Political Organization of Konso, Southern Ethiopia

AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE HISTORY AND SOCIO- POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF KONSO, SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

BIRGITTA K. KIMURA

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2004

Birgitta K. Kimura

This document is dedicated to the memory of my husband, Arthur Kimura.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of numerous people. In particular, I am grateful to the Konso people whose interest and friendship made my fieldwork an exceptional experience. Among the Konso people I would like to specifically thank the following individuals. Dinote Kusia Shenkere and

Sagoya Robia from the Cultural Bureau in Konso woreda, whose help with the research and their willingness to share their knowledge of Konso organization were invaluable.

The excavations would not have been possible without the competent aid of Kusiya

Shakayto, Kuse Beresha, Gelgelo Orkaydo, Kuse Orkaydo, and Gurasho Gumacho. I am also thankful to Markus Olata Challe and Gelsimo Dinote Guchano for sharing their knowledge of the history of Konso. I am deeply indebted to Aylito Orkaydo and Giloya

Lemita Otto for their friendship, support and encouragement.

The assistance from the Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural

Heritage (ARCCH) at the Ministry of Information and Culture in Ethiopia made the research possible. I am particularly grateful to Jara Haile Mariam (ARCCH director),

Yonas Bayene, Tesfaye Hailu, Hasen Said and Mamitu Yilma for their support and assistance. I also greatly appreciate the support of Awoke Amzaye from the Southern

Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional Government’s Bureau of Culture and

Information.

My dissertation committee has been helpful and encouraging throughout my studies and field work. Steven Brandt, chair of my committee, first introduced me to the

iv wonders of Southern Ethiopia, and supported my interests in the socio-political

organization of Konso. The thoughtful comments and the encouragement of Michael

Heckenberger, Michael Mosely and William Hauswirth are greatly appreciated. I also

thank Ken Sassaman for his helpful suggestions. In addition, I am thankful to Alyssa

Peck and Melanie Brandt for their aid with illustration, and Erich Fisher and Kevin Fortin

for helping me with GIS and other computer related aspects of the dissertation. The assistance of the staff in anthropology, Karen Jones, Patricia Gaither, Lee Ann Martin, and Salena Robinson, throughout my studies is also greatly appreciated.

This work would not have been possible without the support of my family and friends. My mother, Kajsa Stenstrom, first sparked my interest in archaeology and she and my sister, Ulla Johansson, have given continuous support. My friends, Pat Cadena,

Ann Garren, Rose-Marie and Ernie Gonzales and Betty Hewitt, kept me motivated and encouraged me in my studies. I am also deeply grateful to Ian Phillips, my former employer, for his longstanding support and encouragement.

My field research was funded by a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Abroad

Fellowship, and I would like to thank them for the opportunity to do this research. The fellowship was handled by the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida and the American Embassy in Addis Ababa, and I thank them as well. The College of

Liberal Arts and Sciences Threadgill Dissertation Fellowship enabled me to concentrate on writing the dissertation, and the Charles H. Fairbanks Award helped defray costs. Both are greatly appreciated.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv

LIST OF TABLES...... xi

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xiii

ABSTRACT...... xvii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Hypotheses...... 3 Organization of Dissertation...... 5

2 THEORY ...... 8

Political Organization ...... 8 Coercive Models...... 8 Integrative Models...... 9 Heterarchical Models...... 11 Resistance to Hierarchy...... 12 Factors Influencing Formation of Stratified Societies...... 14 Intensification of Agriculture ...... 14 Warfare...... 16 Archaeological Visibility...... 17 Regional Scale...... 17 Settlement Scale ...... 20 Archaeological Correlates of Intensive Agriculture...... 21 Initial Settlements...... 22 Expectations for This Study...... 23

3 KONSO...... 28

Study Area ...... 28 Prior Ethnographic Research in Konso...... 30 Recent Research...... 33 Primogeniture ...... 34

vi Hereditary Positions ...... 35 Poqalla Mogula...... 35 Poqalla Tuma ...... 36 Restricted Positions in Society ...... 39 Nama Dawra and Apa Dawra...... 39 Apa Timba ...... 40 Saara ...... 40 Nonrestricted Positions...... 41 Elders...... 41 Generation leaders...... 41 Heroes...... 43 Division of Power...... 43 Ritual power ...... 43 Economic power...... 43 Judicial power ...... 45 Coercive power ...... 45 Warfare ...... 45 Warfare within Konso ...... 46 Warfare with Neighboring Groups...... 47 Cohesive Forces in Konso ...... 49 Comparisons with Other Ethnic Groups...... 50 Oromo...... 50 Eastern Cushitic Speaking Neighbors of Konso ...... 53 Other Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups in Southern Ethiopia...... 55 Socio-political Organization of Other Language Groups in Contact with Konso ...... 56 Discussion...... 57 Hierarchical Models ...... 58 Resistance to Hierarchy...... 58 Hierarchical Eastern Cushitic Speaking Polities ...... 59 Konso...... 60

4 SPATIAL ANALYSIS...... 67

Methods ...... 68 Household Analysis...... 71 Size and Construction of Structures ...... 72 Archaeological Visibility...... 74 Household Activities ...... 75 Household Size...... 75 Household Acquisition ...... 76 Spatial Analysis of Settlement Features ...... 77 Moras...... 77 Placement of Moras within Settlements...... 78 Placement of Craft Activities ...... 80 Settlement Walls...... 80 Labor Requirement for Building Walls...... 81

vii Watching Areas ...... 82 Regional Analysis and Population Estimate...... 83 Population Estimate...... 84 Relative Chronology of Konso Settlements ...... 86 Site Hierarchy? ...... 88 Autonomy or Integration? ...... 89 Summary and Discussion ...... 91

5 EXCAVATION ...... 108

Methods ...... 109 Ash Midden Excavation ...... 109 Household Excavation...... 110 Analysis of Excavated Materials...... 112 Ash Midden Excavation ...... 112 Household Excavation...... 115 Discussion...... 119

6 ANALYSIS OF LITHICS, GLASS AND MISCELLANEOUS ARTIFACTS...... 139

Methods ...... 139 Lithics ...... 141 Tools...... 141 Scrapers ...... 142 Unshaped tools ...... 143 Other tools...... 144 Cores...... 145 Flakes...... 145 Lithic Angular Waste and Flake Fragments...... 148 Grindstones...... 149 Glass Analysis ...... 150 Tools...... 151 Glass Flakes...... 152 Glass Fragments ...... 153 Metal and Miscellaneous Artifacts ...... 155 Discussion...... 157

7 BEADS AND OTHER PERSONAL ADORNMENTS...... 186

Contemporary Use of Beads in Konso ...... 186 Origin of Beads...... 187 Bead Classifications...... 188 Methods ...... 189 Analysis ...... 190 Discussion...... 195

viii

8 CERAMICS...... 210

Contemporary Pottery in Konso ...... 210 Methods ...... 211 Analysis ...... 213 Distribution...... 213 General Characteristics...... 213 Vessel Types...... 215 Rims...... 216 Decorated Sherds...... 219 Body sherds...... 219 Rim sherds...... 221 Neck sherds ...... 221 Handles...... 222 Reuse of Pottery ...... 223 Beehives ...... 224 Spindle whorls...... 224 Other sherd tools ...... 224 Use Wear ...... 225 Body sherds...... 225 Neck sherds ...... 227 Rims ...... 227 Summary and Discussion ...... 228 Characterization of Konso Pottery ...... 228 Trends over Time ...... 229 Sherd Tools...... 230 Use Alteration...... 231 Comparisons with Other Areas ...... 231

9 SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION ...... 267

Socio-Political Organization...... 267 Spatial Analysis...... 267 Oral History...... 269 Comparisons with Other Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups...... 271 Culture History ...... 271 Lithics and Glass ...... 272 Metals ...... 273 Beads and Other Personal Adornments...... 274 Ceramics...... 275 Chronology ...... 276 Relative Chronology of Konso Settlements ...... 276 Excavation ...... 277 Future Studies ...... 278 Konso...... 278 Interactions with Neighboring Groups ...... 280

ix Similarities between Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups ...... 281 Concluding Remarks ...... 281

APPENDIX

A FORMS AND ANALYSIS KEYS...... 283

B FORM CHARACTERISTICS OF TOOLS AND FLAKES...... 291

REFERENCES CITED...... 297

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 313

LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2-1 Expectations for hierarchical and nonhierarchical organizations...... 24

3-1 Comparison of ethnic groups near Konso in Southern Ethiopia...... 62

4-1 Structures within households...... 93

4-2 Summary of walls and moras...... 94

4-3 Characteristics of Konso settlements inhabited 1897AD...... 95

4-4 Settlement relationships based on oral histories ...... 96

5-1 Volume of strata...... 123

5-2 Charcoal density and weight in the household excavation ...... 124

6-1 Distribution of lithic tools and cores in the ash midden...... 162

6-2 Distribution of scraper types ...... 163

6-3 Distribution of unshaped tools ...... 163

6-4 Distribution of cores...... 163

6-5 Core dimensions...... 164

6-6 Distribution of lithic flakes in the ash midden ...... 165

6-7 Lithic flake weight (ash midden) ...... 165

6-8 Lithic flake weight (household excavation) ...... 166

6-9 Distribution of lithic angular waste and flake fragments in the ash midden...... 167

6-10 Distribution of angular waste and flake fragments in the household excavation...168

6-11 Distribution of glass scrapers in the ash midden...... 169

6-12 Distribution of glass fragments by weight in ash midden...... 170

xi 6-13 Glass fragment attributes (ash midden Olanta)...... 171

6-14 Distribution and characteristics of glass fragments in the arxata household excavation...... 172

6-15 Distribution of metal artifacts in the ash midden ...... 172

7-1 Bead characteristics...... 201

7-2 Bead frequencies in the ash midden...... 202

7-3 Comparison of bead frequencies...... 203

8-1 Density of sherd types in the ash midden...... 233

8-2 Distribution of sherd types in the household excavation ...... 234

8-3 Vessel type characteristics...... 234

8-4 Rim type characteristics ...... 235

8-5 Distribution of rim types in the ash midden...... 235

8-6 Distribution of decorations...... 236

8-7 Spindle whorl attributes ...... 238

xii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

2-1 Spatial models of central place hierarchies...... 25

2-2 Rank-size distributions...... 26

2-3 Examples of hierarchical and nonhierarchical spatial organizations...... 27

3-1 Map showing Konso in Ethiopia...... 63

3-2 Konso agricultural terraces...... 64

3-3 Stall fed cattle in Konso...... 65

3-4 Location of ethnic groups mentioned in the text...... 66

4-1 Konso household...... 97

4-2 Konso structures...... 98

4-3 Dara...... 100

4-4 Olanta...... 101

4-5 Distribution of Konso settlements...... 102

4-6 Relative chronology of Konso walled settlements...... 103

4-7 Rank-size distribution of Konso settlements inhabited in 1897...... 105

4-8 Rank size distribution of Konso settlements by allegiance to regional ritual leaders...... 106

4-9 Rank-size distribution of Konso settlements by region...... 107

5-1 Location of excavations in Olanta...... 125

5-2 Ash midden excavation...... 126

5-3 Household excavation...... 127

xiii 5-4 North wall profile of the ash midden...... 128

5-5 East wall profile of the ash midden...... 129

5-6 Stratigraphy in the ash midden...... 130

5-7 Features and bottom floors in the oita excavation...... 131

5-8 Wall profiles from the oita excavation...... 132

5-9 Charcoal distribution in the household excavation...... 133

5-10 Bottom floor and features in the arxata excavation...... 134

5-11 Pits and postholes in the arxata excavation...... 135

5-12 Wall profiles from the arxata excavation...... 136

5-13 Features in the arxata...... 137

5-14 Possible structures associated with postholes in the arxata...... 138

6-1 Distribution of lithic material in the ash midden...... 173

6-2 Lithic raw material distribution in the ash midden...... 174

6-3 Lithic distribution in the household...... 175

6-4 Examples of lithic tools...... 176

6-5 Tool dimensions in the ash midden...... 178

6-6 Examples of flakes and tools...... 179

6-7 Flake dimensions in the ash midden...... 180

6-8 Flake dimensions in the household...... 181

6-9 Distribution of glass tools and flakes in the ash midden...... 182

6-10 Examples of glass and metal artifacts...... 183

6-11 Distribution of metal artifacts in the ash midden...... 184

6-12 Comparison of lithic and glass distribution in the ash midden...... 185

7-1 Bead and shell types...... 204

7-2 Contemporary beads in Konso...... 205

xiv 7-3 Bead distribution in the ash midden...... 206

7-4 Bead type distribution in the ash midden...... 207

7-5 Bead distribution in the household...... 208

7-6 Comparison of bead type frequencies between the ash midden and the household...... 209

8-1 Temper frequencies in the ash midden and household...... 239

8-2 Vessel shape of necked jars that could be reconstructed...... 240

8-3 Examples of neck shape of necked jars...... 241

8-4 Examples of vessel types other than necked jars...... 242

8-5 Examples of rim types...... 243

8-6 Rim types...... 244

8-7 Rim type distribution...... 247

8-8 Rim diameter for different rim types...... 248

8-9 Distribution of rim shapes...... 249

8-10 Rim types in the household...... 250

8-11 Frequencies of decorated and plain sherds in the ash midden...... 251

8-12 Examples of common decorations...... 252

8-13 Examples of uncommon decorations...... 253

8-14 Frequencies of body sherd decorations in the ash midden...... 254

8-15 Body sherd decoration frequencies in the ash midden...... 255

8-16 Examples of neck sherd motifs...... 256

8-17 Frequencies of neck sherd motifs in the ash midden...... 257

8-18 Examples of handle types...... 258

8-19 Examples of handle fragment and handle manufacture...... 259

8-20 Examples of sherd tools...... 260

8-21 Distribution of sherd tools in the ash midden...... 261

xv 8-22 Use alterations on body sherds in the ash midden...... 262

8-23 Examples of use alterations...... 263

8-24 Use alteration on body sherds in the household...... 264

8-25 Use alteration on neck sherds in the ash midden...... 265

8-26 Location of pitting and erosion...... 266

B-1 Cross sections of lithic and glass tools...... 291

B-2 Planforms and edgeforms of lithic and glass tools...... 292

B-3 Dorsal scar pattern and retouch location of lithic and glass tools...... 293

B-4 Cross section and planform of lithic and glass flakes...... 294

B-5 Dorsal scar pattern and platform type of lithic flakes...... 295

B-6 Dorsal scar pattern and platform type of glass flakes...... 296

xvi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE HISTORY AND SOCIO- POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF KONSO, SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA By

Birgitta K. Kimura

December 2004

Chair: Steven A. Brandt Major Department: Anthropology

The goals of this study were to obtain information on the variation of socio- political organization in complex societies, and to begin to develop a culture history for

Konso in Southern Ethiopia. The focus is on the time period prior to when Konso became incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire in 1897 AD. The Konso subsist on intensive agriculture and live in stone walled settlements. I used a regional spatial analysis of the settlements to investigate questions of settlement hierarchy, and by implication political hierarchy. The use of space within settlements provided further insights into social organization. In addition, I collected oral histories to explore the role of different officials in the functioning of settlements. The size of the settlements and individual households enabled me to estimate population growth in Konso. Excavations in one settlement were undertaken to start to develop a culture history for Konso. Ceramic and lithic artifacts, as well as glass trade beads, were analyzed to characterize Konso assemblages.

xvii The results of the spatial analysis and oral traditions indicated that the Konso were not organized in one or more chiefdoms. Instead, their society was characterized by division of power and resistance to hierarchy. The size and placement of stone walled settlements suggested an initial colonization of a core area, from which the Konso then spread out.

This study provides important insights into the variability of socio-political organization among complex societies. In addition, the characterization of Konso artifacts provides a baseline for future studies in the area and for comparisons with other ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia.

xviii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

How do people organize themselves when they live in densely populated sedentary societies? Until recently explanatory models focused on hierarchical organizations to provide labor, organize defense and give stability to the society. However, other models

for the organization of complex societies have been suggested. These models stress

nonhierarchical organizations or the balancing of power between competing hierarchies.

For archaeologists, the problem is how to identify socio-political organization from the

remains of past societies. They have tried to solve this question by models built on

ethnographic and historical accounts. Among sedentary societies the focus has been on

identifying stratified societies. Characteristics such as settlement hierarchy, status

markers such as elite residences or burials, monumental architecture, high population

density, and uneven distribution of luxury items have been suggested as signs of

stratification (Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Peebles and Kus 1977).

Theoretical models attempt to explain the formation of stratified societies.

Evolutionary models commonly stress increases in population density, intensification of

agriculture, control of labor and warfare over land, together with increasing stratification

within the society and regional integration, to explain the development of hereditary

stratified societies under the rule of a chief or a king (Boserup 1981; Carneiro 1981;

Upham 1990). Recent studies have questioned the generality of this evolutionary trajectory and proposed nonhierarchical or heterarchical solutions, where political power can be placed in the hands of elected members of society or balanced by dividing it

1 2

among several hereditary positions (Crumley 1995; McIntosh 1999a). The different

possible organizations of political power are crucial to archaeological reconstruction of

the past.

Archaeologists base their reconstructions of socio-political organization of past

societies on analogies with historically or ethnographically known groups. Both general

comparative analogies and specific historical analogies provide a basis for interpretations.

The latter involves linking the culture of contemporary or historically known groups to

their ancestors, and it is known as the "direct historical approach" (Willey and Sabloff

1993:125-7). It is considered more reliable than general comparative analogies because

there is a direct connection between the archaeological record and the society that

provides the analogy (Lyman and O'Brien 2001). To take advantage of the link between a contemporary culture and their past, I choose to study the evolution of socio-political organization in Konso in Southern Ethiopia.

The Konso practice intensive agriculture and live in densely populated fortified

settlements. They have been studied by several ethnographers (Amborn 1989; Hallpike

1972; Jensen 1954; Kluckhohn 1962; Nowack 1954; Watson 1997), but they do not agree

on the organization of Konso society. Hallpike (1972:120-129) asserts that there are no

chiefs, nor dominant groups in Konso. Kluckhohn (1962) and Amborn (1989) also view

Konso as a nonhierarchical society. Jensen (1954) on the other hand believes they have

chiefs, and Watson (1997), as well as Shako Otto (1994), states that ritual leaders have

both political and economic power. Watson (2004) suggests that they fit both the

categories of chiefs and big men. The political system in 20th century Konso may,

however, differ from the organization before they became incorporated into the Ethiopian

State in 1897.

This study, therefore deals with the time prior to 1897. It focuses on using spatial

analysis to investigate socio-political organization. The goal is to take the first steps in a

long-term investigation of the prehistoric and historic organization of Konso society. The

specific objectives are to determine the size and spatial distribution of settlements as a

measure of hierarchy and regional integration, and to obtain a chronology for the Konso

settlements. The Konso settlements are surrounded by stone walls that have not been

extended since Konso became part of the Ethiopian Empire. This facilitates locating the

settlements and measuring their extent, which is a necessary requirement for regional spatial analysis. To more fully understand the organization of Konso society it would be important to look at socio-economic differences between households. However, before such studies are undertaken baseline information has to be collected. Thus, for this study,

I did small-scale excavations to characterize pottery and other artifacts, and measured a

subset of household to get information on average size.

Hypotheses

Socio-political organization of complex societies can take many forms. At one end

of a continuum is a hierarchical system under hereditary kings or chiefs and at the other

end an egalitarian system with elected offices. In between may be societies with some elected and some hereditary offices. Hypotheses could be set up for any part of the continuum, but are problematic unless there is extensive knowledge about the society in question. As a start it may be more rewarding to look at the two endpoints. For Konso the two endpoints can be used to set up the following hypotheses: 1) Konso was a complex society with political hierarchy, but their political system changed when they became

incorporated into the Ethiopian State. 2) The Konso developed a socio-political system that enabled them to organize labor and minimize conflict without political hierarchy.

The first hypothesis would fit with evolutionary models of the development of stratified

societies. If it is rejected this has an important implication. Namely, that high population

density, agricultural intensification, labor intensive communal work and warfare can be

handled by nonhierarchical organizations. Consequently, when archaeologists encounter

such remains they need to take nonhierarchical organizations into consideration.

In order to test whether the Konso were hierarchically organized, it is necessary to

determine what their political system was before their incorporation into the Ethiopian

state. The determination of political organization from archaeological data is difficult and

requires extensive excavations and surveys. The aim of this one year study is not to

resolve all the issues. Instead it focuses on four goals: 1) to determine whether there was

site hierarchy in the Konso area, 2) to provide a relative chronology of the settlements, 3)

to provide a relative chronology based on ceramic, bead, and lithic seriation, and 4) to

provide a baseline for further studies into the organization within Konso settlements.

To accomplish these goals, I concentrated on two research foci. The first was

spatial analysis among settlements and within settlements, as a measure of political

hierarchy (Hodder and Orton 1976), and the second was excavation to characterize

Konso artifacts and obtain a chronology for the Konso settlements. The primary aim of

the spatial analysis was to test two hypotheses. If the Konso area was incorporated into

one state or a few competing chiefdoms, it would be expected that 1) the size and

distribution of settlements should show spatial hierarchy. If they were at the complex

chiefdom level, they should have a three-tiered distribution of towns (Carneiro 1981; Liu

1996). If they were integrated into one polity the rank-size distribution should be log-

normal (Johnson 1981; Mudar 1999). It is also expected that 2) people of high social status will have larger compounds than others in the Konso settlements.

The age of the Konso stone walled settlements is an important factor, as it indicates how long there has been continuity in settlement organization and by implication socio- political organization. Therefore, the second area of study focused on excavations. The goal of the excavations was to recover material that could be used in this and future studies to obtain a chronology for the Konso settlements. As there have been no excavations in the Konso area, it is important to obtain basic information on their culture history. Thus, I analyzed pottery, lithic, bead, and iron artifacts in order to characterize

Konso assemblages and to develop sequences, which will aid in future investigations in the Konso area.

Organization of Dissertation

The next chapter deals with theoretical perspectives on the evolution of socio- political organization. These include coercive and symbolic paths to hierarchical organization, and nonhierarchical ways of organizing densely populated societies. The

ways spatial organization can be, and have been, used to infer socio-political organization

will also be addressed. In addition, two of the main arguments for formation of hierarchy,

namely intensive agriculture and warfare, will also be discussed.

Chapter 3 deals with the Konso area. There have been several ethnographic studies of Konso (Hallpike 1972; Jensen 1954; Kluckhohn 1962; Nowack 1954; Shako Otto

1994; Watson 1997), and they will be briefly summarized as they relate to the research

objectives. Following Lewis' (1975) suggestion that social organization among Eastern-

Cushitic ethnic groups has several similarities, the Konso organization will be compared

with other linguistically related groups. Oral histories provide an important resource of prior organization of Konso society, and they will be discussed as they relate to socio- political organization, settlement history, and conflicts.

In chapter 4 the results of the spatial analysis of Konso settlements will be presented. It is divided into household analysis, settlement analysis and regional analysis.

The household analysis both provides a basis for interpreting the archaeological excavation and enables a tentative estimate of population size over time. The settlement analysis is used to obtain a provisional approximate chronology of the walled settlements.

The regional analysis uses spatial organization to draw inferences about socio-political organization.

Chapters 5-8 are concerned with the excavation of an abandoned household and an ash midden in one of the older settlements in Konso. Chapter 5 concentrates on the excavation and features encountered. In addition to describing the methodology and stratigraphy, features are interpreted with the aid of information obtained from the household survey presented in chapter 4. Chapters 6, 7 and 8 deal with the artifacts recovered from the excavations.

Lithics, glass and metal artifacts are discussed in chapter 6. It focuses on artifacts recovered from the ash midden due to the small numbers found in the household excavation. In addition to fragments of broken glass, knapped glass tools were recovered.

The distribution of metal artifacts, lithic and glass tools is used to infer a tentative chronology.

In chapter 7 beads and other jewelry are analyzed. Glass trade beads have the potential of being chronological markers and the glass trade beads found in the

7 excavations are compared with assemblages from other African sites. It is clear that glass beads and Cowrie shells have reached Konso by trade, and a brief discussion on possible trade routes is included in this chapter. In addition, the use and meaning of beads in contemporary Konso is discussed.

Chapter 8 is devoted to ceramic analysis, and both functional and stylistic aspects are considered. The focus is on characterization of Konso pottery by looking at decorative elements, temper and use alteration. In addition, sherd tools and use alterations are used to infer activities performed by the Konso.

The final chapter presents a summary of the results and conclusions of the study.

The implications of the results as they pertain to theories on the evolution of complex societies are discussed. Finally, I explore possibilities for future research in Konso and neighboring areas.

CHAPTER 2 THEORY

Theoretical perspectives influence interpretation of archaeological data. It is therefore important to acknowledge the theories used in research. My approach is eclectic. I believe that as the archaeological record is fragmentary, it is important to use as many avenues as possible for interpretation. This chapter summarizes the theories on the formation of complex societies and spatial correlates of social organization that were used to set up hypotheses for this study.

Political Organization

Theories on the formation of chiefdoms and states can be divided into those that stress conflict either between groups or within a society, and those that stress integration

(Cohen 1978; Drennan 1996; Earle 1987). In addition, chiefdoms may be divided into individualizing, where power is based on wealth and control of resources by an elite, and group-oriented, where power is based on coordination of community labor and resources

(Blanton et al. 1996; Kristiansen 1991; Renfrew 1973; Shennan 1982).

Coercive Models

The most influential conflict model for the formation of chiefdoms and states was proposed by Carneiro (1970, 1981). He proposes that societies in circumscribed regions

(either due to natural borders or social borders) experience increases in population density and need to adopt intensive agricultural methods to feed this growing population.

Scarcity of land then causes warfare between different societies. Social inequalities arise as a consequence of the need to organize warfare and conquest of other groups, who

8 9 become either tributary to the winning group or slaves to it. The so called circumscription theory has been applied to the rise of chiefdoms and states around the world (Carneiro

1970, 1981; Kirch 1988; Redmond 1994). Demography plays an important role in this theory, and there is, indeed, a correlation between high population density and centralized political control (Earle 1987; Upham 1990). Other coercive theories stress the control of land, labor or trade of exotic goods as major factors in the development of complex societies (Earle 1991; Peregrine 1991; Webster 1990).

Integrative Models

Integrative theories emphasize the real or perceived advantages of centralized power (Kopytoff 1999; Pauketat 2000; Service 1962). In theories that stress integration, societies voluntarily accept a ruling class to organize labor and defense. This may be in the form of migration to strong leaders that can defend the society or have sacred knowledge, or by importing chiefs. When the route to inequality is through the symbolic realm, certain individuals act as intermediaries between the sacred realm and the secular, and become elevated to higher status due to their control of knowledge and their influence with the divine. One other example of the integrative model is the segmentary state (Southall 1999), found in Africa, Asia, and possibly in Meso-America. In it immigrants persuade original inhabitants that they can provide ritual services in exchange for labor and goods. This results in a hierarchy with the immigrants having higher status, and their ritual leader becoming king. The kingly descent line then provides sons, with ritual power, to other groups, who becomes loosely integrated with the core of the kingdom.

The two routes to inequality, not necessarily incompatible, have been proposed to result in individualizing versus group oriented, net work versus coorporate, and wealth

10 financed versus staple financed chiefdoms and states by various theories (Blanton et al.

1996; D’Altroy and Earle 1985; Kristiansen 1991; Renfrew 1973).

Although theories on the origin of complex societies may stress such aspects as conflict or increases in management, and the majority of theories recognize that there are multiple causes, increases in stratification and political hierarchy are the most common traits (Arnold 1996; Carneiro 1981; Cohen 1978; Earle 1987; Flannery 1972; Robertshaw

1999; Service 1978; Steward 1955). Political hierarchy commonly implies control of economy, war and ideology (Earle 1991; Robertshaw 1999). Archaeologists often identify complex societies, such as states and large chiefdoms by features that indicate social and spatial stratification. These features include evidence for intensive agriculture

(such as terraces and irrigation channels), size differences among settlements and of structures within settlements, and evidence for fortifications of settlements (Peebles and

Kus 1977). It is, however, unclear whether intensification in agriculture leads to social stratification and political hierarchy or whether stratified societies adopt intensive agriculture. Stratification in societies may, however, take place when there is a need to defend land from other groups (Carneiro 1981; Hastorff 1990; Netting 1990). Conquest warfare has been proposed to be the ultimate cause of chiefdom and state formation

(Carneiro 1970), and it is indeed a common aspect of states and chiefdoms (Hastorff

1990; Redmond 1994). The main models of evolution of political hierarchy are built on analogies with Western and Asian societies. As McIntosh (1999a) points out, they do not necessarily apply to African societies. She mentions, for example, the hierarchical complex society of the Lozi, who had low population densities and practiced shifting agriculture.

Heterarchical Models

Crumley (1979:144) defines heterarchical organization as one where “each element

possesses the potential of being unranked (relative to other elements) or ranked in a

number of different ways”, with heterarchical organization being the more general, and

hierarchical organization a subtype. Thus, the concept of heterarchy encompasses many

different organizational forms. There may be two or more counteracting hierarchies, such

as secular and religious hierarchies (Wailes 1995), economic, political and status

hierarchies (Small 1995), or no hierarchical organization (Ehrenreich 1995). In fact, any society may be seen to have heterarchical elements, as evidenced by Wailes (1995) study of hierarchies among nobles contrasted with hierarchies among church officials, and

Potter and King's (1995) study of trade in utilitarian and exotic trade goods among the lowland Maya, where the utilitarian trade is described as heterarchically organized and the luxury trade hierarchically organized. Due to the multitudes of possible heterarchical organizations the concept may be useful as a label for alternative organizational solutions for complex societies. However, by itself it does not give any idea about how these complex societies were organized. Thus the dichotomy is not between hierarchical and heterarchical, but rather between hierarchical or vertical political decision strategies and nonhierarchical or horizontal political decision strategies. Division of power appears to be quite common in Africa. Among the Gamo in Southern Ethiopia the power of the priest-king was balanced by citizen's assemblies, which prevented the consolidation of hierarchy (Abeles 1981). In other African societies, among them the Mende and Oyo, the power of the king was balanced by associations and/or councils of elders (McIntosh

1999a).

Resistance to Hierarchy

There may also be resistance to the development of hierarchy in societies. Among mechanisms that prevent exclusive power are divisions of realms of power into different hands, such as for example dividing secular from religious power, and methods to

remove individuals who abuse their status. Trigger (1990), for example, argues that the

Iroquoians developed a system of division of power and methods to remove individuals

who did not adhere to the ideals of equality. Clastres (1987) believes the Tupi-Guarani tribes, who lived in villages of up to 3,000 people, also resisted political hierarchy and left their villages rather than allow the chiefs to gain too much power. McGuire and Saitta

(1996) suggest a communal organization of Prehispanic western pueblos, arguing that elites were controlled by the commune, and that it was only during times of scarcity that their higher economic and ceremonial power played a roll. This resulted in a focus on cooperation and egalitarian ideology during good times, and an expulsion of less powerful clans and individuals from the pueblos when they could not support the full population. Saitta and McGuire (1998) acknowledge that this type of organization could be called heterarchical, but prefers to call it communal as the concept of heterarchy does not explain the dynamic social relationship of these societies. Cycling between hierarchical chiefdoms and egalitarian organization of villages, such as between gumsa

and gumlao forms among the Kachin of upper Burma (Friedman 1984; Leach 1965), may

also be a way to resist hierarchy. Another example of cycling is the Greek city states, in

particular Athens, which changed between elite based stratified and democratic systems

(Morris 1997; Van der Vliet 1987). In such societies the mechanisms used to preserve or reestablish equality must be removed before permanent hierarchies can develop.

What may these mechanisms be? In the case of both the Tupi-Guarani and the

Kachin, powerful shamans acted against the chief. Clastres (1987) sees the development

of prophets preaching against the evil of society, as a reaction to the increasing power of

chiefs and a wish to return to the earlier ways of life. Among the Kachin, myths tell of

rebellious, priestly, leaders who overthrow chiefs that abused the people, and this is seen

as the origin of the egalitarian gumlao societies (Leach 1965). The division of power into

secular and sacred domains is common around the world and likely to limit the power

both of chiefs and priests. There are however many examples where this division does

not prevent the development of chiefdoms and states, among them the Amhara kingdom

and the medieval European kingdoms. The Iroquoians had peace and war chiefs,

positions that were hereditary in certain lineages. Other public office holders were

elected. However, if the chiefs and other leaders did not adhere to the ideals of equality,

they could be ridiculed, accused of witch craft or removed from office. Another practice

working against stratification was that of adopting prisoners of war, rather than enslave

them (Trigger 1990). In Athens there were several mechanisms working against stratification. Individuals who tried to obtain too much power could be ostracized or killed (Morris 1997; Van der Vliet 1987). In addition, the city was divided into neighborhoods, and elections were based on residency. This limited the power of kinship ties and reinforced the ties with the city. Furthermore, all young men were part of the military, which prevented individuals from acquiring personal forces. Recent studies have also investigated the possibility of the formation of complex societies without single dominant vertical hierarchies, which may be an example of successful resistance to hierarchy (Crumley 1995; McIntosh 1999b). McIntosh (1999c), for example, suggests

that the large settlements in the inland Niger Delta were organized nonhierarchically.

Another example of a complex society with high density population without hierarchical rule are the Igbo in Nigeria, where government of the villages and village groups of up to

75,000 people are based on direct and representative democracy (McIntosh 1999a).

Factors Influencing Formation of Stratified Societies

Mechanisms that have been proposed to influence the process of increased social stratification and centralization of leadership include restricted ownership of agricultural land, restricted access to surplus production for exchange, and warfare over land

(Boserup 1981; Carneiro 1981; Hastorff 1990; Netting 1990; Upham 1990). The seeds of

inequality have been proposed to originate in economic differences, where certain

individuals acquire wealth from land, trade or control over a bigger labor pool. Hayden

(1996) proposes a more general mechanism, namely that aggressive, ambitious

individuals will take advantage of other individuals that encounter difficulties in a

community, and he suggests that this strategy will work particularly well when the

normal leveling mechanisms in a society are disrupted.

Intensification of Agriculture

Intensification of agriculture may be one path leading to stratified political systems.

It necessitates more organization, both to build and maintain the agricultural system, and

to defend land. It may in some cases have led to increased stratification if a few

individuals had control over higher producing land (Bernard and Pelto 1987; Boserup

1981; Fleuret 1985; Hakanson 1989). The underlying reason for intensification of

agriculture is generally thought to be increases in population (Boserup 1966, 1981, 1990).

However, increases in population may, for example, result in migration, trade, conflict, or

non-agricultural pursuits rather than intensification. Very rapid population growth may

15 also hinder the intensification process (Boserup 1966). Furthermore, there are other reasons for intensification, such as the creation of surplus for markets, social reasons or risk reduction (Hakanson 1989; Stone and Downum 1999). There is, however, a strong correlation between high population density and intensive agriculture throughout the world (Kates et al. 1993; Netting 1990). There is also a correlation between high population density and centralized political control (Earle 1987; Upham 1990).

Agricultural intensification is defined as increasing the yield per unit of agricultural area (Turner and Doolittle 1978). There are several types of agricultural intensification, among them planting several different crops in one field, decreasing the time between harvests, manuring, terracing, and irrigation. Terracing prevents erosion and retains moisture in the soil (Donkin 1979). Both terracing and irrigation require organized labor, and manuring is especially important in order to maintain the fertility of fields. Indeed, animal dung may be necessary for successful terrace agriculture. It has been an integral part of agricultural practices both in Africa and in the Andes (de la Vega 1966 [1609];

Straube 1967; Sutton 1989).

Intensive agriculture can take several forms ranging from family based to state controlled. There are examples of large irrigated areas under community based control.

However, according to a study by Hunt (1988) only systems of less then 20 ha were run without any formal authority organization. In addition, the organization of large irrigation systems does not need to be linked to political power. On Bali, for example, over 19,000 ha of irrigated land is controlled by "water temples" separate from the state (Lansing

1987). Netting (1990) indeed suggests that intensive agriculture favors a non-centralized

political system, because the cultivators need to keep control over their land. These types of socio-political organization may be considered heterarchical.

