolving disputes; and male/female relationships, to name some of the most important. The key values attempted in mention summarize for each individual and families the essential moral coherence of a complex range of village institutions, and will also have a major influence on the way that the members of the society in each generation assimilate new events and influences, and incorporate them into new institutions.

5.5.4. Age grade The age grade system in Konso is like the village organization as all the clans are equally involving in it, and the age grade is system of passing through set ages being from the nine clans. The age grade system is mainly founded for the wellbeing of the society; important in managing marriage and societal role of individuals and groups. The relationship between the age grade and clanship is not only attached but composite. The identity of a person is clan based and similarly, this is also reflected in the age grade. Like individuals, families’ identity is also based up on the clan identity and families are units that produce individuals.

The age group systems are differing across three main regions of Fasha, Karat and Turo. The geographical differences between these divisions of the Konso land are also reflected in settlement pattern and dialect of the language. Accordingly, the age grade system differ in the age grade intervals and the number of the age grades.

All the age grade systems are founded to regulate the role of males as child, working group, advising groups and elders. For one, the age grade is very important time of life that facilitates marriage, working for ones fame in fighting for the wellbeing of the community, attacking enemies and hunting. The heroic achievements, achieved along organization in to age grade, are recorded in discourses and reminded during the death of person through requiem. People prefer to live for the achievements in their life on the earth so as to be honored by the deeds to the community.

The most comprehensive organization is established through the generation-group and accordingly males of the same generation pass through certain grades at a given time. The group of the 'Xhella' known as 'warriors' is assigned to the control of the administration and labour works. They also have full social and economic responsibility. Rights and responsibilities of the members grow with seniority, the highest grade being perhaps best described as 'men of prudence'.

The age grade includes the coordination of large agricultural and infrastructural measures, including the distribution of harvested goods on festive occasions. Individuals in this system are allotted specific economic and social duties according to their location in respective age grade. The more complicated the task, collaborate is needed more, the entire system being rooted in the responsibilities of the whole. This is emphasized through certain social values and norms whereby the age grade system takes a central role in the process of socialization of the individual and his integration into community.

Another important specific aspect of the generation-group system is its control over the marriage and social role within the community. According to the age grade system, children are not allowed to marry unless they join the (Xhella) Working group age. Child’s age grade system bases up on his father’s grade and a child should be two grades after his father. The age grades in Konso are fixed categories of hierarchies through which men promote. The operation of the system is designed to delay the opportunities of marriage to the young generation until their parents have finished begetting. Each grade is 18 years of age, “two nines” in the Konso numeration. The principle that there should be two grades a child should be back after his

62 father’s makes children to be waiting for a long time when a father in Xhella (Second age grade) begot child in early twenties. This force a child to wait for his father’s up grading to next two grades making the wait long until 36 (two grades) time. This is usually compelling for elder child, whereas, junior brothers who born while their father is in higher grades instantly join higher grades (two grade below of his father). The age grades of the Konso are Ukuta- Grand fathers Qurula- Grand fathers Orshada- Grand fathers Katta- Fathers Xhella- Working group Farayta - Juvenile

As the first son get married and produce son, father and mothers quit procreation for the belief that it is bad for the son and his father begetting at the same time. When the father and the son are begetting together, it is believed that, God does not send rain and unnatural deaths happen within the family and above all it is bad for the future generation. So, this is orderly arrangement of procreation to assume rights and duties of each grade socializing to the Konso culture seen from perspective of fertility and supernatural communication.

The age grade system is orderly arrangement of seniority. Seniority is a privilege ascribed based up on birth. The gap between the father and the child in the age grade has to be in two grades gap so that the seniority of the father to be heightened. Higher age grades bless the lower ones and not vice versa and order of the society is viewed in the seniority arrangement. So the age grade difference between father and child is obligatory as there is natural hierarchy resulting from first coming to the world. Based up on this seniority concept, individuals in the lower grades respect the elders in the above grades in all aspects of the social life. Seniors in the higher age grade are entitled to open speeches in public, launch ceremonies and receive firstlings. Disobedience to the seniors within the higher age grades is believed as resulting in misfortune and failure in life endeavors.

The hierarchies within the age grades are based on the orderly view of generations, determining one’s role in the society and relationships of individuals. Based up on the age grade status honorary relationships are maintained taking in to account the seniority.

5.6. Authorities and clan organization in Konso Political organization is based on villages and villages in Konso are autonomous organizations. Villages are hierarchically divided in to two; as Kanta (Ward) and Palleta (Village). Wards are usually administered by council of elders elected by ward members over fixed period. Villages are also administered by the council of elders from wards and offices are filled by individuals. In addition to the council of elders, offices led by individuals also serve the administration in fixed times based on inheritance. These offices are Appa timpa (Father of drum) and Appa para (Father of the year)). The authorities of the councils and the offices are based at autonomous villages and not transcending to other village.

Villages in Konso are some totals of nine fathers’ children. Similarly, the clans exist in the villages with their extended families and lineages. Collection of the clans in to the villages has symbolic implication of unity, strength, security and shared authority. Village authority is higher than that of family and binding for social obligations. Clans cooperate with the village authority through resolving conflicts by advising their clan members and contribute towards maintaining peaceful coexistence of their members with others.

Based up on the age grade organization, reigning group hold leadership role in the villages. Authorities are drawn from the reigning age group. This group is called Xhella or working group.

According to key informants, the major responsibilities of the Xhella group are to ensure the security of the people and the towns. In case of attack from neighboring villages or from other non-Konso people, it is the obligation of Xhella members to defend their people or to take part in armed conflict during its term of office.

The Xhella group is the important group in the administration to the life of the Konso people. Korra Garra, who is key informant, explained that in the early times, bandits were threatening through hit and run attacks and the attacks of the bandits are avoided by gathered settlement and building of prevention walls. The Xhella as a working and leading group is believed as age group that built the current villages and settlements in the past. Besides, the Xhella protect villages by building terraces, maintaining terraces, looking after the well-being of the Morra (public places) and building Mora. When the need arises, building of Hartta (water ponds), Ella (well of water), controlling fire accidents and performing almost all the various community works are tasks of the Xhella. They also work as a police force arresting and punishing criminals on the orders of the elders’ (councils of the towns). This is based on the principle of viewing the age range of the Xhella as age of strength

Porshiyya Porshiyya are members from the Xhella group who are responsible for coordinating the safeguarding of walking ways, water wells, ponds and public properties of the villages. They are based at sub villages and sum up to form village Porshiyya. The Xhella of the village elect leader of the Porshiyya, called Senqelitta. Although a Senqelitta appears to be elected by the Xhella members, the council of elders decides his actual recruitment and selection. The criteria for election are good behavior, capability to assume responsibility and good knowledge of Konso tradition. The most important institutional role of a senkeleta is to act as chief coordinator of the responsible Xhella. The power of the Porshiyya and the Senqellita is legitimate and their orders are observed. Their roles usually shine as they bring quarreling parties to the village councils for judgment and reconciliation.

Council of elders Elders play important role in the traditional administration of villages. Two kinds of councils exist in each of the Konso towns. These include ward and town councils. Ward council is responsible for the administration of neighboring families. A town council is a congregation of elderly people from the various wards in the same village and responsible for the administration of the whole village. Council of elders generally runs routine affairs of their respective villages. In addition, it is the responsibility of these elders to ensure the promotion of each Xhela to the

65 next higher grade and the handing over of authority to take place according to tradition. These elders are elected to their positions by the general assembly of the wards and the village. They are political authorities unlike the clan leaders (Poqalla) and fine people for wrong doing. For cases that rise between two villages elders and regional Poqalla manage the cases in collaboration up on the invitation of Poqalla or Dawra (People of peace).