Warfare

As mentioned above, one of the main factors in Carneiro's (1970, 1981) model of

development of chiefdoms and states is conquest warfare. However, as Carneiro

recognizes, warfare in itself is not a sufficient factor, as it occurs also between

autonomous villages and can be fought for other reasons than conquest (Carneiro 1998).

In addition, conquest warfare does not appear to be a feature of segmentary states

(Southall1999). Redmond (1994) elaborates on the role of warfare in political centralization. She compares warfare among tribal Amazonian societies, with that of

Circum-Caribbean chiefdoms. In the former warfare takes the form of raids, often for

reasons of revenge, with the goal of killing enemies, looting, and capturing women.

There is only one leader of the raiding party, and participation in the raid is not compulsory. Successful warriors gain respect and have more elaborate mourning ceremonies, but their burials do not differ from those of other men. In contrast, warfare among Circum-Caribbean chiefdoms were fought by armies, with the goal of obtaining land and captives. The armies were organized hierarchically, with commanders and captains. Successful warriors became captains and had elite burials. Redmond suggests that tribal war leaders may obtain central power over generations by inheriting alliances from their fathers, escalating the frequency of warfare and thus increasing the allies dependence on their ability to defend them, resulting in permanent military alliances under the most successful war leader.

Archaeological Visibility

Another issue is how to identify stratified societies in the archaeological record.

Some indicators that have been used include evidence for irrigation and terracing, presence of fortified settlements, uneven distribution of exotic goods, and size differences of settlements and of individual houses within settlements (Peebles and Kus 1977).

Regional Scale

The spatial distribution and size of settlements are commonly used as a measure of complexity. Although the theories used were developed to explain settlement distribution in a market economy (Christaller 1966; Smith 1976), they have relevance for administrative and decision-making organizations as well (Johnson 1977). Smith (1976) summarizes Christaller's 3 main models of central place hierarchies (figure 2-1). In the first, the marketing landscape, each lower-level center is placed between 3 higher-level centers. This minimizes travel costs and the pattern is most common in areas with dispersed rural populations. In the second, the transport landscape, each lower-level center is placed between two higher-level centers. This is common in areas with large urban populations and specialized production centers but may also be found in places where it is difficult to build roads. In the third, the administrative landscape, each lower- level center only connects with one higher-level center. This pattern is most common when a region is controlled from one center. The first pattern is built mainly on economic factors, that is the central place is the hub for trade, and might conceivably be found even without political hierarchy, whereas the latter two are clearly indicative of central rule.

When there is political hierarchy, the larger settlements have more functions than smaller ones; the larger settlements are spaced at greater intervals and are surrounded by

smaller settlements (Hodder and Orton 1976). A chiefdom is likely to show a two-level

spatial hierarchy conforming to the minimum definition of a chiefdom as a political unit

of a number of villages under permanent control of a paramount chief (Carneiro 1981).

Complex chiefdoms would have an additional level of decision making, displaying a three-level hierarchy (Carneiro 1981; Liu 1996; Redmond et al. 1999). Settlements are also expected to conform to the rank-size rule, where a settlement of rank r will have a size equal to 1/r of the largest settlement in the system (Johnson 1981). Plotting the sizes against the rank of the settlements on a logarithmic scale indicates the degree of integration in the area. The rank-size distribution was originally noticed empirically but is linked to central place theory, where a continuous site size distribution is expected

(Beckman 1958). Johnson (1981) has suggested that highly integrated systems should show a slope of -1 (figure 2-2a), because the settlement size is a function of many interacting independent variables of social, economic and political nature. The size of a given settlement is therefore a conditional function of the sizes of the other settlements.

On the other hand, if the settlement rank size distribution is convex (figure 2-2b), it indicates a low degree of integration. Examples from the United States and the Susiana

Plain in Iran examined by Johnson follow the expectations, with convex distributions before and slopes of -1 after political unification. This approach was also used by Mudar

(1999), who investigated the moated settlements of Dvarvati in Thailand and concluded

that their distribution suggested a single integrated polity. In a concave pattern (figure 2-

2c) the primary center is larger than expected. This pattern is most common in colonial

states and colonizing empires, and may be indicative of exploitative control by the center.

As pointed out by Paynter (1983) there are several problems with utilizing central

place theory and rank size distributions for archaeological data. One major problem is

that it is rare to recover the full settlement pattern. Looking at the spatial distribution of

sites this would result in gaps, and for the rank size distribution it could give false

distributions. The problem would be largest if larger settlements were missed. This could,

for example, result in a convex rank size distribution, when the true distribution would be

linear, giving an interpretation of an unintegrated system rather than an integrated.

Missing several intermediate sized settlements would result in concave distributions, erroneously interpreted as evidence for primate towns.

The second major problem is the boundary problem. The boundaries for a study area are seldom clear cut in archaeological investigations, and if they are placed so that two or more independent systems are included, it will result in convex rank-size distributions, although each separate system may have linear distributions. Setting the boundary too narrowly, so that only part of the system is included, could result in either concave or convex erroneous distributions.

A third problem is that of contemporaneity. For both the central place model and the rank size distribution to be relevant, sites have to be occupied at the same time. Even when sites are dated, there is an uncertainty in the dates, which can range up to hundreds of years. Thus some of the sites included in analysis may have been abandoned, causing erroneous interpretations. It should also be kept in mind that the size of a settlement is dependent on its age. When a population outgrows it's settlement, people can either extend the existing settlement or move to a different location. Thus, older settlements are likely to be larger than younger. However, a settlement can grow rapidly if it becomes the

center of activities. There are also other factors that influence the placement of

settlements in the landscape. Environmental factors, such as availability of water, soil suitable for agriculture, accessibility to resources, prevalence of disease causing organisms, and climate, constrain the placement of settlements (Fedje and Christensen

1999; Flannery 1968; Kohler 1988; Steward 1955). Political factors, such as ease of defense, protection of borders, and control of resources, also influence the settlement pattern (Crumley et al. 1987; Hastorff 1990).

Evolution of socio-political organization is a process. It is important to realize that time is a crucial aspect of any study of evolution. In the most common model, the increase in population leads to intensive agriculture, warfare over land and a hierarchical

society. Consequently it would be expected that regional spatial organization would

change over time from nonhierarchical to hierarchical. This is, indeed, the case in Liu's

(1996) study of the emergence of Chinese empires. On the other hand, if a society

exhibits resistance to hierarchy, in lieu of increased population, intensive agriculture and

warfare, it would be expected that the regional spatial organization would stay

nonhierarchical over time.

Settlement Scale

Spatial organization within towns may also reflect political hierarchy, as political

leaders commonly have larger living quarters than the general population (Earle 1987;

Feinman and Nietzel 1984). In some societies leaders live close to a ritual space within

the settlement, whereas people of lesser status live on the outskirts of the settlement. This

type of organization was identified among ranked Bantu societies and is called the

Central Cattle Pattern (Huffman 1993). Kuper (1980) identified a men's assembly place

adjacent to the residence of the chief and his wives among the Nguni (figure 2-3a). This

men's place was restricted in use, the wives were not allowed in it, and it was the place of

chiefly burials and rituals. The same organization was found among the Tswana, although

expanded into town size, with nobles living closer to the chief's court, and commoner's

household arranged behind the noble's (figure 2-3b). The chief's residence was also

elevated above that of the court and the other households. This pattern is contrasted by

Fernandez (2003) with the pattern of the nonhierarchical Fang of equatorial Africa,

whose central court is rectangular with households in rows belonging to different

segments facing each other across the court, and their men's council houses facing across

the central court (figure 2-3c). When settlement size increased the length of the

rectangular court increased (figure 2-3d). Huffman (1996) utilizes the central cattle

pattern together with oral histories about the use of the men's courts and the organization of adjacent chiefly residences among the Shona to interpret the spatial organization of

Great Zimbabwe. Although his main interest is the palace organization and the possible use of the Great Enclosure, he does identify a similar town pattern as that of the Tswana.

Similar spatial organizations also exist among chiefdoms in the Americas, notably the positioning of the chiefly residence above the commoner's residences and the presence of sacred plazas. It may be that the control of sacred space, in the form of assembly courts or plazas, by an adjacently located chief is a spatial reflection of hierarchical organization of a society as Huffman (1993, 1996) suggests.

Archaeological Correlates of Intensive Agriculture

The most visible remains of intensive agriculture are terraces and irrigation

channels. In addition, boundary markings (Stone 1994) and cultural debris in fields may reflect intensification. Pottery typologies may, for example, be used to infer the age of

agricultural terraces (Keeley 1988; Sandor et al. 1990). Intensive terraced agriculture also

depletes the nutrients in the soil, and manuring is necessary to keep the terraced fields

fertile. Stall feeding of livestock facilitates the collection of manure, and the livestock

also provide a protein supply (Sutton 1989). In addition, available land can be used for

agriculture rather than grazing, which is advantageous when population density is high.

Stall feeding has been inferred at archaeological sites in other areas with terraced

agriculture in Africa, for example in Nyanga in Zimbabwe, Engaruka in Tanzania and in

the Nuba Hills in Sudan (Sutton 1989). Stall feeding might therefore be used as a proxy

measure of intensive agriculture.

However, intensive agriculture is unlikely to be the original subsistence mode of a

colonizing population. Indeed, when the possibility arises to obtain more land, intensive

farmers may change to less labor intensive farming practices, such as slash and burn plots

(Netting 1965). When farmers arrive in areas either devoid of other populations or sparsely inhabited by foragers or horticulturalists they are likely to use the land less intensively.

Initial Settlements

There are two common models of initial colonization. The advancing front model predicts a steady movement in a wave from the original area of settlement, whereas in the point and arrow pattern new settlers leave areas in between the original and the new settlements uncolonized (Rockman 2003). However, the difference in these patterns may be one of scale. For example, Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza (1984) suggested short movements followed by infilling of the new territory before new moves to adjacent areas for the European Neolithic, which can be interpreted as a point and arrow pattern on a small time and space scale, but an advancing front model on a larger scale. Where a colonizing population will settle will depend on several factors. Rockman (2003)

suggests three main types of barriers for initial colonization; 1) a population barrier, which considers compatibility with resident populations in regards to subsistence systems; 2) a social barrier, which considers defense of the territory by resident groups and the ease with which information of the new landscape can be transmitted; and 3) a knowledge barrier, which considers the availability of previously collected information about the new area. In addition, environmental constraints may also be a barrier to colonization. As Fiedel and Anthony (2003) points out, the early European Neolithic settlements are located in microenvironments similar to those of the probable origin of the settlers. Thus, early colonizing settlements are to be sought in environments suitable for the subsistence mode of the colonizing population, and a chronology of settlements

(either absolute or relative) should illustrate whether colonization took place via a point and arrow pattern, or an advancing front model. Subsequent increases in population and barriers to colonization of new areas are likely to result in increasing intensification of agriculture. Whether this can be combined with a nonhierarchical organization or whether it is accompanied by an increase in social inequality and the formation of socio-political hierarchy is a question addressed in this study.

Expectations for This Study

The main question for this study is what the Konso socio-political system was prior to the time they were incorporated into the Ethiopian State. Did they have political hierarchy, either one complex chiefdom or competing chiefdoms, but changed their system after they became part of the Ethiopian state? Alternatively, did they develop a nonhierarchical system that enabled them to live at high population densities, organize labor for building terraces and stone walls and minimize conflict? The expectations for the two possibilities differ. The following table show some expected outcomes of

24 hierarchical versus nonhierarchical socio-political organization that can be tested by spatial analysis, excavations and oral histories.

Table 2-1. Expectations for hierarchical and nonhierarchical organizations Organization Spatial correlates Power relations Hierarchy Larger settlements surrounded by smaller One (or a few) settlements obtain A rank-size distribution with a slope of -1 labor/tribute from others either for all of Konso or for subregions Ritual, economic, judicial and Larger households for people of higher coercive power under the control status of one individual Leaders household adjacent to the most Leader of one settlement appoint prominent ritual space leaders of other settlements Uneven distribution of exotic trade goods Warfare leads to increased power and elaborate artifacts between and wealth of victors households Non-hierarchy No size differences between settlements Lack of conquest warfare or size dependent on age Elected offices based on merit Convex rank-size distributions Ritual, economic, judicial and Household size similar within a coercive power divided between settlement individuals or groups Communal sacred space Leaders in one settlement Exotic goods and elaborate artifacts independent vis-à-vis leaders in absent or evenly distributed other settlements

Figure 2-1. Spatial models of central place hierarchies.

Figure 2-2. Rank-size distributions.

Figure 2-3. Examples of hierarchical and nonhierarchical spatial organizations. a) Nguni, b) Tswana, c) and d) Fang.

CHAPTER 3 KONSO

The theories on the evolution of socio-political organization discussed in the

preceding chapter have general applications. To determine which ones may be applicable

to Konso, it is pertinent to review ethnographies and reports about the Konso area. In

addition, further information on the organization of Konso was collected during this

study. The goal was to clarify aspects of socio-political organization that were unclear in

previous ethnographies, or contradictory between earlier studies. It may also be valuable

to compare Konso with other groups in Southern Ethiopia. Therefore this chapter will

summarize previous and recent research in Konso, and compare the interpretations of

Konso socio-political organization with that of neighboring ethnic groups, in particular

those who speak Eastern Cushitic languages.

Study Area

Konso is situated in Southwestern Ethiopia in the highlands of the Rift Valley at a

latitude of 5o 30’ N. and a longitude of 37o 30’ E (figure 3-1). It is a circumscribed area

bordered on the south by the Sagan river, on the north by the Gomida Plain of the Rift

Valley, on the east by the Amarro Mountains inhabited by the Burji farmers and to the west by the Woito river. Expansion to the south, east and north is prevented by the

Borana and Guji pastoralists, and to the west by Gauwada agriculturalists, who live on the hills overlooking the Woito valley (Hallpike 1972:3). The Konso live in large stone walled settlements and speak an Eastern Cushitic language. They subsist on intensive terraced agriculture combined with livestock holdings. Konso is now divided into the

28 29 regions of Karate, Fasha, Kolme, Turo, Gumaide and Gauwada. However, Gumaide and

Gauwada were recently incorporated and Turo differs in certain aspects from the rest of

Konso. The main Konso area, approximately 225 square kilometers (km2) in extent, is densely populated. The estimate by the 1984 census of 48 persons/km2, is according to

Kloos et al (1990) likely to be about 2.5 times underestimated. Thus a population density of about 120 persons/km2 is more reasonable.

The Konso subsist mainly on agriculture, and have developed a highly integrated intensive agricultural system. The hillsides around the settlements are terraced (figure 3-

2) and sometimes irrigated and maize, sorghum, cotton, coffee and legumes are the main crops (Amborn 1989; Hallpike 1972; Westphal 1975). Another important crop is the cabbage tree (Moringa), which is used in traditional Konso dishes. In Ethiopia use of the leaves of this tree for food is restricted to Konso, the neighboring Gidole, Burji and

Dullay groups (Minker 1986). Enset is a very minor crop in Konso, and is only cultivated in small amounts near settlements at high altitude. The terrace walls are generally 0.5 to

1.5 m high, enclosing fields of 2 to 8 m width (Amborn 1989). In addition to intercropping, fields are planted at different times to ensure a long growing season. The fields are fertilized with manure, in part obtained from stall fed livestock (figure 3-3), and outlying fields may contain cattle enclosures. The intercropping and manuring help to maintain the fertility of the soil.

The main areas of settlement are between 1,500 and 1,800 m altitude, although agricultural terraces extend down to 700 m and up to 2,000 m (Amborn 1989). There are two rainy seasons, the main one from March to June and the minor one from the end of

September to December (Hallpike 1972). Rainfall varies between years, with a maximum

of 1,500 mm to a minimum of 500 mm (Amborn 1989). The average rainfall between

1977 and 1992 was only 540 mm (Watson 1997).

Prior Ethnographic Research in Konso

The Konso were independent until 1897, when they were incorporated into the

Ethiopian Empire by the armies of Emperor Menelik II. Many of the settlements

submitted peacefully but some fought for independence and were destroyed. A governor for the area was appointed and the Konso paid tribute (Hallpike 1972). In each Konso

settlement one lineage head was selected to collect tribute. Little is known about the

Konso before that time, as there have been no archaeological investigations. Their

traditions say they came from the northeastern area of the Sagan river and settled in

Konso, which at that time was an uninhabited forest. Subsequently they were joined by

people from the north-west and south (Black 1975). Donaldson Smith passed south of the

area in 1895 and mentions gardens belonging to the Konso, and that they traded tobacco,

coffee and sorghum with the Boran (Smith 1969 [1897]). He also mentions that they were

well-known for their good cotton cloth, which they traded to neighboring groups.

The Konso generation-grade system (gada) was subsequently studied by Adolf

Jensen for a few months in 1935 and 1951 (Jensen 1954). The gada system is based on

generations rather than age, roughly dividing into sons, fathers and grand-fathers

(Hallpike 1972:184). It has several grades with different responsibilities that a man

passes through during his lifetime. Briefly, the earliest grade(s) constitutes childhood,

followed by warrior status, then by ritual and advisory status, and finally by withdrawal

from active life. A man may not marry until he has reached warrior status and all his sons

are placed in a grade below, but not immediately below, his. The time a man spends in

each grade differs between the Konso regions, ranging from 18 to 5 years (Hallpike 1972;

Jenssen 1954). Sons are, however, still placed in grades either 2 or more removed from

the fathers. The elected elders may come from either the class of “fathers” or the class of

“warriors”, although the majority come from the older grade (Hallpike 1972).

Furthermore, they are elected for life, rather then retiring at the end of the grade.

In 1938 Nowack described Konso terracing, irrigation, stall feeding and manuring.

He believed the practices to be very old (Nowack 1954). The terraced fields were also described by Darragon, who passed through the Konso area in 1897 (Hallpike 1972:42).

Other early studies include one by Kluckhohn (1962), who studied the market economy of the Konso for a few months in 1960. To date, Hallpike has conducted the most comprehensive study of their socio-political system and culture after spending a year and a half in Konso in the late 60's (Hallpike 1972). More recent ethnographic studies of

Konso include investigations into the terraced agriculture (Amborn 1989), and the role of religious leaders (Shako Otto 1994; Watson 1997, 2004).

Hallpike (1972) reports that the towns are autonomous and governed by an elected council of elders. He says that the villages may form political alliances, but there is no overriding authority, and the alliances change over time. The Konso do, however, have hereditary ritual leaders, who have responsibility for sacred moras (open ritual spaces), and are believed to maintain the fertility and prosperity of Konso.

The political organization within settlements is tripartite, with lineages, generation

grades and wards within the towns. The wards are not divided by lineages and election

into the town councils is based on personal qualities. Hallpike believes the Konso are

reluctant to allow any group to gain control over them and that there is no real power

structure in the settlements. Oral traditions on the origin of the Konso also suggests

resistance against central rule. One such tradition, relating to a time before the Konso

moved to their present area, tells of how the warrior age group disposed of a chief, who

put impossible demands on them and ordered them to kill the elders of the council (Black

1975). Kluckhohn (1962) also believes the Konso use a system of checks and balances to

prevent central authority. He also notes that wealth accumulation was encouraged, but

only as long as it was not to the detriment of other Konso individuals. Pertinent to this

study is Kluckhohn's observation that markets were not regulated; any Konso was free to

sell and buy without paying a tax or rent of market space. Order in the market place was

the domain of the warrior generation grade, and misdeeds were judged by selected elders.

Amborn (1988, 1989), who worked some months in Konso in the 70's, has a

different view on the political system. He believes that the elected council has full social

and economic responsibility, and coordinates large agricultural and infrastructural work

as well as distributes harvested goods on festive occasions. He also suggests that ritual

leaders may once have tried to gain political power (Amborn 1988). Ritual leaders also tend to own more land then other inhabitants in the settlements, lend land and livestock, and are expected to give grain to people in need (Watson 1997). The most influential of them are regional priests who lived outside the settlements near "sacred woods" (Hallpike

1972:248-249). They bless the fields and act as peacemakers within their region. They are secluded from ordinary contact with the rest of Konso. Other Konso are, for example,

prohibited to eat with them. In addition, their fields are prepared for them, although the

actual growing of crops is done by the priest's family. Nowack (1954) names one of them

"king" of Konso, but adds that he is not acknowledged as such by the majority of the

Konso people. As peace makers the regional priests do not appear to have been very

successful, as wars were more frequent within a region then between regions. Warfare

between the settlements, mainly fought in order to gain control over land, was common

before their incorporation into the Ethiopian State in the late 19th century (Hallpike

1972). Hallpike (1972:55) calculates that there was at least one battle per year in Konso

since 1800 AD based on the number of battle stones erected for victories.

Recent Research

The previous review shows that there are different interpretations of Konso socio-

political organization by different investigators. In order to clarify the role of different

officials I obtained information from elders, ritual leaders and ordinary people. The

questions focused on who had economic power, judicial power and coercive power. The

symbolic and secular role of different officials was also explored. Two Konso historians

were asked about the history of the area they lived in, as well as about how the

settlements were organized. The ritual leaders were, in addition to questions about Konso

settlement history and the origin of their lineage, asked about organization of Konso

settlements and their role in the organization.

There are problems with using oral traditions as a source of information. One problem is the reliability of the information. To minimize that error I obtained

information separately from more than one person for each question. Some aspects of

socio-political organization may also have been forgotten over time, which can influence

the interpretations. This problem is difficult to solve and thus it should be kept in mind

that future research may modify some interpretations.

The interviews were semi-structured. A set of questions, differing according to

whom was interviewed, was asked, but in addition informants were encouraged to talk

about what they considered important aspects. Of course, observation of relationships

between Konso individuals were also used for interpretations, as was information obtained in general conversations. The relationship between officials and the organization of Konso settlements is complex, and not all questions gave clear answers. However, some principles and practices with bearing on the socio-political organization were

discovered.

Primogeniture

One of the most important principles governing Konso life is that of being first. As

Hallpike (1972:110) pointed out the oldest son has much higher status than younger sons.

The oldest son inherits the household and most of the father's other possessions. The

importance of the oldest son was confirmed by informants. The oldest son is considered

to be more reliable than younger sons. His special status is also seen in the naming of

children. All children receive their father's name as a second name. The oldest son is

given a specific first name, whereas the second son is named Kuse. Thus a first son can

be distinguished from a second son by name alone. There are no rules for naming a third

or subsequent sons. Incidentally, this may imply that families with more than two sons

were rare in Konso in prior times, as it would not be possible to distinguish through the name between a first and a third son. A Konso man can have more than one wife, although it is uncommon. Only wealthy men are able to have more than one wife, as they have to provide her with a household of her own, because her oldest son needs to inherit a household. The first son of a second wife is named Lemita and has higher status than younger sons of the first wife.

The importance of being first extends outside the family. First comers to a settlement have higher status than those who have moved in later. This appears to be irregardless of wealth. Although first comers are likely to have more land, their status

35 was explained as being the first, rather than as being wealthy. Informants recounted that

Konso people used to obtain land by setting a fire, and as far as it burned was their land.

First comers would set their fires in a pristine environment, whereas later settlers would need to avoid previously claimed land. When one settlement is settled from another settlement, the first one also has higher status. The older settlement is considered the older brother. Konso society have both hereditary and non-hereditary officials. Hereditary positions are inherited from father to oldest son.

Hereditary Positions

The most well known hereditary position is that of poqalla, a ritual leader. It is important to distinguish between poqalla mogula and poqalla tuma.

Poqalla Mogula

A poqalla mogula is the head of a lineage. He performs rituals for his lineage, mediates in quarrels between members of his lineage, and often gives advice in settlement matters. When a lineage becomes large a new poqalla mogula can be invested.

The new poqalla mogula should be the descendant (as oldest son of oldest son over 7 generations) of a lemita son of the poqalla mogula of the lineage. There does not appear to be any hierarchical order between the different poqalla mogulas of a clan. Each poqalla mogula presides over the rituals for his lineage. There are nine clans in Konso, and each clan has many lineages. Some settlements have lineages of all nine clans, other contain fewer clans. The proportions of the clans differ between different settlements, as does the number of lineages of one clan within a settlement. Thus there can be several independent poqalla mogulas of one clan within a settlement.

Poqalla Tuma

Tuma is the word for the shiny bracelet worn by poqalla tumas. The first poqalla tumas are said to have been born with them. A poqalla tuma is also a lineage head.

However, his main allegiance is to a settlement or to a region. Shako Otto (1994) states that the poqalla tumas are clan heads. However, five of the nineteen he names belong to the Keertitta clan, and an additional three to subclans within Keertitta. Four belong to the

Tokmaleta clan, and the Eelayta clan does not have any. There can only be one poqalla tuma in a settlement, and some settlements do not have one. The responsibilities of a poqalla tuma are to bless, curse pests, and keep the peace within the settlement or region.

They are considered to be able to foretell the future. Informants in Idigle and Keldime told a story about the poqalla tuma of Idigle. Before the Amhara armies reached Konso, the people from Burji sent runners to Konso telling them about the might of the armies, and that it would be disastrous for the Konso to try to fight them. The poqalla tuma told the people of Idigle that they would lose the fight, and implored them not to fight. He said he would die before the armies arrived and that the armies would enter the settlement and see his skin staked out in preparation for mummification. The army would not understand the practice and would kill the people of Idigle. The people of Idigle decided to fight the Amhara, and what the poqalla tuma had foretold came true.

Poqalla tumas often have mythical origins. The origin story about Shirto differed slightly between two informants, one from Dara and one from Gugnera Fasha. In both stories the first Shirto and his brothers were born from a gourd in the Fasha region. Shirto and Bahimo were born with tumas and became poqalla tumas of Dara and Gugnera

Fasha. The third brother did not have a tuma, but was born with artisan implements, and was thus xauda. His name, the specific implements, and the place he went to differs

37 between the two stories. In one version of the story there were an additional two brothers with tumas, who became poqalla tumas in Kolme and Gidole. The origin story about the

Kalla, the regional ritual leader of Karate, tells us that he came from Gondar. One of the origin stories about Bamalle ( the poqalla tuma of Dokato) says that he came from a python snake. Poqalla tumas are traditionally mummified and the mummy secluded for several years before burial. During this time it is said that the poqalla tuma is sick and can't see visitors. Once Bamalle died without offspring, and a child was born during his seclusion. The wife said she got the son with the help of Warqa (god) when a snake spit on her. When Bamalle was to be buried, the child was about 3 years old. Other people wanted to have some proof of fatherhood, so they gave the child a piece of bread and told him to give it to his father (reasoning that the child would recognize his father). The child went away from the people and threw the piece of bread to a snake. This story is also mentioned in a shorter version by Hallpike (1972:251).

Most origin stories about poqalla tumas state that they have extraordinary powers.

Poqalla tumas do not cut their hair, and it was said that if they do blood or milk will flow from their hair. They have the power to curse. In Xamale in Konso I heard the story of the Lamalota, a beast with one wing and one leg, who can fly and disguise itself as a tree.

It preyed on the people of Xamale and took children. It didn't, however, touch the family of Kerdama, a man that was a latecomer to the settlement. He told the people that it was because he was family with the Lamalota, and if he got land and became poqalla tuma, he would curse the beast to make it leave. The people agreed, he cursed the beast and it disappeared, and he became poqalla tuma of the settlement.

The power of the poqalla tuma can be tempered by people in the settlements, as a story from Debena tells. Their poqalla tuma, Marota, had the power to curse, and his curses killed all the birds that used to destroy crops for the people. Marota was of the

Pasanta clan, which are believed to have more power to curse than other clans. The people in Debena became worried that he might start cursing people and making them

die. Therefore they forced him to eat kidneys, a food forbidden to the Pasanta clan, and

he became Keertitta and his powers were diminished. The respect shown a poqalla tuma

after death is also in the hands of the people. Tadesse Wolde (1992) recounts that the

Kalla Kayotes mummification period was shortened from the traditional 9 years and 9

months to 7 months, due to drought, loss of lives in war, and the expense of feeding

elders and assistants during this period. The decision to shorten the ritual was not by the

next Kalla, but was taken by saaras, elders and priests (probably lineage heads).

The poqalla tumas belong to Konso clans, but emphasize that they don't favor their

clan. They have several restrictions placed on them. They can not eat food that is not

prepared by their household, and if they travel they have to bring soil from their home to

sleep on. Traditionally they were not allowed to work the land. However, during the

Dergue they were forced to, and some continue to farm. As other Konso they can not

marry anybody from their clan. In addition, they can not marry anybody from their

settlement and the regional poqalla tumas can not marry from their region. I was told that

their wife had to be the daughter of a poqalla.

It is unclear whether there is a hierarchy among the poqalla tumas. As mentioned,

not all settlements have poqalla tumas, and in those who don't I was told that they did not

need one. Two informants told me that the poqalla tumas in Karate took advice from the

Kalla (the regional poqalla tuma of Karate), and always had. However, another informant

said that prior to the arrival of the Amhara, all poqalla tumas were independent. The

question is complicated, as the Kalla was made Qanazmach, a political administrative

title conferred by Emperor Haile Sellassie (Tadesse Wolde 1992). Thus, his influence

may have increased after Konso became incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire.

Restricted Positions in Society

In addition to official positions inherited from father to oldest son, there are some

positions that are restricted to certain families. These families have higher status than

others, even though they may not contain an office holder each generation.

Nama Dawra and Apa Dawra

These positions are commonly translated as priests by the Konso, and their major function is to preserve the peace within Konso. A few families in each settlements can

have an apa dawra. They try to prevent fighting within the settlement. As it is a lifelong

position, the son rarely becomes apa dawra, however, I was told that it was common that

a grandson would became one.

There are two settlements in Konso where all the males are nama dawra. They try

to stop fights between settlements, by running between the two fighting parties and

throwing down their spears (Hallpike 1972:50-52). Informants in Lehaite and Idigle said

that the people of Lehaite used to live to the east, and had a poqalla named Lepo. They

were fighting among themselves and Lepo advised them to collaborate or they would be

destroyed by outside enemies. When they didn't listen to him, Lepo left and became

poqalla tuma of Idigle. The Lehaite people stayed, but after most of them had been killed

by enemies, they followed their poqalla to Idigle. He gave them what is now the

40 settlement of Lehaite next to Idigle. The Lehaite people decided that they had had enough of war and became nama dawra.

Gahiti in Fasha is the second settlement of nama dawra. It is unique in Konso in that it only has one clan, Keertitta. It also lacks a watching mora (a place to look out for the approach of enemies), and informants explained that they didn't need a watching mora, because they were nama dawra and nobody would attack them. When asked why they had a stone wall, they explained that they were all related to the Qufa (the regional poqalla tuma of Fasha), and that the wall marked the maximum extent of the settlement as allowed by the Qufa.

Apa Timba

Apa timba means father of the drum. He is responsible for one of the sacred drums that rotates between settlements in Konso. Hallpike (1972:50-51, 72-74) also mentions sacred drums held within a settlement, and rotating between apa timbas. As there is a time limit on how long a drum is held, there are several families in a settlement who can become apa timba. The role of the apa timba in the settlement, according to informants, is to call together poqallas, elders and the generation leader when settlement matters need to be discussed. They meet in his household, but he does not make decisions. He is also involved in the building of new settlements. His duty is to show the generation in charge where to build a wall following discussions with poqallas and elders.

Saara

Saaras are attached to poqalla tumas and occasionally to poqalla mogulas. They are advisors to, eyes and ears of, and messengers of the poqalla. The major ones should be older members of the poqallas family. However, each regional poqalla tuma also have saaras in each settlement in their region. One informant said they were selected from

41 sons of the second wife of a poqalla mogula. When conducting their office they wear a special headband and they are considered sacrosanct.

Nonrestricted Positions

The positions of elders and generation leaders are open to all Konso, who are etenta

(farmers). Hallpike (1972:71) names them elected positions, although the election process was unknown. Judging from my information there does not appear to be any election process. Rather, men who were known to be good at giving advice and leading others were accepted as elders or generation leader.

Elders

Elders are revered in Konso. At feasts they eat before other people. They give the reason that if the food is poisoned they will save the rest of the people. However, they are served of the best cuts of meat, and in a place of honor. Their advice is sought, and they are called by the apa timba to discuss settlement matters. It is not clear who can become an elder with influence in the settlement. The first answer I got to the question was that all old men became elders. This was later clarified as old men who had aged well.

Elders hear cases of wrong doings, and decide punishment. They also receive fines.

Fines are levied not only for crimes, but also for not following the social rules. Examples of the latter are that people are fined if they don't stay with the family of a deceased close relative, or neglect to work on wall repairs when called to do so by the generation leader.

In cases when one person has wronged another person, the elders give the fine to the innocent party.

Generation leaders

What is known as the generation leader is the leader of the xrela, the warrior grade of the generation grading system in Konso. Hallpike (1972) discusses the Konso

42 generation grading system in detail, and therefore only a short summary will be given here. The number of grades, their names, and how long they last vary between regions in

Konso. In Karate each grade changes after 18 years. The lowest grade is basically for children. Xrela is the first grade where a man may marry and have children. This is the grade responsible for defending the settlement, hunting and keeping the moras and stone walls in order. According to Hallpike the council of elders consists mainly of people from the two grades above the xrela. A son is placed in the generation grade two steps below his father's.

The generation leader leads the xrela in hunts and warfare. I was told that there is no formal election of a generation leader, rather he is accepted as the best leader. As the son has to be two generation grades below his father, the position can not be inherited.

The generation leader is part of the assembly called by the apa timba to discuss settlement matters. He also calls people together for communal work, such as building structures in the moras. In addition, the xrela acts as a police force, they are the ones that implement banishments, the punishment for serious crimes, from a settlement.

Kluckhohn (1962) also mentions that they used to be responsible for order in the market place.

There is a hierarchical structure within each settlement of the office of generation leader. In addition to a settlement's generation leader there are xrela leaders for each ward of a settlement. They lead the xrela of their ward, but follow the leadership of the settlement generation leader. However, the main emphasis is not on the generation leader as a person. When an enemy was defeated, or a lion killed, a victory stone was erected in the main mora for the generation that performed the deed, not for it's leader.

Heroes

A Konso man could win renown without being a generation leader or belonging to a prominent family. Men who distinguished themselves in warfare or slew lions were known as heroes. They were buried in prominent places, often near or in moras. In the

Fasha region of Konso they also had victory stones erected for their deeds.

Division of Power

To better understand the Konso socio-political organization, it may be helpful to summarize who has ritual, economic, judicial and coercive power. It is also important to keep in mind that matters of concern for a settlement are discussed by all men in a mora, and that officials can not enforce unpopular decisions.

Ritual power

The ritual power rests mainly with the poqallas. The poqalla mogula performs rituals for his lineage, and the poqalla tumas perform rituals for the settlements and regions. Their main function is to give prosperity to Konso. Rituals take place either in a household or at a mora. Poqalla tumas also bless the spears when the xrela go to hunt or wage war on the Guji. As mentioned above nama dawra is translated by the Konso as priest, and their function to prevent fights between Konso, either within a settlement or between settlements, may also been seen as a ritual power.