Apa Timba The idea of Apa Timba literally means the father of drum, and the Timba, the drum, as a symbol of authority, originated after the decision made by elders of the initial settlers. The Timba is an emblem of the traditional administration and rule. A person who keeps the Timba becomes in charge of the Apa Timba office for a certain period of time. The system continued to function on the basis of these established traditional rules. Apa Timba office has no clan base. People from different clans used to serve as Apa Timba. However, the authority of Apa Timba rotates only between certain households or families, with the earlier experience of such services. Since the beginning of the system, People or persons who do not belong to these families have never assumed Apa Timba’s office. Usually the duration for the office of Apa Timba is one year, however with the consent of the council elders and certain circumstances, it could be extended to more years. Members of the craftsmen, the Xhauda, are not entitled to hold position in the office of Apa Timba, as it is a position filled only by the farmers, etenta. Appa Timba is the highest political position in villages held by individual and ultimate solutions are to unsettled cases in the villages. Appa timpa is a chief of the Xhela and Xhella works as his police force. Appa Para Appa para literally means father of the year. Unlike the position of the Apa timpa the power of the holder of this office is ritual. The holder of this office manly pray for rain and ensure rain to the land. The office is filled by inheritance in associating the ritual roles with the family and clans. In the cases of the Romtotta (Overlap of sowing seed by two conflicting parties), Apa para’s role is significant in settling conflicts and essentially pray for rain. Dawra Dawra is the term that carries meaning of prohibition or complete abstain. The Dawra, as a group of people are, who have a role of mediation and reconciliation among the society. Culturally, Dawra are members of the community who are believed having innate character of

66 reconciliation and violence against them is culturally forbidden. Dawra are believed to be honest, pure and have a spiritual power. Due to this, they are highly respected and have the acceptance of the people. One of the most important functions of the Dawra is their conciliatory role. Their mediation between conflicting parties almost all the time is successful as they own obedience and the respect from the society and considered as guardian of peace. The long sticks they usually carry have been understood as a symbol of peace. During every clash or any armed conflict Dawra appear in the middle of the fight and install the stick in the middle. Upon the action of the Dawra, the conflicting parties are compelled to stop their fighting immediately and prepare for reconciliation. According to commentaries, people from Ayaytte village and Lehaytta sub village in itiklle of Karat are called dawra (Peace makers). In each village, some families are called Dawra. This is not political power but inherited ritual power and Dawra never involve in conflict and others also not involve in conflict with them. Accordingly, Dawra are people who never involve in conflict.

5.7. Spiritual beliefs and Konso clans Konso people had a general belief in the existence of superior God (Waqa) over all other creatures but they not worship him in a religious form. He is a huge and powerful being whose observation cannot be limited by horizons. The people believe in a superior God who made the entire world, lives in the sky but looks at everybody to judge the man and is ready to help those who ask him sincerely. Waqa (God) is certainly seen as a father figure, not so much in the sense of begetter of the human race, but as the source of the morality and the Creator of every person. Above all, Waqa in fact is believed to be the supplier of rain usually in abundance when there is consensus among people but with hold it if there is misbehavior and conflicts.

It is believed that the God of Konso is omnipresent always at opposition to wrong doing. Instances of conflicts between individuals at the absence of third person are thoroughly observed by the God and purposive wrongs cause anger from Waqa (God). Illegal extension to neighboring boundaries and sowing seeds in prior ploughed field (Romttotta) is disliked by the God with instant with holding of rain. Unless cleaning ceremony held, anger of God sustains and the whole communities suffer. This is working principle until current lives of the Konso people.

This has persuasive implication to the Konso in refraining from involving in actions of touching others resources as it yields devastating consequence.

Oath is the means of communicating to the Waqa (God) as confirmation of adhering to the truth. The other means of communicating to the Waqa (God) is through living in peace and harmony each other. Cases of wrong doings that cannot be solved by elders are brought to God through bringing a person for Oath. These cases are handled through required ceremonies in special public places (Morras) and the consequences are harm to the evil doer and his lineage unless repented. There is believe that God stands for the truth and punishes wrong doers with killings by thunder, burning their families houses with lightening and sudden deaths. To keep away from the punishments from God, consensus and harmony are given greater value among the people of Konso which is visited by good face of the Waqa (God) by sending rain and peace to the land. Thus, this is looked up on as a good way to prevent anybody from doing bad things and observe the rules.

The Konso people also have their own beliefs about spirits; they believe that a spirits, starting from God up to the spirit of a dead person, either help human lives or hinder them. The spiritual believes involve identifying types of spirits including their roles and associating them with clans and their members. The Konso people also believe that there are other spirits below God to help people but also other ones who create problems and accidents to people, either because they like to do it, or because somebody ask them. The spirits of dead ancestors are supposed to have beneficial effect on ones clan members and judge in balanced order. But, it is believed that spirits see truth and keep away from anger against people.

Death is viewed as “place of truth”, Pora dhugata. The dead persons from the family or clan are referred to by calling their named as one confirms his speaking of truth in dialogues. In the mind of the people, therefore, it is wrong to call the name of their dead person in vain.

Key informants mentioned types of spirits among the Konso people. According to them, the spirits have close association to clans and families with in the villages and across the land. Types of the spirits are identified by the commentaries as follows.

Orritta spirit- This spirit belongs to wilderness and cause accidents to individuals on work in the fields. They attack persons and causing nasal bleedings that lead to death within two to three days. It is believed that this spirit fears Dogs and when individuals go to fields goes with dogs or hold Dog skins. Female are attacked when they are beautiful and to prevent that they look ugly by painting their visible body with mud and soot. Ayyana spirit- This spirit is different from that of Orritta by its being coming up on some specialists. This spirit select some individuals for its operation by promising mighty and intelligence it brings and making rich. When spirit comes up on the person he speaks with “Affan Oromo”, even though the person does not have experience of speaking Affan Oromo. The messages then translate by person who is accurate to translate it to audience. The spirit is attended by clients and it is able to dramatically lick hot irons without injury, walking on thin rope without falling, tell audience names, from where they came, what kind of domestic animals and what kind of domestic animals they need to sacrifice for the spirit to attain their needs. The people through whom the spirit speaks never understand what they spoke but audiences tell them later when the spirit goes away. This spirit also judge disputes and expose bad acts done by secret and then denied.

Hadda spirit- This spirit works as judge for the oppressed to the evil done. The Hadda punish person for doing wrong on other as reported by the victim. The victim person reports for the spirit expecting revenge on the wrong doer. The spirit possessor asks for payment from the accuser and passes his decision at the absence of the wrong doer. The action of the Hadda Spirit causes sickness and death with swollen body. The death escalates to the family members by killing one after the other and continue killing and due to that factor the affected families ask apology. Xhumma spirit – is an ability to foretell and predict the future with the help of spirit. Xhumampayta is a local prophet and assumed to be useful in revealing phenomenon belonging to the future of the society. According to the view of the people, these kinds of prophets are from Passanta and Arkamayta clan. Individuals who foretell about the future looking on the heavenly and nature are also Called toyampaya (Seers) and advice the community to take measures accordingly.

Tippa spirit- this is an act of doing incantation and charms against people or other things. This is a power of making a person or a thing to be nonfunctional and less non-vigilant. Some individuals with the craft of practicing the tippa spirit are asked to do their incantation to prevent crop pests, locusts and worms. The Pasanta clan is associated with possessing this spirit and their incantations are feared. Karrayya spirit- This is a spirit of a dead person. In the view of Konso, when someone dies, he transforms to Karaya and continues life in the ancestral world. The dead member of a clan is brought to family burial ground on the belief that spirit of a clan should be separate from other clans. Accordingly, every one after death continues living with the same appearance and standard. This spirit is believed keeps relatives safe from harm or contrarily causes death when they are angry with the acts. In metaphoric way it is said that Karraya sing “Parra orro orra innow padawni” which translates as “every year our members are increasing”.