Economic power

Konso people are known in Ethiopia to be very hard working, and wealth confers status. Wealthy man can buy land, which is what the Konso consider wealth, and have more than one wife. Wealthy families are also able to erect waga statues to honor a deceased household head. A Konso man can become wealthy through his own initiative, but as elsewhere wealth is also inherited. As Watson (1997) pointed out, poqallas tend to

44 have more land than other Konso. This is probably due to many poqallas being first- comers, and therefore able to obtain large tracts of land. Poqalla tumas often have a history of having lived in several places in Konso and obtained land in them, thus making them large landholders. Poqallas lend land to others, and Watson (1997) suggests that they control it and obtain labor from it to increase their wealth. My informants were adamant in stating that people who borrowed land did not pay rent or work more than other voluntary help (normally lineage members) on the poqallas fields. They also claimed that the poqalla could not force them off the land, which is in contradiction to

Watson's (1997) information. According to Watson's table, showing the outside labor for one poqalla, the lineage performed more work one year out of three than non-lineage members who had borrowed land. The average number of days a non-lineage member who had borrowed land worked per year was 3.7 versus 2.7 for a lineage member who had not borrowed land. She also gives extra-household labor data for four poqallas compared with non-poqallas, where the poqallas used an average of 283 person-days compared to 31 for non-poqalla households. It would have been interesting to know what the average landholdings of the two groups were, as that might influence the amount of help needed. The question of how much economic power the poqallas have from their larger landholdings need to be studied further, preferably by comparing poqallas and non-poqallas with similar holdings. It is, however, clear that the amount of work done by those who have borrowed land is small.

In many areas of the world economic power is held by controlling trade. The markets in Konso were not regulated (Kluckhohn 1962). Individuals were free to trade products with each other and outside traders. I was told that the Kalla once had tried to

45 obtain fees from Dokato's market, as it was on his land. People did not like the idea and moved the market, so there would be no reason to pay.

Judicial power

When cases are heard in a mora, the elders preside and set the punishment.

However, most cases are solved before that stage. The first to hear a problem between two lineage members is the poqalla mogula. If he can not solve the problem, it is discussed with elders. When the problem is between persons of different lineages it is discussed by elders of the neighborhood or settlement and the poqalla mogulas of the lineages involved. The preferred solution is that the problem is solved by discussion.

Nowadays cases are either tried by Ethiopian courts or by the traditional system. Which system to use appears to be the decision of the person wronged.

Coercive power

Today the coercive power is held by Ethiopian police and army. However, the generation leader has important functions within the Konso settlements. He is in charge of communal work, and responsible for organizing work forces. The generation leader leads the xrela in warfare. The xrela also act as the equivalent of a police force. The coercive power is thus in the hands of the generation leader. However, he does not act on his own. Matters are first discussed in assemblies called by the apa timba, and later by all

Konso men assembled in moras.

Warfare

The Konso fought with neighboring groups and amongst themselves. Warfare between Konso settlements was common before it became part of the Ethiopian Empire, and occurred after that time as well. One of the original aims of this study was to use information about victory stelae to discern which settlements were most successful in

battles. This part of the study was not pursued, because informants did not know the reason why many stelae were erected. In particular this pertained to stelae erected prior to

the incorporation of Konso into the Ethiopian Empire. A further problem was that the reasons given for stelae in one settlement differed from those given by Hallpike

(1972:54), and that informants could not agree on which stelae was raised for which victory in another settlement. It appears, though, that warfare within Konso was not as common as Hallpike (1972:55) suggests. According to informants, many of the victory stelae were erected for victories against the Guji, and others for killing lions, leopards and elephants.

Warfare within Konso

Reasons given for warfare varied. In one case it was said to be started because a saara on official business of a poqalla was attacked. However, most of the time fights were over disputed land. There are also two examples of settlements being moved so that they would be better able to defend their fields. Fights could be between individual settlements or between coalitions of settlements. In case of coalitions the generation leader of the settlement closest to the enemy led the combined forces.

There appears to be a difference in the way warfare was conducted in Karate and

Fasha. In Karate the outcome of a fight between two settlements resulted in the disputed land being reclaimed by the victor, who also received a bull from the loser. This was also the norm in Fasha, but contrary to Karate, where I heard of no destructions of settlements,

or displacement of people, in Fasha two settlements were destroyed by warfare, and the

inhabitants moved to other settlements. In both cases the settlements were destroyed by a

coalition of other settlements. One of them was a small settlement that was abandoned in

the informant's grandfather's time, prior to the incorporation of Konso into the Ethiopian

State. The reason for the attack was not clear, but the informant recounted that women

and children were killed while the men were working in the fields. The surviving

population moved to three other settlements, including one that had been involved in the

attack. The other was a large influential settlement, and the account of it's destruction was told by an informant from the abandoned settlement and by an informant in one of the settlements who had been part of the alliance that attacked it. According to the oral history there were several large settlements in the area. They fought among each other, and the settlement destroyed was said to have fomented strife, telling one settlement that another one was ready to attack them, and playing them against each other. When the other influential settlements realized what was happening, they formed a coalition to destroy the devious settlement. This version was told in the victorious settlement. In the defeated settlement the informant said that the other settlements were jealous. The inhabitants in the defeated settlement were forced to move. Some went to other settlements, but many were forced to settle near one of the settlements in the victorious alliance. This appeared to be a clear case of conquest warfare. However, later in the story the informants recounted that the inhabitants of the defeated settlement moved back to be closer to their fields. When questioned they said that nobody took land from any other

Konso. There are also other differences between Karate and Fasha. In Fasha victory stelae are raised for individual heroes as well as for the generation that has a victory.

They are placed in separate moras. The practice of capturing stelae from defeated settlements and displaying them in the mora is also restricted to Fasha.

Warfare with Neighboring Groups

Relations with neighboring agricultural groups were generally good. I heard of no fights with the Burji. The Konso considered them as relatives, and I heard of several

instances when Burji had come to live among the Konso and vice versa. I was told that

the Burji and Konso had the same clans, albeit with slightly different names, so that a person who moved would be welcomed by his clan members. Fights with the Gauwada and the Tsamai occurred but were not common. Hallpike (1972:54) also mentions fights

with Gidole. The Borana pastoralists were also considered relatives of the Konso.

According to oral traditions they lived together in Liben. In settlements close to the

Borana I was told that they did not fight with them. The trade between the Konso and the

Borana also points to generally good relations between them.

The arch enemy of the Konso were the Guji. They were said to attack people

traveling and sometimes people working in the fields. Fights against the Guji were

endorsed by the poqallas, who blessed the spears of the warriors. The poqalla tumas,

consistent with their role as peace keepers did not take part in the fights. A large portion

of the victory stelae were raised for fights against the Guji and there was seldom any

specific reason given for the fight the stela was erected for. The Konso appeared to feel

that any fight against Guji was justified. Stories about the stelae told of many cattle

captured and this may have been an underlying reason for the warfare. Cattle is a source

of wealth and thus capturing it may have made some individuals more influential.

However, when I asked about who got to keep the cattle that was captured, I was told that

they were eaten. One ox would be killed in the mora and its skin used for a sacred drum.

The other cattle were considered excess gotten by chance and were feasted on by the

whole settlement. Thus it does not appear that any individuals benefited from the warfare.

When the Amhara armies reached Konso some settlements fought against them,

whereas others sent tribute. I was informed that most of the settlements fought and that

49 many lives were lost, both in the fighting and by Konso being conscripted to fight against other ethnic groups. Three small isolated settlements were not found by the armies. The

Konso did not know of firearms prior to the coming of the Amhara armies. They thought the gun was a club and that the smoke seen when the gun was fired was ash. According to oral traditions one Konso man threw a spear and killed a soldier. After that the soldiers started firing and killed the Konso warriors. Pertinent to this study is that the settlements did not act together. Those who fought did so on their own or together with settlements they were already closely allied to. Another important finding is that in several settlements the poqalla tuma argued against fighting the armies, but the settlement fought anyway. Although the settlements in Konso are independent and may fight each other the

Konso see themselves as one people.

Cohesive Forces in Konso

The regional poqalla tumas form a cohesive force for their regions. They perform major rituals, they bless the spears for hunting and fighting against Guji, and they provide wood poles for the men's houses in the main moras. The latter come from the sacred forests of the poqalla tumas.

The sacred drums that circulate between settlements within a region are another cohesive force. Their cycle and symbolic importance is discussed by Hallpike (1972:47-

51, 198-200). They are used in major ceremonies, and may not be seen by outsiders or women.

The third cohesive force is that of the clans. The importance of the clans is stressed by Shako Otto (1994). The Konso say that members of their clan are their brothers and sisters, and I noticed that my Konso assistants became more at ease when we were conducting interviews in other settlements and the household head belonged to their clan.

A Konso can get aid from a member of his clan in another settlement. I was, for example,

told that when settlements had been destroyed the survivors went to clan members in

other settlements.

Comparisons with Other Ethnic Groups

The Konso speak an eastern Cushitic language. Other ethnic groups that speak

eastern Cushitic languages include the Borana, the Burji, the Gauwada, the Gidole, the

Dassanetch and the Tsamai living close to the Konso. See figure 3-4 for the location of

these and other ethnic groups mentioned in the text. Gauwada, Tsamai and Bussa are also

known as Dullay (SIL International 2004). Further away eastern Cushitic languages are

spoken by the Dassanetch, and the Gedeo among others. The Konso claim that they came

from the Liben area, which is also suggested as an origin area of the Borana. The Borana

are part of the larger ethnic Oromo group, and are considered as the most traditional of

the Oromo groups. As the Oromo political organization and their history have been studied in detail a discussion of their socio-political system may therefore have relevance in interpreting the Konso system.

Oromo

Traditionally the Oromo were pastoralists organized by ollas, a territorial

residential unit, lineages, whose most senior men performed rituals, and gada generation

grades. The latter is the most important for political organization. It consists of ten eight

year grades that all men pass through. The first 5 grades constitute the development from

childhood to adulthood, through warrior status and learning of ritual knowledge. Men

were not allowed to marry and have children until they reached the 5th grade, and sons

were placed into the 5th grade below the father. The sixth grade held the political and

ritual power in the form of men elected from this age grade (Hassen 1994; Levine 1974).

One person was spokesman and political and ritual head of the group, another war leader,

and a third an expert on law. In addition there were judges, elected from the age grade

retiring from office, and messengers, who were sent to settle disputes among clans

(Hassen 1994). An important part of the 6th grade was that warfare was considered a requisite. In addition to the gada council, the Oromo traditionally had spiritual leaders,

living in their homeland in southern Ethiopia. Although the religious leaders were

revered, and the focus of pilgrimages, they did not have political power. Their main role

was as a cohesive force among the different Oromo groups, and one is reported to have

advised pilgrims to “not to cut their hair and to be righteous, not to recognize any leader

who tries to get absolute power, and not to fight among themselves” (Cecchi 1886;

quoted in Hassen 1994). The regional organization of the Oromo took the form of

confederacies, governed by the elected leaders.

During the 16th century the Oromo expanded from the south-eastern corner of

Ethiopia to the north-west and south-east, and conquered groups were incorporated

through adoption into the Oromo clans. The majority of the conquered groups in southern

Ethiopia were pastoralists and agricultural groups speaking Cushitic languages, who did

not have centralized polities. However, in the north-eastern area of the Oromo expansion

the people incorporated had traditionally belonged to chiefdoms or kingdoms.

The importance of the gada system is that power could not become hereditary, as

the leaders changed every 8 years. The emphasis on territorial ties, in the form of neighbors helping each other also limited the power of kinship ties (Lewis 1975).

Nonetheless the Oromo did develop centralized polities, the so called Gibe states, in the

19th century. These polities were formed in the Gibe river area, after the Oromo

expansion to that area. Prior to this expansion the region was divided into several

“kingdoms”, some of them tributary to the Amhara kings, others independent. The

Oromo expansion into the region started in the late 16th century, during wars between the

Christian Amhara and Islamic forces, and was completed in 1710, when the last

independent kingdom in the area disintegrated (Hassen 1994). The Oromo, who

traditionally had been pastoralists, incorporated the people living in the area, and changed

their subsistence base to one of mixed farming and herding. In doing this, the wealth

status among the Oromo became differentiated, both due to ownership of land and wealth

acquired by trade. Several reasons have been suggested for the formation of the Gibe

states, among them the influence of Islam, pressure from the Amhara, control of trade, and borrowing from neighboring states (Abir 1965; Haberland 1984a; Hassen 1994;

Levine 1974). Hassen (1994) suggests that although there may have been some influence from neighbors, and that the Islamic faith may have helped to legitimize the leaders, the state formations were an internal development. He suggests that the main reasons were the development of a land holding class, who gained influence based on their wealth in

cattle, land and slaves, and the concomitant decline in the power of the gada council. The

actual creation of the states was, however, by war leaders. This would not have been

possible without a disintegration of the gada system. The Oromo still had their elected

leaders, but they had to rely on public opinion to implement their decisions. Thus they

had no direct executive power, and strong and wealthy war leaders were able to bypass

their directions. The end result was that position of war leader became hereditary, with

the most successful of them setting themselves up as kings, and the elected gada council

became a tool of the king.

Eastern Cushitic Speaking Neighbors of Konso

There is some confusion about the language classification in the area to the northwest and west of Konso. Black (1975) divides the languages into Konsoid and

Werezoid, whereas Minker (1986:43) uses the term Dullay for Black's Werezoid group.

Both consider Bussa a Konsoid language, and Dobase a Dullay language. The

Ethnologue (SIL International 2004) on the other hand list Bussa as a Dullay language and Dobase as a dialect of it. Konsoid languages are named Konso-Gidole. Whereas

Minker (1986:43) lists 10 languages in the Dullay group, the Ethnologue (SIL

International 2004) lists 3, namely Bussa, Gawwada and Tsamai. The Dullay and

Konsoid are considered part of a dialect chain. For the purpose of this study the exact classification is less important. Dullay, Konsoid and Burji are all eastern Cushitic languages, and their speakers live close to each other.

Oral traditions among the Burji say that they came from Liben where they lived with the Borana and Konso (Minker 1988). Konso oral traditions tell of movements to

Ala (the Konso name for the area of the Dullay speaking groups), and that some Konso

came from Ala. The Gidole claim that they came from Konso (Black 1975), and the

"chief" of the Tsamai claim descent from the younger brother of a poqalla in Fasha in

Konso (Miyawaki 1994). These traditions imply that interactions between the groups

have a long history.

The Burji and Konso practice terraced agriculture and live in dense settlements.

Amborn (1976) reports that the Dullay speaking groups also had agricultural terraces and

lived in stonewalled settlements prior to the coming of the Amhara armies. He does not

include the Tsamai in his discussion, but they and Gidole are also reported to have had

intensive agriculture prior to this time (Minker 1986:27, 34).

The social organization of the Dullay and Burji resembles that of Konso. All have

ritual leaders, in Dullay named poqolho (Minker 1988:4), who have mythical origins and

are seen as bringers of fertility and order (Amborn 1994; Minker 1988). All have nine

exogamous clans, and used to have a gada system. The role of the elders is more

problematic. Amborn (1976, 1989) believes they had the political power in society. He also believes that the gada system provided a check on the political power of the poqolho

(Amborn 1988). However, among the Dullay the political power passed to the ritual leaders (Amborn 1976; Minker 1988:261-83). At what time that occurred is uncertain.

Amborn (1988) suggests it happened after the warrior gada grade had been wiped out by the Amhara armies. Minker (1988) has a different view. According to him the land belonged to poqolhos and lineage heads prior to that time, and the elder council and gada warrior grade was ruled by the poqolho. He also suggests that there were attempts to centralization (Minker 1988:207-209). He uses oral traditions as the source for his arguments. They tell that poqolhos of different regions within the Dullay speaking area fought each other and could take land from the loser. Other oral traditions, however, describe elders advising against poqolhos who misuse their power, and bad poqolhos being replaced with good ones (Minker 1988:198, 221). The question of the powers of the poqolhos is complicated because they were made balabats by the government of

Menelik II and increased their power and landholdings after the area was incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire (Minker 1988:285-292).

Contrary to the situation in Konso, the Dullay fought together against Menelik II armies. The Burji also united against the Amhara (Amborn 1988). There, though, it was an elected military leader who brought together the warrior grade to fight the Amhara.

The power structure in Gidole is uncertain. Minker (1988:79) mentions that the ritual

leader claimed that all people between Lake Chamo and the Sagan river had to pay

tribute to him. This seems unlikely as it would include the Konso area, and they do not

have any oral histories about paying tribute to Gidole.

Other Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups in Southern Ethiopia

The Arbore, also known as the Hor, live by the Woito river near Lake Chew Bahir

(Tadesse Wolde 2002). They are agropastoralists. As the above mentioned groups they

have ritual leaders whose responsibilities are to ensure fertility, peace and victory over

enemies. They also have clans and a generation set system. Herding activities and

agricultural activities are regulated by two sets of elders from the generation in charge.

The Dassanetch live further to the west, by the Omo river, north of Lake Turkana

(Almagor 1986). They are pastoralists who also cultivate the Omo river flood plains.

Although they have clans, the most important socio-political organization is the

generation grade system. Leaders are elected from the senior generation set, and they

have both ritual and political power. Chiefs were appointed by the Amhara, but they were

subservient to the elected leaders.

The Gedeo live east of Lake Abaya. They practice intensive agriculture and their

main crop is enset (McClellan 1988). Like the Konso they use intercropping and have

stall fed livestock. McClellan (1988:24) estimates that their population density was 150-

200 persons/km2, prior to their incorporation into the Ethiopian State. Land is

communally owned by seven clans and distributed by elders. The elders in power come from one gada grade and stayed in power for 8-10 years. The Gedeo say that they got their gada system from the Guji, who they have peaceful relations with. The positions of

ritual leaders were restricted to four of the seven clans and tended to be hereditary. They

provided unity for all of Gedeo. Gedeo was divided into three territories, each with three

leaders who held political, judicial and military power respectively.

Socio-political Organization of Other Language Groups in Contact with Konso

Ethnic groups to the north and west of the Konso and their Eastern Cushitic

speaking neighbors, speak Omotic languages. Omotic speaking people appear to have more hierarchical organizations than Eastern Cushitic speaking people. In Maale, for example, the king ruled above 13 territorial chiefs, some of whom had sub-chiefs

(Donham 1986). The king was believed to maintain fertility and prosperity, thus having

ritual power. Economic and political power was also in the hands of the king and to a

lesser extent the chiefs. The king and chiefs received labor and tribute, with the king's

field being the first sown and harvested. The king also controlled outside trade. There

were, however, some checks on the king's power. If he became too strong, the two most

influential chiefs could unite against him, and these two chiefs, together with elders, also

determined which of the king's sons should succeed him.

The Aari, west of the Maale, are reported to have been divided into 9 or 10

independent chiefdoms led by ritual chiefs (Gebre Yntiso 1994; Naty 2002). The Dizi,

further to the west, were divided into over twenty chiefdoms (Haberland 1984b). Their

society was hierarchically organized with nobles, freemen, bondsmen, craftsmen and

hunters.

The Amhara, who conquered Southern Ethiopia at the end of the 19th century were

also hierarchically organized. At the top was the king, with absolute power, shown by the

honorific “The Lion of the Tribe of Judah has Conquered, the Elect of God, King of the

Kings of Ethiopia” (Hoben 1970). He was considered the owner of the land, was believed

to give prosperity and fertility, and appointed regional rulers from the nobility, as well as

high ranking officials in the church. An exception was the bishop, the head of the

Ethiopian church, who was appointed by the patriarch of Alexandria. There was some

possibility of acquired power through prowess in war, and through the priesthood, but the

commoners, mainly farmers, were subjects to their regional lords, who in their turn were

accountable to the king (Hoben 1970; Levine 1974; Pankhurst 1961, 1990).

There were, however, also cohesive forces, the commoners often had kinship ties

with the regional lords, and control was maintained mainly through patron-client

relationships. During the conquest of Ethiopia, the Amhara brought with them the feudal

system, and implemented it in the conquered areas. They did, however, mainly rule

indirectly, and used chiefs in the incorporated regions to collect tribute and settle disputes

(Donham 1986). Thus, they are proposed to have reinforced stratification in areas where it already existed and introduced it in areas where it did not (Markasis 1974, cited in

Donham 1986).

Discussion

Several cultural traits of the Konso are shared by other Eastern Cushitic speaking ethnic groups. These include ritual leaders responsible for peace and fertility, councils of elders, generation grade systems, clans, and neighborhood ties. The subsistence of the groups vary, most combine cultivation with herding, but they range from pastoralists to intensive agriculturalists. They can be found in environments ranging from dry, hot lowlands to cool highlands. The review of the different groups show that the majority

have nonhierarchical socio-political organizations, but that some developed political

hierarchies. Table 3-1 shows that in contrast to Eastern Cushitic speaking groups, Omotic

speaking groups appear to be hierarchically organized, even though they inhabit a similar

environment. Thus the socio-political organization is more similar within language group than within subsistence mode or environment.

Hierarchical Models

Konso as well as the Dullay, the Burji and the Gedeo can be characterized as living in circumscribed areas, because they are surrounded by other ethnic groups. In accord with Carneiro's theory they developed intensive agriculture and warfare was common.

However, with the possible exception of the Dullay, they did not develop political hierarchies. Thus, it appears that the circumscription theory does not apply to Konso.

Hereditary ritual leaders are important among the agricultural Eastern Cushitic

speaking ethnic groups discussed above. These leaders were either from the area they were responsible for (Gedeo, Konso) or were reported to have come from other areas

(Dullay, Tsamai, Konso). In Dullay they may have developed into political as well as ritual leaders. Integrative models of socio-political evolution, may therefore be applicable

to Eastern Cushitic ethnic groups. However, among the Konso they do not appear to have

gained political power so nonhierarchical models should be considered.

Resistance to Hierarchy

There appears to be several mechanisms that acted to resist hierarchy among

Eastern Cushitic speaking groups. Perhaps the most important is the gada system. The

organization of leadership in the gada system is based on election, on the basis of

personal qualities. Furthermore, as a generation grade system it prevents the inheritance

of power from father to son, as there will have to be leaders elected from the grade or

grades intermediate between them. In addition, the gada system prevents the

accumulation of coercive forces by individuals, as all men in a certain age grade are

warriors and owe their allegiance to the group. In addition, the divisions of power

59 between ritual leaders, war leaders and councils of elders prevent any one individual from becoming too powerful.

Another aspect of the social organization that acts to restrict hereditary power, is that of neighborhood ties. Residency in neighborhoods is not based on lineages. This type of organization is common among Eastern Cushitic speaking people, who use the basis of residency for economic cooperation and political affairs (Lewis 1975). In addition, this was one of the mechanisms used by the Athenians to limit the importance of clans

(Ferguson 1991; Van der Vliet 1987). There, the system was changed from one where voting and military forces were based on clans to one where it was based on residency.

Among the Konso the mechanisms used to resist hierarchy appear to have worked quite well. The conquest by the Amhara did not result in increased power of the individuals appointed to collect tribute, as it did elsewhere in Ethiopia, despite the fact that these positions were given to prominent lineage heads and were made hereditary.

Nor did the threat of conquest by the Amhara cause the Konso to unify under one leader, as happened among the neighboring Dullay and Burji (Amborn 1988).

Hierarchical Eastern Cushitic Speaking Polities

Despite the practices to resist hierarchy the Oromo did form stratified, hereditary polities. However, the only place this happened was in the Gibe river area, even though the Oromo are the most widespread group in Ethiopia. The Gibe states can thus be seen as an example where the resistance to hierarchy failed. There may be several reasons for this. It is, however, unlikely to be due mainly to the change to an agricultural system. A more likely impetus, is a change in the symbolic values of the Oromo in the Gibe region.

It is conceivable that both egalitarian and hierarchical ideologies exist in all societies, and that it is the balance between them that can change. Hayden (1996) proposes that

aggressive, ambitious individuals will take advantage of other individuals that encounter difficulties in a community, and suggests that this strategy will work particularly well when the normal leveling mechanisms in a society are disrupted. In the Gibe area the development of a rich, landholding class disrupted the influence of the gada council, and war leaders were able to increase their power over the rest of the population. Due to their increased wealth, they were also able to hire forces of their own (Hassen 1994). In addition, it is possible that the balance between the egalitarian and hierarchical ideologies had changed in society, due to the adoption into the Oromo of people in the Gibe region who had previously lived in centralized polities.

Whether the Dullay developed a centralized polity prior to the arrival of the

Amhara armies is questionable. If they did, the route appears to be one consistent with integrative theories of socio-political evolution.

Konso

The poqalla tumas in Konso have ritual power. They can be considered intermediaries with the divine, as they are believed to have their power to bless from

Warqa. They also have some economic power due to their large land holdings and they

advise in political matters. This is in concordance with integrative theories about how

centralized polities are thought to have started. Poqalla tumas often have mythical origins

and usually come from a different place than the settlement they live in. This is similar to

how the segmentary state is thought to have started. However, all Konso are thought to

have come from other areas, so poqalla tumas can not be seen as powerful solely due to

them being immigrants.

The poqalla tumas power outside the ritual sphere is restricted. They can advise,

but frequently their advice is not followed, as shown by the warfare between Konso

61 settlements. Neither are they allowed too much economic power, as shown by the Konso moving their market rather than pay fees.

Generation leaders and elders obtain their positions through public acclaim, and the positions are not hereditary. Although elders will keep their position for life, the generation leader will change when a new generation comes into power. The most striking feature in Konso socio-political organization is that of consensus. Problems are discussed between poqallas, elders and generation leaders, and their decisions have to be approved by the general public. Thus, oral traditions and contemporary social organization point to a nonhierarchical structure of Konso society. It is clear that the

Konso have division of power and a strong sense of resistance to hierarchy.

However, other Eastern Cushitic speaking groups did form centralized polities. It is therefore conceivable that the social system today differs from a previous system. One way of obtaining independent information regarding the socio-political system of the past is through spatial analysis. The following chapter will investigate whether the spatial data support a hierarchical or nonhierarchical system.

Table 3-1 Comparison of ethnic groups near Konso in Southern Ethiopia Ethnic group Subsistence Environment Chief/king Division of power Eastern Cushitic speakers Konso Agriculture Mountainous No Yes Burji Agriculture Mountainous No Yes Dullay Agriculture Mountainous ? ? Oromo Agriculture/ Mixed No except for Yes Pastoralism Gibe states Gedeo Agriculture Mountainous No Yes Arbore Agriculture/ Lowland No Yes Pastoralism Dassanetch Agriculture/ Lowland No Yes Pastoralism Omotic speakers Maale Agriculture Mixed Yes No Aari Agriculture Mixed Yes No Dizi Agriculture Mountainous Yes No

Figure 3-1. Map showing Konso in Ethiopia.

Figure 3-2. Konso agricultural terraces.

Figure 3-3. Stall fed cattle in Konso.

Figure 3-4. Location of ethnic groups mentioned in the text.

CHAPTER 4 SPATIAL ANALYSIS

The aim of the spatial analysis was to obtain an indication of the socio-political organization prior to 1897, which is when Konso became incorporated into the Ethiopian

Empire. As discussed in chapter 2, the spatial distribution and size of settlements are commonly used as a measure of complexity. When there is political hierarchy the larger settlements have more functions than smaller ones, the larger settlements are spaced at greater intervals, and are surrounded by smaller settlements (Hodder and Orton 1976). A chiefdom is likely to show a two-level spatial hierarchy conforming to the minimum definition of a chiefdom as a political unit of a number of villages under permanent control of a paramount chief (Carneiro 1981; Redmond et al. 1999). Complex chiefdoms would have an additional level of decision making, displaying a three-level hierarchy

(Carneiro 1981; Liu 1996). Settlements are expected to confirm to the rank-size rule, where a settlement of rank r will have a size equal to 1/r of the largest settlement in the system (Johnson 1981). Plotting the sizes against the rank of the settlements on a logarithmic scale indicates the degree of integration in the area. Johnson (1981) has suggested that highly integrated systems, such as states, should show a slope of -1, because the settlement size is a function of many interacting independent variables of social, economic and political nature. The size of a given settlement is therefore a conditional function of the sizes of the other settlements. On the other hand, if the settlement rank size distribution is convex it would indicate a low degree of integration.

67 68

The location of main ritual spaces may also indicate political organization. Central plazas controlled by a chief are found in the center of a village, with the chiefly residence adjacent to it, and commoners households are found on the outskirts of the villages

(Heckenberger 1999; Huffman 1993; Kuper 1980). Spatial organization of households within towns may also reflect political hierarchy, as political leaders commonly have larger living quarters than the general population (Earle 1987; Feinman and Nietzel

1984). In addition, the size of the stone walls will give an indication of the approximate man hours necessary to construct them. The average size of the compounds can be used to calculate the approximate population of the towns and of the Konso region at the time of its incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire. Finally, the internal organization of households is important for interpretation of excavations.

The spatial analysis consisted of three parts. First the Konso stone walled settlements were located in the landscape and their the stone walls mapped and measured.

Secondly the main moras, the watching moras and the major gates associated with the settlements were located. Thirdly a subset of individual households were mapped.

Methods

The location in longitude and latitude of each stonewalled settlement was determined using a Garmin etrex hand held GPS. Measurements were taken at each cardinal point on the outer stone wall, and at the main mora. The length of the stone walls were measured using the distance feature of the GPS while walking on or next to the wall. To determine the accuracy of this measure the walls in the first settlement were in addition measured with a 50m tape. Four walls were measured, varying in length from

289 to 587 meters. The difference between the two types of measurements was less than

5 meter. The walls in one settlement were measured at two separate times, and gave

distances that differed at most by 10 meters. It is likely that the differences are due to

different stretching of the tape in the first test and differences in the path taken, whether

inside or outside or on top of the wall, in the second test. Overall this gives an average error in measurement of less than 5%. The shape of the settlement and the placement of

the walls were determined using the trail function of the GPS, and drawing it freehand to

scale. The distances were checked on the resulting map. The error in the actual placement

of the walls and the absolute shape of the settlements is probably larger than the measurements of the length, but not likely to be above 10%. For four of the settlements

grids were placed over the map and coordinates picked at random for household analysis.

When these coordinates were located they confirmed the placement of the walls.

The major gates, the main mora and the watching area were located in each settlement and included in the map. In seven settlements all moras were located. The

direction of best view from the watching mora was determined using a compass, and

informants were questioned about what could be seen from the watching area. Height and

width of the walls were measured with metric tapes.

The area of each settlement was calculated using the Scion Imaging program after

tracing each wall. A regional map was constructed with the aid of the ArcMap program.

A map of the Konso area from the Ethiopian mapping authority was scanned and

imported into ArcMap. Elevations were traced and the settlements were then placed on

the resulting map by using the coordinates from the cardinal points measured on the outer

wall and approximating the shape of the settlement.

Thirty households were selected for analysis of household organization. Three

settlements were originally selected, one small and one large in the Karate area, and one

medium sized in the Fasha area. As the first small settlement was largely abandoned, a

second small settlement in the Karate area was selected to obtain a total of ten households

from small Konso settlements. The settlements were at low, intermediate and high

elevation, respectively. One of the towns was in the Fasha region, the others in the Karate

region. The names of the settlements and the household inhabitants are withheld to

protect the identity of the informants. A grid was laid out over the settlement map, and 20

coordinates picked randomly. The grid coordinates were translated into GPS coordinates,

and the household closest to the coordinates located. If the first set of coordinates were

located in an abandoned area, the next one was used, until a total of 10 households had

been studied. There were two reasons to study the spatial organization of households.

One was to obtain information on the size and organization of average households for

population estimates and interpretation of excavations. The other was to explore whether

household size differed with status. As this was a first step in the investigation of Konso,

it was deemed more important to get information on average size, and therefore households were picked at random.

Individual households were mapped to scale using metric tapes and a map of the spatial organization of the household constructed. All structures, weaving pits and outside hearths were located to scale on the maps. In addition, latrines and areas where refuse

was temporarily stored were located. The height of the structures and the height

difference between the upper and lower level was also recorded. The function and names

of the different structures were obtained from the head of the household or from his wife.

Additional information regarding the social status of the head of the household, clan

affiliation, number of people in the household and how the compound was acquired was

also obtained from the informant (see questionnaire in Appendix A-1).

Elders in each settlement, two individuals known to be knowledgeable about Konso

history, two ritual settlement leaders and one ritual regional leader were asked about the

history of Konso. Rather than using a set questionnaire, this information was obtained through unstructured and semi-structured interviews, to give the informants freedom to talk about what they considered important. In the settlements the questions focused on where the first settlers came from, if they had lived in any other Konso settlement before this settlement was constructed, if any inhabitants of their settlement had founded other settlements, and what the relations with other settlements were. In addition, they were asked how their settlement had been impacted by the Amhara armies when Konso was incorporated into the Ethiopian State. They were also asked about stelae erected in main moras for victories against other settlements and for heroic deeds, such as killing lions.

However, the information about stelae more than about 50 years old, was not consistent between informants, nor with information obtained by Hallpike (1972) in the 1960's, and this part of the study was abandoned. The two Konso historians were asked about the original settling of Konso, and in particular the history of the area they lived in. The ritual leaders were asked questions about Konso settlement history and the origin of their lineage.

Household Analysis

The overall organization of households is similar in the towns where households were mapped. A typical household is divided into an upper part, oita, used as living area, and a lower part, arxata, used for storage and animal holdings (figure 4-1). The entrance gate leads into the arxata. The most common structures are the aleta (figure 4-2A), used

72 for sleeping and cooking, and the kosa (figure 4-2B), kotara (figure 4-2C) and quda

(figure 4-2D), used for grain storage in the upper part, and animal holdings below.

Specialized structures include the reqa (figure 4-2E) in the arxata, used to hold cattle, the mana (figure 4-2F) in the oita, used for child birth and seclusion of mother and child, the agita (figure 4-2G) in the oita, used by clan leaders for ritual purposes, and the aletakasa

(figure 4-2H) in the oita used to store precious items. The last one frequently has goats tied to it to act as watch dogs. The construction of structures was similar in households in

Karate and in the Fasha town studied. There were, however, some wooden structures found only in the Fasha town. They were the qoreta, used like an aleta, the 'anota (figure

2I), used for animal holdings and storage, and the elfigneta (figure 4-2J) resembling a small aleta. Other settlements further south and east in Fasha does, however, also have enclosed structures built entirely of stone (figure 4-2K).

As the majority of Konso settlements are situated on hilltops or hill slopes, there is usually a stone wall between the arxata and oita. The height of this wall depends on the slope of the hill. Individual households are constructed with the oita at the highest point on the slope, and leveled for the two divisions of the household. When the ground is level the division between the oita and the arxata is marked by recessed stones. In addition, households generally have a stone wall on the far side of the oita separating it from other households. The other borders of the household are separated from the neighbors and walkways by lower stone walls and wood fences.

Size and Construction of Structures

As previously mentioned, the most common structures are the aleta, the quda, the kosa and the kotara. The aleta, sometimes called mugita when used predominantly as sleeping quarters, the qoreta, and 'anota (also called sjunga ) are constructed by putting

several wooden poles in a circle. The number of poles depend on the size of the structure.

Measurements of the circumference of aletas gave a mean + standard deviation of 11.9 +

2.1 m, of the quda 8.3 + 2.0, the kosa 7.4 + 1.2 m and of the kotara 7.1 + 1.1 m in

circumference. For a summary of structures see table 4-1. The outside of the aleta and the

qoreta are covered by wattle and daub and a woven straw roof attached. The straw at the

top of the structure is commonly held together with a broken pot. The aleta has no upper

story. The 'anota does, and the entrance is situated in the straw covering the upper story.

The aleta, as well as all other structures, excluding the chicken coop, are lined with stones around the outside, which are used to sit on or store objects on. The elfigneta is a

small structure constructed like an aleta, but not covered with wattle and daub. The mana

is also constructed with several poles, but in a slightly oval form and with a vestibule. It

is covered with a straw roof that reaches to the ground. The kosa and kotara are constructed with 4 poles in a square, and with a woven rounded upper story. The straw roof is placed on top of the upper story. The lower story is frequently recessed. The only difference between the kosa and the kotara is the method of construction of the wall of the upper story (figure 4-2B and C). The agita is a smaller one story structure also constructed from 4 poles. The toreta is a small temporary structure made from 4 poles with grain kept on a platform above ground. The shaka is a larger, rectangular structure made with 4 poles and covered by a flat roof. The reqa and quda and are made with 4 sturdy poles placed in an approximate square. They have an upper story covered by a straw roof. They differ in the placement of the entrance to the upper story. The reqas in the study measured 9.0 + 0.6 m in circumference. The quda's entrance is in the middle of the ceiling of the lower story, and the reqa's also in the ceiling, but to the front. The floor

of the lower story of the reqa is stone lined and frequently recessed. The lower story of

the quda may be wattle and daub covered and used like an aleta. In this case it is situated

in the oita. The aletakasa is constructed from one cut tree, with the trunk placed within a stone circle and a platform with a straw roof placed in the tree limbs. The dorolukala

(chicken coop) is a small woven structure with a straw roof placed in a growing tree or on

stilts. As the Konso traditionally did not eat chickens or eggs, this structure is likely to be of recent origin. One other structure found in Konso settlements is the pafta (figure 4-

2L), which is a structure built in larger moras and used as sleeping house for unmarried men. It is constructed of 8 sturdy poles placed in a square, with a raised stone floor and a large upper story covered by a straw roof with a fancy pot to hold the straw at the top.