These spirits above are believed having supernatural power and control the more complex world beyond human capacity. Further, these spirits are believed to have intimate association with human and the spirits demand pleasing face and harmony among people. It is believed that spirits hate evil acts and punish for wrong doing to others. The ordered world of peace and harmony is prioritized among the Konso which is also liked by the spirits. The disorder and conflicts between people anger spirits and instigate them for devastating measure. This is mentoring of people for the harmonious social organization, relating human organization with spirits and supernatural powers.

CHAPTER SIX: CLANS AND THE SHAPING OF SOCIAL IDENTITY 6.1. Identity within the clan organization The clan organization of the Konso people is intricate with other domains of the culture and institutions. As a matter of this fact, people involve in different domains of the culture and institutions maintaining their clan membership. Accordingly, clan is identity of a person with specific characteristics created culturally. The identity based up on clanship is fixed to a person based up on inheritance. The maintenance of the clan identity is concern of this chapter and “Ways” that individuals adhere to for identification is dealt with.

Individuals are part of whole in clans based culture of the people. The part whole symbolization is magnificent as individuals of a given clan perceive themselves as representative icons. In broader aspect, the whole Konso is sum up of nine fathers’ children. Similarly, within the clan based culture, individuals are again part of the whole, in their respective clans. The symbolic association of the persons and clans is founded on egalitarian social organization. Clans have equal status in the relationships and individuals also have independent status to relate with other clan members in their social life.

The identity of self within the cultural institution of the Konso people is dramatized in different speech situations and synchronized with different local institutions. There are different situations that help for dramatization of the clan identity. Individuals are fundamentally located at families and these families are influential on clan identity of individuals. In addition, life in sub villages, villages and the people at large are always maintained socially. In the same manner, for entire life of a person, clan identity is synchronically instituted in to the other social life and organization. Synchronization of the clan organization to other institutions of village organization, age group, farming and the like has influential role of maintaining the clan organization. The ingenuity of synchronization has therefore greater impact on sustaining the identity of clans within the culture.

Clan organization is basically founded to rule out procreation and prevent incestuous marriages. Along with that, it is found to maintain social order and harmonious relationships. The clan

71 principle founded for the procreation, however, socially reinforced to ensure the sustainability of the identity.

6.2. Performing oaths by reference to one’s clan In Konso language Oath is called as Xhaxha or rersa. It is spoken and wordy expression by individuals as they confirm their truthfulness. In the view of the Konso people, oath is not action in vain, not usual in the speeches of individuals. To oath is to speak truth. It is also associated with the personality and character of individuals. As a result, actions of swearing without having truth, results in degraded personality fatalistically.

People swear with their clan names, lineage family, dead ancestors, and clan totems. Death is perceived as going to the place of truth (Porra dhugatta) and usually oath is done to claim facts and true words, unless, results in misfortune of death to clan members. Swear done with the name of dead members of families or clans is association of self with the clan. The dead members of the clan are also mentioned as a way of maintaining self claiming ancestral background.

In addition to oath by the name of clan, supernatural punishments are called to cause harm if one is lying to his audience. Thus, fact based self position is maintained in the face of others whereas the other way is believed as provoking supernatural measures for mischief and misbehavior.

According to key informants, the oath is created by early fathers to maintain truth, transparency and harmony of the people. However, it is not clear to find out exact time of oath emergence in to the Konso culture. In the past, however, forefathers have sought that the value of truth is greater in yielding fertility to the land and people. It is instituted in to the culture and people practice it in their daily lives.

To oath in play situations is warned by elders as minimizing the value of the self and oath. The oath is therefore only performed as one is with strong position of living in transparent and true life. According to the key informants, in the lives of the Konso people, truth is of higher value rewarding good fortunes. Basically, Konso people give greater attention to experienced life than

72 theoretical and commit for it. Myth in this respect is important for maintaining the culture but individuals who have spent much under the advices and stay of grand fathers owe greater attention. It is asked “Who was near to fore fathers, sitting with them?”

Oath is serious matter which doesn’t have types. But, the situations may differ as that takes place between two individuals or before multitude. Individuals in private matters may trust each other for exchanging properties and trusts. In the absence of the third party, unsettled wrangling between two parties is brought to the sacred Morras in search for finding liar and resulting punishment. It is believed that the oath in the Morra results in massive sudden killings of the families and lineage beginning from the wrong doers’ family. That is confirmation account for the wrong doers. It has to be responded with apology to the harmed party. Otherwise supernatural wrath escalates to both. For that matter, oaths are believed as sacred judgments for wrong doing in the eye of supernatural beings. People are not encouraged to the oath as it results in massive killings and elders warn about it.

Oath is done in the name of dead clan members due to belief that death is Pora dhugatta (Place of truth). The call of dead person of a clan in vain is believed brings spiritual wrath from ancestral family. It is therefore feared not to mention names of the dead clan members. Secondly, supernatural beings are disappointed with mischief and false causing punishments with thunder, flooding and sudden deaths to family and clan. Key informants, in this case, underscore the creation of the oath as Attaytteta or Xhataytetta” (early founded) and no other reason. This implies adaptation of culture by the descendants as cultural norms.

Interestingly, truth is valued as valuable to maintain peace and fertility, objectively intended to maintain social order and govern wrong doing. Key informants witness life time experiences of seeing fertility and productivity following settlement of disputes and harmonious life of the people. Speeches Situation of oath Torra Popular meaning of the word is known as ‘tales’. People sit together in playful manners in drinking houses, Morras, homes, with attentive concentration are said to be in Torra. Tales are

73 also the stories usually told by seniors to juniors in public places. Tales told by seniors in public places are closely followed by the children and youth in gatherings at which seniors intend to train the young.

During regular or strange meeting with a person, people engage in Torra incorporating oath amidst of expressions. At first meeting, individuals engage in Torra of exchanging information about their land, farming, health conditions and the people. It goes as follows in salutations between two individuals Speaker A- Atta nakaytawwe? How are you? Speaker B- Nakaytaw? Fine! Speaker A- Mana Konan? Mana Konitan? What your families are performing? Speaker B- Ichapani? They are doing fine.

As the discourses continue between the individuals, they go deep in to the issues of concern over children, family, people, agriculture and rain. But, in the instances of mentioning difficulties and harms from village neighbors and mistreatment from village members, speeches in swear tones “Alawtane” (I swear with my clan sister) flash. Alternatively, in their discourse they call the name of real sister (usually senior) and nickname of clan sister or totem. That is the confirmation and seriousness of their dialogues and they are more attentive to the emotions and expressions as accompanied with the swear words.

Torra serve as information exchange way. Certainly, the most important element of the Torra is telling the factual news. Societies are settled in autonomous villages and the Torra are brought from villages as individuals go for their personal engagements. It is not liked that person talk too much to the other but only focusing on relevant information of his village. The Torra as information exchange is concerned over the day to day lives of the people. The information brought is usually trusted as the person who tells information through Torra first asked about his clan. Once the clan of a person and his village is known it is easy to trace the person and evaluate with his familial background. That is the way social credibility tested and it is less likely for a person to be bad with his information.