Archaeological Visibility

In excavations it should be possible to identify the pafta, the mana and the

aletakasa based on the number and placement of post holes. It would not be possible to distinguish based on the post holes between the aleta, 'anota and qotara, nor between

kosa, kotara and toreta, or between reqa and quda. The number and placement of post

holes would, however, tell which of these three categories the structure belonged to. If

the stone lined floors were left intact it would also be possible to identify reqas used to hold cattle. Weaving pits can also be identified. They are stone lined and slightly oval, approximately 70-90 cm long, 50-80 cm wide and about 80 cm deep. The weaver sits on a stone at one end and has his legs in the pit. A wooden pole used to hold the thread is put into the ground approximately 1 m in front of the pit. Other smaller wooden poles placed around the pit are used to support a shade for the weaver.

Household Activities

Most activities, such as grinding grain, cooking and slaughtering animals could take place both in the oita and arxata. Hearths are made from three stones placed in a

triangle. Households generally have two hearths. One is placed inside a structure, most

commonly an aleta in the oita, and is used for general cooking. The other is placed

outside, in most cases in the arxata, and is used particularly for cooking large amounts of

beans, chagga, and arraki. Chagga, the fermented sorghum or maize drink that is a major

food source in Konso, and beans are served to work groups helping the household either

in the fields or with house construction. Chagga is also sold from the household or in the

market. Arraki is a strong spirit and was probably brought into Konso with the Amhara.

Weaving pits were only found in the arxata. They were, however, also commonly placed

near moras outside the individual compounds. Goats can be kept in both areas of the

household, but cattle are only kept in the arxata. Household waste is generally

temporarily stored near the gate in the arxata prior to being deposited in the ash midden

outside the settlement wall.

Household Size

The area of the individual compounds range from 84 to 410 m2. The average

household compound was 174 + 82 m2 (mean + standard deviation). One settlement in

the study had larger compounds than the others, on an average 251 m2 versus 143,177 and 137 m2. The households are generally rectangular in form, with approximately half of the compound oita and the other half arxata, but the shape is influenced by the slope of the land and by the settlements stone walls.

Eight of the nine Konso clans were represented in the sample of households. 30 % of the owners belonged to the Keertitta clan, which is the most common in Konso, the

others were fairly evenly represented. The average number of people in a household was

5.6 + 2.2, 3 + 1 of those being adult. Only 10% of the households surveyed belonged to xauda (artisans), the rest belonged to etenta (farmers). If the owner or his wife was involved in the settlement organization, the household was considered one with social status. This was further divided into high social status, in the sample consisting of

poqalla mogulas, apa timbas, kanta leaders and "first-comers", and other social status,

which included advisors, members of village committees and working team leaders.

People of high social status tended to have larger compounds and larger living

structures than others. Their compounds measured 211 + 117 m2 and their largest living

structure 15.1 + 2.4 m in circumference versus 171 + 77 m2 and 12.4 + 1.7 m respectively

for those without any social role. The difference was, however, not significant. This may

be due to an inadequate sample number as only 5 households belonged to people of high

social status. However, two of the three largest household belonged to people without any social role. Households where the owner had some other social status did not differ in size from those of owners without any social role. The average size of the xauda households did not differ from the average size of the etenta households. The size of all households were 174 + 82 m2, and the average of the xauda households was 184 m2.

Household Acquisition

There were several ways a compound could be acquired. The most common way was by inheritance from the father to the oldest son, in this sample 18 of the 30 compounds studied. Other ways of acquiring a compound included allocated, that is given to the family by the elders or the settlement committee; borrowed, which is when the original owner allows relatives or friends to use the compound; given to the owner as a gift from the father to a younger son; and bought. Most of the compounds that were

77 allocated were given to the owner during the Dergue times, and it may be a novel way of acquiring a household.

Spatial Analysis of Settlement Features

The Konso stone walled settlements contain households, walkways, moras, monas

(a walled cattle holding area near the main gate), threshing areas and, in some cases, smithies and areas for weaving. The stone walls were built for defense, both from enemies and from wild animals, particularly hyenas. Several settlements still have remnants of hyena traps located outside the walls. These are stone walled structures where the inhabitants left offal from slaughter to lure hyenas so that they got trapped and could be killed. Most settlements have two or three main gates, sometimes with a fortified zigzag path leading up to them. There was no pattern to the direction of gates.

Moras

The moras range in size from small sitting areas to large plazas with a pafta and a dancing area. The small ones are used as meeting places where people can talk, the larger ones for discussions, ritual dances, erection of generation poles and judicial settlements.

Each kanta (neighborhood) has a larger ritual mora, and each settlement a main mora for the whole settlement. Most settlements also have a swearing mora, where judicial matters are settled. In addition, almost all settlements have a watching mora used to look out for the approach of enemies, and a mora to look at stars to determine the best times for planting. There are also ritual moras, normally situated outside the walled settlements.

Stelae raised for victories against enemies and for heroic deeds are generally erected in the main moras. In some cases the main mora is also the swearing mora. Women of fertile age are not allowed to walk across the main mora, nor to enter the pafta. The moras are cared for by the generation grade and by a family living in a compound close

to the mora. This family may be headed by a poqalla, but many moras did not have a

poqalla living next to it. Settlements that do not have a watching mora to look for

enemies have a watching area either inside or outside the settlement or share a watching

mora with another settlement. The only exception was Gahiti, which differs in many

respects from other Konso settlements. It is the only settlement with only one clan,

Keertitta, and it also lacks paftas and victory stelae.

Placement of Moras within Settlements

The location of the main mora, and the watching mora or watching area was determined in all inhabited settlements. The location of swearing moras or swearing areas was determined in all but four settlements. In addition, all moras were located in seven settlements to obtain a better picture of their placement. Dara had seven moras (figure 4-

3). The watching mora was located inside the settlement, inside but close to the

innermost wall, with a view to the south and to the east. The main mora was located

between the 1st and 2nd wall, close to the eastern border of the settlement. Four moras were placed inside along the 3rd wall. Among them, and close to the edge of settlement, was the mora belonging to Shirto, who is the poqalla tuma of Dara. One mora was found

inside the 6th wall (the last) in an abandoned area of the settlement. In addition, there was

a ritual mora about 50 m outside the settlement. Dara people use the swearing mora in

Olanta. There were 14 moras in Olanta (figure 4-4). Three of them were small open

spaces, ranging from 3x7 to 6x8 m in size. One of these had a weaving pit. It was situated

close to the northern border of the settlement by the second wall. Ten moras had paftas,

and one used to have an aleta. These moras ranged in size from 4x9 to 7x47m. The

largest is the main mora. All but one mora were situated close to a settlement wall. Two,

the main mora and the swearing mora, were just outside the innermost wall. Five were

around the 2nd wall, four around the 3rd wall, and one by the 4th wall. One was between

the 1st and 2nd wall towards the northern border of the settlement. There were no moras

inside the innermost of Olantas 5 walls. The watching mora was by the 3rd wall with a

view to the south, east and north. Patankalto has 12 moras. They were all situated by

settlement walls. Two moras were inside the oldest wall, and the main mora was situated just outside the 1st wall. Most of the other moras were around the 2nd of the 5 walls.

Patankalto uses the swearing mora and the watching mora of Olanta. Idigle has 15 moras.

Two are inside the 1st wall, but not centrally placed. Most of the others are around the 1st

of Idigles 6 walls. The main mora is outside the 1st wall on the northern side of the

settlement, the swearing mora by the third wall, and the watching mora just inside the 1st

wall on the eastern border of the settlement. From it one can see to the northeast, east and

south. Gandima has 19 moras. All are situated by settlement walls, most of them near the

2nd, 3rd or 4th of Gandimas 7 walls. The main mora is just inside the 2nd wall, the swearing

mora outside the settlement, and the watching mora, with excellent view from northeast

to southwest just inside the 2nd wall. Gahiti has two moras. The main mora is away from

the only wall in the southwestern part of the settlement. The other mora is by the wall.

Torokola has three walls and three moras. The main, watching and swearing mora is located inside the 3rd wall, the other two inside the 2nd wall. There are no moras inside the

1st wall.

As seen from the description above most moras are situated near settlement walls.

Very few are inside the 1st wall built in a settlement, and very few are near the last wall

built. Of course, when a settlement only has one wall, most moras are inside. However, in

general they are placed towards the wall, rather than in the center of the settlement. Table

4-2 shows the placement of the main mora, the swearing mora, the watching mora and the view from it, and the number of walls for each settlement. The main mora was placed centrally, or with the extension of the settlement became central in only 11 of the 39 inhabited settlements. In 3 cases it is outside the settlements, and in 25 it is towards the edge of the settlement. Of the settlements with central main moras only 4 had the mora originally placed centrally, and 3 of those only have one wall. It seems likely that the main moras used to be outside the settlement, when the walls were first built.

Placement of Craft Activities

Most Konso settlements have weavers, but other artisans are only found in some settlements. In settlements with blacksmiths the smithies are located at the edge of the settlements, but inside the settlement walls. Weaving areas with pits are located in or near moras away from the center of settlements. Weaving pits are also found within the weavers household. Only one of the households studied had a potter and a butcher. This household was situated centrally in the settlement but close to and inside the first wall built. It would thus have been away from the center of the original settlement.

Furthermore this household may not be representative of potters' households as the family were first-comers and the head of the household a saara to a poqalla mogula. No households with hide workers were encountered in this study.

Settlement Walls

The stone walls are constructed without mortar. Some are built with ledges on the inside wall and some have stepping stones inserted into the inside wall. Many of the settlement walls are at the present time decayed. The innermost walls in settlements with more than one wall were generally in better repair than outer walls. Only 14 settlements had walls that appeared intact in most areas, 18 had areas with 10% or less decay and the

rest between 20 and 100% decay. The maximum height of the outside of the walls ranged

from 0.6 m to 7 m. The walls that looked intact ranged from 2.5 to 7 m on the wall facing

out. The mean of the innermost walls of the settlements was 2.9 + 1.4 m for all

settlements and 3.7 + 1.5 m for the intact walls. The height of the wall facing inwards

was less. The highest was 6.6 m and in some cases there was no inside to the wall.

Among the intact walls the range was between 1.3 and 3.1 m, with a mean of 2.0 + 0.6 m.

The wall that was 6.6 m high is estimated to have less than 10% decay. The width of the walls varied between 0.5 and 3.6 m for all settlements and the mean was 1.6 + 0.4 m for

the intact walls. The walls were generally wider and in better repair close to the gates.

Labor Requirement for Building Walls

One instance of repair to a wall was observed. The work was led by the generation

leader, and was undertaken after elders had noticed that the wall was disintegrating. All

men of the generation were called to help with the work, and I was told that they would

have been fined if they had not been excused in advance. Approximately twenty people

worked for one day to repair a 6 m segment of a wall of about 2 m height and 1.5 m

width. This makes it possible to determine an approximate man-hour labor for the

building of the settlement walls. For a three meter high wall, which is a little lower than

estimated for original intact walls, it would come to 40 man hours to build 1 m of wall.

With a work force of 50 people it would take roughly 100 days to build a 1 km wall. As

the stones for the wall were in this case already present the estimate is likely to be

substantially lower than it should be. Selecting and transporting the stones may have

taken as long as the actual building of the wall. A more reasonable estimate is thus twice

the observed man hours, which would yield 80 man hours per 1 m of wall. It was

recounted that the displaced people of Korane built the second wall of Motone and settled

inside it. This wall is 211 m long and has a maximum height of 1.2 m, with about 50%

decay. The area within the extension could accommodate 33 households, and assuming

that each household had about 1.5 grown men in it, it would be reasonable to expect that

50 people could work on building the wall. This would translate as 42 full days to build

the wall, which could be accomplished within a year or two together with other work in

the fields and construction of individual households.

Watching Areas

The watching moras or watching areas generally face away from Konso, so that

settlements on the borders look out for the appearance of outside enemies. Keldime is the

settlement furthest east and its watching mora faces east. Saba in the south faces south.

Oibale, the settlement furthest south overlooks the south, southwest and west. From Doha

in the southwest the best view is to the south, southwest and west. Gugnera Kolme, the

westernmost settlement faces northwest, north and northeast and Nagule in the north has

a view to the northwest, north, northeast and east. There is no stone walled settlement to

the east of Nagule. The only exception to the rule of the watching mora facing out of

Konso is Xalato in Turo, whose watching mora faces south. Informants in the settlement said that was because Konso were their enemies. Gandima has a 180 degree view, from northeast though west to southwest, from its watching mora. Now there are several settlements to the west, but they were probably built after Gandima. Gabo has a view to the west, south and east, with settlements both to the west and east today, but not when it was built, as it was reported to be the oldest settlement in the area. However, some of the settlements probably built late, do overlook other older Konso settlements. From the

Mecheke watching mora one can, for example, see Machelo, Buso, and Xormale. Xamale also has Fasha in sight, and from the Gesergio watching mora one can see Burjo and

Motone. It is possible that as warfare between Konso settlements became more common,

the watching areas were set to overlook possible Konso enemies as well as outside

enemies.

Regional Analysis and Population Estimate

A total of 54 settlements have been located and their stone walls mapped.

According to informants 39 of these were inhabited in 1897 when the Amhara armies

reached Konso. The areal extent of their stone walls reflect their size at that time as the

walls have not been extended since then. The other settlements had become abandoned at

various times prior to that.

The distribution of stone walled settlements show that they are more closely spaced

in the northeast, near the present-day town of Karat (figure 4-5). In this region there are

12 settlements in a 4x4 km area. These settlements also generally have more walls than

settlements elsewhere in Konso (table 4-3). In the northeast they have an average of 4.5

walls. In other parts of Konso the density of settlements vary between 2 and 7 per 16

km2. There are, for example, only 5 settlements per 16 km2 in the far southeastern part of

Fasha zone, with an average of 1.2 walls per settlement. It is likely that the northeastern area of Konso was the first to be settled, and that people subsequently moved south and southeast. Settlements in these areas are spaced further apart and generally have fewer

walls. Turo and Kolme zones have the lowest density of stone walled settlements. There

are two walled settlements in Turo to the northeast, one of them abandoned, and one

walled town in Kolme to the east. The spatial analysis thus points to these regions being

the last to be settled, prior to the incorporation of Konso into the Ethiopian State.

However, according to oral histories Turo was settled early. The majority of settlements

in Turo are not walled, and it is possible that the two walled settlements were fortified

due to their vicinity to Konso.

The north-eastern region of Konso may be similar to the original homeland of the

Konso. According to oral histories, the Konso lived together with the Borana and Burji in

the Liban area. According to Braukamper (2002), Liban was situated in the highlands

between the rivers Ganale and Dawa. Thus, the Konso may have sought out an

environment where they could use their traditional farming techniques. Subsequently, as

suggested by Fidel and Anthony (2003) they are likely to have moved to similar

microenvironments within the new region. This is born out by the distribution of Konso settlements, which follow the contour of the landscape, with the preferred settlement location between 1400 and 1800m altitude. Following settlements in favored locations, and barriers against moving out of the Konso highlands, both environmental and social

(Rockman 2003), locations close to the optimal environments may have been chosen for settlements.

Population Estimate

With the help of the average household size and average inhabitants per household collected in the household study it is possible to estimate the population of Konso prior to its incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire. There are several assumptions made in this estimate. The first is that the household size has not changed over time. As households were generally inherited by the oldest son, the household size is not likely to have changed over time. The second assumption is that the size of the households is the same in all settlements. This is not likely, as the household study had one settlement where the average compound was larger than in the other settlements. However, the overall average size is not likely to change much, and thus, even if the population in some settlements is

overestimated, it is probably also underestimated in some settlements. The third

assumption is that all settlements were full of households within the walls. This is not

likely to be true. New walls were probably built when the population inside became

crowded, but with space for more households than immediately needed. In one settlement

informants told that right before the Amhara arrived in Konso the settlement had been

filled completely with households, indicating that that was not generally the case.

Furthermore, not all space within a settlement consists of households. There are moras,

walkways, inner walls and activity areas, such as threshing places and monas. In Olanta, the moras were measured, and took up 1.6% of the settlement space. Thus, the moras, other non-household space and occasional unused compounds probably account for about

5% of the settlement space. This number is used to correct the number of inhabited households in each settlement. The fourth assumption is that the average number of people per household has not changed. This is difficult to evaluate, but it is likely that family size was lower, due to higher infant mortality and loss in warfare. Therefore an estimate of 5 people per household is used rather than 5.6. Using these adjusted values, calculations of settlement populations fit with known populations in two cases. One was calculated to have a population of 5,390 people and known to have 5,500 inhabitants. The other was calculated to have a population of 3,325 people and an actual population of

2,455. However, this settlement had two areas which are today abandoned, and subtracting that space the calculations gave a population of 2,165 people. Based on the data obtained in the household study with the above adjustments, the total Konso population just before the arrival of the Amhara is estimated to 87,730 people, with an average settlement population of 2,268 + 1,633 people. The largest settlement would

86 have held 6,380 people and the smallest 175. The population density would have been

390 persons/km2 for Konso, when the Turo region is excluded. As most of the settlements in Turo do not have walls, no population estimate can be done for this region, and the one inhabited walled settlement in Turo is therefore excluded both from the total population estimate and from the population density estimate. This estimate of the average number of people per settlement is substantially higher than Hallpike's (1972) estimate of the settlements containing on average 1,500 people. However, Hallpike (1972) did not describe how he arrived to that estimate, and as his study was performed in the 1960's it is possible that the population had not yet recovered from the decimation from the annexation of Konso. Furthermore, at the time Hallpike was in Konso the exodus from the settlements to individual homesteads or villages closer to the fields had already started. Although it is likely to have an even higher degree of uncertainty, an estimate can also be made of the early Konso population. Unfortunately, the first settlements can not be measured, because the walls have decayed too much. However, an estimate of the population at the time Olanta, Dara, Patankalto, Idigle, Gamole and Gabo were settled, and Dokato and Gandima probably had extended slightly suggests that about 6,000 people lived in Konso at that time, with a population density of about 200 people per km2.

Relative Chronology of Konso Settlements

It is possible to set up a tentative relative chronology of the Konso stone walled settlements based on their number of walls and information about which settlements were settled from other settlements (tables 4-3 and 4-4). When population increases people can either move to a new area and build a settlement or they can extend the original

87 settlement. The latter is more likely when the region's population density has increased so that there is no free land. It does, however, also have advantages for defense.

The tentative chronology places the earliest settlements as Marmare, Dokato,

Burkoda, Gandima and the 1st Hulme (table 4-3 and figure 4-6A). Dokato is the largest settlement with 8 walls, and Gandima the second largest with 7 walls. Marmare was the original settlement for the inhabitants of Dara, Olanta and Patankalto with 6,5 and 5 walls respectively. Dokato, Burkoda and the 1st Hulme were said to have been settled at the same time. Only small remnants of the walls of Marmare and the 1st Hulme can be found today. The second set of settlements are likely to be Dara, Olanta, Patankalto, Idigle,

Gamole and Gabo (table 4-3 and figure 4-6B). Idigle has 6 and Gamole 5 walls. Gabo only has one full wall, but is reported to be the first settlement in the south. The third set built are probably Keldime (settled by inhabitants from Idigle), Machelo, Torokola and the abandoned settlements of Cholale, old Foro, Palalto, Teileta, and Kashale (table 4-3 and figure 4-6C). Burjo was possibly settled at this time as well. It is supposed to be the oldest Fasha settlement, even though it only has one wall. The fourth set include

Sawgame (which is younger than Teileta according to informants), Buso, Foro, Gocha,

Hulme, Gugnera Fasha, Debena, Tarme, Irgo, Oibale (the last three settled when Kashale was abandoned), Motone, Xalato, Kuile, Doha, Gera, Gesergio, Kendala (reported to be younger than Burjo), and the abandoned settlements of Enna, Aybale, Korane, Guile

(table 4-3 and figure 4-6D). The fifth set is likely to be Gume (settled from Debena),

Lehaite, Mecheke (settled from Enna and Aybale), Nagule (settled from Palalto), Gaho,

Xormale (settled from Cholale), Xamale and Gugnera Kolme (partly settled from Fasha and Gugnera Fasha respectively), and the abandoned settlement of Dagatdera (table 4-3).

Saba was reportedly built during the Italian occupation, all the other settlements prior to the incorporation of Konso into the Ethiopian Empire. The relative age of Gahiti and the abandoned settlements of old Saba, the 2nd Hulme and Irbane, which has been resettled, could not be determined.

The sizes of the settlements were used to obtain the population estimates. As shown

in that section the population in Konso is likely to have increased from about 6,000

people shortly after the Konso started building fortified stone walled settlements to

almost 88,000 people at the end of the 19th century. This implies that the population had

doubled approximately 4 times. Translating that increase into years is problematic. The

world population basically doubled between 1500AD and 1800AD and doubled again

between 1800AD and 1900AD (Allen and Shalinsky 2004), which would average to 200

years for the population to double. However, some areas have low, whereas others have

high population growth. Konso is likely to be at the higher end, as intensive agriculture

sustains high populations. A conservative estimate would therefore be for the population

to double every 100 years, which would indicate that the Konso stone walled settlements

have existed for at least 400 years.

Site Hierarchy?

Although all of the Konso settlements are relatively small there are 5 that are lager

than 19 ha, 10 between 10 and 14 ha and 24 smaller than 10 ha. This could be in accord

with a three-tiered distribution. However, the placement of the larger settlements does not

support a site hierarchy. Three of the largest settlements are in the north and north-east,

with one of them without any smaller settlements in the vicinity. The other two are in the

middle of Konso. Neither do oral histories obtained support the five largest settlements as

89 centers for the medium and small sized ones. Indeed, oral histories describe some settlements as independent, whereas others are closely linked.

Autonomy or Integration?

In the northeastern part of Konso there are 3 clusters of closely linked settlements.

Jarso has three settlements: Idigle, Keldime and Lehaite. They are within a stone's throw of each other and share ritual and political functions, with the main mora and poqalla tuma in Idigle. Idigle is larger than 10 ha, the other two smaller. Olanta and Patankalto are known as Duraite. They abut each other, and the main mora is in Olanta, which is larger than 10 ha. Although Olanta, Patankalto and Dara were founded from the abandoned settlement of Marmare, Dara appears to be autonomous, with it's own poqalla tuma. The three settlements known as Dokato, consist of Dokato itself, Burkoda and

Hulme. The main mora is in Burkoda, and Burkoda and Hulme are separated only by a market area. Dokato is further away, but there are well worn paths between it and the other two settlements. However, the largest settlement is Dokato, at 20 ha, the other two are less than 10 ha. This differs from the other two clusters, where the largest settlement was the center for ritual activities. There is, however, a large ritual mora situated close to

Dokato. The poqalla tuma of these three settlements lives away from them. Three settlements: Foro, Xormale and Saba in the southeast are known as Abaroba. They are further apart, and have their own main moras, but collaborate in warfare. Foro is larger than 10 ha, the others smaller. The three southernmost settlements: Tarme, Oibale and

Irgo were founded from Kashale, which was abandoned prior to the time the Amhara appeared. They are all smaller than 10 ha, indeed smaller than the abandoned Kashale, and located more than 1 km apart. Their main mora is in Tarme, and they collaborate in ritual activities, but appear to be otherwise autonomous. The situation in the middle part

90 of Konso is more complex. The largest settlement is Debena, at over 20 ha, but it's relationship with the other settlements in the area range from loose alliances to warfare, and changes over time. The exception is the small settlement of Gume, which was founded from Debena. The size of Debena may be misleading, as the households in this settlement were more spread out than in others, and thus the population of Debena may have been smaller than some of the other settlements, which were more densely populated.

The rank-size distribution of all the towns of Konso is convex (figure 4-7), which, according to Johnson (1981) and Mudar (1999), should point to a poorly integrated system. Dividing the towns based on allegiance to the Kalla, Qufa and Bamalle, the three regional poqalla tumas, still gives convex distributions for those with allegiance to the

Kalla and to the Qufa, but a slightly concave distribution for those with allegiance to the

Bamalle (figure 4-8). This resembles what Johnson (1977) calls a primate system, generally found when one city is politically supreme. However, only three towns are involved, so it is difficult to make any concrete conclusions.

When the towns are divided into the previous regions of Karate, Kena and Kotmara an interesting pattern emerges (figure 4-9). The regions of Karate and Kotmara show convex distributions indicating that they were not integrated systems. However, the region of Kena shows a more linear graph with a slope approaching –1. This would suggest that this region was integrated into one system. The towns in Kena are Debena,

Burjo, Kendala (abandoned during the Italian occupation), Irgo, Tarme, Oibale, Xamale,

Gugnera Kome, Doha, Motone, Gesergio, Torokola, Gugnera Fasha and perhaps Gahiti.

The placement of Gahiti in either Kena or Kotmara is unknown, but will not change the

91 rank-size distribution of towns as it is the smallest town in Konso. It is tempting to interpret the rank size distribution as an emergence of a paramount chiefdom in the area, with Debena as the major power. However, there are some problems with this interpretation. The only town that had close ties with Debena was Gume, and several of the towns in Kena were opposed to each other. Kashale and Gesergio were, according to informants, enemies. Gesergio also had fights with Burjo, Doha and Gugnera Kolme.

Informants also recounted land disputes between Debena and Fasha and Xamale.

Consequently, it is unlikely that Kena was an integrated system under the rule of Debena.

It is, however, possible that Kena was in the process of becoming an integrated system.

Debena is the largest town in the area, with the most victory stelae, and it is the only one that displays stelae captured from other towns. On the other hand, if the Kena region was on the verge of becoming a paramount chiefdom, there is a further problem with who the chief would be. The Qufa was the major ritual leader both for Kena and Kotmara, but the two regions combined do not show any indication of being an integrated system. The poqalla tuma of Debena was not revered in the other towns in Kena, nor did he appear to have absolute power in Debena, as informants told that the town people convened to diminish his power by forcing him to eat forbidden food. Consequently, if Debena was indeed the seat of the major town in a regionally integrated area, it is not likely to have been in the form of a conventional paramount chiefdom.

Summary and Discussion

The household analysis yielded important information on the organization of compounds, which can be used to interpret archaeological investigations. Although the total number of households mapped is small, they did not differ substantially in organization or size, and should thus reflect average household organization. Konso

households are divided into the oita, an upper main living area, and the arxata, a lower

area for grain storage and livestock holdings. The household study did not yield evidence of spatial hierarchy, even though there was a tendency for people of high social status to have larger structures and households. It should however, be mentioned, that poqalla

tumas, whose main households are outside the settlements have larger compounds.

Whether this is due to their social status or to less limited space is unknown. It would be

necessary to map both poqalla tumas compounds and individual households built in

recent years by people without social status to resolve that question.

The stone walled Konso settlements contain individual households, walkways,

some public areas and ritual spaces. Three aspects have bearing on the socio-political

organization of Konso. The first is the stone walls. Although building these walls is labor

intensive, calculations based on the observed repair of a wall segment shows that it can

be accomplished by the inhabitants without restricting other activities. The wall repair,

and by implication the building of stone walls, was performed by all men in the

generation grade responsible. This implies that monumental works was not

commissioned by one segment of the population and carried out by another. The second

aspect is the placement and control of ritual places. The major rituals take place in the

main mora. In many cases this mora was situated outside the settlement, and it is likely

that this used to be the norm. The care of the main mora is entrusted to the warrior grade

within the gada system. The pafta in the mora houses all unmarried men. Although

moras generally were considered to belong to a family living next to it, this particular

family might or might not have high status. Thus, in Konso, main ritual spaces were not

controlled by high status individuals living next to it. The third aspect is the placement of

93 watching moras. Most of the time these were placed so that inhabitants could watch for outside enemies. The exception was some of the younger settlements in the interior of

Konso. In general, it appears that the Konso were more concerned with defense against other groups, which implies that they considered themselves one people.

The analysis of the regional spatial data does not show spatial hierarchy for the whole Konso region and argues against it being one polity. Whether the Kena region was one polity is questionable in lieu of any evidence to support the dominance of Debena in the region. The settlements in the north-east were on average larger, had more inner walls, and were more closely spaced. This is most consistent with this part of Konso being older than other areas, which also fits with oral histories. Population estimates suggest that the settlements in this area are old, possibly more than 400 years old. The age of the settlements will be explored further in the following chapters, which deal with the excavations and analyses of artifacts.

Table 4-1. Structures within households. House type n Circumference (m) Ground shape Poles Aleta 41 11.9 + 2.1 Round Many Kosa 26 7.4 + 1.2 Square 4 Quda 23 8.3 + 2.0 Square or round 4 large or many Kotara 17 7.1 + 1.1 Square 4 Reqa 8 9.0 + 0.6 Square 4 large 'Anota 4 8.7 + 1.0 Round Many Mana 2 14.0 Oval Many Toreta 2 4.1 Square 4 thin Agita 1 5.1 Square 4 large Elfigneta 1 7.2 Round Many Qoreta 1 17.6 Round Many

Table 4-2. Summary of walls and moras. Town # of Location of Swearing mora Watching View walls main mora mora (clockwise) Dokato 8 Inside 2nd In Burkoda In Burkoda Gandima 7 Inside 2nd Outside Inside 1st SW-NE Dara 6 Inside 2nd In Olanta Inside 1st SE-SW Idigle 6 Outside 1st Inside 3rd Inside 3rd NE-S Olanta 5 Outside 1st Outside 1st Inside 3rd N-S Patankalto 5 Outside 1st In Olanta In Olanta Keldime 5 Inside 1st In Idigle Inside 3rd E Gamole 5 Outside 1st Outside 1st Inside 2nd N-NE Burkoda 4 Outside 1st Outside 1st Outside 1st NW-NE Machelo 4 Inside 1st Unknown Outside 1st N-SE Hulme 3 Inside 1st In Burkoda In Burkoda Gocha 3 Inside 3rd Inside 3rd Inside 1st N-E Sawgame 3 Inside 1st Outside Inside 2nd SW Foro 3 Inside 1st Inside 1st Inside 1st E-W Torokola 3 Inside 3rd Inside 3rd Inside 3rd SW-W Gugnera Fasha 3 Inside 2nd Outside Unknown Buso 3 Outside Unknown Middle hill All around Doha 2 Inside 1st Inside 1st Inside 2nd S-W Gera 2 Inside 1st Inside 1st Inside 1st E-S Nagule 2 Inside 1st Stones outside Inside 1st NW-E Motone 2 Inside 1st Outside Outside Irgo 2 Inside 2nd Inside 2nd Inside 1st W-E Tarme 2 Inside 1st Inside 1st Outside 1st N-S Gabo 2 Inside 1st Inside 1st Inside 1st S Xalato 2 Outside Outside Outside S Lehaite 1 Inside In Idigle In Idigle/ Keldime Burjo 1 Inside Inside Inside SE-S Xormale 1 Inside Inside Inside S-E Kuile 1 Inside Unknown By wall NE-SE Mecheke 1 Inside Unknown Inside NW-E Gugnera Kolme 1 Inside Outside Inside NW-NE Gaho 1 Inside Inside Inside E-SW Oibale 1 Inside In Tarme Stone inside S-W Saba 1 Inside In Foro Inside Gahiti 1 Inside Inside Not present Gesergio 1 Inside Inside Inside N-SE Xamale 1 Outside Inside Inside S-NW Debena 1 By wall Inside By wall NW-NE Gume 1 Inside Inside Inside E-SW

Table 4-3 Characteristics of Konso settlements inhabited 1897AD. Town # of Area Location in Region of Tentative walls (ha) Konso Konso order Dokato 8 20 NE Karate 1 Gandima 7 12 NE Karate 1 Dara 6 8 NE Karate 2 Idigle 6 11 NE Karate 2 Olanta 5 11 NE Karate 2 Patankalto 5 7 NE Karate 2 Keldime 5 7 NE Karate 3 Gamole 5 13 N Karate 2 Burkoda 4 7 NE Karate 1 Machelo 4 19 M Karate 3 Kendala 4 7 M Kena 4 Hulme 3 5 NE Karate 4 Gocha 3 19 N Karate 4 Sawgame 3 11 S Kotmara 4 Foro 3 14 SE Kotmara 4 Torokola 3 3 SW Kena 3 Gugnera Fasha 3 3 M Kena 4 Buso 3 13 E Karate 4 Doha 2 5 SW Kena 4 Gera 2 11 S Kotmara 4 Nagule 2 23 N Karate 5 Motone 2 2 M Kena 4 Irgo 2 2 S Kena 4 Tarme 2 3 SW Kena 4 Gabo 2 4 SE Kotmara 2 Xalato 2 3 Turo Turo 4 Lehaite 1 3 NE Karate 5 Burjo 1 3 W Kena 3 Xormale 1 7 E Kotmara 5 Kuile 1 4 NE Karate 4 Mecheke 1 10 M Kotmara 5 Gugnera Kolme 1 7 W Kena 5 Gaho 1 4 M Kotmara 5 Oibale 1 3 S Kena 4 Gahiti 1 1 M unknown unknown Gesergio 1 10 SW Kena 4 Xamale 1 4 W Kena 5 Debena 1 22 M Kena 4 Gume 1 4 M Kotmara 5 M denotes middle

Table 4-4. Settlement relationships based on oral histories Older settlement Younger settlement First in area Marmare Dara, Olanta, Patankalto Northeast: Marmare, Dokato, Burkoda, 1st Hulme Idigle Keldime South: Gabo Teileta Sawgame Fasha: Burjo Kashale Tarme, Irgo, Oibale Old Foro Foro Burjo Kendala Enna, Aybale Mecheke Palalto Nagule Debena Gume Cholale Xormale Gugnera Fasha Gugnera Kolme Idigle, Keldime Lehaite

Figure 4-1. Konso household.

Figure 4-2. Konso structures.

Figure 4-2. Continued.

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Figure 4-3. Dara.

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Figure 4-4. Olanta.

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Figure 4-5. Distribution of Konso settlements.

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Figure 4-6. Relative chronology of Konso walled settlements.

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Figure 4-6. Continued.

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Figure 4-7. Rank-size distribution of Konso settlements inhabited in 1897.

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Figure 4-8. Rank size distribution of Konso settlements by allegiance to regional ritual leaders.

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Figure 4-9. Rank-size distribution of Konso settlements by region.

CHAPTER 5 EXCAVATION

The aim of the excavation in Konso was two-fold. One goal was to develop a culture history for Konso, to aid future studies of Konso organization and settlement history. Trade beads, lithic, ceramic and metal artifacts were examined for this purpose.

They were characterized and when possible seriated. A second goal was to determine the age of the Konso walled settlements. To accomplish this, an abandoned household and an ash midden in Olanta, one of the older settlements in Konso, were excavated (figure 5-1).

The household was the first to be excavated, but there were not enough artifacts recovered to attempt to construct a culture history. Therefore an ash midden adjacent to the abandoned area was selected for excavation. Although there may be differences in culture historic sequences between different settlements in the Konso area, time and financial constraints prohibited excavations in more than one settlement. Even though the results may be more specific to Olanta than to Konso as a whole, it is a first step, and future excavations will determine whether there are differences between different Konso settlements.

The settlement chosen for excavation is not the oldest. Informants reported that

Olanta, Patankalto and Dara were settled from Marmare, which together with Dokato,

Burkoda, and the original Hulme were the first settlements in the area. Olanta is situated in the region of Konso that was the first to be settled, and the stone walls show that it has been extended at least 4 times (figure 5-1). It is thus one of the older settlements, and it's age would give an indication of a minimum age for Konso settlements.

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Each division of a settlement has one place were they deposit household waste.

This is occasionally fired, resulting in an ash midden. The excavated ash midden abutted the wall built as the first or second extension of the settlement (figure 5-1 and 5-2) and partly buried the wall to the east. It is likely that it was one of the oldest trash middens of

Olanta as it is near the wall of the oldest part of the settlement. This midden was used by the inhabitants in the section of the settlement where the abandoned excavated household was situated. Although that section today is mostly abandoned, the ash midden had been used in recent times. In addition it had been used to provide ash for house construction, as evidenced by two ash digging pits, a recent one to the east of the excavation, and an older one to the west (figure 5-2). Ash is put in the perimeter during house construction to prevent insects from entering.

Parts of Olanta are abandoned, among them a household abutting the first wall constructed in the settlement (figure 5-3). Informants recounted that it had been abandoned since shortly after the end of the Italian occupation, roughly fifty years ago.

Before that it was inhabited by 3 generations of a family originally from Burji, located to the east of Konso across the Sagan river. Prior to that it had been abandoned for an unknown time. At the time of excavation it was used for growing crops.

Methods

Ash Midden Excavation

The ash midden was situated to the southeast of the excavated household outside the wall surrounding the settlement (figures 5-1 and 5-2). There are two problems with excavating Konso ash middens. One is that the main matrix is ash and consequently heavier material will sink. The other is that when the ash midden becomes so high that it gets close to the height of the wall, the Konso will flatten it by shoveling ash away from

110 the wall. The area selected for excavation was situated at a level spot close to the wall

(see fig 5-2). It is therefore unlikely that there is reversed stratigraphy, although some of the layers may be diminished or missing.

A datum, consisting of a nail in cement, was placed adjacent to an ash midden in the outer part of the stone wall around the area the household was in (see fig 5-2). Four 1 m2 units were excavated, one of them down to the bottom of the cultural layer. The northwest corner of unit B5 had the coordinates 5o 19,724' north and 37o 25,978' east.

The units were excavated in 5 cm levels within natural stratigraphy. To minimize the risk of collapse, the excavation was stepped. Unit B6 was stopped after level 11 (120 cm below the datum (b.d.)), unit B5 after level 23 (180 cm b.d.), unit C5 after level 40

(265 cm b.d.), and only unit C6 was dug down to the end of the cultural layer at 325 cm b.d.

All excavated material was sieved through 1 and 5 mm screens and all artifacts collected. Charcoal was not collected from the screens, but in situ charcoal samples for

C14 dating were taken from every second level starting at level 17, and from every level starting at level 35. In addition 2 charcoal samples were collected from level 10 and 11 in unit B5. Munsell colors and soil consistency were determined, floor maps drawn and photographs taken at the bottom of each level. After the excavation was finished wall profiles were drawn and photographs taken.

Household Excavation

Two areas were selected for excavations (see figure 5-3). The first was in the oita towards the original wall of the settlement, and consisted of six 1 m squares, two of them abutting the wall, and two within the remnants of a structure with a hearth. The second was in the arxata, towards the gate, and originally consisted of five 1 m squares, two of

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which were situated within the remnants of a stone circle, possibly the foundation of a decayed structure. This excavation was extended by 2 squares after an intact weaving pit was discovered in the westernmost square, and several post holes were found in one of the middle squares. All units were excavated down to bedrock, either unbroken solid rock or ash-fall tuff. A datum consisting of a large nail in cement was placed in the upper north-east corner, and the household was divided into 1 m squares, numbered 1-13 from west to east, and A-L from north to south. The datum for the household excavation was at

5o 19,739' north, and 37o 25,990' east. The northeast corner of unit B4 (in the oita) was at

5o 19,739' north and 37o 25,987' east. The middle of unit L9 (in the arxata) was at 5o

19,734' north and 37o 25,989' east.

Units were excavated by 5 cm levels within natural stratigraphy. In the household

excavation the first level was 10 cm, as it was expected that the soil in the uppermost 10

cm would have been disturbed by planting. For subsequent 5 cm levels the units were

divided into 4 quadrants, SW, SE, NW, and NE to get better spatial control. Munsell

colors and soil consistency was determined at the bottom of each level. In addition, floor

maps were drawn and photographs taken. Features such as pits and postholes were

excavated separately. The difference in soil consistence and Munsell color was very

small between the stratigraphic layers, and not noticeable during excavation.

Consequently the change from one stratum to the next was first discovered at the bottom

of the level with the change. As it was not possible to discern which stratum artifacts

belonged to within this level, the interface was designated as stratum 1/2 and 2/3. All

excavated soil was sifted through 5 mm and 1 mm screens, and artifacts bagged. In

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addition, bulk soil samples were obtained by collecting the soil from a 25x25 cm area by level, starting in level 2, from one unit in the oita and one in the arxata.

Analysis of Excavated Materials

Artifacts were sorted into faunal remains, ceramics, lithics and glass, beads and

other personal adornments, plant remains, charcoal and miscellaneous. The latter included paper, fabric, plastic, and metal. Faunal material was weighed, but not further analyzed. The plant remains and the miscellaneous material was counted and weighed and, when possible identified. An Ohaus portable balance, weight range 0.1-300g, was used to obtain weights. As the majority of beads and many glass fragments weighed less

0.1g the weight ranges for these artifacts is approximate. Charcoal collected from the screens in the household excavation was weighed, and the distribution determined.

Ceramics, lithics and glass, and beads and ornaments were further analyzed. The methodology used and the results of the analysis are presented in chapters 6 through 8.

Analysis of charcoal was restricted to distribution by weight in the household excavation.

Faunal and plant remains were not analyzed, due to lack of expertise, time and financial restrictions. All data were entered into the SSPS program, which was used to determine frequencies and other statistical analyses. Two charcoal samples from the lowest stratigraphic layer in the ash midden were submitted to Beta Analytical Inc. for radiocarbon dating.

Ash Midden Excavation

Profiles of the north and east wall are shown in figures 5-4 and 5-5. As can be seen the stratigraphy was complex, with many lenses and broken layers. With depth these lenses became smaller and were only discernable as mottling of the matrix. It is possible that some of these lenses reflect individual trash dumpings. Alternatively, they may

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reflect different types of refuse in one dumping. However, the amount of artifacts in these

lenses was very small, and it was deemed not to be reasonable to excavate them

separately.

The matrix was ash of different Munsell colors, interspersed with charcoal and soil.

Because the soil was mixed with ash it was generally not possible to determine soil

texture. It is likely that the soil was windborn silt, deposited particularly during the dry

season. During excavation, 16 soil changes were recognized. These consisted of color

changes and may reflect different amounts of silt mixed into the matrix. Many of these

did not extend into all squares, and for analysis the excavation was divided into 7 major

stratigraphic layers that were discernable throughout the units. These changes were

generally, but not always, discernable in the wall profiles. The volume of the strata (table

5-1) differed both due to the natural stratigraphy and to the smaller area excavated deeper

in the midden. As shown in figures 5-4 and 5-5, the soil change between stratigraphic

layer 1 and 2 can be clearly seen in the north wall profile in unit B5 and less clearly in the

east wall profile in unit C6. The change to stratum 3 is barely discernable in the east wall profile, but clear in the north wall profile. Stratum 3 is separated from stratum 4 by a darker layer mixed with charcoal, as is stratum 4 from stratum 5. The color changes in the floor are shown in figure 5-6. The difference between the matrix in stratum 5 and 6 is minor, and did not show on the profiles. Stratum 6 had more small stones in it, the soil was harder, and it had a lighter brown color (Munsell 7.5YR 4-5/4) rather than a darker brown (Munsell 10YR 3/3). Stratum 7 consisted of darker colored soil (Munsell 7.5YR

2.5/2). It was first encountered on the north side of the unit, and may represent the original surface, prior to the establishment of the ash midden. It contained few artifacts.

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The division into the 7 stratigraphic layers is subjective, and another investigator

may have discerned more or fewer strata. For example, the dividing line between stratum

2 and 3, and between stratum 5 and 6 is not visible in all wall profiles, and these might be combined. However, the interface between these strata were clearly evident during excavation.

There was one pit found in unit B6. It can be seen in the wall profile in figure 5-5.

It contained very few artifacts (bone and one small piece of pottery), and was within the

upper part of stratum 1. There were many stones encountered towards the bottom of the

excavation (figure 5-4 and 5-6). They may have been part of the original surface, or

represent stones that have sunk down in the ash midden. The latter is more likely as one

assistant recounted that little boys liked to throw stones and watch them sink in the ash. It

is also likely that there was disturbance at the bottom of the excavation, as one snake hole

(with a resident snake) was found in the north wall of unit C6. Artifacts from that area

were collected separately.

Due to financial restraints only two samples were submitted for radio-carbon

dating. The first sample was from stratum 7 in the ash midden excavation. The

uncalibrated date was 150+80 BP. Unfortunately, this age falls on an uncertain range of

the radiocarbon calibration curve. The intercepts with the calibration curve gives dates of

1680 AD, 1740 AD, 1810 AD, 1930 AD and 1950 AD. Including error terms, the 1

Sigma calibrated results gives an age between 1660 AD and 1950 AD, and the 2 Sigma

calibrated result a maximum age of 1530 to 1550 AD. Thus, according to the charcoal

date the age of stratum 7 can be anywhere between 1530 and 1950AD. The second

sample was from stratum 6 and the 1 Sigma calibrated results gives an age between 1700

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and 1950AD. Consequently, the charcoal does not accurately date stratum 6 and 7, and

other evidence will need to be considered.

Household Excavation

Within the remnants of the structure there was a hearth and a sitting stone used by

the cook (figure 5-3 and 5-7). The area below the sitting stone was considered a feature, as was the hearth and the low stone walls delineating the decayed structure. The only

other feature in the oita was a pit encountered in unit C4. This pit was below the stones

delineating the structure and reached a depth of 20 cm below the foundation for the

structure.

The cultural layer in the oita was shallow and bedrock was reached between 35 and

40 cm below the surface in the units outside the remnants of the structure. Within the

structure it was reached at 20-25 cm below the surface, which was about 20 cm lower

than in the units outside the structure. The soil was restricted to pockets between large

stones encountered 10 to 20 cm below the surface (see figure 5-7 for an overview of the

bottom floors). Consequently the lower levels contained less soil than the upper (see table

5-1). Three major stratigraphic layers were recognized from wall profiles (figure 5-8) and

Munsell colors taken at the bottom of levels. The soil changes were too minor to recognize during excavation. Stratigraphic layer 1 was between 5 and 10 cm deep, and

probably disturbed by planting. Stratigraphic layer 2 was between 10 and 40 cm deep.

Stratigraphic layer 3 was 5 to 15 cm deep and restricted to a few pockets.

Charcoal was not collected from the surface or from stratum 1, but the distribution was noted in subsequent strata (figure 5-9). The density was highest in stratum 2 (figure

5-9 and table 5-2). There is a range given in the table, as several charcoal samples

weighed less than 0.1g. As figure 5-9 shows, charcoal was restricted to unit C5 and the

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northwest quadrant of unit C3 in stratum 1/2. Stratum 2 had charcoal in all units, but most

of it was in units C4 and C5, and only small amounts were found in units B4 and C3.

Stratum 2/3 was restricted to units C3 and C5, which is why they are the only ones with charcoal in figure 5-9. Charcoal was only found in units C4 and C5 in stratum 3, but this stratum was absent from units D3 and D4. Overall unit C5 contained most charcoal, and the least amount was found in unit B4.

The stratigraphy in the arxata excavation was more complex with several pits and postholes, some containing remnants of wood, and ashy layers. Figures 5-10 and 5-11 show photographs of features during excavation. Apart from the features 3 major

stratigraphic layers were recognized (figure 5-12). The volume of the strata is given in

table 5-1. The upper stratigraphic layer was between 5 and 10 cm deep. It consisted of

dark brown silt with Munsell color 7.5YR 3/3 when dry, which corresponds to stratum 1

in the oita. When the soil was slightly damp the Munsell color changed to 7.5YR 4/4 or

4/3. As the excavation took place in the end of the dry season and the beginning of the

rainy season, there is some variation in Munsell colors recorded. The same is true for

stratum 2, which when dry gave a Munsell color of 7.5YR 4/4, but when damp varied between 5YR 4/4 and 7.5YR 4/3. This layer varied in depth between 5 and 30 cm, and stratum 3 varied in depth between 5 and 25 cm. As for the oita excavation, the minor

change in soil color was not recognized during excavation, so the designation stratum 1/2

is used for the levels that contained the interface between stratum 1 and 2. Likewise,

there is a stratum 2/3 in unit L12. The bottom floor of the excavation contained large

boulders or a very compact matrix of broken stone which could not be dug with a trowel

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(figures 5-10 and 5-11). This surface was ash-fall tuff bedrock, and a number of pits and

postholes extended into it (figures 5-10, 5-11 and 5-13).

Postholes had looser, stony soil, consisting of silt with Munsell colors from 7.5YR

4/3 to 4/4. As shown in figures 5-10, 5-11 and 5-13, some were recognized as circles of soil change during excavation (n=4), others by remnants of wood (n=5) or an elongated trace of burnt wood (n=1). There were also many digging episodes with a circular appearance that are likely to have been postholes (n=14). In addition, there were 6 pits

found (figure 5-13). One on the south side of unit L10/L11 is likely to be recent. The

profile showed soil indistinguishable from that of stratum 1 down to bedrock. One on the

south side of unit L8/L9 may also be recent, as there were no discernable changes in soil

in the profile. However, as the south side of the excavation was always in shade it was

difficult to discern soil changes, and it may have had a layer of stratum 1 above it. The pit

in the northeast corner of unit K10 had a thin layer of stratum 1 above the pit (figure 5-

12), and was probably dug earlier. The other pit in unit K10 (on the east side) showed

evidence of recent digging as stratum 1 extended down in the profile. However, it appears

it had an earlier use (figure 5-12), and may have started out as a post hole. The pit on the

north side of unit L10/L11 also showed indications of recent use and earlier use. The last

pit was a stone lined weaving pit encountered 10 cm below the surface in unit L8 and L9

(figure 5-10 and 5-13). The fill in this pit was indistinguishable from the soil in stratum 2,

and stratum 1 could be seen above it (figure 5-10). Four digging episodes, one with

remnants of wood, adjacent to the weaving pit are likely to have been posts for a shade

for the weaver. There should be another post approximately 1.5 to 2m in front of the pit

to hold the warp. One digging episode that may correspond to this pole is tentatively

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identified in figure 5-14. In addition postholes possibly belonging to a structure of the

same time are delineated. There were also several postholes located so that a structure

could not have been contemporary with the weaving pit or with each other. Three

possible building episodes, tentatively assigned to stratum 2 from their first appearance in

the excavation and their depth are shown in the last panel of figure 5-14.

In addition, there was a hearth found about 5 cm below the surface in the northwest

quadrant of unit K9 (figure 5-10). The feature extended down to 15 cm below the surface,

and measured approximately 50 by 30cm. It extended into the west wall. Unit K9 also

contained small amounts of dung in levels 2 and 3, approximately 10 to 15 cm below the

surface (figure 5-14). It was found mainly in the southeastern and southwestern quadrant,

and unit L10 also had small amounts of dung in the northwestern quadrant at the same

depth. It is likely that the hearth and the dung were roughly contemporary, reflecting

activities taking place after the weaving pit was abandoned. Figure 5-14 shows three

possibilities for a structure. The green and the purple dashed lines show structures

compatible with the stone circle. The blue dashed line shows a smaller structure with

only the dung inside it.

Approximately 105g of charcoal was collected from the arxata excavation, with the

collection starting below the first 10cm. The distribution in the different strata and

features is shown in figure 5-9, and the density and weight in table 5-2. The distribution

of charcoal is complicated due to the many pits and post holes encountered in the excavation. Stratum 1/2 contained large amounts of charcoal in unit K9, and none in unit

L8. However, there is some uncertainty in the amounts recovered in unit K9. The ash

feature indicating the hearth was first clearly visible on the floor of level 2, but was likely

119 to extend a few centimeters above the floor, as the ashy layer on the wall profile extends

2 cm above the floor of level 2 (figure 5-10). All of the charcoal found in level 2 (6.0g) is assumed to belong to the hearth, but it is possible that some were found above it. It is also possible that some of the charcoal encountered elsewhere in the unit was originally associated with the hearth, although this is assigned to stratum 1/2. The amount of charcoal found in the northeastern quadrant of unit L12 is also uncertain, as a fire had been recently set adjacent to it, and charcoal fell into the unit and had to be cleaned out.

Stratum 2 had quite a different distribution from stratum 1/2. Here the majority of charcoal was found in units K10, L8 and L11. Stratum 3 had charcoal only in unit L8 and

L12. However, stratum 3 was not encountered in unit L9 and L11.

Discussion

The stratigraphic layers in the ash midden may be the result of periodic burning, windblown silt accumulation during dry years, and/or removal of part of the midden. The sample submitted for radiocarbon dating did not give a secure date for the lowest stratigraphic layer. However, 20th century dates are not reasonable as they do not fit with artifacts found. A 19th century date, although possible, is unlikely considering that

Olanta grew at least 6-fold between the time it was established and 1897 AD, when it was incorporated into the Ethiopian State. If the population doubled with each generation

(using a generation time of 30 years) and there was no movement from the settlement to other areas, an early 19th century date is possible. However, as many new settlements were founded, and disease and warfare is likely to have limited population growth, it is less likely. Consequently, a 17th or 18th century is more likely for the founding of

Olanta. It is, however, also possible that the ash midden was established in the early 19th

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century, and that other areas were used to deposit trash in the early years of the

settlement.

Stratum 1 in the household excavation is likely to have been formed after the

household was abandoned. It contains the disturbed planting zone. The major

occupational stratum is stratum 2. Stratum 3 may be the original surface. The stone circle

delineating a previous structure in the oita contained a hearth with a sitting stone and 2 of

the 3 stones normally used for hearths still in place. The stone circle is oval, but does not

show evidence of a vestibule. It may have been either a mana or an aleta, both of which

can contain hearths. It is less likely that it was a kosa or kotara, as they rarely contain hearths, and no evidence for postholes was found. As discussed in chapter 4, both the mana and aleta use several thin poles for support, and they are not placed deeply, so postholes could easily have been obliterated by planting. It is somewhat surprising that only small amounts of charcoal was found in the hearth, and these were on the surface and in level 1. However, the hearth was open to the air and the charcoal it may have contained may have blown away. As a fair amount of charcoal was found trapped under the sitting stone, it is likely that the hearth was used. The pit found below the stone circle may have been associated with construction of the structure or in use prior to the building of the structure.

The stone circle that was partly excavated in the arxata was not as substantial as the one in the oita. Both the hearth and the dung were found within this circle. As livestock is often kept inside reqas, qudas, kosas, or kotaras in Konso, the dung may reflect the placement of a stall. However, it is unlikely that cooking would be done in a structure with livestock. This gives two possibilities shown in figure 5-14. The first

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possibility is that the stone circle is the remnant of a kotara or kosa that was used to keep livestock in at one time and used for cooking at a different time. However, the hearth and the dung were found in the same levels, and kosas and kotaras are rarely used for cooking. In the survey of 30 households (discussed in chapter 4) there was only one household that had a hearth in a kotara. The other possibility is that there was a smaller structure used to hold livestock and the hearth was outside. The problem with this scenario is that the hearth is very close to the structure, and the post holes do not fit with the stone circle. As the stone circle mainly consisted of a single layer of stones, it is possible that they had been moved from their original location. Either of these possible

structures must, however, have been erected after the weaving pit was abandoned. In the

first possibility the structure is situated above the weaving pit, and in the second it is

likely that the structure would interfere with weaving. According to informants the house

hold head of the second generation occupying the household before its abandonment was

a weaver. Both he and his married son left to fight the Italians during the Italian

occupation, so it is likely that the weaving pit was abandoned around 1940 AD.

If one looks at the post holes that had wood in them or had a soil color different

from the surrounding soil, it is clear that there had to be at least 5 episodes of

construction in the excavated area (figure 5-13 and 5-14). As learned from the household

survey postholes should be at least 1m apart for kosas and kotaras and about 2m apart for

qudas. Although it is not possible to state with certainty which post holes belong

together, a tentative association built on depth and height is shown in figure 14. Thus

there must have been at least 4 consecutive structures in the eastern part of the arxata

prior to the time the household was abandoned. According to informants, a Konso

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structure lasts 25-35 years before it has to be rebuilt. This suggests a minimum

occupancy of about 75 years if the last structure was built shortly before abandonment. If

some of the other digging episodes also were post holes, it is possible there were 4

additional construction episodes, where 2 could not have been contemporary with any of the others. In that case the occupation may have spanned about 200 years. The number of

building episodes suggests that the household was used before it's first abandonment.

In summary the excavation indicates that the ash midden is likely to be a minimum

of about 200 years old. The household excavation confirmed the presence of a weaver at

the household, and suggested several episodes of construction of structures in the arxata,

possibly reflecting use prior to the last known family that inhabited it. The analysis of

artifacts presented in the 3 following chapters will focus on characterization and attempt

to develop a culture history for Konso.

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Table 5-1. Volume of strata Ash midden Stratum Volume (m3) 1 2.292 2 0.666 3 1.784 4 0.575 5 0.375 6 0.475 7 0.233 Oita 1 0.334 ½ 0.080 2 0.400 2/3 0.002 3 0.082 Pit 0.012 Arxata 1 0.333 ½ 0.264 2 0.545 2/3 0.036 3 0.034 Weaving pit 0.068 Other pits 0.286 Postholes 0.054 Hearth 0.022

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Table 5-2 Charcoal density and weight in the household excavation Oita Stratum Weight (g) Density (g/m3) ½ 1.2 15.0 2 23.21-24.2 58.0-60.4 2/3 2.31-2.4 n.a. 3 1.61-2.1 20.2-25.7 Pit 2.4 Under sitting stone 1.8 In stone circle 9.4 Arxata ½ 22.52-22.7 85.3-86.0 2 20.82-21.9 38.2-40.2 2/3 0.2 5.6 3 0.93-1.2 27.0-34.8 Weaving pit 3.3 Other pits 13.2 Postholes approximately 6 Hearth 29.6 The density in stratum 2/3 in the oita is not calculated as the volume of the stratum is to low.

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Figure 5-1. Location of excavations in Olanta.

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Figure 5-2. Ash midden excavation.

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Figure 5-3. Household excavation.

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Figure 5-4. North wall profile of the ash midden.

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Figure 5-5. East wall profile of the ash midden.

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Figure 5-6. Stratigraphy in the ash midden.

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Figure 5-7. Features and bottom floors in the oita excavation.

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Figure 5-8. Wall profiles from the oita excavation.

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Figure 5-9. Charcoal distribution in the household excavation.

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Figure 5-10. Bottom floor and features in the arxata excavation.

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Figure 5-11. Pits and postholes in the arxata excavation.

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Figure 5-12. Wall profiles from the arxata excavation.

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Figure 5-13. Features in the arxata.

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Figure 5-14. Possible structures associated with postholes in the arxata.

CHAPTER 6 ANALYSIS OF LITHICS, GLASS AND MISCELLANEOUS ARTIFACTS

Lithic, metal and glass artifacts are commonly used to develop relative chronologies and to define culture areas. Analysis of the materials recovered from the excavation in Konso can thus help develop a culture history for Konso. Although this has no immediate bearing on the socio-political organization of Konso, it will provide a

baseline for future studies of, for example, regional diversity and trade. Konso is one of

the few areas in the world where stone tools are still being manufactured and used. Today

their use is restricted to hide working, and hide workers make scrapers from chert, agate

or quartz (Brandt 1996; Brandt and Weedman 1997, 2002). As Brandt (1996) have

shown, modern Konso scrapers can be distinguished morphologically from those of other

hide working ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia. However, it is important to record

changes and similarities in stone tools over time in Konso. Furthermore, although it is

known that stone tool use persisted after metal tools started to be made, there have been

few studies of these tools (but see Rosen 1997). In Konso, many hide workers have

started to use glass as a raw material for scrapers. Therefore glass encountered in the

excavation is analyzed following the methods for lithic analysis. Iron ore is not found in

Konso, so blacksmiths use imported material to make tools. Analysis of metal artifacts

may give suggestions about the age of the trade in metals.

Methods

The methodology used for lithic analysis was modified from that of Brandt (Gilgel

Gibe dam project) and Weedman (2000). Except for glass trade beads, which are dealt

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with in chapter 7, all lithic and glass material were analyzed as to artifact category, raw

material and weight. Flakes, cores and tools were further analyzed into types, shape,

platform types, retouch characteristics, edge form and size (see Appendix A-2 for

analysis key). Size measurements refer to maximum size, with length measured from the

proximal to the distal edge. Glass tools and flakes were analyzed using the methodology

for lithics. For glass tools the side with convex curvature of the glass was considered the

dorsal side.

Glass that could not be defined as tools or flakes was analyzed as to color and

weight, and the distribution determined. Density was calculated using a weight of both

0.1g and 0.01g for glass fragments weighing less than the limit of the balance to get a

minimum and maximum density. It is likely that some of the glass flakes were due to

natural breakage and not associated with tool making. It is also likely that some glass fragments analyzed only by material and distribution were associated with tool making.

However, it is not possible to discern which fragments and flakes belong to which category. Metal and plastic artifacts were weighed and, when possible, identified. Metal and plastic artifacts used as jewelry are dealt with in chapter 7. The analysis of other metal and plastic artifacts is restricted to their distribution.

Due to the large variation in size measurements, dimensions of tools and flakes are expressed as median and range, rather than mean and standard deviation. The median, in this case, gives a better idea of the size of an average tool or flake, and the range reflects the variation. Likewise, as size and weight are not normally distributed, non-parametric statistical tests were used for comparisons. The Kruskall-Wallis test was used for comparisons of dimensions of tools and flakes between stratigraphic layers. The chi-

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square test was used to compare attributes between stratigraphic layers. In most

comparisons the number of cases was too small to obtain reliable results.

Lithics

The excavations yielded a total of 634g of lithic materials. There were 43 tools, 11 cores, 85 flakes, 22 flake fragments, 105 pieces of angular waste and 5 nodules. Figure 6-

1 shows their distribution in the ash midden. It reflects the smaller area excavated deeper

in the midden. It is clear that density increases with depth down to stratum 6. Stratum 7

did not contain any lithic artifacts. The largest change is between stratum 3 and 4. Figure

6-2 illustrates the distribution of tools, flakes, nodules and cores by raw material in the

ash midden. It shows changes in raw material over time. Yellow-brown chert was the

most common raw material overall, but red chert predominated in stratum 4 and was common in stratum 5. Other raw materials and other colors of chert were rare.

Figure 6-3 shows the distribution of lithic material in the household excavation.

The majority was found in the arxata, shown to the right in the figure. There were roughly equal amounts of lithics in stratum 1 and stratum 2, whereas stratum 3 only contained 1 flake. In the oita most artifacts were found in unit C5, and only one retouch flake was found near the remnants of the structure in units D3 and D4. The pits and postholes in the arxata contained about a quarter of the lithics found. Apart from the features, lithics appear to be concentrated in units L8 and L12. Chert was the most common raw material, with yellow-brown the most common color. However, there were higher proportions of quartz and agate than in the ash midden.

Tools

The most common tools recovered in the ash midden excavation were scrapers and unshaped tools, with 16 of each category. Rare tools consisted of 2 bifaces, 1 backed

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piece and 1 point. In addition, 9 cores were found. There were also 3 nodules recovered in the excavation. Two were of quartzite and found in stratum 1. They weighed 29.1g and

28.4g. One smaller nodule, 6.8g, of red chert was found in stratum 5. The distribution of tools and cores in the ash midden is shown in figure 6-2, and summarized in table 6-1.

Density increased with depth, and as can be seen the increase was substantial in stratum

4. Scrapers and unshaped tools occurred throughout the sequence, but other tool types were restricted to stratum 4 and 6. Most tools were made from chert (29 out of 34), but the color of chert differed between tool types. The majority of scrapers were of yellow- brown chert, which was also the material of the majority of cores. However, most of the unshaped tools were of red chert.

The household excavation yielded a smaller number of tools (figure 6-3). The oita only had 2 tools, one scraper and one unshaped tool. In addition, one nodule was found.

There were more tools in the arxata. Two scrapers, 3 unshaped tools and 2 cores were recovered. In addition there was one yellow-brown chert nodule weighing 33.3g in stratum 2 in unit L8. No tools were found in stratum 3.

Scrapers

Of the 16 scrapers, one scraper and one scraper fragment were found during wall cleanings and are excluded from analysis as it is uncertain which stratigraphic layer they belonged to. The distribution of scraper types is summarized in table 6-2. End scrapers were most common. Core scrapers were the second most common type, restricted to stratum 4 and 5. Side and end+side scrapers were only found in stratum 6. Two of the end scrapers, one in stratum 1 and one in stratum 3 were of basalt (one of them shown in figure 6-4A), and one end scraper from stratum 5 was of agate (figure 6-4B). All other scrapers were of chert, the majority of them (n=8 including the 3 fragments) of yellow-

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brown chert. Figure 6-4C shows an example of a side scraper, 6-4D shows the end and

side scraper and 6-4E shows an example of a core scraper. As can be seen from figure 6-

5, basalt scrapers were wider than other scrapers. Those of other raw materials

overlapped in dimensions. The number of scrapers in each stratum was to low for

statistical comparisons.

Due to the small number of scrapers it is not possible to determine any changes

over time in cross sections, planforms, edgeforms or dorsal scar patterns. The

predominant characteristic is the variability in form (see appendix B-1 to B-3). The

majority of scrapers (n=11) had dorsal retouch, convex edgeform (n=8), and irregular

dorsal scar pattern (n=8). The most common planforms were oval and elliptic, and the

most common cross sections triangular and biconvex. The edge angle varied between 50

and 110o, but the majority had edge angles between 70 and 80o.

In contrast to the ash midden, scrapers from the household excavation were made

of agate or petrified wood (figure 6-3). The dimensions fall within the range of scrapers

in the ash midden. The only scraper in the oita was a core scraper. It had dorsal retouch,

radial dorsal scars, elliptic plan form, plano-convex cross section, and convex edges. The

edge angles were 57 and 75o.

The distribution of scrapers in the arxata is shown in figure 6-3. One of them was an end scraper made of petrified wood (figure 6-6A). It had bifacial retouch, oval plan form, irregular cross section and dorsal scars, and convex edge form. The edge angle was

72o. The other was a scraper fragment made of agate.

Unshaped tools

Sixteen unshaped tools were recovered from the ash midden. As shown in table 6-

3, the majority were utilized flakes. Only 5 were modified, and 1 was a piece of utilized

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angular waste. Representative photographs are shown in figure 6-4F, 6-G and 6-H. As for

other lithics, density increased with depth, with the largest increase between stratum 3

and 4 (table 6-3). The unshaped tools had a median length of 21.7mm, a median width of

16.85mm, a median thickness of 6.9mm, and a median weight of 1.7g. There were no

discernible changes in size with depth (figure 6-5). As for scrapers the main characteristic

is the variability in form (Appendix B-1 to B-3). The majority of unshaped tools had

irregular dorsal scars and straight edge form. Cross section varied with the most common

being triangular and biconvex. The most common plan forms were triangular, oval and

elliptic. There were no discernable changes over time.

The unshaped tool in the oita was a distal fragment of a utilized flake that weighed

2.1g. The 3 unshaped tools in the arxata were all utilized flakes made of chert. Their

distribution is shown in figure 6-3. One, of red chert (figure 6-6B), and one of yellow-

brown chert (figure 6-6C), were identified as razor blades by the Konso assistants. The

third was a fragment of yellow chert, weighing less than 0.1g. The former two both had

lenticular cross sections and plain platforms. The one of red chert had either been heat

treated or burnt after manufacture. Their dimensions fall within the range of unshaped

tools from the ash midden.

Other tools

Figure 6-2 shows 2 bifaces, 1 point and 1 backed blade in the ash midden. The 2

bifaces found in the ash midden consisted of one made from white chert (figure 6-4I). It

was one of the larger tools in the assemblage. It had one convex and one irregular edge,

with edge angles of 56 and 65o. The other biface resembled a knife (figure 6-4J). It was made from yellow-brown chert, and had an edge angle of 70o. A point (figure 6-4K)

made of yellow-brown chert was found in stratum 6. It had dorsal retouch, and edge

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angles of 65 and 78o. A backed blade (figure 6-4L) made of red chert was found in

stratum 4. The retouched edge angle was 50o. It was retouched with simple retouch on the dorsal side. The unretouched edge may have been utilized. Dimensions for these tools are shown in figures 6-5 and other attributes in appendix B-1 to B-3. The only tools found in the household excavation were scrapers and unshaped tools, which have been described above.

Cores

There were a total of 9 cores recovered from stratum 3-6 in the ash midden. Their distribution is summarized in table 6-4. The majority were irregular cores (figure 6-6D

and 6-6E), but there was 1 multi platform core and 1 pyramidal core (figure 6-6F). The

remaining core was a fragment. The density of cores appeared to increase with depth, but

the number of cores is very small. The dimensions of the cores is shown in table 6-5. The

pyramidal core may have been reused, as a few flake scars indicate flakes struck from a

second platform.

The 2 cores recovered from the household excavation were both irregular. Figure 6-

3 shows that they were both found in features. The one of white chert was found in a posthole, and the one of agate found in a pit.

Flakes

There were a total of 67 flakes recovered in the ash midden excavation. Four of them were retouch flakes, 5 were core trimming flakes and 58 were regular flakes. They weighed a total of between 165.93 and 166.2g. The weight range is due to 3 flakes weighing less than the balance range. Figure 6-6G and 6-6H illustrates the range in size of regular flakes and examples of other types of flakes are shown in figure 6-6I, 6-6J and

6-6K. In addition 2 blades were identified. Table 6-6 and figure 6-1 shows their

146 distribution. The density increased more than 10 fold in stratum 4, and no flakes were found in stratum 7. This follows the pattern of tools. Figure 6-7 shows the dimensions of the flakes. There were no significant differences over time. The size range is larger in the lower strata, but that is likely due to the larger number of flakes. Neither were there any changes in weight of the flakes over time (table 6-7). Figure 6-7 also shows that raw material did not affect size of flakes. There were no statistically significant differences in flake attributes (illustrated in appendix B-4 and B-5) between the stratigraphic layers.

The majority of the flakes (n=31) had a biconvex, either lenticular (n=26) or thicker biconvex (n=5), cross section, irregular dorsal scars (n=32), and a plain platform (n=36).

There was more variation in the planform, with 17 being oval, 14 triangular, and 10 rectangular. Although the number of flakes is to low for statistical comparisons, the presence of parallel dorsal scar patterns (n=5) in stratum 5 and 6, and facetted platforms

(n=2) only in stratum 6, suggests that lithic manufacture may have been more formalized at the time these strata were formed.

There were changes in density of flakes, types of flakes, and use of raw material over time (summarized in table 6-6 and figure 6-1 and 6-2). Figure 6-2 illustrates the number of flakes and tools by stratum, taking into account the smaller area excavated deeper in the midden. As can be seen the density increases substantially in stratum 4 and continues to increase in stratum 5 and 6. No flakes were found in stratum 7. Blades were only found in stratum 6. The vast majority of flakes in stratum 3-6 were of chert, indeed it was the only raw material for flakes found in stratum 4 and 5, whereas quartz was the most common in stratum 1. The only flake found in stratum 2 was of bone (figure 6-6I).

Yellow-brown chert was the most common overall, and predominated in stratum 6, which

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is similar to the pattern found for tools. Red chert was not found in the upper 3 strata, but was the most common raw material in stratum 4, decreased in stratum 5, and was absent from stratum 6. Thus the distribution of red chert flakes was more restricted than that of red chert tools. Agate and other colors of chert, such as brown, black and white, were rare. Black chert, for example, was limited to 2 flakes, both found in stratum 4.