The situation of speaking during the Torra is however keen observed by the audience. Slow pace speaking is evaluated as gentle, liked and trusted. Speech delivery in harry is disliked and minimizes social credibility. The artistic style of speaking in the Torra is also important and has influence on the speaker. Konso is regionally demarcated and persons from each region can be known with their language dialect and according social behavior of their region. Accordingly, there is association of person with his spatial location through tracing the dialectical belongingness. Through torra, people communicate their spatial background and openly ask each other for clan identity, families and lineage. Knowledge about the nine clans and relationships of one’s clan is inherently decisive, ensuring membership. It is difficult to be trusted for the torra when found failed to know and explain about clans in ones village.

Amidst speech, individuals seldom face interrogative question to be confirmed for facts requested for swearing by mentioning the name of his clan sister, totem or dead member of his family. Fundamentally, swear made by clan identity is confirmation for speaking facts and it is believed accordingly. The speech deliveries have to consider audience by claiming for facts, doing so by swear, ensuring belongingness to specific clan and family. It is representation based on familial background which has also inheritance factor. Proverb goes ‘Pisha soa soa kellaw denni’ which translates as ‘Soup with taste of meat only comes from meat’.

However, in the oral account of Konso, as Korra Garra mentions, there are instances Xhawda (craft) people swear but sustain without facing deaths. This goes with proverb which treat Xhawda as ‘Rersa xhawda lekshe’ which translates as ‘swear increased Craft people’. Swear speaking vain is believed results in death but Xhawda live after that. Sustaining in life after false swears is not magical power to the Konso people. Rather it minimizes social recognition and trust. People take care of losing credibility by swearing in vain which has greater implication to the Konso culturally. Engagement in such acts are instantly associated with ones clan in the eye of the public which has negative implication for status and character.

Dhexha Dhexha, literally means bargaining, is an event of settling disputes between individuals or groups. There is a myth in Konso that goes ‘Clash is inevitably heard among heap of calabash’,

‘Peqana dhalle ollqara kehni’. Thus, in the social life among nine clans, conflict is expected as seldom mentioned in the conflict resolution discourses.

Conflicting parties are called to the elders for legal bargaining. The bargain is based on the fact based arguments from the parties. Elders look in to the bargaining methods and look in to the inclination to the facts and truth. The bargains are assisted with witnesses’ accounts. The bargaining power, with facts, of individual is valued more than witnesses account. In the situation of Dhexha, elders encourage for revealing the actual happenings based on facts. Interest of the elderly people is to maintain peaceful coexistence between individuals and prevent people not to be encouraged for oath. The bargaining is opened with the advices and warnings from elders on preconditions preventing lying and looking to win with false accounts.

Elders in wards and villages are socially allotted to settle conflicts between individuals and groups in their respective locations with Dhexha. Mediation role of elders emanates from seniority and having none personal interest. It is impossible to influence elders with personal or other benefit based interests as they stand for societal peace. Individuals neither attempt to appear with false nor elders bias on any ground. That value maintains and governs the relationships.

Appearance before elders in the Dhexha is not liked as it goes like putting one as conflict monger. As a result, frequent quarrel and appearance before elders minimize social credibility. Tolerance and harmony is prioritized and extreme violence of societal rules is treated out with strict punishments of excluding from villages. Similarly, to marry from the same clan, results in automatic rule out of putting in exile.

Therefore, conflicting parties are persuaded to adhere to the truth. The persuasion of the conflicting parties to adhere to truth has social influence on the people in governing for minimizing conflicts. Call by the elders is revered and refusal to appear before elders results in harsh punishments.

Types of conflicts that arise between individuals and conflicts that prevail between groups are handled accordingly with separate means. Instances of clan based conflict are observable usually when there is killing. As a way out, however, killer is out casted from the villages and never allowed back. Probably, individual conflicts are not destructive than group conflicts and mechanisms of managing them also vary, considering the context and actors, as who participate in it. The handling of the conflicts arises from nature of conflict and the context helps as framework for the settlement. Conflicts between individuals from the same clan are easily handled as people from the same clan consider themselves as one. In the same manner, conflicts between clans are popularly described with proverb ‘Kusumtta olli kulumini dishey olli kulumininkitto’ which translates as ‘Family/clan never cast out its member but put in misery’.

Another conflict type is that prevail between villages. They are usually caused by conflicts over lands and natural recourses. Common happenings of these cases are between neighboring villages and in some occasions cases of allied help are seen while only two villages are in conflict. These conflicts are intervened by Lehayta and Poqallas with the role they own as mentioned previously. Rituals of highly valued class are performed through Arrarra (Peacemaking) and finally purification ceremony of sacrifice finalizes peacemaking successful. Both parties condemn cause and bad effects and agree not to go in to such inconveniences. The role of the clans is inherent in the conflict resolution. The dispersion of clan families in to the villages and marriage relationships are is important factor that compel to view each other as family of a father.

Dhehama For the Konso people, Dhehama is important instrument for maintaining harmony and peaceful coexistence. Dhehama is an advice given to individual or group usually by seniors. The hierarchy of seniority based up on the birth is fundamental principle in the culture of Konso as mentioned in the previous chapter.

Dhehama can be given at any place. Senior who saw children playing in conditions that may harm them can call them and advice about inappropriate game. Families have advice occasions usually in the morning before children wake up just immediately after poultry crows. Father of

77 the family, figure head of the family, takes the responsibility of leading the family and organizes Dhehama for the family members as found necessary.

Wards, villages and Kaffa (Clan) also have Dhehama as practice. Wards and villages are politically led by the council of elders and working Xhella group usually working together with Dhehama. The village elders also function in the same manner like that of the ward. Whereas, clans hold Dhehama to their clan members as members are reported by village elders being seen in misbehavior. Therefore, the wards, villages and clans organize Dhehama for the individuals and groups so as to maintain harmonious order of the society and ruling identity of individuals. In the Dhehama, elders inquire in to the operation and misbehaviors of the groups as reported and warn them not to be encouraged for disliked behaviors.

Kahayta Kahayta or Game is playful situation in which people gather and mock each other for entertainment. It is usually practiced in Morra where people gather in the nights while mothers are preparing dinner to families. Children spend days playing in the Morras, singing songs and chanting while keeping younger children. Elders use to sit with children in the Morras’ playing Tasha (game consisting of board with a double row of hollows and played with pebbles or beans). Kahayta is entertainment of the people while engaged in their social responsibilities. Elders entertain in the village Morras, controlling children and keeping the villages as per their capabilities due to circumstance of young leaving for farm works.

Riddles and tales are also told through Kahayta in the Morra by elders. In the evenings, people gather from fields to their ward’s Morra where they take hot chanting and debates. The stay in Morra during night is overwhelmed by young male as in the day time was by children. The gathering of the youth in to the Morra is means of coming together for information exchange and entertainment. Within this order, tales are told and play takes place according to the clan relationships of individuals. Riddles are told in the Morra only in nights than in day time according to the tradition.

Unlike other discourses, Kahayta is an entertainment kind of play. Due to this nature, oath is strictly forbidden during play. Elders closely follow up children not to swear and lash for engaging. It is also strictly forbidden to swear in the name of clan while in the situations of playful games. The playful situations are ordered in to a pattern that did not involve swearing. Members of the community act accordingly and maintain their social credibility.

6.3. Observing particular taboos associated with one’s clan. Taboo is a symbol of strong opposition in the world view of the Konso people. The local term for the taboo is Dawra. The taboo is observed by refraining from engaging in relationships with taboo person, object or animal. The relationship between beings in an antagonistic nature is drawn from clan organization and taken to human life.

The meaning of taboo has also reverse meaning of permit or consensus. It also stands for condition of long lasting harmonious partnership. Sacred places and ritual positions are not dared with vibrant conflicts. Dawra (sacred people of peace) never engage in conflicts with other people and always live in peace. According to the key informants, these people are saluted as Dhawro (My prohibition or taboo). The Dawra in this context is to live in consensus and harmony due to the created sacred being from the beginning. Sacred position of Poqalla, Appa timpa, and Appa parra are most respected and families adhered to than refraining from.

Dawra carries a meaning of strict prohibition for the Konso people and instituted in to the culture of agriculture and village organization. The settlement of the senior clan leaders is located in big forests among which the Kalla, Pamale and Quffa are the prominent. These settlements are enclosed with big forests of juniper tree at the same time prohibited to be touched. In addition to the forests of the Poqallas’, some forests are reserved and known as murra dawra (Forrest of taboo) where no one can touch resources from. Poqallas’ never pay visits to dead bodies and mourning houses which is their primary taboo as clan chiefs. The grooves of trees surrounding Konso villages only serve edification protected for communal purposes. The manhood stones and trees that are erected in Morras’ are not dared by craft people and females. All these cases are rules to be observed by the people and violations results in severe punishment that in some cases results in expulsion.

Nine clans of the Konso people are working through the taboo of refraining from engaging in marriage with clan member. This is collective and fundamental clan principle of marriage and procreation relationships. According to Kalsimo Lemita, it said that ‘Xhetta kulli kappa xha’enincho’ which goes ‘Men sexual organ not erects for clan sister’. Nearest blood relationship between brothers and sisters is taken to the clan group for incorporating the marriage taboo.

Clans have their respective totems which are called with polite feminine identity. In the heroic songs, males call the polite female names of their clan to locate their clan belongingness. In daily discourses, people also use to metaphorically express themselves with their totems. Table 3. Clans and their female polite names No Clan name Nickname of polite female 1 Arkamaytta Otaya 2 Pasantta Xajja 3 Sawdatta Koolito 4 Ishalayta Karjita 5 Tokmaleta Karrita 6 Kertitta Ka’alayta 7 Eelayta Arisoota 8 Mahaletta Kawwaadiya 9 Tikissayta Kansita Source: Key informants (Korra Garra, Kilate Katana, and Dinote Kussiya), 2016. Clans also refrain from engaging in relationship with the totems of their clan. Totems are symbolic representations of clans and observed with complete abstain. According to the key informants, the totems of self in use cause badly consequences to the clan. For example, members from Passanta clan did not eat pancreases of animal and the clan members of Ishalayta never eat dikdik antelope. Accordingly, all the clans observe the taboo in refraining from relationships of their respective clan totems. Failure to observe the taboo has negative social implication similar with incest.

Clan members compose songs and hyperbolically magnify the characters of their clan totems. In other words it is taboo to sing for other clan totems. It is self exaggeration through mentioning

80 taboo totems of the clan. Key informants told me that in the past there was festival of chanting by young females called as Kaffa or Clans.

In daily lives of the Konso people, it is accustomed to ask for some ones clan in all cases of meeting strange. In doing so, people introduce each other and create relationships tracing lineage and familial marriage relationships. In cases of finding females of the same clan licentious invitations are judged as taboo. This helps one to locate self in the society with clan identity through observation of taboo.

Hunting, which is practiced until now, is common among the Konso people which has different types according to the time and purpose it has been organized for. During the hunting campaigns, animals that are totems of one’s clan are not killed. During attack on animal clan members turn away for not hearing the agony of the animal that represents their clan. In the same manner, it is taboo to throw spear or any material in conflict against a clan members and this is also an element of viewing each other based on clan identity.

Burial in the land of other clan or unidentified spaces is also considered as taboo. Dead persons rest in burial lands of their familial grounds. It is strictly prohibited and derogatory to be buried out of family burial ground.

To the people of the Konso, the tendency of socialization is more inclined toward clan base organization, which can be judged as “Ethnocentrism” externally, but it is maintaining ”self” identity from internal point of view. It is socialization of self maintaining being in the “clan organization”, ultimately to sustain as “fitting social actor”.

6.4. Identifying with the totem of one’s clan. A primary intention of the Konso is the desire to create in the members of their society a strong commitment to their clans. Families are institutions founded on clan, economy and lineage. Dramatized clan organization philosophy is fundamental identity that is instituted in to these families. Villages of the Konso are also nothing but collection of families from nine fathers that it is commonly known ‘Hella appa sakalii’ (Children of nine fathers). Accordingly, one way of

81 strengthening the commitment of individuals is manifested in the institutions of families, marriage and village.

There is also metaphorical linking of man and totems. This is created by linking thoughts and feelings of individuals to the totems character and look for similar character in their clan members. To behave similar with the totem behavior is liked as unique behavior of self expression. The characteristic feature of the totem is totally taken as representing character of the clan. Thus, whole being of the totem and its behavior is drawn to the clan. Accordingly, individuals maintain their likeness to their totems for social identity and social credibility. Dhalla Dhalla is literally birth in the Konso language. The primary way of identifying self to the clan and to the totem of the clan is through birth. Birth is the right individuals owe as a member of the family. Next to a person, comes the family and lineage as factor for tracing the exact location in the genealogical order. Inheritance of the family properties is based up on clan membership. In the same manner, like claiming membership to the clan, the belongingness to clan totems behavior is also believed as inherited.

View of self as a seed, metaphorically urine, of the clan is important factor of the socialization founded on the Dhalla. Clan totems are thought as clan members and in the same fashion the claim is done both to the family and to the totems. The clan totems are emblems created in the past by the ancestors, observed through generations and maintained as identity of the clan and self. Sarra Sarra are songs of admiration and exaltation. They are played on field work, celebrations, meetings (Xhorra) and rituals. All members of the people can play Sarra in attractive way of singing. In its purpose, Sarra is played focusing the achievements of the clan members by raising the liked behavior of the clan totems. The successes and the achievements are exaggerated in hyperbole. Group work is preferred among the Konso, and in the work on fields, members from their clan compose admiration songs for their clans. The totems of the clan are called with nick names along with their behaviors in adoration. It is done turn by turn raising up the achievements of the

82 clan heroes and the tactics they used for success. Group members while working compose admiration songs. The songs are two edged in the field work, intended to identify heroic individuals from clan and energize the working group for field work.

Successful hunters of the Konso people are killers of lion, leopard and tiger, respected as Xhetalla (Hero). Wrapping Xhallalla (Kind of plant leave) on his head, spear and shield in his hands, the hero prowl composing the self admiration songs in the public dances. Amidst his admiration songs, he mixes up his clan totem in polite female form. As the hero prowl in the Morra during the Xhorra (Dance), his clan females bring beads hanging on his neck. The ululation of the female comes massively as they do in group to admire their brother. Heroic personalities are associated with their clan and clan totems so as to identify persons with n the clanship organization. This has identity formation and strengthening the way of maintaining the clan identities through public events.

The totems of the clan are admired for their behavior through composing poems. The attractive skills of composers are imitated by others as the best way to express the clan of self. Basic character of the totems and their meaning are important to maintain self with. Accordingly, clan members compose poems for their clans adhering to the character on their totems hyperbolically as below. Sawdhatta totem is baboon, monkey, ape, elephant, locust, and Karssata tree and pests. They are viewed as dismissing groups and not care for the products of the people. However, Sawdatta clan members never mention the destructive behavior of their totems. The Sarra mention the tactics of the monkey, the hugeness of the elephant and the mass of the locust. In so doing, good personalities and their achievements from clans are associated with totems character. Tikisaytta clan is known as greedy for nothing but members who belong to the clan deny with their Sarra. The beauty and strength character of dove sustaining on pecking gravel during drought is exalted with the Sarra. Arkamayta clan members compose Sarra poems for their mighty of representing sky and sun. The strength of camel in wilderness sustaining without water and the manner of pompous walking is admired with poems. Ottaya or sun, the mother of the sky, is nick named and exalted with the Sarra of the Arkamayta clan.