There were only 4 flakes found in the oita excavation. Table 6-8 and figures 6-3 and 6-8 show their distribution and dimensions. One was a core trimming flake, the others regular flakes. As the number of flakes is very small, the distribution may be due to chance. However, no flakes (or other lithic material) were found inside the abandoned structure in units D3 and D4 (figure 6-3). As seen in figure 6-3 chert was the most common raw material, with 3 out of 4 flakes.

The arxata excavation yielded 14 flakes. One of these was found on the surface and was excluded from analysis. There was one retouch flake and 12 regular flakes (figure 6-

8). As can be seen by comparing figure 6-8 with figure 6-7, the flakes in the household were on average smaller than the flakes found in the ash midden. Their weight, which reflects the overall size is given in table 6-8. The retouch flake was found in unit K10 in stratum 1. As shown in figure 6-3, most flakes were found in the mixed stratum 1/2 and stratum 2. Units L8 and L12 had the most flakes, and no flakes were found in units L9 and L11. Chert was the most common raw material (table 6-8 and figure 6-3), followed by quartz. Yellow-brown chert predominated, with other colors limited to one flake. In contrast to the ash midden, there were no flakes of red chert. Due to the small number of flakes in each stratum, densities of flakes are very uncertain. As for the ash midden excavation the most common cross section for all flakes in the household excavation was

148 lenticular, and platform type (where it could be determined) plain. The most common dorsal scar patterns were irregular and radial. Planform varied with 4 flakes being oval, 3 elliptic, 2 rectangular, 2 irregular and 1 triangular.

Lithic Angular Waste and Flake Fragments

The upper 6 strata in the ash midden contained 82 pieces of angular waste weighing

118.2g, and 12 flake fragments with a weight of 8.0g. Table 6-9 shows a summary of their weights and distribution by raw material. In addition, 2 flake fragments and 8 pieces of angular waste were found during wall cleanings. As stratum could not be determined for them, they are excluded from analysis. The overall most common raw material was chert with a total weight of 96.3g. About half of the chert, 41.0g, was of a yellow-brown color. Red chert was the second most common with a total weight of 29.9g. Other colors of chert, such as black, white, yellow and brown, were less common. The second most common raw material was quartz with a total weight of 16.4g. Other types of raw materials found were agate, quartzite, and one piece of quartz crystal. The density of lithic debris increased with depth from stratum 2 to 6. As was found for tools and flakes the largest increase was in stratum 4. The type of raw material changed with depth (table

6-9). Quartz was the most common material in stratum 1 and 2, whereas chert was the most common in strata 3-6. Yellow-brown chert was most common in stratum 6 (83.2% by weight), whereas red chert was most common in stratum 5 (70.0% by weight).

Although the distribution of red chert is more widespread than for flakes, the larger amounts found in stratum 5 and 4 is consistent with the distribution for flakes and tools.

As for flakes, black chert was only found in stratum 4.

The amount of lithic debris recovered in the household excavation was smaller. The distribution is summarized in table 6-10 and figure 6-3 (which combines angular waste

149 and flake fragments). In the oita only 3 pieces of angular waste and 5 flake fragments were recovered. Only one piece of angular waste was found in stratum 2 and stratum 3 did not contain any lithic debris. Three of the flake fragments and one piece of angular waste were found in unit C5. As for flakes, no angular waste was found inside the remnants of the structure.

There were more lithic debris in the arxata, 20 pieces of angular waste and 5 flake fragments. Five pieces of angular waste were found in pits, the rest in stratum 1 through 2

(table 6-10 and figure 6-3). Two of the flake fragments were found on the surface and are not included in the analysis. Quartz and chert were most common raw materials and roughly equally represented. The only other raw material recovered was agate. Although there were more fragments of quartz than chert, by weight chert dominated with 4.9g versus 2.0g for quartz. The same colors of chert were found as in the ash midden excavation. There appeared to be different horizontal distributions of raw materials in the arxata (figure6-3). Quartz was predominantly found in unit L12 and in pits, whereas chert was found in all units. However, due to the small numbers, the distribution may be due to chance. The densities of lithic debris are uncertain for the same reason.

Grindstones

One complete lower, 5 large and 5 smaller fragments of grindstones were recovered from the excavations. The majority (n=8) were made from black granite with shiny specks in it. The rest (n=3) were made of gray granite. The gray granite was a harder material than the black. Five fragments, all of black granite, were found in the ash midden excavation. They were too small to determine whether they were upper or lower parts of grindstones. They varied in weight between 1.7 and 13.4g, and were found in stratum 1 (n=3), stratum 2 (n=1) and stratum 4 (n=1). One large fragment of a lower

150 grindstone, made of black granite, was found on the surface of unit B4 in the oita. It weighed over 300g (the limit of the balance used), and was 150mm long and 110mm wide. The shape was concave and the depth of the grinding surface varied between 13 and 18mm. A complete grindstone was found in stratum 1 in unit C3 in the oita. It was also of black granite and weighed over 300g. It measured 101 by 70mm, had a flat shape and the edge had been used for grinding. Three large and one smaller fragment were found in the arxata. One large fragment, probably an upper grindstone, was found in stratum 1 in unit L8. Both sides had been used for grinding, and it weighed 150g and measured 75 by 60mm. It was made of gray granite. Another large fragment, a lower grindstone of gray granite, was found in the weaving pit fill. It weighed over 300g, measured 120 by 105mm, had a concave surface and a grinding depth of 10mm. The other large fragments, both weighing over 300g, were found in stratum 2. One, found in unit K9, was a lower grindstone of gray granite, measuring 170 by 130mm with a grinding depth of 13-15mm. The other, found in unit L11, was probably an upper grindstone. It had a convex shape, and the intact side measured 115mm.

Glass Analysis

A total of 720g glass was found in the excavations. However, most of it, approximately 560g, were glass fragments without features associated with tool making.

Only two types of tools were found, namely scrapers and modified unshaped tools. The vast majority of glass was found in the ash midden. The household excavation yielded no glass tools, only 2 flakes and less than 11g of fragments. The ash midden on the other hand contained 21 scrapers, 3 modified unshaped tools and 59 flakes. Their distribution, divided as to color of glass, is shown in figure 6-9. No glass was found in stratum 6 or stratum 7. The majority of tools and flakes were made of green glass. This is particularly

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evident in stratum 3 and 4. The density of tools and flakes is highest in stratum 4 and

decreases in stratum 5. However, if all glass material is taken into account, stratum 3 has

the highest density with 194.4g/m3 versus 126.3g/m3 in stratum 4.

Tools

There were 21 glass scrapers and 3 modified unshaped glass tools found in the ash

midden. The modified unshaped glass tools were found in strata 1, 3 and 4 (figure 6-9).

All of them were made from green glass and weighed between 1.1 and 2.1g. Dimensions

for each tool is shown in figure 6-5. One was retouched on the distal end, the other two

on both end and side. Other attributes studied are shown in appendix B-1 to B-3.

The most common tool type was scrapers (n=21), and 17 of them were made from

green glass. One of these were found during wall cleaning and, as the stratum could not

be determined, it is excluded from the analysis. Scrapers were found in the 5 upper strata,

but most of them were in stratum 3. A summary of their distribution and weights is

shown in table 6-11. Figures 6-5 and 6-10A-C illustrates the range in size. The green

glass scrapers tended to be larger deeper in the midden, but the change was not significant. Neither were there any significant changes in cross sections, planforms, edgeforms or dorsal scar pattern with depth. The majority of the scrapers had oval or elliptic plan forms, and were planoconvex in cross section. The edge angles ranged from

50-75o, with a median end edge angle of 61o and side edge angle of 69o. Based on the

location of retouch, 9 scrapers would be characterized as end and side scrapers, 6 as end

scrapers, 3 as side scrapers and 2 as double-sided scrapers. Only one, found in stratum 3,

had bifacial retouch, 11 had dorsal retouch, and 8 ventral retouch. However, all scrapers

in stratum 4 and 5 had ventral retouch, whereas those in stratum 3 had dorsal, with the

exception of the bifacially worked scraper. In stratum 1 and 2 the majority, 4 out of 6

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scrapers had dorsal retouch. Thus it appears that there was a change in how the glass was worked with time. Whether this difference is due to a cultural change or reflects different knappers can not be determined.

It appears that the green glass was preferentially used to produce glass tools, as all of the modified unshaped tools and 16 out of 20 glass scrapers were of this material. As shown in table 6-12, and illustrated in figure 6-9 the distribution of glass flakes and fragments of different colors differ from the distribution of scrapers suggesting that the use of green glass for tools is a conscious choice, rather than use of the most abundant material. For example, clear glass is present in stratum 1 through 5 and is the most common material in stratum 1, but only one scraper of clear glass was found. It may be a reflection of tradition as green glass is more common in lower strata, when it is likely that glass tool production started. Alternatively, it may be due to qualities of the green glass making it preferable for knapping. Stratum 3, the one with most glass scrapers also has more green glass flakes than other strata, indicating that they may have been associated with tool production. However, the distribution of flakes for other strata, and for scrapers of other colors of glass does not correlate. This may be due to manufacture of scrapers and discard of scrapers and waste from manufacture being in different places or flakes being generated by natural breakage of glass. No glass tools were found in the household excavation.

Glass Flakes

One core-trimming flake and 58 other glass flakes were found in the 4 upper strata in the ash midden excavation. Their dimensions are shown in figure 6-7. There were no significant differences in size over time. The regular glass flakes were, however, significantly shorter, narrower and thinner than lithic flakes (p<0.001). Seven flakes were

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found during wall cleanings and it could not be determined which stratigraphic layer they

belonged to. These were excluded from further analysis and the analysis is thus restricted to 51 flakes. Three of these were identified as resharpening flakes. All of them were found in stratum 3 (figure 6-7). Figure 6-9 shows their distribution by color and stratum.

Nineteen were made from colorless glass, 15 from aqua colored glass, 13 from green glass and 1 from brown glass. Green glass flakes were more common in lower strata.

They predominated in stratum 3, but were rare in strata 1 and 2. Colorless glass flakes tended to decrease with depth, whereas aqua colored glass flakes were more evenly distributed. However, due to the small number of flakes the differences in distribution may be due to chance.

The majority of glass flakes had a lenticular cross section (appendix B-4) and no dorsal scars (appendix B-6). There were more variation in planform (appendix B-4) and platformtype (appendix B-6). The most common planforms were elliptic, triangular

planform and irregular. Platform type was highly variable. There were no discernable

changes with depth in flake attributes. However, flakes made from green glass tended to

be larger and thicker than flakes made from other types of glass (figure 6-7). The

difference in width and thickness was significant (p<0.05).

There were no glass tools and only three flakes found in the household excavation.

All of them were found in the arxata in unit L8. One was found on the surface, one in the

mixed stratum 1/2, and one in a pit. They were all made of colorless glass.

Glass Fragments

There was a total of 411 pieces of glass weighing between 631.54 and 634.6g that

had no features associated with tool making found in the ash midden. The glass was

restricted to the upper 5 strata. The density was highest in stratum 3, and decreased both

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with increasing and decreasing depth (see table 6-12). The majority of pieces were small

with a median weight of 0.6 g, but ranged from <0.1g to 40.7g. For a summary see table

13. Among the broken glass was a glass bottle that could be mostly reconstructed (figure

6-10D), made of molded glass. It was found in stratum 3 and weighed 35.2 g. Three small

pieces of impressed glass, 4 bottle lips and 6 bottle bases (an example is shown in figure

6-10E) were found. The majority of glass, however, consisted of angular fragments. Five

different colors of glass were encountered, namely aqua, green, colorless, brown and yellowish-green. The proportions of these colors differed between the different strata

(table 6-12). The yellowish-green color was the rarest, and restricted to stratum 3 and 4.

Brown glass was only found in the three upper strata. Aqua colored glass was most common in stratum 2, but was found throughout the sequence. Colorless glass was the most common in stratum 1, and was limited to one fragment in stratum 5. Green glass increased with depth. The distribution pattern for green and yellow-brown glass was similar to that of flakes and tools.

Glass was rare in the household excavation. Only two glass fragments were found in the oita excavation. They were both of colorless glass and weighed less than 0.1g.

Both were found in stratum 1. There were 19 fragments of glass found in the arxata excavation weighing a total of less than 10.7g but more than 10.34g. Their weights and distribution is summarized in table 6-14. One was found in the fill in the weaving pit, two in other pits and one in a posthole. The majority of the others were found in stratum 1, and no fragments were found below stratum 2. The density decreased with depth. The majority of the fragments were of colorless glass, followed by aqua glass, green glass, and yellowish-green glass.

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Metal and Miscellaneous Artifacts

Metal, gourd, plastic and textile artifacts were recovered both from the ash midden

excavation and the household excavation. Metal and plastic artifacts used as personal

adornments are dealt with in the following chapter on beads. Other metal artifacts

included nails, needles, knives, bottle caps, bullet casings, cotton rods, 2 coins, 1 hoe, and

one pen nib. The metal was generally corroded and there were many pieces that were

unidentifiable. Plastic and cloth artifacts were rare, and only their distribution will be noted. Gourd fragments were restricted to the ash midden. Only 4 were found, all within

the upper 15cm of stratum 1. Textile artifacts, consisting of 3 threads of yarn and 2 small

pieces of cloth were also restricted to the uppermost 15cm of stratum 1. The only textile

found in the household excavation was a thread of yarn. It was found within the upper

5cm of stratum 1 in unit L11. Pieces of plastics bags were found on the surface of the ash

midden (n=1), and on the surface of unit B4 and K9 of the household excavation. The ash

midden excavation also yielded 1 wire casing, 2 comb tines and 4 other pieces of plastic.

All were found in stratum 1, within the upper 45cms. In the household excavation 1 piece

of plastic was found in the mixed stratum 1/2 in unit L10, and 1 piece was found in

stratum 2 in unit L11. In addition, the ash midden contained pieces of shoes made from

rubber tires. One of these pieces was found on the surface, the others within the upper

25cm of stratum 1.

There were a total of 1.3kg metal artifacts recovered from the ash midden. Metal

artifacts were found in all strata, although stratum 6 only had 2 unidentified pieces found

in the same location, and stratum 7 only had one piece, possibly of copper. Stratum 3 had

the highest density, 332.8g/m3, and density decreased below that. For a summary of the

distribution and weights see table 6-15. In addition to the artifacts in the table, part of a

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knife was found on the surface, and a bottle cap, part of a knife and a needle were found

during wall cleaning. The latter 3 could have come from stratum 1, 2 or 3. Figure 6-11

illustrates the distribution of various types of metal artifacts by strata. The most common

identifiable artifact was nails. They were found from stratum 1 through the second lowest

level of stratum 5, with the deepest one found almost 2m below the surface. As most of

the nails were broken and very corroded, their numbers are given as occurrences rather

than number of pieces in table 6-15 and figure 6-11. It is likely that this gives an

underestimate of the actual number of nails. The number of pieces of nails were 32, 7, 17

and 15 for stratum 1, 2, 3, and 4 respectively. The nail in stratum 5 was broken in two,

but was articulated. Needles were found in stratum 1, 3 and 4. All other identifiable metal

artifacts were restricted to the upper 3 strata. Objects presumed to be of recent origin,

such as aluminum artifacts, battery parts, a fastener, and a nut for a screw were only

found in the uppermost 20cm of stratum 1. The 2 coins were found in stratum 1. They both date to the Haile Sellasie period, but the year of minting could not be determined.

One, a 5 cent coin (figure 6-10F), was found in level 1, the other, a 10 cent coin (figure 6-

10G), was found in level 7. One of the metal rods in stratum 1 was identified as a cotton

rod, used to press the seeds out of the cotton. The pen nib was found in level 9 in stratum

1. Bottle caps were mainly found in stratum 1 (n=6), but there was one in stratum 3.

Whole bullets and bullet casings were found in stratum 1 (n=4) and 3 (n=1). One of them,

identified as an Italian bullet by the Konso assistants, was found at the bottom of stratum

1. Wires were found in stratum 1 (n=3) and 3 (n=1). The latter was broken into several

pieces, and one of the former was a piece of barbed wire. Stratum 3 contained one hoe,

weighing 61.5g, and one pistol part, weighing 79.6g. Unidentified pieces of metal are like

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nails given as occurrences in table 6-15 and figure 6-11, and likely to be underestimated.

The number of pieces were 63, 5, 152, 15, 7, and 2 in stratum 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6

respectively.

The only metal artifacts found in the oita excavation were a nail and a bullet casing

found on the surface of unit C3 and D3 respectively. Two pieces of metal were found on

the surface of unit K9 and L10 in the arxata excavation. The former was identified as a

broken bottle cap. Four pieces of metal were recovered from stratum 1. A nail and a

broken bottle cap were found in unit L11. They weighed 6.8 and 0.8g respectively. Two

unidentified pieces weighing a total of 0.5g were found in unit L12 and K10 respectively.

The mixed stratum 1/2 contained one metal cap weighing 1.4g in unit L10, a nail

weighing 2.0g in unit K10, and two unidentified pieces in unit L8 and K10, each

weighing less than 0.5g. Stratum 2 in unit K10 contained a metal wire weighing 0.6g and

a broken knife blade weighing 2.7g. Unidentifiable pieces were also found in unit L8 and

K9 and in the fill in the weaving pit.

Discussion

The Konso use stone scrapers for hide working today (Brandt 1996; Brandt and

Weedman 1997, 2002), and it is thus not surprising to find lithic material throughout the sequence in the ash midden. To be expected, in the upper 3 strata tool types were restricted to end scrapers and unshaped tools, the latter mainly utilized flakes. In addition, the only core found in the upper 3 strata was an irregular core found in stratum 3. In contrast the types of tools, as well as the total density of flakes and debris, increased substantially in stratum 4, and continued to increase in stratum 5 and 6. This suggests that stone artifacts were more commonly used at the time these strata were formed. The observed change in raw material distribution, mainly between yellow-brown and red

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chert, may be specific to Olanta. It is likely to reflect use of different quarries, possibly due to changing relations between settlements. Alternatively it may reflect individual

knappers choice of raw materials. More excavations are required to distinguish between

these possibilities.

The scrapers from the excavations in Olanta include chert core scrapers, which

appear to differ from scrapers manufactured and used by hide workers studied by Brandt

(1996). In addition, Brandt and Weedman (1997) did not encounter scrapers made from

basalt, but 2 basalt scrapers were found in the excavation in Olanta. The differences may

be due to changes in manufacture of hide scrapers over time, scrapers used for other

purposes, or differences between individual knappers, as the studies were done in

different settlements. There is also the possibility that scrapers from archaeological sites

were reused and discarded. Further studies, including excavations and use wear analysis

are needed to clarify this issue.

The Konso excavation shows that stone tools were used after metal became

available. This has been shown from other areas of the world (Rosen 1997). There are

two main reasons to use stone tools in lieu of metal tools. One is that metal is difficult to

obtain. This is likely to be the case before Konso was incorporated into the Ethiopian

State. The other reason is that the stone tool is superior to a metal tool for a specific purpose. This is indeed the reason given by some hide workers using stone scrapers

(Steven Brandt personal communication 2004). There are also other examples of stone tools used for specific purposes. The persistence of gun flint knapping is a well known example. Less known is the use of obsidian blades in surgery. The latter reportedly produces less inflammation and scarring (Disa et al. 1993).The Konso excavation

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assistants identified some of the utilized flakes as razor blades used to shave hair. Two of

these were found in stratum 6 in the ash midden. They were both of yellow-brown chert.

The other two were found in the arxata excavation, one in a pit and the other in stratum

1/2. They had plain platforms with a slight thickening on the side away from the utilized

edge (figure 6-6B and 6-6C). The form makes them easy to use as a hand-held tool for

shaving, probably used by the Konso before metal razor blades became available. A

further indication of this is that on one occasion I noticed a father shaving his son's head

using a hand-held double-edged metal razor blade. What characteristics could one expect

from a stone tool assemblage after the LSA? Judging from the Konso excavations, one

might expect large variability in the form of individual tool types. One might also expect

fewer specialized tool types. This is also a characteristic noted by Rosen (1997:152). In

addition, morphometric analysis may distinguish between tools and flakes from different

time periods. Fisher (2004) has successfully used this method for investigations of lithic

materials, and in a blind test including flakes from the Konso assemblage, he interpreted

them as belonging to post-LSA.

Although hide workers in Konso claim that lithic materials produce better scrapers

than metal, many have switched from lithic raw materials to glass to manufacture

scrapers. This change is reflected in the ash midden excavation, as illustrated in figure 6-

12. In stratum 6 all scrapers are made of chert, whereas in stratum 5 two scrapers are

made of glass and two of lithic materials. The proportions of glass to lithic scrapers

increase in stratum 4, 3 and 2. It is not known when glass became available in Konso. It is likely to have been present since at least the beginning of the 20th century, when Konso

became part of the Ethiopian State, but may have been imported earlier. In the ash

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midden glass was restricted to the upper 5 strata (except for glass trade beads), which

suggests that stratum 6 was formed at least before the 20th century. As Olanta is close to

where the Amhara administration settled after Konso became part of the Ethiopian State,

glass is likely to have been easier to obtain there in the early 20th century than in outlying

areas of Konso. Using glass as a culture historical marker for Konso as a whole is thus

problematic.

Iron is not found in Konso, and must thus have been traded in. Kluckhohn (1962)

states that Somali traders brought metal to Konso, and probably had for several hundred

years. It is therefore not surprising that metal occurs throughout the sequence in the ash midden excavation. However, some of the metal artifacts may be used to give a tentative chronology. The coins were from the Haile Sellasie period, and indicates that the upper 7 levels of stratum 1 dates to after 1930 AD. As the coins were worn it is likely that they are younger than that. The top 20cms yielded items such as battery parts and aluminum artifacts, and is likely to be from very recent times. Plastic comb tines found in the upper

45cm of stratum 1 also suggests a recent origin. Bullets and bullet casings extended down to the upper third of stratum 3. As firearms were unknown in Konso prior to the coming of the Amhara armies in 1897, stratum 1 and 2, and at least the upper parts of stratum 3

must have formed subsequently. The large increase in lithic materials starting in stratum

4, point to Konso being more isolated at that time, and fits with the two upper strata, and possible stratum 3 being formed in the last century. A part of a pistol was found in level

27, towards the bottom of stratum 3 and 15cm above the start of stratum 4. This could indicate that all of stratum 3 was formed in the last century. However, the pistol part

161 weighed 79.6g and it is possible that it had traveled downward in the ash, and thus is out of context.

The amount of lithic, glass and metal artifacts in the household excavation is very small. Therefore only a tentative comparison can be made. Stratum 1 is likely to have been disturbed by planting. It contained agate and quartz, which also were found in stratum 1 in the ash midden. The predominance of color less glass also fits with this interpretation. Stratum 2 in the household excavation is more problematic. It yielded yellow-brown, brown, black, grey and white chert, as well as quartz, agate, aqua and color less glass. This is most consistent with stratum 3 and 4 in the ash midden, but does not fit precisely.

In summary, the lithic, glass and metal analysis suggests two periods in Konso. The older period is tentatively characterized by specialized stone tools other than scrapers, rare metal artifacts, and little or no glass artifacts. The younger period, extending into present times is tentatively characterized by low densities of lithics, with formal tools restricted to lithic and glass scrapers, and metal artifacts that include bullets and bullet casings.

Table 6-1. Distribution of lithic tools and cores in the ash midden Stratum Material Scraper Biface Backed Point Unshaped Core Density tool #/m3 1 All 1 2 1.3 Agate 1 Basalt 1 Chert 1 2 All 1 1.5 Chert 1 3 All 2 2 1 2.8 Basalt 1 Chert 1 2 1 4 All 2 1 1 3 1 13.9

Chert 2 1 1 3 1 162 5 All 2 3 3 21.3 Agate 1 Chert 1 3 3 6 All 6 1 1 5 4 29.5 Agate 1 2 Chert 6 1 1 4 2

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Table 6-2. Distribution of scraper types Type Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 End 1 2 1 1 Side 2 Core 2 1 End+side 1 Fragment 3

Table 6-3. Distribution of unshaped tools Type Material Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 Modified 1 1 2 1 Chert 1 1 2 1 Utilized 1 2 2 1 4 flake Agate 1 Chert 1 2 2 1 3 Utilized 1 waste Agate 1 # 2 1 2 3 3 5 Density 0.9 1.5 1.1 5.2 8.0 10.5 #/m3

Table 6-4. Distribution of cores Stratum 3 4 5 6 Type Material Color Irregular 1 3 2 Agate 1 Chert Red 1 Yellow-brown 2 1 White 1 Pyramidal 1 Chert Brown 1 Multiplatform 1 Chert Yellow-brown 1 Fragment 1 Agate 1 # 1 1 3 4 Density 0.6 1.7 8.0 8.4 cores/m3

Table 6-5. Core dimensions Stratum 3 4 5 6 Dimensions Dimensions (mm) Dimensions (mm) Dimensions (mm) (mm) Type Material Irregular Agate 35.3 15.6 22.6 Chert yellowish 46.2 24.8 37.5 15.7 15.5 25.2 red 24.4 13.7 37.4 white 30.2 26.2 Pyramidal Chert 13.9 18.9

Multiplatfor 164 m Chert 20.9 5.4 13.1

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Table 6-6. Distribution of lithic flakes in the ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 Material Agate 1 1 Chert 2 1 12 14 27 Quartz 3 2 Bone 1 Unknown 1 # 6 1 3 12 14 29 Density 1.7 1.5 1.7 20.9 37.5 65.3 flakes/m3

Table 6-7. Lithic flake weight (ash midden) Stratum Material %* Flake Blade Weight g/m3 (g) n range med n range med 1 All 6 5.2 2.3 Agate 17.4 1 0.4 0.4 Basalt 28.8 1 1.5 1.5 Chert 26.9 2 0.6-0.8 0.7 1.4 Quartz 36.5 3 0.4-0.8 0.7 1.9 2 All 1 0.8 1.2 Bone 100 1 0.8 0.8 3 All 3 2.3 1.3 Chert 47.8 2 0.5-0.6 0.6 1.1 Quartz 52.2 1 1.2 1.2 4 All 12 50.5 87.8 Chert 100 12 0.3-26.2 0.8 50.5 5 All 14 73.2 154 Chert 100 14 <.1-25.2 1.75 73.2 6 All 30 2 37.4 78.7 Agate 5.1 1 1.9 1.9 Chert 68.2 23 <.1-5.2 0.55 1 1.6 25.5 Quartzite 22.4 1 6.8 1 1.6 8.4 * % by weight

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Table 6-8. Lithic flake weight (household excavation) Stratum Material % Arxata Oita Weight g/m3 (g) n n range med n range med 1 All 3 1 2 1.4 2.1 Agate 1 7.1 1 <0.1 0.1 Chert 2 92.8 0.6-0.8 0.7 2 <0.1-1.2 0.6 1.3 1/2 All 5 5 0.9 2.6 Chert 2 66.7 2 <0.1-0.5 0.3 0.6 Quartz 3 33.3 3 <0.1 <0.1 0.3 2 All 6 4 2 4.6 4.9 Agate 1 2.2 1 <0.1 0.1 Chert 4 95.6 3 <0.1-4.1 0.1 1 0.1 4.4 Quartz 1 2.2 1 0.1 0.1 3 All 1 1 0.2 1.7 Chert 1 100 1 0.2 0.2 Feature All 2 2 7.3 Agate 1 1.4 1 <0.1 0.1 Chert 1 98.6 1 7.2 7.2

Table 6-9. Distribution of lithic angular waste and flake fragments in the ash midden Stratum Material %* Angular waste Flake fragments Weight (g) Density g/m3 % n range med % n range med 1 All 99.5 12 0.5 1 21.4 9.3 Agate 0.9 0.5 1 0.1 100 1 <0.1 0.2 Chert 29.4 29.6 5 <0.1-3.8 0.4 6.3 Quartz 60.7 61.0 5 0.2-8.2 1.8 13.0 Quartzite 8.9 8.9 1 1.9 1.9 2 All 100 2 0.8 1.2 Chert 12.5 12.5 1 0.1 0.1 Quartz 87.5 87.5 1 0.7 0.7 3 All 100 3 1.9 1.1 Agate 31.5 31.5 1 0.6 0.6

Chert 57.9 57.9 1 1.1 1.1 167 Quartz 10.5 10.5 1 0.2 0.2 4 All 95.5 4.4 31.4 54.6 Chert 71.0 69.7 6 0.3-13.8 1.0 100 1 1.4 22.3 Quartz 1.3 1.3 1 0.4 0.4 Quartzite 27.7 29.0 1 8.7 8.7 5 All 88.4 11.6 30.2 80.5 Chert 98.7 98.5 18 <.1-11.8 0.6 100 5 <.1-2.8 0.2 29.8 Quartz 1.3 1.5 1 0.4 0.4 6 All 92.6 7.4 40.5 85.3 Agate 4.0 4.3 2 0.1-1.5 0.8 0.3 1.6 Chert 90.6 89.9 34 <.1-6.8 0.5 100 5 0.1-1.6 0.3 36.7 Quartz 4.2 4.5 1 1.7 1.7 Quartzite 1 1.3 1 0.5 0.5 * % by weight

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Table 6-10. Distribution of angular waste and flake fragments in the household excavation Angular waste Stratum Material Unit(s) % n range med Weight g/m3 oita 1 Chert C5 100 1 2.9 2.9 8.6 1/2 Quartz B4 100 1 0.4 0.4 5.0 2 Quartz C4 100 1 0.2 0.2 0.5 arxata 1 All 6 1.5 4.5 Agate K10 0.7 1 <0.1 0.1 Chert K9, L11 73.3 3 0.1-0.7 0.3 1.1 Quartz L12 0.2 2 0.1-0.2 0.15 0.3 1/2 All 3 0.3 1.1 Agate L8 33.3 1 0.1 0.1 Chert L12 33.3 1 0.1 0.1 Quartz L11 33.3 1 0.1 0.1 2 All 6 3.4 6.2 Agate K9 5.9 1 0.2 0.2 Chert K10, L8, 88.2 3 0.1-1.8 1.1 3.0 L12 Quartz L12 5.9 2 <0.1-0.1 0.2 Pits All 5 1.9 Chert 31.6 1 0.6 0.6 Quartz K9, L9, 68.4 4 <0.1-0.7 0.25 1.3 L11 Flake fragments oita 1 All 3 0.4 1.2 Agate C3 50.0 1 0.2 0.2 Quartz C5 50.0 2 <0.1 0.2 1/2 All 1.2 Chert C5 100 1 <0.1 0.1 arxata 1 All 0.3 Quartz K10 100 1 0.1 0.1 1/2 All 0.4 Chert L9 100 1 0.1 0.1 2 All 0.2 Agate Unknown 100 1 <0.1 0.1

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Table 6-11. Distribution of glass scrapers in the ash midden Stratum Glass n Range in Range in Range in Range in Density color length width thickness weight #/m3 (mm) (mm) (mm) (g) 1 All 3 1.3 Aqua 1 45.5 39.6 8.2 20.1 Green 2 12.3-14.3 12.5-14.0 4.7-6.8 1.2-1.4 No color 0 Brown 0 2 All 3 4.5 Aqua 0 Green 2 12.6-23.3 7.9-16.7 2.6-4.3 0.3-2.2 No color 1 25.1 16.0 5.1 3.4 Brown 0 3 All 8 4.5 Aqua 0 Green 7 13.2-19.6 8.6-12.8 2.8-3.6 0.8-1.2 No color 0 Brown 1 19.5 14.6 3.3 1.7 4 All 4 6.9 Aqua 0 Green 3 13.6-26.4 15.1-18.0 4.7-5.2 2.4-3.1 No color 0 Brown 1 30.3 27.3 3.7 5.5 5 All 2 5.3 Aqua 0 Green 2 24.1-25.4 16.1-18.6 4.6-6.5 3.1-3.7 No color 0 Brown 0

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Table 6-12. Distribution of glass fragments by weight in ash midden Stratum g/m3 Glass color % % Glass % % % % fragment Bottle Bottle Impressed Broken lip base bottle 1 72.6 All 82.2 3.3 14.5 Aqua 9.2 100 Green 27.3 100 No color 59.6 70.2 5.5 24.3 Brown 3.9 100 2 100.6 All 97.8 2.2 Aqua 43.4 100 Green 29.0 92.3 7.7 No color 24.3 100 Brown 3.3 100 3 186.9 All 76.7 12.2 0.5 10.6 Aqua 15.3 100 Green 46.4 73.7 26.3 No color 28.0 60.6 1.7 37.8 Brown 8.1 100 Yellowish 2.2 100 4 93.4 All 97.2 1.3 1.5 Aqua 15.3 100 Green 45.8 96.7 3.3 No color 29.6 95.6 4.4 Yellowish 9.3 100 5 37.9 All 85.9 14.1 Aqua 19.7 100 Green 73.9 81.0 19.0 No color 6.3 100

Table 6-13. Glass fragment attributes (ash midden Olanta) Stratum Glass Glass Bottle lip Bottle Total weight* color fragment base n range med n range med n range med 1 Aqua 19 0.1-5.7 0.3 15.2 Green 45 <0.1-5.6 0.4 45.4 None 53 <0.1-8.1 0.7 3 0.4-4.5 0.6 4 0.4-14.0 4.8 99.2 Brown 8 <0.1-2.4 0.55 6.5 All 166.3 2 Aqua 12 0.1-8.7 0.6 29.1 Green 12 <0.1-7.3 0.45 19.4 None 10 <0.1-7.2 0.6 16.3 Brown 1 2.2 2.2 All 67.0 3 Aqua 62 <0.1-5.8 0.6 50.9

Green 78 <0.1-8.6 0.8 1 40.7 154.7 171 None 29 <0.1-11.4 0.3 93.3 Brown 1 27 27.0 Yellowish 4 0.8-2 1.95 7.3 All 333.4 4 Aqua 13 <0.1-2.6 0.3 8.2 Green 25 <0.1-3.5 0.6 23.8 None 13 <0.1-7.1 0.4 1 0.7 15.9 Yellowish 3 0.5-4.0 0.5 5.0 All 53.7 5 Aqua 4 0.1-1.7 0.5 2.8 Green 4 0.4-5.1 1.5 1 2.0 10.5 None 1 0.9 0.9 All 14.2 * Total weight includes impressed glass fragments and broken bottle

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Table 6-14. Distribution and characteristics of glass fragments in the arxata household excavation Stratum Glass color Units % by n Range Median Total g/m3 weight weight (g) 1 Aqua K10 17.4 2 0.4 0.4 0.8 Green L10, L11 17.4 2 0.1-0.7 0.4 0.8 No color L9, L10, 63.0 4 0.2-1.5 0.6 2.9 L11 Yellowish K9 2.1 1 <0.1 <0.1 All 4.6 13.8 1/2 Green L8 60.0 1 0.3 0.3 No color K10 40.0 1 0.2 0.2 All 0.5 1.9 2 Aqua L8 33.3 1 0.2 0.2 No color L8 66.7 3 <0.1- <0.1 0.4 0.2 Pits Aqua L8 33.3 1 0.5 0.5 No color L9 66.7 2 <0.1- 0.4 0.8 0.7 Posthole Green L9 100 1 3.7 3.7

Table 6-15. Distribution of metal artifacts in the ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 n* g n g n g n g n g n g n g Aluminum 4 1.5 Battery 2 4.0 Bullet 4 47.2 1 5.2 Caps 6 24.7 1 1.2 Coin 2 10.0 Fastener 1 0.1 Hoe 1 61.5 Hook 2 5.7 Knife 1 32.8 Nail 19 93.4 3 17.1 8 42.2 3 12.0 1 2.3 Needle 1 0.4 1 <0.1 2 1.2 Nut 1 3.5 Pen nib 1 0.2 Pistol part 1 79.6 Rod 2 49.6 Wire 3 5.4 1 6.5 Unknown 35 300.4 3 6.0 26 397.4 8 69.6 3 18.4 1 0.3 1 0.1 Total 84 578.9 6 23.1 40 593.7 17 82.8 4 20.7 1 0.3 1 0.1 Density g/m3 252.5 34.7 332.8 144.0 55.2 0.6 0.4 * n denotes occurrences

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Figure6-1. Distribution of lithic material in the ash midden.