Ishalaytta clan totem is dikdik antelope symbolizing meekness and generosity. The totem is frightful and threatened by other animals. Clan members of this clan sing for care and non belligerence as their good character. They proud with herbivorous behavior of their clan totem as harmless, which is rather taken as greater necessity to others.

Kertitta clan members view themselves as carnivorous in drawing the meat eating behavior of their clan totems. Lion, leopard and tiger are the totems of this clan. The strength and speed of the cat animals are associated with clan and in the Sarra clan members compose marvelous poems.

Pasanta is a clan which is clever at incantation and magic. The magical craft of the clan is represented with the Tipitta plant. Clan members sing about the taboo relationships with kidney and Tipitta plant. They mention their relevance to the people in avoiding pests from the farms and protecting the lives of plants.

Mahaletta clan totem is hyena. They are viewed by others as gluttonous. But it is reversed by the clan members. Clan members maintain that they are hard working and having hunting behavior.

Elayta clan is belligerent and diehard. That is their strength to die for truth and fight for facts throughout their life. Though they are viewed as die hard, they alter it with their firm stand for the wellbeing of the people by maintaining strict stance. The totem of the clan, Xholmayta (Strong neck muscle), is associated with the behavior of the clan as the muscle of their neck get tighten when in action.

Tokmaleta clan is generous and cooperates in harmonious conditions. They are criticized for less tolerance to inconveniences. The totem for this clan is sheep. Clan members compose Sarra for their female sheep Sunge. They proud with the behavior they share with their clan totem as having strong and fighting behavior. They exalt up their strong bargaining and long time struggle in fights. They are also said suffer only due to once falling in conflict due to non stopping behavior.

Naming Totem names are given as proper name to person. It is widely practiced for the females. This identification with the totems of the clan is widely recognized and practiced. In addition to proper names given to a person, the clan totems are used to identify and salute each other. In such a way, key informants express usual ways among the community preferred to call each other with common clan names than given names. This is overwhelming culture among the Konso taken as advanced way of respecting each other. Males from the same clan say Kaffa to each other and ignore the given names whereas males treat their clan sister with polite feminine name of their totem. Accordingly, adherence to the culturally constructed personalization of self and other in communal relationships is adored. Dhattata Dhattata is an act of proud intonation made with the clan totems. It is also synonymous with roaring or roar up like lions. Someone can be asked to do dhattata, and justify his clan belongingness. Dhattata is confirmation of self within the society’s clanship stratification. In hunting, killing animal reward heroic achievement. Hunting is reserved for male. In the principle of hunting, killing of animal is assured as one find the body of the animal with thrown spear or stone, making bruises and wounds. One has to take care of assuring that with roar up. To be the first to touch the animal is ranked as Ishampaytta or the killer. Second person who may kill or bruise the animal is called Pamirta or second person. In the instances of killing animal, the orderly achievements have to be ruled out according to the facts. However, one should roar up with the female name of his clan totem up on finding the animal with his exertion, if not, miss the rank. All nine clans make the roar with the name of polite totem in female form as in the following table. Table 4. Clans and their respective roar ups No Clan name Roar up 1 Arkamaytta Alawa otaytte 2 Pasantta Alawa xajje 3 Sawdatta Alawa kole 4 Ishalayta Alawa karche 5 Tokmaleta Alawa karre 6 Kertitta Alawa Xajje

7 Eelayta Alawa elaya 8 Mahaletta Alawa kawa 9 Tikissayta Alawa kanse

Poytta Poytta is mourning for dead person. Typically, the occasions of death only invite Poytta. In the culture of Konso, death has tragic meaning to the Xhella or the working group, euphemized for the clan leaders and elderly people. Death of children before mothers passes through Sokatta (Ceremony of naming a child three months after birth), is treated as unnamed person’s death. No Poytta is held for children below three months who are not named and viewed as unqualified as person.

The death of the Poqalla is euphemized with the saying our clan leader is ailing with influenza. With complex meaning, clan leaders are assumed mourned for nine years and nine months and nine days. According to key informants, in the past it was done accordingly for the defined days but as time went on pressing economic demands have obliged for adjustment to the mourning of the Poqalla. It then is done for nine days. Poqalla are symbolic and ritual figures of their clans and death never associate with them.

Females, usually mothers, compose elegy for the dead person taking in to account the deeds and achievements of the person in life. Women who go for mourning should learn composing the elegy from experienced mothers as they pay visits to the mourning houses. The elegy should exactly locate the social role and successes of the person based up on his clan identity. To compose the elegy, before entering to the mourning, composers should have to know the clan identity of a person.

CHAPTER SEVEN: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN CLANSHIP IDENTITY 7.1. Change and continuity to the values and principles of the clan organization Clan organization and principles of clan ship organization are in the current context, believed as existed with basic values observed. Fundamentally, the regulatory role of the clan identity in determining marriage relationships and resulting family formation is maintained. With regard to procreation, the values of clanship organization are maintained with relatively high tendency of observing the principles. According to the data gathered from the key informants, all informants confirmed that except for engaging in marriage relationships with other ethnic groups, the clan ship identity is observed by the members of the Konso people. Even with the neighboring communities that have similar clan organization, marriages took in to account the clan identity.

Engaging in marriage with member from the same clan is prohibited as per the principle of the clan organization. This is observed as main principle among the people which exists up until recent. However, cases of intra marriage are not common in the past but based on oral accounts, happenings are believed as treated with exclusion from community. According to the data from the all interview informants from Dekatu, only one case of intra clan marriage has happened in the Dokatu village which has also treated with expulsion from the village. The case was happened in the last 15 years and couples are not residing in the village according to the information from the informants. Intra clan marriage is not happening with in the culture mainly due to socialization of individuals on clanship identity in families and villages from childhood. This is important factor in preventing the intra clan marriage. However, changes to the intra clan marriage have changed as discriminations to the couples as the couples from Dokatu are viewed coming to their village after their marriage. Both in the past and present the couples of intra clan marriage are excluded from their villages as a way out but practices of maintaining discriminations principles is less in recent time as informants agree. Besides to this fact, there are social obligations and consent of members to adhere to the clan based procreation and observation of the values. Accordingly, all key informants witness absence of legal wrangling on intra clan marriage and exclusion at courts which has implication to adherence to the clan based marriage relationships and identity formation. This is due to the fact that the prevalence of the cases are insignificant as even from target villages only one couple engaged is the intra clan marriage.

Practices of exchanging salutations and exchanging information based up on clanship identity, however has incorporated lots of changes. According to informants from both villages, the practices of communicating based up on clan identities are not going beyond knowing members of the family. All youth informants and, who are four, witnesses theirs and their peers less knowledge of communicating members from their village based up on clan identity. They also witness communications in daily lives are not incorporating clan identities, except close relatives, but base up on friendship and personal intimacies. Major factor for the decrease in the practice of communicating based up on the clan identity is modernization and change in the life style of the people. Modernization is viewed as practice of learning, trading, migrations, and preference of advanced living outside villages of origin. Besides the changes mentioned, clan ship identities are maintained and youth are observing principle of non intra marriage of clan. The practices of taming children through local story telling and advising are also minimized from the past practices and clanship identities are mainly observed for marriage in greater consideration.