174

Figure 6-2. Lithic raw material distribution in the ash midden

175

Figure 6-3. Lithic distribution in the household.

176

Figure 6-4. Examples of lithic tools.

177

Figure 6-4. Continued.

178

Figure 6-5. Tool dimensions in the ash midden.

179

Figure 6-6. Examples of flakes and tools.

180

Figure6-7. Flake dimensions in the ash midden.

181

Figure 6-8. Flake dimensions in the household.

182

Figure 6-9. Distribution of glass tools and flakes in the ash midden.

183

Figure 6-10. Examples of glass and metal artifacts.

184

Figure 6-11. Distribution of metal artifacts in the ash midden.

185

Figure 6-12. Comparison of lithic and glass distribution in the ash midden.

CHAPTER 7 BEADS AND OTHER PERSONAL ADORNMENTS

The aim of this analysis is to characterize the beads in Konso, attempt to use the beads found in the excavation of the ash midden to obtain a seriation, and to see where in this sequence the beads from the household excavation fits. The bead sequence from

Konso will also be compared with trade beads found in other areas. The folk taxonomy, namely the Konso nomenclature, will not be used, as it would make comparisons with other areas difficult. In addition, there were several beads in the lower levels of the kitchen midden that could not be identified by the Konso assistants. The bead typology used is described in Methods. For characteristics of the bead types see table 7-1 and figure 7-1. The majority of the glass beads found at Olanta do not have surface decoration. Only two beads are facetted, only one fragmented bead is hexagonal, only one bead has different outer color decoration, and only one has incised lines in it. The

Konso assemblage also includes plastic beads and ostrich eggshell beads. Ostrich eggshell beads are manufactured today in Konso, and likely to have been locally manufactured in previous times. The plastic beads are nowadays obtained from Addis

Ababa and are not present in lower stratigraphic layers of the ash midden excavation or in any undisturbed layers of the abandoned household excavation. Small annular glass beads are also obtained from Addis Ababa.

Contemporary Use of Beads in Konso

Beads are popular in Konso, and certain types of them have cultural importance.

Nowadays beads are made into necklaces, bracelets, anklets, waist ornaments and rings

186 187

both for the tourist trade and for use within Konso (figure 7-2A). Women frequently wear

several strands of beads around their necks, and mothers and grandmothers wear anklets

made of ostrich eggshell beads and blue glass beads (figure 7-2B). The number of blue

beads in the anklet tells whether the woman have both sons and daughters or only sons or

daughters. A mother wears a double strand on each ankle and a grandmother a single

strand. Girls also have strands of beads around their waist. Young boys are given

necklaces of beads or cowrie shells for protection. During ritual dances sisters hang bead

necklaces around the necks of their brothers. Men of high ritual standing wear a special

necklace with dark blue and irredescent white beads (figure 7-2C). This type of necklace is also depicted by Hallpike (1972:288), and shown worn by a prominent priest. Other

people are prohibited from wearing this special necklace.

Origin of Beads

Beads are one of the few things that a woman in Konso inherits, and they pass from

mother to daughter(s). The amount of bead necklaces and the type of beads indicate the

wealth of the woman who wears them. Beads are thus a treasured possession, and many

have been passed down through generations. New beads are nowadays obtained from

Addis Ababa and sold in stores and at the markets. The origin of the older beads is

obscure. Oral histories tell that they came from a river in the east, that later dried out.

Some Konso are believed to have found beads in the river and brought them to Konso.

When asked where the river was, informants said it was no longer known. There are

several possible trade routes that beads could have been obtained through. The Konso

have longstanding ties with the Burji to the east of the Sagan river. There is also a trade

connection with northern Kenya, which is how the Konso used to obtain salt and iron.

Hallpike (1972:261) also mentions that the Konso obtained beads from the Borana, which

188 would be consistent with the latter route. The Konso have names for different types of beads, and assign different monetary value to the types. I was told that some types of beads were worn preferentially by older women, others by young women and that there were some regional differences in which colors and types were preferred.

The majority of the beads are glass trade beads, which have worldwide distribution and were manufactured in Europe, most of them in Venice and Amsterdam (Brain 1979; van der Sleen 1980). Glass bead manufacture started in Venice in the 11th century and spread to other parts of Europe in the 17th century. In the 18th century Holland and Italy were the major producers of glass trade beads (Brain 1979).

Bead Classifications

There have been many types of classifications of beads (e.g. Brain 1979; Kidd and

Kidd 1970; van der Sleen 1980). The most extensive is that of Kidd and Kidd (1970), who classify glass beads according to type of manufacture, shape, whether one or two basic colors are used, whether outside decorations in the form of color or shape are applied, and on what the colors are. Brain (1979) uses a similar nested classification, which has the advantage of allowing comparisons between different levels of nesting.

Kinahan (2000) studied glass trade beads found at different sites in South Africa basically following Kidd and Kidd's typology with the addition of determining the Munsell colors of each bead, but in the final analysis she collapsed the Munsell colors into larger categories. Chittick (1974) analyzed beads found at Kilwa by their material, manufacture, post manufacture treatment, shape, size and color. Kirkman (1974) analyzed beads from

Fort Jesus by material, manufacture, decoration and color. The Konso base their bead nomenclature on type of material, manufacture, shape and color. However, many beads of different shape but the same color are placed in the same category, and sometimes

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beads of different colors but similar shape are placed in the same category. There is also

one type with beads of different color and shape. It appears that value plays a role in their

nomenclature, as beads with low value have the same name regardless of color. The small

annular beads used to make jewelry for the tourist trade are, for example, all called ojara

which is also the name for larger barrel shaped white beads of low value.

The types of manufacture used by Kidd and Kidd (1970) and Brain (1979) are

drawn and wound. A drawn bead is produced by drawing out a long string of glass with

an air bubble inside it and then chopping the resulting tube into smaller pieces. The

process is described in detail by Kidd and Kidd (1970:47). Wound beads are made by a

different method. In it a thin strand of glass is heated and wound around a wire until a

bead is formed. The wire is then removed (Kidd and Kidd 1970). A third method of manufacture is molding, which entails pressing the molten glass in a mold. The bead gets

the shape of the mold used, and can, for example, be round or facetted (Kidd and Kidd

1970; Kinahan 2000). A drawn bead can be identified by elongated bubbles or striations

parallel to the bore. A wound bead may show a swirl and rounded bubbles. A mold

pressed bead has a seam or a ridge where the two halves of the mold have been pressed

together (Kinahan 2000).

Methods

Beads and ornaments were analyzed as to class (bead, shell ornament, metal

ornament), method of manufacture, material, type, color, shape, size, weight and Afa

Xonso name (see appendix A-3 for analysis key). The bead typology is based on the

criteria used by Kidd and Kidd (1970), Brain (1979), and Kinahan (2000), with some

modifications to facilitate comparisons over time. The first attribute looked at is material,

the second type of manufacture, the third whether the bead has one or two glass layers,

190 the fourth shape due to postmanufacture treatment, and the fifth color. As it was not possible to discern type of manufacture for all beads, some of the types used may contain beads manufactured by different means. The majority of beads weighed less than 0.1g

(the weight limit of the balance), and were coded with a weight of 0.01g so the mean weights should not be overestimated. For analysis of glass beads type 5 and 6 were combined as both are of the bead type commonly known as "white heart". To facilitate comparisons with other assemblages they will be referred to as red on white in this study.

The frequencies of different types were calculated for each major stratigraphic layer, and the density determined by correcting for amount of soil matrix in each layer. Frequency charts for the different stratigraphic layers were constructed and the bead frequencies in the household and ash midden compared.

Analysis

This bead analysis is on beads found in the excavations of an ash midden and an abandoned household in Olanta. The ash midden yielded a total of 460 beads and identifiable bead fragments, and 18 cowrie and marginella shells. The number of beads decreased with depth in the ash midden (figure 7-3). As a smaller area was excavated deeper in the midden it is necessary to adjust the number of beads by the volume of each strata excavated to get comparable frequencies. The uppermost stratum contained 97 beads/m3, followed by 72, 59, 52, 45, 44 and 13 beads/m3 down to the lowest stratum.

The vast majority of them were drawn beads, 87%. Wound and mold pressed beads comprised 6.0 and 7.7% respectively. Mold pressed and wound beads were rare below stratum 3. Table 7-2 shows a summary of bead type frequencies in the different strata, and figure 7-4 a percentage distribution.

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The total number of beads in stratum 1(uppermost) was 224. The most common

bead type was types 5 and 6, a red bead with white interior, commonly known by the

name "white heart". This corresponds to Kinahan's variety 18. Ostrich eggshell beads,

type 12, was the second most common type. Two other types were found in frequencies higher than 10%. These were cylindrical red beads with dark interior, type 7, which is

commonly known as "indian red on green", and corresponds to Kinahan's varieties 14 and

15, and type 1, a light blue-green bead, varying in shape from annular to cylindrical. The

latter corresponds to Kinahan's varieties 36 through 39. Small annular beads of varying

colors, types 16,17,18,19 and 22, were rarer. These are known as "seed beads" and

although the same types of beads are sold in Konso today, they were also manufactured

in earlier times. Other beads found in lower frequencies included mold pressed blue

beads, wound blue-green beads, white, clear, yellow, blue facetted and blue with white

interior.

Stratum 2 was a smaller stratum which contained 48 beads. The proportions of the

different types in this stratum differed from stratum 1. There were more beads of type 1,

and there were no small annular beads. The "red on white", "indian red on green" and

ostrich eggshell beads were present in roughly the same frequences as in stratum 1.

Stratum 3 contained 106 beads. The most common was type 1, followed by types 5

and 6 ("red on white"), type 7 ("indian red on green"), and ostrich eggshell beads. There

were 3 small annular beads. This was the lowest stratum in which this type of bead was

found.

Stratum 4 contained 30 beads, with equal proportions of type 5/6 ("red on white")

and type 7 ("indian red on green"). Type 9, an opaque white bead had increased in

192 frequency compared to upper strata. This was the lowest stratum that contained type 2, the mold pressed blue bead.

Stratum 5 contained 17 beads. Four of them were of type 1, 3 of type 7, and 2 each of type 5, type 9 and type 12. Stratum 6 contained 21 beads. Type 7 and 1 increased in frequency whereas type 5/6 decreased. Stratum 7 only had 3 beads, one of them was type

7, one type 8 (a clear round bead) and one an indeterminable bead fragment.

As can be seen from the above description and figure 7-4, type 7, the "indian red on green" bead is present throughout the sequence, but increases with depth. The light blue- green bead, type 1 is present in all but the lowest stratum, and is the most common bead except for in stratum 1, 4 and 6. Bead type 5/6, the "red on white" decreases with depth, and bead type 9 show a slight increase, but is absent in the two lowest strata. Type 10, a plastic amber colored bead was only found in the uppermost 40 cm of stratum 1 in the ash midden. As these beads are of recent origin, this part of the ash midden probably reflects deposits from the last 20 years or so. The majority of small annular beads of different colors, including one multicolored, were found in the uppermost 30 cm of the ash midden, and are likely to be of the type sold in Konso today. Two beads of these types were, however, also found in stratum 3 of the ash midden and one in stratum 2 in the household excavation. Annular small beads were also made in Venice and the

Netherlands and sold in the 18th and 19th century, so it is possible that the small annular beads found in deeper levels are of older origin. Type 18b and 22b are annular beads, but much larger, roughly 3-5 times the diameter of the small annular beads, and with a large hole. Type 22b (one bead) was found in stratum 3, and type 18b (two beads) in stratum 1.

Type 26, a blue bead with white interior, was found in stratum 1, 3 and 5. The one in

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stratum 1 was annular, while the ones in stratum 3 and 5 were cylindrical. Ostrich

eggshell beads are present in all but the lowest strata at fairly constant frequencies. It is,

however, interesting that they increase significantly in size with depth, from 5.8 + 0.9 mm in stratum 1 to 7.1 + 0.4 mm in stratum 5 (the single ostrich eggshell bead in stratum

6 measured 9.8 mm in diameter). This may indicate a preference for larger beads or a

larger supply of ostrich eggshells in the past. There were no significant size differences

by stratum among the other bead types. As the lowest stratum only had three beads and a

volume of 0.233 m3, presence or absence of a specific type may be due to chance.

In addition to beads, 16 cowrie shells, 3 marginnella shells, 6 metal hanging ornaments, 3 bone hanging ornaments and 1 plastic hanging ornament were found. The marginella shells had two holes drilled in them indicating that they were used as ornaments, and cowrie shells are commonly made into necklaces for young boys in

Konso. Cowrie shells may also previously have been used as headdress decorations, as

Hallpike (1972) shows in a photograph. Most of the cowrie shells were found in stratum

1 (n=8), but there were 2 in stratum 3 and 3 in each of stratum 4 and 5. Two of the cowrie shells were intact, 11 had the back removed, and the remaining were too fragmentary to tell whether the back had been removed. There was one marginella shell in each of stratum 1, 2 and 3. The metal bell and the plastic hanging ornament, identical to plastic ear rings worn by the Konso today, were found in stratum 1. Two bone ornaments found in stratum 6 were identified by the Konso excavators as being used by women and tied to traditional hide skirts. The third bone ornament was found in stratum 2. Metal bracelets, one of them whole, the others broken, were found in stratum 1, 2, 3 and 6. Hanging metal ornaments were found in stratum 1, 3 and 4.

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The household excavation yielded a total of 56 beads, 2 cowrie shells and 1 broken metal bracelet. Their distribution is shown in figure 7-5. Drawn beads were most common, 91.2%, and wound beads comprised 8.8%. No mold pressed beads were recovered. Thirtyfour beads and 1 cowrie shell were found in the oita and 22 beads, 1 cowrie shell and the broken bracelet in the arxata. Eight of the beads in the oita were associated with the remnants of the structure. Five were found in between the stones in the stone circle and 3 under the sitting stone associated with the hearth. Type 1 (light blue-green bead) was the most common both in the oita and arxata. Type 5/6 ("red on white") was only found in the oita. Due to the small number of beads, the oita and arxata excavations are combined for stratigraphic analysis.

There were 45 glass beads, 3 oystrich eggshell beads, 2 plastic beads and 6 non- identifyable beads whose the material couldn't be determined due to decay. The plastic beads were found in the top stratigraphic layer, which is likely to have some intrusive artifacts as it corresponds to the layer that was disturbed by planting. No beads were found in the lowest stratigraphic layer. Stratigraphic layer 1 contained 23 beads. The most common type was type 1 (light blue-green bead) followed by type 5 ("red on white"), and type 9 (white bead). There were no small annular beads found. Stratum 1/2 contained 8 beads. Type 1 and type 3 (wound blue) were the most common, followed by type 5. Stratum 2 contained 14 beads. Five were of type 1, and 3 of type 5/6. One small annular blue bead, type 18, was found in this layer. Stratum 2/3 contained one oystrich eggshell bead. One oystrich eggshell bead was also found in the weaving pit in the arxata. Five beads (2 of type 1, 2 of type 5/6 and 1 of type 3) were found in between the stones showing the remnants of a structure in the oita. Three beads were found under the

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sitting stone in the above structure. Two belonged to type 1 and one to type 3. In addition

one bead of type 7 ("indian red on green") was found in a posthole and one in a pit. There

were only 4 beads of type 7 in the household excavation. The other 2 were in stratum 1

and 2 respectively.

Overall the most common bead type recovered from both excavations in Konso

was type 1 (18.5%). It is a drawn blue-green bead that varies in shape from annular to cylindrical. It also varies substantially in size as seen in table 7-1. The second most

common bead type is type 5/6, which is a drawn compound red bead with white interior,

commonly known as "white heart". It is more uniform in shape and size, ranging from

short barrel to cylindrical beads. The third most common bead type is a drawn compound

dark red bead with green interior (13.4%). This bead is described as "indian red on green"

by Kinahan (2000). It is also known by the name of "Cornaline d'Aleppo" in the United

States (Brain 1979). It has more variation in shape and size than type 5/6, but less than type 1. In shape it varies from annular to cylindrical. Many of the beads were too fragmented to determine type (9.6% of the total assemblage), and 9.4% were ostrich eggshell beads. Type 9 (comprising 5.7% of the assemblage), a white opaque bead, varied even more than type 1 in shape and size. Although most of the beads of this type were annular or barrel shaped, there was one cylindrical and one round bead among them.

Other bead types comprised less than 5% of the assemblage.

Discussion

As can be seen from table 2b the most common bead type in the household excavation was type 1, followed by type 5/6. The bead density decreased with depth.

Stratum 1 is likely to have been disturbed by planting, so the main cultural layer is stratum 2. Although the total number of beads is small, the frequencies differ from that of

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stratum 1 in the ash midden excavation, but are similar to those of strata 2 to 3 (see figure

7-6 and table 7-2). As the ash midden had been used for trash deposits up to the time of

excavation, whereas the household had been abandoned for over 50 years, stratum 1 (on

average 65 cm thick) in the ash midden is likely to reflect bead frequencies in the last 50

years.

The majority of the beads found are trade beads which have been reported from

archaeological investigations around the world. Although trade glass beads occur in

Axum and on the Swahili coast from the 1st millenium AD, a more reasonable

comparison for the Konso beads are with assemblages from the last 500 years.

Unfortunately there have been very few studies of beads from this time period in Africa,

and there are no published studies from Ethiopia. However, some of the excavations on

the Swahili coast have bead assemblages dating to the latter half of the last millenium.

At Kilwa (Chittick 1974) glass trade beads such as those of type 1 found in Konso

occur as early as the 15th century. Indian red beads are the most common in the 15th,

16th and 17th century at Kilwa, and are found in lower frequencies in the 18th and 19th

century. Three beads of this type (type 27) were found in the midden excavation in

stratum 3 and 4. Indian red on green, corresponding to type 7, occur at Kilwa in period V,

18th to 19th century. Greenish-yellow beads, which were common from the 15th to the

18th century at Kilwa were not found in the Konso excavation. White and turquoise drawn beads were also found in low frequencies at Shanga in the Lamu archipelago in

Kenya, where they date to the 11th to 14th century (Horton 1996).

The largest trade bead assemblage in Africa comes from Fort Jesus, on the Swahili coast, where Kirkman (1974) recovered over 130,000 glass beads. They were roughly

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dated based on associated imported ceramics, and placed into periods from the early 17th

century to the 19th century, with most of them, about 110,000, dating to the 18th and

19th century. The vast majority were drawn beads of single color or with a core of a

different color. Decorated and mold pressed beads were rare, less than 500 such beads

were found. This assemblage is very important, because it reflects the types of beads

intended for trade. Table 7-3 compares the frequencies of bead types in Konso with those

of Fort Jesus (Kirkman 1974) and South Africa (Kinahan 2000). The Konso ash midden

assemblage is divided into 2 time periods, stratum 1-3 and stratum 4-7. This division is

primarily based on the substantial increase in lithic material in stratum 4 indicating that

Konso was more isolated at the time this and lower strata were formed. The lack of

firearm artifacts and small annular beads in stratum 4-7 substantiate this interpretation.

For the household excavation frequencies are determined using all beads. This is likely to

introduce a slight bias as some of the beads in stratum 1 are likely to be of recent origin.

As can be seen in the table the Konso assemblage differs substantially from the early 17th

century assemblage at Fort Jesus. At Fort Jesus, dark blue, yellow and black beads were the most common, but in Konso they were rare. Stratum 1-3 and the household excavation in Konso have lower frequencies of "indian red on green" than "red on white" beads. These proportions are not found in any period at Fort Jesus, which suggests a time period for stratum 1-3 after Fort Jesus was abandoned. The bead types and the proportions of "indian red on green" to "red on white" beads in stratum 4-7 are more similar to the 18th and 19th century assemblages at Fort Jesus. At these times dark blue opaque beads are rare and "red on green" and white beads common both at Fort Jesus and

Konso. The "indian red on green" bead increases with depth in Konso and is the most

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common bead type in the 2 lowest strata. If they reached Konso from the Swahili coast

they are unlikely to have appeared before the 18th century. The blue-green bead, the most

common type in the household excavation and in stratum 2, 3, and 5 in Konso is rare in

the Fort Jesus 18th and 19th century assemblages, which may reflect a different origin.

Light blue on white, Konso type 26, and pink on white, probably "red on white" beads,

occur at Fort Jesus in very low frequencies (less than 1%), with the majority of them

found in 19th century context. This suggests that type 5/6 ("red on white") is a 19th and

20th century bead in Konso. It is known to have been worn by the Rendille in northern

Kenya close to the Ethiopian border around 1900 AD (Straight 2002).

Most of the bead types found in Konso correspond to bead types described by

Kinahan (2000) from different sites in South Africa. She studied a total of 1757 beads,

452 of them in detail, from time periods ranging from early contact in the late 18th

century to colonial times in the early 20th century. Her assemblages from the early

contact period, late 18th century contain indian red cylinders, blue cylinders, "indian red

on green" beads and black barrels, and a few white cylinder/barrels. The white

cylinder/barrel is common in the middle contact period, mid 19th to the end of the 19th

century, which is also when the "red on white" bead and mold pressed beads first occur

(Kinahan 2000). The late contact/colonial period in South Africa, early 20th century, is

characterized by more mold pressed beads and wound beads of different colors, with a

few "red on white" and white cylinder/barrel beads, and an absence of black barrels and

"indian red on green" beads. The proportions of blue-green beads and "indian red on

green" beads in stratum 4-7 in the Konso ash midden fits best with the early contact

period in South Africa. The increase in "red on white" and wound blue beads in the

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household excavation and stratum 1-3 of the ash midden is similar to the increase in these

types in the late contact period in South Africa. However, in contrast to the South African

assemblages, "indian red on green" is found throughout the sequence in Konso. There are

also other differences between the South African assemblages and that of Konso. Most

notably multicolored beads were very rare in Konso, only one was found, whereas in

South Africa 27 were found, corresponding to frequencies of 0.2% and 1.5%

respectively. In addition, the most common bead type in South Africa was a white

cylindrical to barrel shaped bead, whereas in Konso this type comprised less than 10% of

the assemblage. Type 7, "indian red on green", was more common in Konso than in

South Africa, as was type 5/6 ("red on white"). Thus there are differences in the bead

assemblages, which may reflect different chronologies, different sources of beads, or different preferences for bead types between the areas.

Comparisons with beads from North America, where trade glass beads have been extensively studied, may give indications about the earliest these beads may have reached

Konso. White opaque beads, corresponding to the Konso type 9, are considered typical of the early 17th century in Canada (Hancock et al. 1999). In the United States they are found on sites dating from 1600 AD to 1836 AD, although the majority of them date to the 18th century (Brain 1979). The same is true in the United States for drawn turqouise beads, corresponding to the Konso type 1, although their popularity appears to have

waned slightly earlier than that of the white beads. The "indian red on green" bead,

Konso type 7, also have a broad time distribution in the United States, ranging from early

17th to mid 19th century.

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As the majority of trade beads were obtained from the same sources, namely

Amsterdam, Venice and Bohemia in the 17th to 19th century (Brain 1979; Quimby 1978; van der Sleen 1980) the frequencies of the types may reflect frequencies in manufacture, and thus be a world wide chronological marker. However, traders preferentially bought beads that were popular in the areas they traded with (Quimby 1978), and therefore there will be regional differences in the assemblages. Based on the world wide distribution and on the glass trade beads found at Fort Jesus it is, however, likely that these types of beads could not have reached Konso before the 17th century, and probably not before the 18th century as they would have to have reached Konso by trade from either the Red Sea or the Indian Ocean.

In summary the bead distribution in the excavated ash midden in Konso shows temporal changes, which may aid in future excavations in Konso. Further excavations are needed to determine whether the sequence pertains to all of Konso or if it is specific to

Olanta or the Karate area. It is likely that the drawn turquoise beads, type 1, the drawn opaque white beads, type 9, the indian red and indian red on green, type 27 and 7, and possibly the wound clear beads, type 8, are the older beads in Konso. Types 10 (the plastic amber colored bead), and small annular beads, the majority of types 16-19 and 22, are probably of more recent origin. Although the number of beads in the household is small the proportion of "red on white" to "indian red on green" beads and the presence of small annular beads in stratum 2 (the main undisturbed cultural stratum) is most similar to stratum 2 or 3 in the ash midden. This is consistent with the household being abandoned for about 50 years, as stratum 1 in the ash midden contains plastic beads and the highest frequencies of small annular beads indicating a recent origin.

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Table 7-1. Bead characteristics Type Diameter Length Appr. hole Type Diameter Length Appr. hole (mm) (mm) diameter (mm) (mm) diameter (mm) (mm) mean+s.d mean+s.d mean+s.dm mean+s.d mean+s.d mean+s.d. median median edian range median median median range range range range range 1 5.9+1.7 4.4+1.6 2.1+0.6 16 3.6+0.9 2.1+0.4 1.3+0.8 n=97 5.6 4.1 2.0 n=3 3.5 2.1 1.2 2.5-10.6 1.2-7.8 0.8-3.7 2.7-4.5 1.8-2.5 0.6-2.1 2 5.8+0.2 5.2+0.3 1.7+0.3 17 4.1+0.7 2.7+0.5 1.3+0.1 n=18 5.75 5.2 1.7 n=3 4.3 3.0 1.2 5.4-6.1 4.6-5.9 1.3-2.5 3.3-4.6 2.2-3.0 1.2-1.4 3 7.9+1.3 6.4+1.0 2.6+0.8 18 2.9+0.8 1.8+0.7 1.0+0.4 n=19 8.3 6.5 2.9 n=7 2.5 1.55 0.9 5.0-9.2 4.3-8.3 1.2-3.8 2.3-4.6 1.3-3.1 0.7-1.7 4 6.8+0.6 6.2+0.1 1.0+0.2 18B 9.6 5.0 3.6 n=2 6.8 6.25 1.05 n=1 6.4-7.2 6.2-6.3 0.9-1.2 5 4.8+0.8 3.4+0.7 1.3+0.4 19 3.1 1.9 1.2 n=75 4.7 3.4 1.3 n=1 3.3-6.7 2.0-4.7 0.7-2.8 6 4.7+0.6 4.3+0.8 1.3+0.3 21 7.3 28.2 1.6 n=20 4.55 4.05 1.35 n=1 3.4-5.9 2.9-6.0 0.8-1.9 7 4.5+1.0 3.7+1.3 1.5+0.5 22 3.2+0.5 1.9+0.3 0.9+0.2 n=73 4.3 3.5 1.4 n=4 3.1 2.0 0.85 2.9-8.1 2.0-8.1 0.8-3.2 2.7-3.8 1.5-2.2 0.7-1.1 8 8.8+0.6 7.0+1.2 3.0+1.0 22B 14.5 4.0 6.6 n=6 9.2 7.4 3.2 n=1 7.9-9.5 4.7-8.0 1.2-4.2 9 4.5+2.0 3.4+2.9 1.4+0.9 23 5.5+0.6 10.0+1.2 1.1+0.1 n=33 4.0 2.6 1.3 n=3 5.80 9.9 1.1 2.2-10.9 1.2-16.7 0.7-4.1 4.8-5.9 8.9-11.3 1.0-1.2 10 6.0+0.2 8.1+0.2 1.2+0.3 24 6.7 6.1 n=8 6.05 8.1 1.15 n=1 5.8-6.3 7.7-8.3 1.0-1.7 11 12.0+2.3 18.0+3.4 25 6.1 7.0 1.8 n=11 11.8 17.3 n=1 8.9-16.0 13.5-23.7 12 6.2+1.1 1.4+0.2 2.2+0.3 26 5.0+0.4 5.5+2.2 1.5+0.6 n=53 6.3 1.4 2.1 n=3 4.8 6.4 1.2 4.8-9.8 1.0-2.0 1.7-3.2 4.7-5.4 3.0-7.2 1.1-2.1 13 5.7+2.2 4.8+2.0 1.6+0.8 27 4.4+0.6 4.8+2.0 1.6+0.7 n=4 6.1 6.0 1.35 n=3 4.7 5.0 1.8 2.7-7.9 2.0-6.2 0.8-2.7 3.7-4.9 2.7-6.8 0.9-2.2 15 12.3+5.1 11.0+4.5 1.0+0 n=2 12.3 11.0 1.0 8.7-15.9 7.8-14.2 1.0-1.0

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Table 7-2. Bead frequencies in the ash midden. Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Type 1 12.1 29.8 25.2 10.0 23.5 38.1 2 4.0 8.5 3.7 6.7

3 4.5 6.4 4.7 3.3 5.9

4 1.9 4.8 5/6 24.4 23.4 18.9 20.0 11.8 4.8 7 12.5 0.6 15.1 20.0 17.6 47.6 33.3 8 0.9 1.9 33.3

9 6.7 4.3 7.5 10.0 11.8

10 3.1 12 14.3 8.5 8.5 13.3 11.8 4.8

13 1.3 0.9 14 unknown 6.7 8.5 4.7 13.3 5.9 33.3 15 1.9

16 1.3 17 0.9 0.9 18 3.1 19 0.4 20 0.4

21 0.4 22 1.3 1.9 24 0.4

25 5.9

26 0.4 0.9 5.9

27 1.9 3.3 # 224 48 106 30 17 21 3 Density 97 72 59 52 45 44 13 beads/m3

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Table 7-3. Comparison of bead frequencies Konso S1-3 S4-7 Household Type n % n % n % Drawn blue-green 68 22.0 15 25.9 20 44.4 Molded blue 17 5.5 2 3.4 0 0 Wound blue 18 5.8 2 3.4 6 13.3 Red on white 86 27.8 9 15.5 7 15.6 Red on green 49 15.8 20 34.5 4 8.9 Drawn white 25 8.1 5 8.6 3 6.7 Yellow 4 1.3 0 0 2 4.4 Small annular 20 6.5 0 0 1 2.2 Blue on white 2 0.6 1 1.7 0 0 Opaque dark blue 0 0 1 1.7 0 0 Transparent dark blue 0 0 0 0 0 0 Black 0 0 0 0 0 0 Orange 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other beads* 20 6.5 3 5.2 2 4.4 Fort Jesus ** South Africa *** E 17th L 17th 18th 19th L 18th L 19th E 20th % % % % % % % Drawn blue-green 11.2 2.9 0.2 0.2 27.2 6.4 3.5 Molded blue 0 0 0 <0.1 0 0 0 Wound blue 0 <0.1 <0.1 0.1 2.5 0.8 17.8 Red on white 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.7 0 4.7 7.1 Red on green 1.5 13.2 18.3 22.9 8.8 0.8 0 Drawn white 1.0 16.6 23.7 27.0 4.6 55.8 0 Yellow 19.7 6.4 1.7 0.2 1.7 3.4 3.6 Small annular n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d 0.8 5.2 28.6 Blue on white 0.1 0.1 <0.1 0.2 0 0 0 Opaque dark blue 31.6 6.1 1.6 0.2 0 0 0 Transparent dark blue 1.4 35.6 43.5 27.0 14.6 0.8 0 Black 14.2 3.6 3.3 0.7 10.9 0.4 0 Orange 0.5 2.5 0.5 0.2 0 0 0 Other beads* 19.2 12.8 6.9 20.5 28.9 21.7 39.4 * the bead types in the category of other beads differ between the assemblages

** from Kirkman (1974)

*** from Kinahan (2000)

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Figure 7-1. Bead and shell types.

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Figure 7-2. Contemporary beads in Konso.

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Figure 7-3. Bead distribution in the ash midden.

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Figure 7-4. Bead type distribution in the ash midden.

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Figure 7-5. Bead distribution in the household.

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Figure 7-6. Comparison of bead type frequencies between the ash midden and the household.

CHAPTER 8 CERAMICS

Pottery is one of the most abundant classes of artifacts found in neolithic societies.

Traditionally stylistic changes in pottery have been used to infer culture areas, trade and relative chronologies. More recent studies have focused on functions and life-cycles of

pots. As Arthur (2003) has shown, beer fermentation causes severe interior pitting of

vessels. Once a pot is broken it may be reused and sometimes made into sherd tools. This

can give information on tasks performed by members of a society. The Konso, for

example, make their spindle whorls and the sides of their beehives from broken vessels.

The major aim of this study was to characterize and if possible develop a culture-

historical sequence of Konso ceramics. As there have been no excavations of historical

Konso settlements, this is a necessary first step before more specific questions, such as socio-economic variation and interaction between groups can be addressed.

Contemporary Pottery in Konso

The Konso obtain their pots from markets or from resident potters. Olanta does not have any potters today, but previously there was a resident potter's family. According to informants, they came from Burji and obtained their clay from Fasha and Gauwada. The clay from the quarry in Fasha contains mica, and is a major source of clay for most of the potters in Konso. The composition of the clay source in Gauwada is unknown. However, informants said that when people from Olanta need pots to ferment the local beer they go to buy it in Gauwada.

210 211

The Konso use ceramic pots for cooking beans, grains and meat. A small necked

globular pot is used for household needs, and a larger pot is used when many people need

to be served beans as thanks for helping with house construction or working in the fields.

Konso women also ferment beer from maize or sorghum in large ceramic vessels. Water

transport vessels are nowadays plastic containers, but previously ceramic vessels were

used. Ceramic vessels are still sometimes used to store water. Medium sized elongated

ceramic vessels with a restricted orifice are buried in the ground to keep the water cool.

Large slightly elongated ceramic vessels with a restricted orifice are also used to store

beans. The Konso did not traditionally brew coffee, and the djebena coffee pot is mainly used by Amhara living in Konso. The Konso do use large flat plates to make injera (the traditional northern Ethiopian bread), but it is unknown when this became popular.

The Konso pottery sold in markets today consist of globular and elongated necked vessels of different sizes. The most common decoration is a ridge slightly above the midline of the body. I only observed a few vessels with impressed ridges and/or punctates. It is possible that more elaborately decorated pots are made on demand. One type of pottery that is produced for a special purpose is the pot used to hold the straw at the top of the roof of paftas. This pot is made without a base, decorated with knobs of appliqué, and painted. A smaller, less elaborate variant of this roof pot is used for ritual structures within ritual leaders’ households.

Methods

The attributes studied in the pottery analysis were surface treatment, use alteration, temper, color, rim diameter and decoration. When possible, vessel type was determined.

In addition sherds were weighed and their thickness determined (see appendix A-4 for a key). All decorated sherds, rims, handles and sherd tools were drawn to scale and

212 photographed. Rim angles were determined from the drawings. All sherds larger than 1 cm in diameter from the household excavation were analyzed. This was deemed sufficient to obtain a good measure of the variation among body sherds. Therefore plain body sherds were not analyzed from the ash midden excavation. Although there is a slight possibility that the vessel types differ between the ash midden and the household, this is unlikely as the ash midden is composed of refuse from households. Because the ash midden was known to be periodically burnt it was considered inappropriate to look at sooting on these sherds. Color may also change with burning, and this attribute was also omitted from the ash midden analysis.

The preferential unit of analysis is complete vessels. However, these are rarely encountered in excavations. A minimum number of vessels (MNV) is commonly used as the unit of analysis. Comparisons of surface treatment, rim diameter and thickness within a 2mm range was used to determine MNV from rim sherds. Sherds that showed evidence for ground edges were identified as sherd tools. A minimum number of sherd tools was calculated using the same criteria as for rims. Beehive entrances were identified by more than one drilled hole. Spindle whorls were identified by shape and one drilled hole. For decorated body sherds it was not possible to calculate a MNV, and therefore they were analyzed by weight. Using weight rather than number of sherds should minimize the error of several sherds belonging to the same vessel.

All data were entered into the SSPS program for statistical analysis comparisons.

The Chi-square test was used to compare distributions of attributes between stratigraphic layers.

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Analysis

The majority of the pottery, about 40.5kg was recovered from the ash midden. The

household excavation only yielded 3.8kg, and of that 0.9kg was found on the surface.