The clan organization and identity among the Konso is maintained as patrilineal. This is domain of the clanship identity which has less characterized with changes to the principles. The primogeniture inheritance is observed until recent in the families. The primogeniture inheritance is widely recognized among the village settlers and families which also have belief implication. Seniority is instituted to the patrilineal clan line and males are regarded higher position than females. Primogeniture inheritance however has no property inheritance implication. In the past there is larger land owned by clan leaders and families inherited to first born and juniors. As time went on the occupied lands have decreased in size and property inheritance has no property implication. Thus, necessarily first born males are not residing in their families’ home due to education and other economic purposes. This has resulted in the limitation of the primogeniture inheritance to theoretical principle but less practiced. Practically, the homes and properties of family are based up on the primogeniture and small shares go to the rest male juniors. Primogeniture inheritance, though practiced, educated members of the families reside in town and migrate to other areas and limit the inheritance only to theoretical. From both villages, all

88 key informants assure, the inheritance of females is not offered to females by the principle and this is observed by the people.

Clan based identity of the Konso people was founded to regulate the procreation to the members of the people in the past. However, the interrelationships of the Konso with the other ethnic groups have resulted in the assimilation of the people through marriage. According to the informants and the culture, there is no prohibition of marriage to other ethnic groups though they don’t have clans. But, the marriage to the external ethnic groups was less in the past and in the current times it is high. Main reason of increase to marry to other communities was migrations and education. Accordingly, it is less likely for children of the migrated to be to be socialized for the clanship identity in towns or other locations.

With regard to the type of the clans there are nine cans in the Konso until recent time. From the beginning there are nine clans in Konso with no change to the type, name and their working. By principle there is no intra clan marriage and the principle is widely recognized among the members from Konso. However, members from other ethnic group, most likely, those who do not have clan organization of Konso type, have opportunity to marry from all nine clans both in the past and present. But, preferably, it is easier to assimilate in the recent times than in the past due to less mobility and assimilation in the past. Nine clans neither went through merge nor omit in the history of the people according to the data of informants and observation.

With clan organization, seniority is important aspect that has orderly world of relationships and coexistence. With the increase in the size of the population and degradation of the resources, the economic capacities of the senior families have faced less economic capacities of inheriting lands and providing land to the needy people. Along with that, craft people have emerged with high economic status in trading with in and out of the Konso. Land then begun secured through purchase than inheritance right. This has resulted in minimizing role of early settled families in exercising economic power as the base of life changed from land based to trade based. Though the economic power shifts, prior disliked marriage of craft and agrarians is improved and there is intermarry between the classes.

Another important principle in clan organization is that a clan chief occupies a given place and within the same geographical location there is no option of coronation of clan chief from the same lineage except the other. Due to absence of non occupied lands further migrations to the other areas are limited and new clan leaders are not created except already existing families. In addition, the introduction of Christianity from mid of 20th century and modernization in terms of education is also viewed as factor for omit of practicing coronation by clan chief families. The change that has been brought to the clan ship identity is compelling due to deterioration of resources and improved and facilitated life of people in the technology resulted in adaptation to the new conditions. It is not the new conditions that are preferred but the negligence of the practices. The negligence did not come from hate but due to compelling situations and as a result fundamental principle of regulating procreation is in place.

Status of females is lower than the males and as a result females are given lower position than males. One of the domains in which females are viewed with less status is property inheritance as they are not totally offered properties. Males share properties of their father as they are believed sons of the family and females are considered as children of other clans. This principle is working among the current people but legal framework of the state is against the local principle and up on the request females are entitled to it. Females also not inherit authorities which are reserved for males, and this principle is widely recognized among the current communities. The clan ship identity of females don not favours them for property inheritance like that of males. This makes females to have minimized recognition in comparisons to males as they are considered belonging to other clans. By principle they belong to their fathers’ clan but up on marriage they are submitted to other clans for procreation.

7.2. Practices of clanship identity Identity formation by individuals is associated with entire life beginning from birth to death. Key practice in the childhood time is passage through different plays, tales and speeches that have incorporated clan identification. However, the practices in the recent time have changed as children are preferably sent to schools by their families. According to the data from the youth of two villages, practices of engaging in cultural plays in the night times were told to them as practiced by their fathers but they are not experiencing with the nature and type in the past. In the

90 ages of the youth involvement in to the community affairs are responsibilities expected and clan based identities take in to account personal relationships. Youths are in the current time compelled to win economic needs outside villages and even in far areas. However, in the previous times, the life of people is limited to the villages and the practices of engaging in different plays and relations were high. With regard to the sexual relations, males and females take in to account the clanship identity as a way out to prepare for family formation.

Funeral sites of the families have come up with changes made to them. As per the principle of the clan organization, dead person rests in the family grave yard as a way out of finding ones ancestors. However, changes to the burial of the dead persons have incorporated changes mainly due to two main changes of shortage of land and expansion of religion. According to the data of elders from the two villages, the introduction of Christianity (both orthodox and evangelical missionaries) before 60 years has brought change to the burial sites of the converted members. Currently, traditional religion followers are few in size and practice the funeral practices to the communal families’ grave. The funeral graves of religious people takes place in communal graves of the religious institutions. Thus, the association of people to the familial decent through conducting burials in the families grave yards have characterized more changes. Along with that, the mourning requiem is also changed to the new forms in which the spiritual songs and processes are followed.

Heroic activities of hunting are less practiced by the current existing people. This is mainly reduced due to extinction of game animals that are preferred for hunting. With the extinction of the animals, practices are also reduced but there are hunting campaigns by the current generations that take place for killing monkeys and apes unusually during the time of harvests ripening time. The key function of associating self with the clan identity is the claim against killing of the monkey or ape. Both villages of Dokatu and Turayte engage in the hunting campaigns as communal activity of protecting harvests and all key informants have clued it. But, the ceremonial celebrations and festivals that are conducted for the game animals is not in place as the killing of other animals than game animals is valued less. The symbolical association of heroic act with the clan identities is also less practiced.

Symbolical association of clans with totems has also changes to extent of mere expression of totems with less association of identity with totems. The totemic characteristics of animals and objects have less observed as most animals are not available in the current situation of the people. Therefore, the symbolical meaning of the totem characters and association with the clan identity therefore is based up on oral traditions than actual observation and practicing of relationships with the totems. As a result, knowledge and practice of associating ones clan with totemic expression is less in the youth under the current situation.

7.3. Main factors for the changes to the clan identity One of the factors that have brought changes to the practices of maintaining clanship identity among the Konso people is identified as modernization. In the context of this thesis work, modernization is taken as introduction of education and literacy and introduction of technologies of transportation, farming, and medication. Accordingly, modernization has improved the traditional ways of living and people are attracted to the advancement and improvements brought up by the modernization. Besides mere introduction of modernization and its technologies, changes to the attitude towards modernization have gained more followers over time according to the data from the informants.

Along with the modernization, introduction of Christian and Muslim religions has greater impact in influencing the clan identity practices. According to the informants, who are elders, orthodox Christianity was introduced during the rule of Menilik as they are told by their fathers. Whereas, protestant missionaries have come to the area in mid 20th century. The advent of the Muslim religion is traced to the time little later to protestant missionaries but its advent is not accounted with other resources other than oral accounts taken from informants. The impact of the religious has come from the direction of converting local people to their religious beliefs and making people follow religious identities. In terms of the impact of each religion Christian converted people are high than Muslim followers and practices of following traditional ceremonies in birth, marriage and death are maintained along the newly adapted religions. Conversion to the new religions, however, did not brought up changes to the clan identities but practices that are briefly explained above are not common among the converted members and regulation of marriage based up on clan identity is not characterized with changes.

CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION AND RECCOMENDATIONS 8.1. Conclusion The clan organization is one of the fundamental forms of social organization for the Konso people determining procreation and shaping social identity. For the Konso organization into clanship is primary factor to humanity and other communities are viewed as having the same organization. In cases of failing to proof that a person is not having clan organization, marginalization necessarily follows. Though, the clan organization is founded for procreation and marriage, it entails social implication of group. Along that line, clans cooperate for working parties and enticing for familial purposes. The interaction of the clans through marriage at large has greater contribution towards the people of Konso. Thus, the people of Konso are believed belonging to nine fathers that unfolds across generations. This helps the people of Konso to create familial relationships with in shorter time.

The clan organization is founded with the values set in the culture of the people. Values are inventions of the early emerged ancestors. In response to the inventions of the fore fathers new generations are adopting the inventions. Basically, the organization in to the nine clans and the purpose for which the clan organization founded are instituted in to the culture as values. In making the principles cultural values, identity of clans have sustained across generations.

Poqalla, who are ritual leaders of the Konso people, are important figures of seniority and symbols of peace. Office of the Poqalla is inherited on primogeniture, having important symbolical meaning to the Konso clans and families. The phallic structures are also associated with clan chiefs as the design of their residences incorporate masculinity. Masculinity is right to have belongingness to clan. Above all, the social and ritual power of the offices of the Poqalla emerges from the association of the offices with spiritual world and ritual world.

Political organization of the Konso people is found in autonomous villages’ organization. The settlement pattern designed from the early time is founded on administration through council of elders, working groups and important spiritual offices. This organization has important implication for the Konso as economic and social sphere of their life. More importantly, the

94 synchronic relationship of clanship and institutions of villages, age grade, family and beliefs have greater contribution for persuading people to maintain clan identity.

Above all, the clan organization is essential organization that people maintain as their cultural identity, both individually and in groups. This is designed to function in the daily routine life of the individuals and families. Families are mentoring tools for children. Villages too are sum total of clan groups relating each other on clan identities. The institutionalization of the clan organization in to other organizations is equally founded in songs, discourses, speeches, generation grading, farming and other lives of the people. The organization in to clan has therefore maintained by individuals as the community members and the culture has also founded on the clan identity that is important in determining familial relationships and at large ethnic identity.

8.2. Recommendations  As a principle of social organization that determines sexual relation and family organization clan organization is founded on important values but the economic challenges and contact with other communities in the advancement of time has created omission of the cultural practices that rather would be helpful for other domains of cultural organization if replicated. There is lack of resources on the topic and experiences of the past through which clan identities are maintained would disappear if works of looking in to the issue are not in place.  Separate research works on the clan identity in the Konso did not attracted scholars though the clanship identity finds with agriculture, family formation, village organization, traditional administration, birth and death rituals and conflict resolutions. The crosscutting nature of clan organization in to the whole domains of the culture is enticing aspect that needs scholarly interventions and development actors.  It also seems that the symbolical meanings of phallic objects at morra and Poqalla lacks clear meaning to observer and call for search in to the multivocal meanings of clan identity by anthropologists.  Existing cultural values, institutions and practices of maintaining the clan organization in folk is admirable and would serve as main tool to maintain the culture. It can further utilized for replication to other cultures.  It is important to warn of threatening modernization and Christianity as they are imported and marginalizing culture essential historical practices and experiences.

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Appendix A Interview  Name of interviewer------ Name of interviewee------ Name of supervisor------ Date of Interview------Dear Respondents: This study is entitled as “Identity in Konso Culture with focus on clan organization”. The study is aimed at understanding the concept of clan identity in culture, the role of clan identity in creation of culture, role of different actors. Accordingly, the questions for commentaries are meant to acquire first hand information about the clan identity in the Konso culture. In the study, all the questions to be asked are purely for the purpose of the research. Therefore, I kindly request your cooperation to feel free in providing your personal opinion to the best of your knowledge. In this regard, all your valuable contribution will significantly help to the success of the study. Finally, the researcher will require warm cooperation from your part for our mutual objective. I would also like to guarantee you that your individual responses are kept confidential and no particular reference will be made to you. Thank you for your cooperation! Leading Interview Questions for key informants Would you explain historical background about clan organization and its practice in the Konso people? What are the basic rationales for organizing in to clan? How many clans exist in the Konso culture and what are distinctive features of each clan? In your experience what key activities are performed by individuals by associating themselves to clan identity? How could role of individuals identified in the clan organization? Are there any administrative and ritual positions associated with clan organization and what is their role?

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In your experience, how clan organization is maintained? Is clan organization related with village organization if yes how? Explain In your opinion what are key activities performed by groups that relate with clan identity? What contributions are done to the maintenance of Konso culture with regard clan organization? What changes are made to the clan organization in your village, how, when and how they are specific to clan identity? What would you suggest in the future towards clan organization its role within the Konso culture?

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Annex B. Key information informants profile, 2016 Place of Date of S/n Full Name Sex Age Religion Occupation Kebele interview interview Representation Clan 1 Ture Kanbiro Moda M 62 Traditional Farmer Turayte Patinkalto/Turayte 12/3/2016 Clan head Kertita 2 Ropsha Teykanto Xoxhayta M 56 Traditional Farmer Turayte Karsale 9/6/2016 Clan head Elayta 3 Kilate Katana Sonche M 53 Traditional Farmer Turayte Olanta 26/3/2016 Elder Elayta 4 Kalsimo Lemita Karo M 70 Traditional Farmer Turayte Karsale 14/6/2016 Elder Kertita 5 Kalle Torayto giloya F 49 Protestant Farmer Turayte Patinkalto/Turayte 15/6/2016 Women Elayta 6 Ajuna Gelebo Elela F 65 Protestant Trade Turayte Patinkalto/Turayte 16/7/2016 Women Kertita Labour 7 Sagoya Urmale Kawdayto M 26 Protestant work Turayte Olanta 23/7/2016 Youth Sawdata 8 Gelebo Kaso Guga M 24 Protestant Farmer Turayte Olanta 10/6/2016 Youth Elayta Labour 9 Ararso Ayano Kitayo M 42 Traditional work Turayte Olanta 11/6/2016 Administration Sawdata 10 Getachew Kusse Kawde M 32 Traditional Masonry Turayte Patinkalto/Turayte 13/6/2016 Administration Eshalayta Gov't 11 Birhane Borale Gunna M 46 Protestant employee Turayte Patinkalto/Turayte 15/6/2016 Civil servant Arkamayta Gov't 12 Dinote Kussiya Shenqere M 62 Protestant employee Turayte Olanta 13/3/2016 Civil servant Eshalayta 13 Karmo Askare Kuyata M 48 Protestant Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 27/6/2016 Elder Kertita 14 Korra Garra Gillo M 56 Protestant Retired Dekatu Dekatu 29/6/2016 Educated Tokmaleta 15 Kampa Kahano Pitita M 65 Traditional Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 27/2/2016 Elder Arkamayta 16 Kalsimo Dinote Kochano M 54 Traditional Trade Dekatu Dekatu 20/2/2016 Administration Tikisayta Gov't 17 Robsha Kelto Kissa M 32 Protestant employee Dekatu Dekatu 25/6/2016 Educated Tikisayta 18 Algo Awgaro Mareta M 46 Traditional Trade Dekatu Dekatu 13/2/2016 Administration Sawdatta 19 Adane Ayanto Gonasho M 36 Religion Trade Dekatu Dekatu 4/7/2016 Youth Kertita 20 Kahano Karo Kacharpo M 43 Protestant Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 7/7/2016 Administration Mahaleta 21 Kachite Olte Kenshe F 49 Protestant Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 6/7/2016 Women Eshalayta 22 Gedeno Kahano Chalule M 85 Traditional Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 4/7/2016 Clan head Sawdata 23 Kalosa Kasarto Kompa M 64 Traditional Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 10/7/2016 Clan head Tokmaleta 24 Kedaya Garra Gillo F 59 Traditional Farmer Dekatu Dekatu 5/3/2016 Women Tokmaleta