Most of the pottery, 27.5kg from the ash midden and 2.4kg from the household

excavation, consisted of undecorated body sherds. Due to the small amount of sherds

from the household excavation, the attribute analysis was focused on the diagnostic

sherds, such as rims, decorated sherds and handles, from the ash midden.

Distribution

Sherds were recovered from all stratigraphic layers in the ash midden, with sherd

densities ranging from 2.57-9.50 kg/m3. Table 8-1 summarizes the types of sherds and their densities. Densities were only calculated when more than 10 sherds were recovered.

Stratum 7 had the lowest density, and stratum 2 and 1 slightly lower densities than the intermediary strata. The latter may reflect less use of pottery in recent times.

Sherd densities in the household excavation were lower. Table 8-2 summarizes the types of sherds found. Three sherds were recovered from stratum 3 in the oita and 4 in

the arxata. They were all undecorated body sherds, and the three sherds in the oita and

two of the sherds in the arxata were recovered below larger concentrations of pottery in the preceding stratum. As no beads and only one flake were found in this stratum these sherds may be intrusive. The high density in stratum 2/3 is misleading and due to the small excavation volume. Pottery was found in all units and there was no discernable pattern in the horizontal distribution of sherds in the household excavation.

General Characteristics

Sherd color was only looked at in the household excavation, as colors are likely to

change with burning. Brown color (Munsell 7.5YR 4-5/3-6) was most common with

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44%. Reddish-brown (Munsell 5YR 4-5/3-6) was the second most common color with

15%. Less common colors were red, dark reddish brown, and dark brown, each

comprising less that 10%. Twenty-seven percent of the pottery was smudged and the original color could not be determined. The proportions of colors did not change with

depth. Mica and/or quartz temper were found in sherds of all colors.

The most common temper for the pottery recovered from the ash midden was mica

(figure 8-1A). Although there was a tendency for quartz temper to be more common in

stratum 6, the differences between strata are minor. In contrast, the most common temper

in the household excavation was quartz (figure 8-1B). This was not due to a difference in

temper between decorated and plain sherds, as quartz temper dominated in both

decorated and plain sherds in the household excavation, and mica was the most common

temper for both decorated and plain neck sherds in the ash midden excavation. The high

frequency of red inclusions as temper in the intermediate stratum 2/3 is artefactual and

due to one large sherd. Red inclusions, possibly ochre, were only found in 3% of the

analyzed sherds. There were also a small proportion of sherds, 8% from the ash midden

and 5% from the household that had no visible temper.

The average thickness of sherds was 6.68+1.72 mm in the ash midden, and

6.14+2.50 mm in the household excavation. There were no statistically significant

changes with depth at either location. There was a tendency for sherds without visible

temper to be thinner, with an average of 6.34 mm in the ash midden and 5.76 mm in the

household, but the difference was not significant. Smudged sherds also tended to be

thinner, averaging 5.57 mm in thickness, but this difference was not significant either.

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The homogeneity of the pottery assemblage indicate continuity in the way pottery was produced in Konso.

Vessel Types

There were no complete pots recovered from the excavations and the majority of the pottery was too fragmented to determine vessel shape and mouth diameter. However, there are at least four types of vessels in the assemblage. These are necked jars, bowls, plates, and globular or elongated vessels. The last type was determined from rim fragments and may represent either jars or bowls. Necked jars were the most common of the identifiable vessels. Based on the size of the neck, they can be divided into two subgroups, long necked and short necked. The characteristics of the vessel types are given in table 8-3.

The overall shape of necked jars could be reconstructed for two vessels. The first is a short necked jar with an elongated body (figure 8-2A). The only decoration is a ridge above or close to the mid point of the body. This was a small vessel with a maximum diameter of about 14 cm. The second is a globular necked jar with one or two handles

(figure 8-2B). It is decorated with a horizontal band of triple punctates at the base of the

neck, and bands of quadruple punctates on the body perpendicular to the neck decoration.

A third vessel could be partially reconstructed. It has a sharply curved neck and the

curvature of the body suggests it was globular (figure 8-2C).

The number of necked jars that could be assigned to subtypes is small and their

characteristics and distribution is therefore tentative. However, long necked jars (shown

in figure 8-3A, 8-3B and 8-3C) appear to have a less curved body than short necked jars

(figure 8-3D, 8-3E and 8-3F). Long necked jars were found in stratum 1 and 3, whereas

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short necked jars were found in stratum 3, 4, 5 and 6. It is possible that this distribution

represents a change in form.

Two rim sherds clearly showed that they came from plates. The first (figure 8-4A)

was found in stratum 1, and it's size and shape suggests that it was an injera plate. The

second (figure 8-4B), from stratum 5 was slightly smaller. It's function is unknown.

Three other fragments were too small to determine rim angle or diameter, even though

their shape suggested that they came from plates.

There were only two rim sherds that could be identified as belonging to bowls

(figure 8-4C and 8-4D). Both were found in stratum 3. Although several other rim sherds,

recovered from all strata except 2 and 7, had interior rim angles of less than 90o

(measured from the top of the orifice) it is not possible to discern whether they were bowls or fragments of outcurved rims belonging to jars.

The fourth type of vessel is represented by three rim sherds (figure 8-4E, 8-4F and

8-4G). It has an incurved rim and a globular or elongated body. Other incurved rims may also belong to this type of vessel, but they were too small to determine curvature.

Rims

The majority of rim sherds were large enough to determine rim angle and rim diameter. The ash midden contained 106 rim sherds corresponding to a minimum number of 95 vessels (MNV). Three main rim types were recognized. Figure 8-5 shows representative photographs of the types and rim profiles are illustrated in figure 8-6.

Rounded rims were most common, comprising 46% of the assemblage. They were divided into two subtypes, 1a and 1b. Rim type 1a was rounded or slightly tapered at the top (figure 8-5A and 8-6), and rim type 1b was thickened at the top (figure 8-5B and 8-6), giving the resemblance of a bulb. Within rim type 1, 67% were of type1a and 33% of

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type 1b. Rim type 2 was rounded and characterized by an exterior ridge. Thirty percent of

the assemblage was of this type. Within this type the ridge was placed below the lip in

32% of the sherds. This was designated as subtype 2b (figure 8-5D and 8-6), and subtype

2a has the ridge starting at the top (figure 8-5C and 8-6). Rim type 3, 24% of the

assemblage, has flattened rims. In a few cases, 27% of rim type 3, the lip is thickened on

the exterior. These sherds were considered a subtype named 3b (figure 8-5F and 8-6).

Type 3a has straight walls (figure 8-5E and 8-6). Table 8-4 gives the characteristics of the rim types. Table 8-5 gives the distribution of the rim types, and figure 8-7 illustrates the distribution by strata of the main types. In addition to the rims listed in the table, rim type could not be determined for 2 sherds, 5 rim sherds were found on the surface and 2 during wall cleaning. The latter are included in the characterization of rim types. As can be seen in figure 8-7A, the frequency of rim type 1 increases below stratum 3, and rim type 3 is absent from stratum 2 and 5. However, the only strata with a MNV above 20 are stratum 1 and 3, so the frequencies in the other strata are uncertain. It is possible to collapse the strata to get a clearer picture. The lithic analysis showed a sharp increase in the density of lithic material between stratum 3 and 4. Assuming that this change reflects a major difference between upper and lower strata, it may be justifiable to compare rim types between the three upper and the three lower strata. Figure 8-7B illustrates the increase in rim type 1, predominantly due to an increase in subtype 1b, and the decrease in rim type 3, subtype 3a, in the lower strata. However, the differences were not significant.

It was possible to determine rim diameter from rim sherds corresponding to a MNV of 73. Figure 8-8 shows that rim type 1, rounded rims, were more commonly used for

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vessels with small rim diameter and for very large vessels. Two of the latter, found in stratum 1 and 3, were plates resembling injera plates. The third, in stratum 5, may have been a plate or a large bowl. Rim type 2, ridged rims, were most common for vessels with

medium sized and large rim diameters. As only 11 rims had a rim diameter between 8

and 10cm the absence of rim type 3 in this category may be due to chance.

It was possible to determine rim angle for rim sherds corresponding to a MNV of

80. Incurved rims were less common than straight or outcurved. The only strata with

more than 20 MNV, were stratum 1 and 3, and the frequencies of rim shapes were similar

in these two strata, except for a small decrease in straight rims. However, the three upper

strata have more straight rims and less sharply outcurved rims than the three lower strata

(figure 8-9A). The difference is significant with p<0.01. The shape of the rim appears to

be related to rim type. Figure 8-9B shows that incurved and straight rims were commonly

made with flattened rims (type 3), whereas outcurved rims more commonly had rounded

or ridged rims (type 1 and type 2).

There were also 3 porcelain rim sherds. Two were found in stratum 1 and one in

stratum 6. The one in stratum 6 had a rounded rim (figure 8-5G and 8-6), whereas the two

in stratum 1 had sharply tapered rims (figure 8-6). The largest of the latter is shown in

figure 8-5H. All are likely to have come from cups as the rim diameters were between 6

and 7cm.

Only 14 rim sherds were recovered from the household excavation, 5 of them from

the oita and 9 from the arxata. This corresponded to a MNV of 12. However, 3 of those

were found on the surface, and one during wall cleaning. Of the rest, one was found in

stratum 1, one in stratum 1/2, 2 in stratum 2, and the remaining sherds in features. The

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largest rim sherd was found wedged between the stones remaining from the structure in the oita. Rim diameter could be determined from 5 MNV, excluding the surface sherds. It

varied between 14 and 18cm. The most common rim type was 2b, with 5 MNV. Two

sherds belonged to rim type 1b, and one to rim type 3a. The rim sherds with known

angles are illustrated in figure 8-10. There were no sharply outcurved rims.

Decorated Sherds

The most common decorations on Konso pottery were ridges and striations. Table

8-6 gives a summary of the distribution of decorations in the ash midden. The majority of

sherds were undecorated, and only 13.4% of body sherds were decorated. Among neck

sherds, however, 49.0% were decorated. Thus it is likely that only a subset of pots were

decorated and that decoration was restricted to the upper part of the body. There was no difference in the proportions of plain versus decorated body sherds with depth in the ash

midden. Neck sherds, on the other hand tended to have higher frequencies of decoration

in the 4 lower strata (figure 8-11). The types of decorations also differed between

different parts of the pots, so rims, necks and body sherds will be discussed separately.

The household excavation only yielded 32 decorated sherds. Two of those were

neck sherds with a horizontal decoration of punctates, three were rim sherds with ridges,

and 27 were decorated body sherds. Body sherd decorations consisted of punctates,

striations, incisions, impressed ridges, ridges, dragged impressions, and combinations of

ridges and punctates or incisions. Due to the small number of decorated sherds they were

not further analyzed, but they are listed in table 8-6.

Body sherds

As seen in table 8-6, striations and ridges were the most common types of

decoration. Striations were, with one exception, restricted to the body of the pot. They

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ranged from shallow to deep and could be unidirectional or multidirectional, sometimes crossing each other (figure 8-12A, 8-12B, 8-12C, and 8-12D). Of course, as the majority

of sherds were small, the pattern may have been different on the pot. Ridges ranged from

subtly rounded to sharp (figure 8-12E, and 8-12F). The majority were too small to determine where on the pot the ridge was placed. However, on one large sherd the ridge

was placed slightly above the midline of a jar (figure 8-12F). Other types of decoration

were less common with each comprising less than 10% of the total weight of decorated sherds (table 8-6). Among the latter, only punctates (figure 8-12G) and impressed ridges

(figure 8-12H) were found on more than 10 body sherds. Incisions (figure 8-13A), rocker

stamping (figure 8-13B), appliqué (figure 8-13C), fingernail impressions (figure 8-13D)

and fabric impressed (figure 8-13E) decorations were very rare (table 8-6). Multiple

decorations were treated as a separate category, as it implies more intensive decoration. It

should, however, be kept in mind that it is likely that more pottery had multiple

decorations than is reflected by the sherds found with it. Multiple decorations consisted

of two or more decorative elements combined (figure 8-13F, 8-13G, 8-13H, and 8-13I).

The majority were combinations of punctates, striations and ridges.

As seen in table 8-6, the number of sherds in each category and stratum is to small

to do reliable comparisons. There does, however, appear to be a decrease in plain ridges

as body sherd decoration and an increase in impressed ridges and punctates below

stratum 4 (figure 8-14). In addition, incised body sherds were restricted to stratum 1 and

3, and fabric impressed sherds were only found in stratum 6. The only sherd with a

punctate pattern of long straight impressions and round punctates was also found in

stratum 6 (figure 8-13J). There were also a slight difference in the type of punctates with

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depth as only stratum 6 and 7 had sherds with deep triangular punctates (figure 8-13K),

but as there were only 4 sherds of this type the distribution may be due to chance. The

different appearance of impressed ridges in stratum 7, namely with large, slightly angled

impressions (figure 8-13L), was also limited to four sherds.

Although the number of sherds were to small to do reliable comparisons between

individual strata, combining the three upper strata and the four lower showed a pattern.

As seen in figure 8-14, plain ridges decrease in frequency in the lower strata whereas punctates and rare types of decorations increase. This may indicate more elaborately decorated vessels in the lower levels.

Decorations were occasionally combined into motifs (see the pottery key in appendix A-4). For body sherds the most common motif was striations in different directions. The frequency of this motif did not change with depth. Other motifs found on body sherds were multiple rows of punctates of different orientation and multiple decorations around a ridge. These motifs were very rare, with less than 10 sherds of each.

Rim sherds

The most common decoration on rim sherds were ridges. This corresponds to rim types 2a, 2b and 3b, which were discussed in the section on rims. Other types of decorations were extremely rare (table 8-6). One sherd had three lines of dragged impressions below the lip, two had multiple rows of rounded punctates below the lip, and three had a line of straight punctates on the lip.

Neck sherds

The most common types of decorations on neck sherds were punctates and impressed ridges. Striations, incisions, plain ridges, and rocker stamping were limited to one sherd in each category (table 8-6). Multiple decorations generally consisted of

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punctates combined with one or more other elements. The number of sherds in each

category and stratum is too small to do reliable comparisons, but there does not appear to be any pattern to the distribution.

The placement of decorations on the neck sherds is more informative. There were two main ways of decorating necks. The most common motif was a horizontal band of decoration or a ridge at the base of the neck (figure 8-16A). The second most common motif was a band of decoration perpendicular to the rim (figure 8-16B). In a few cases these motifs were combined with other motifs known from body sherds. These are designated as "other" in figure 8-17. The number of sherds in each category was too small to do comparisons between individual strata. However, neck sherds with vertical decoration were less common in the 4 lower strata, and motifs other than vertical and horizontal bands were absent from the 3 upper strata (figure 8-17).

Handles

Two types of handles were recovered in the excavations. The first is shown in figure 8-18A and 8-18B. It is large and slightly flattened, with the outer edge thinner than the inner. Measurements for 10 fragments of this type corresponding to a minimum of 8 handles from the ash midden were 22.8+2.9mm in the same plane as the body of the

vessel and 31.5+6.9mm perpendicular to the vessel. The second type is shown in figure

8-18C. It has a sharper curvature and is more rounded. Seven fragments of this type, corresponding to a minimum of 6 handles, were found in the ash midden and their corresponding measurements were 25.0+6.5mm and 23.9+6.0mm. Assuming that each

vessel had two handles, there was a minimum of six vessels with handle type 1 and 6

vessels with handle type 2. The numbers of recovered sherds is too small to do statistical

comparisons, but both types were found both in stratum 1, 3 and 6, suggesting that they

223 were used throughout the time the ash midden was in use. However, the majority of handles found were broken at the body of the vessel. Thus, they consisted of a piece of body sherd with the base of the handle, and the shape of the handle could not be determined. See figure 8-19A and 8-19B for an illustration of the most common handle fragments. These handle bases could have come from the same vessels as the handle fragments assigned to types, or from other vessels. They were not further analyzed, but are included in table 1 and 2 which gives the numbers and weights of all handles recovered from the excavation.

There were only 4 handle fragments, corresponding to a minimum of 3 handles, from the household excavation that could be assigned to handle type. They were all of type 1, with an average measurement of 22.3 by 33.1mm. One was found in the weaving pit, two in stratum 1, and one has no stratigraphic information as it was recovered from a wall cleaning.

Two broken handles recovered from the ash midden showed how they had been manufactured. It appears they were made by placing a thick coil close to the body of the vessel and then adding more clay around the coil and smoothing it onto the vessel (figure

8-19C and 8-19D).

Reuse of Pottery

Pottery is usually reused after it is broken. Larger sherds can be used for storage, others can be used as lids, or made into tools. In Konso the beehive entrances are manufactured from pieces of reused pottery with three holes drilled in them. Spindle whorls are made from circularly cut pottery pieces. Both of these types, as well as straight angle pieces with a ground edge were found in the excavation.

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Beehives

Four pieces identified as beehive entrances, corresponding to a minimum number of three were recovered in the ash midden excavation (an example is shown in figure 8-

20A). They were found in stratum 1, 3, and 5 respectively (figure 8-21). They varied in thickness from 6.6-7.7mm. The diameter of the most complete piece was 11 cm.

Spindle whorls

A total of 297.7 g of sherds identified as spindle whorls were recovered from the ash midden excavation. This corresponds to a minimum number of 37 spindle whorls. An example is shown in figure 8-20B. Their distribution is shown in figure 8-21 and characteristics in table 8-7. No spindle whorls were found in stratum 7 or stratum 5, but they are evenly distributed in the other strata. The size is fairly uniform with a median of

4.0 cm and a mean of 4.24cm. Thickness, on the other hand, varies between 3.4 and

11.5mm. The hole diameter varied between 6 and 10mm in 3 whole and 8 more than 50% complete spindle whorls, with a mean of 8.8mm.

One broken spindle whorl was recovered from the household excavation. It was found in stratum 2 in unit L12, and had a diameter of 4cm.

Other sherd tools

A total of 156.1g of ceramics were identified as sherd tools of unknown use. This corresponds to a minimum number of 19 sherd tools. None were found in stratum 5 or 7.

An example is shown in figure 8-20C and their distribution in figure 8-21. Some of them may have been fragments of spindle whorls or beehives as they had an arc shaped edge.

One was circular with a diameter of 4cm, and may have been a spindle whorl preform.

Three others were circular, but smaller than 3cm in diameter, and may have been intended as spindle whorls, but discarded as too small. Four had two edges at

225 approximately 90o angles, which differ from spindle whorls and beehives. One of these was found during wall cleaning. Two of the others were found in stratum 3 and one in stratum 1.

Use Wear

When pots are used they develop specific use alterations. Putting a full pot down on the ground will cause exterior pitting on the base of the vessel and dragging it will cause scratches (Skibo 1992:115-117). Interior and exterior scratches can be formed when a pot is washed if abrasive materials are used (Skibo 1992:121). Thermal spalls are caused by water vaporizing in the vessel wall after prolonged cooking (Skibo 1992:135). Interior sooting develops after food residues are burnt (Skibo 1992:149). This sooting is less dense towards the rim (Arthur 2000:204). Exterior sooting is caused from the burning wood in the hearth during cooking (Hally 1983; Skibo 1992:157-173). Brewing beer and storing dough in vessels will cause severe interior pitting and erosion (Arthur 2000:203-

207).

In Konso sooting and scratches would be expected on cooking pots, and erosion and pitting on vessels used to ferment beer. Water holding and transport vessels would not be expected to show any use alteration, nor would vessels used to store beans.

Body sherds

Figure 8-22 shows the percentage by weight of internal and external use alterations on decorated body sherds from the ash midden. The total is more than 100 % because many sherds showed evidence of multiple use alterations. In addition to the attributes in the figure, thermal spalls were found on the interior of 3 sherds (see figure 8-23A for an example), and one sherd had crackles on the interior. Four handles also showed evidence of wear (see figure 8-23B for an example). Pitting and erosion were much more common

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on the interior than exterior of sherds, except on sherds from stratum 7. There were no

scratches on the exterior of sherds. It is highly unlikely that the attrition noticed on sherds from stratum 1-6 was post depositional as if it were it would be expected that the interior and exterior should show similar amounts of attrition. Stratum 7 only contained 6 decorated body sherds, one with pitting and erosion on the exterior, and 3 with pitting on the interior. Due to the small number of sherds in this stratum the percentages of attrition are uncertain, and they were not included in the statistical analysis. There were significantly less use alterations in stratum 5 (p<0.001). However, this stratum only contained 16 sherds, so it is possible that the significance is due to chance.

Erosion occurs both on the exterior and interior, although the percentage is higher

on the interior. In addition, the attrition on the interior was heavier than on the exterior.

Exterior pitting was restricted to one sherd in stratum 6 and one in stratum 7, but interior

pitting was common. It is likely that the interior erosion and pitting reflects beer

production. The interior scratches may be due to washing of pots with an abrasive

material.

The body sherds recovered from the household excavation had more use alteration

on the interior than the exterior (figure 8-24), consistent with the findings from the ash

midden excavation. In contrast to the ash midden scratches were found both on the

exterior and interior surface. Sooting, which was not analyzed on the sherds from the ash

midden, was more common on the exterior than the interior. Stratum 2/3 only contained 4

sherds, and stratum 3 only contained 7 sherds. Features apart from the pits contained less

than 20 sherds. The percentages of attrition from these strata and features are therefore

227 uncertain. One hundred-two sherds found on the surface show a similar pattern as the excavated sherds.

Neck sherds

The pattern of use alteration on neck sherds (figure 8-25) recovered from the ash midden excavation was similar to that on body sherds. There was a larger percentage of sherds without interior use alteration, and correspondingly lower percentages of erosion and pitting. Only stratum 1 and 3 contained more than 20 neck sherds. There appears to be a higher percentage of scratches in stratum 4 and 5, but as these strata only contained

14 and 3 sherds respectively and the scratches were restricted to one sherd in each stratum, this is likely to be due to chance. Likewise, the lower percentage of erosion in strata 2, 4 and 5 is likely due to chance, as the number of sherds is small. Exterior use alteration was rare, and no sherds with exterior pitting were found.

The household excavation yielded only 151g of neck sherds, corresponding to 13 pieces. None of them had exterior use alterations, and only one had interior use alteration.

The latter was a pitted sherd found in a posthole.

Rims

Pitting and erosion rarely extended to the lip of the rim. As seen in figure 8-26 of a necked jar, pitting and erosion starts 2-4cm below the lip. It is likely that with continued use pitting and erosion would extend higher towards the lip, as there are examples with pitting only on the body (figure 8-23D) and heavy pitting and erosion extending almost to the lip (figure 8-23C). The majority of rim sherds were small, and thus might not show evidence for pitting and erosion even though the vessel they came from might have them.

As for body and neck sherds, attrition was more common on the interior than exterior. In stratum 1 and 3, 13.7 and 19.3% of the sherds were eroded on the inside. Exterior erosion

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was found on 3.4 and 2.9% respectively. Four rim sherds showed evidence for interior

erosion close to the lip. One of these was a large (rim diameter 42cm) bowl found in stratum 3. The other two were from globular or elongated vessels with incurved rims.

One was found in stratum 3 (rim diameter 22cm) and one in stratum 4 (rim diameter

14cm). Both were of rim type 3b, and the erosion was present on the interior lip. It had the appearance of a ground surface.

Summary and Discussion

The pottery recovered from the ash midden and household excavation only show

minor changes over time. Therefore the following discussion will focus on

characterization of Konso pottery, although the changes will be noted. Characterization

of pottery has several advantages. For example, future studies can explore differences

between households and their possible socio-economic implications. Comparisons with

pottery from other groups may indicate common ancestry or trade connections. Finally,

regional similarities and differences within Konso may indicate cohesion or regional

developments in the Konso area.

Characterization of Konso Pottery

Konso pottery is characterized by a large proportion of necked jars, mica and quartz

temper, and high frequency of interior pitting and erosion of vessels. Rims can be

rounded and tapered, ridged and/or flattened. With the exception of two porcelain rims,

there were no sharply tapered rims. Necked vessels range from those with a straight long

neck to those with sharply outcurved short necks. The most common decorations are

striations and ridges. Striations were almost exclusively used to decorate vessel bodies, whereas ridges were common both on rims and vessel bodies. Neck decoration most commonly consisted of a horizontal band of punctates or other decorative elements at the

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base of the neck. The second most common neck motif consisted of an impressed ridge or

punctates applied perpendicular to the rim.

It appears that two clay sources were used, one containing mica and smaller

amounts of quartz sand, and the other containing quartz sand only. These clays may have

been mixed in different proportions to produce pottery of different colors and with

different amounts of mica and quartz. The known clay source in Fasha has naturally

occurring mica and quartz. The source in Gauwada is of unknown composition. It should

be mentioned that the Fasha source is approximately 4 hours walk from Olanta, and

Gauwada a minimum of a 6 hours walk. Taking into consideration that the clay also

needs to be mined, obtaining the clay is likely to have taken more than one day. This

suggests that potters were full-time specialists in the past like they are today.

The homogeneity of Konso pottery, both in regards to temper and decorative

elements, may be due to affinities between potters. Potters, like other artisans in Konso,

are xauda and generally marry other xauda. As the xauda group is substantially smaller than the etenta (farmer) group, many of the potters are likely to be related.

The finding of different proportions of mica and quartz temper in the ash midden

versus the household was unexpected. As the proportions in the household does not fit

with any strata in the ash midden, it points to considerable variability between

households. This merits further investigations as it could be due to socio-economic

differences or individual choice.

Trends over Time

The changes in pottery attributes with depth in the ash midden were minor. Thus,

they need to be considered as tentative, and should be either corroborated or refuted by

future excavations. Vessel shapes were remarkably similar over time, even though there

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were higher proportions of sharply outcurved rims and short necked jars in the 4 lower strata. The sherds in the 4 lower strata also had a larger variety of decorations and higher

frequencies of punctates. Pottery may have had more decorations in the past or some

decorated pottery types may have ceased to be manufactured. Although the majority of

sherds resembled those of other strata, stratum 6 and 7 had some exclusive decorations.

These were fabric impression, deep triangular punctates and ridges with large, slightly angled impressions. It is possible that these represent a stylistic change within the continuous Konso pottery sequence.

Sherd Tools

Parts of bee hives were found in stratum 1, 3 and 5 in the ash midden excavation.

They are identical to the bee hives made today. This indicates that honey was collected by the Konso from at least the time of the formation of stratum 5. Honey is used as sweetener for chagga, and also served plain or diluted with water at feasts. Today tejj,

honey mead, is also made, but informants stated that it was not made before Konso

became part of the Ethiopian Empire.

Spindle whorls were found as deep as stratum 6 in the ash midden. Smith (1969

[1897]:177) observed that the Konso traded their cotton cloth with the Borana. The

findings of spindle whorls indicate that cotton growing and spinning were practiced at

least from the time stratum 6 was formed. The spindle whorls were remarkably consistent

in size, with a preferred diameter of 4cm. This suggests either that this is the optimal size,

or that the production was centralized. As there is a range of sizes, it appears the first

explanation is the most likely.

Some of the other sherd tools found may have been preforms for spindle whorls.

The function of the straight edge sherd tools is not known.

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Use Alteration

The most common use alterations were interior pitting and erosion. This wear

rarely extended to the rim. It is likely that it reflects the production of chagga, a

fermented drink. It has the consistency of gruel, and may be sweetened with honey.

Today it is normally made from maize and occasionally from sorghum. Maize is,

however, a recent addition to Konso agriculture, and traditionally chagga was made from

sorghum. Among the Konso it is a major food source. It is consumed as breakfast, and as

an energy source in the afternoon. Visitors are given chagga to drink, and it is consumed

in large quantities at markets and weddings. Some Konso women also sell chagga. It is

therefore not surprising that a large proportion of the sherds in the assemblage show evidence for use alterations consistent with fermentation. The erosion and pitting were

evident on body sherds, neck sherds and on the interior vessel wall of handle bases. Thus,

the pots used to ferment chagga are likely to have been necked jars, probably with

handles.

Comparisons with Other Areas

Unfortunately it is difficult to compare Konso pottery with other areas for two reasons. One is that the decorations and rim forms found in the Konso excavations are

common. The second is that virtually nothing is known about the pottery among

neighboring groups. The only other studies in the vicinity of Konso consist of John

Arthur's (2000) ethnoarchaeological study of Gamo potters, and Girma Hundie's (2001)

excavations in the Yabelo area. Gamo is situated in the highlands west of Lake Chamo

and Abaya to the north of Gidole. Their contemporary pottery is decorated with ridges,

neck grooves, appliqué and incisions in the form of punctates (Arthur 2000:84-85).

Punctates are found around the world, and their presence at Gamo and Konso is expected.

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Ridges placed on the midline of the body of necked jars appear to be less universal,

although it also occurs in the Bur Heibe region of Somalia (Ahmed 1986). However,

rippling of the neck, which is common in Gamo, was not found in Konso, so the presence

of ridges may be coincidental. In addition other types of decorations used in Konso, such

as impressed ridges and fingernail impressions were absent from contemporary Gamo pottery. The excavations in the Yabelo area (Hundie 2001) primarily concerns time periods prior to the 1st millennium AD. Unfortunately pottery recovered from upper

levels, which may reflect Borana occupations, is not dated. Although punctates and

incisions are found on the Yabelo pottery as well as on Konso pottery they appear

dissimilar, with the exception of a few sherds with impressed ridges from YAB7 (Hundie

2001:151). Thus it appears that the Konso pottery differs from that of Yabelo. However,

it would be preferable to compare the Konso pottery with identifiable Borana sites.

Although it is possible to compare Konso pottery with pottery from other areas and

time period, the rationale for doing so is questionable in lieu of any known or likely ties.

It would be interesting to compare the Konso pottery with that of other Eastern Cushitic

groups, particularly the Burji as some potters families were reported to have come from

Burji, but as of yet there have been no descriptions of contemporary pottery in these

areas, nor any excavations.

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Table 8-1. Density of sherd types in the ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 All sherds g/m3 5245 3427 6745 9287 6018 9067 2572 Undecorated sherds Body sherd g 7967.1 1632.1 8320.0 3607.7 1610.3 2766.9 381.6 g/m3 3476 2450 4664 6274 4294 7378 1638 Rim g 349.1 39.9 298.0 138.5 95.8 152.1 0 n 19 2 11 5 3 8 g/m3 277 150 395 741 416 496 Base g 0 0 0 0 67.5 0 0 n 1 Neck g 356.2 138.0 272.6 115.7 2.1 77.9 8.6 n 22 11 25 11 1 7 1 g/m3 155 207 152 168 6 164 37 Handle g 1093.7 12.0 599.2 306.4 171.5 541.8 114.8 n 22 1 18 4 5 10 1 g/m3 477 18 336 533 457 1141 492 Sherd tool g 34.7 8.1 47.7 18.4 0 3.2 0 n 4 2 5 3 1 Shoulder g 95.8 0 99.6 0 0 0 0 n 3 2 Spindle whorl g 92.8 34.9 79.9 18.9 0 39.5 0 n 15 5 11 4 4 g/m3 40 52 45 33 83 Foot stand g 0 0 0 0 20.9 0 0 n 1 Beehive g 44.6 0 107.6 0 71.3 0 0 n 1 2 1 Decorated sherds Body sherd g 1198.9 352.3 1275.4 618.7 130.0 430.0 75.5 n 106 32 117 49 16 45 6 g/m3 523 529 698 1076 347 905 324 Rim g 326.7 62.7 543.0 287.5 70.3 114.6 0 n 14 5 14 3 4 8 g/m3 142 94 304 500 187 241 Base g 30.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 n 1 Neck g 146.1 0 162.2 60.3 17.1 180.8 18.9 n 11 14 3 2 11 2 g/m3 64 91 138 46 381 81 Pipe g 30.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 n 1 Sherd tool g 24.8 0 12.9 0 0 0 0 n 2 1 Shoulder g 0 0 29.2 18.4 0 0 0 n 1 1 Spindle whorl g 3.8 2.2 8.4 5.6 0 0 0 n 1 1 2 1

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Table 8-2. Distribution of sherd types in the household excavation Stratum 1 1/2 2 2/3 3 Pits Post holes All sherds (g/m3) 1212 1344 808 1752 321 1099 743 Undecorated sherds Body sherds g 590.7 381.2 615.8 13.0 37.3 230.7 32.0 n 230 128 166 4 7 78 12 g/m3 886 1108 652 342 322 613 330 Rims g 41.2 4.3 10.3 0 0 7.5 4.9 n 2 1 1 2 1 Necks g 11.0 14.8 22.4 0 0 12.8 19.5 n 1 3 2 1 2 Handle g 94.0 13.0 63.7 53.6 0 152.1 15.7 n 4 2 1 1 2 1 Spindle whorl g 3.0 5.2 5.8 0 0 0 0 n 1 2 2 Decorated sherds Body sherds g 30.0 4.7 19.7 0 0 10.4 0 n 10 3 7 4 Rim g 0 0 24.5 0 0 0 0 n 2 Neck g 0 33.6 0 0 0 0 0 n 2 Handle g 36.8 0 0 0 0 0 0 n 1

Table 8-3. Vessel type characteristics Necked vessels Globular/ Bowls Plates Elongated Long neck Short neck Rim diameter mean+std. dev. 15.2+2.8 12.6+1.4 17.3+4.2 33.0 45.0 range 12-20 10-14 14-22 24-42 40-50 n 8 10 3 2 2 Mouth diameter mean+std. dev. 13.6+2.9 10.8+1.5 as rim as rim not range 10-18 9-14 diameter diameter applicable n 8 10 Rim thickness mean+std. dev. 11.4+1.4 8.2+1.9 14.2+0.4 11.5 15.6 range 8.6-12.6 5.5-10.7 13.9-14.6 10.3-12.7 14.7-16.6 n 8 10 3 2 2 Body thickness mean+std. dev. 8.2+1.4 7.3+1.6 8.7+0.2 8.6 11.3 range 5.4-10.2 4.9-9.7 8.6-8.9 8.3-8.9 11.1-11.5 n 8 10 3 2 2

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Table 8-4. Rim type characteristics Rim type Rim thickness Body thickness at 2 cm below rim n mean+S.D. n mean+S.D. 1a 29 8.76+1.57 29 8.70+2.00 1b 14 10.56+2.65 14 7.91+1.88 2a 18 11.11+2.53 19 8.40+2.12 2b 9 12.09+1.36 9 8.41+1.07 3a 16 8.86+1.59 16 8.86+1.35 3b 6 11.75+2.83 6 8.40+0.79

Table 8-5. Distribution of rim types in the ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 Total Type 1 n 12 2 8 4 5 6 38 % in stratum 38 40 36 50 71 50 1a n 10 1 5 3 2 4 25 % in stratum 31 20 23 38 28 33 1b n 2 1 3 1 3 2 12 % in stratum 6 20 14 12 43 17 Type 2 n 10 3 6 2 2 4 27 % in stratum 31 60 27 25 28 33 2a n 7 2 3 1 1 4 17 % in stratum 22 40 14 12 14 33 2b n 3 1 3 1 1 0 9 % in stratum 9 20 14 12 14 Type 3 n 10 0 8 2 0 2 22 % in stratum 31 36 25 17 3a n 8 0 6 1 0 1 15 % in stratum 25 27 12 8 3b n 2 0 2 1 0 1 6 % in stratum 6 9 12 8 Total n 32 5 22 8 7 12 86

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Table 8-6. Distribution of decorations Ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Body sherd decoration Punctates n 6 0 5 4 3 9 1 28 g 23.5 28.6 36.2 18.6 102.9 4.1 213.9 % 2.0 2.2 4.7 14.3 23.9 5.4 5.0 Striations n 51 18 56 22 8 23 0 178 g 574.8 93.9 472.1 248.7 78.6 149.2 1617.3 % 47.9 26.6 36.1 32.6 60.5 34.7 38.0 Incisions n 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 5 g 4.1 38.6 42.7 % 0.3 2.9 1.0 Impressed n 3 1 5 0 2 2 4 17 ridge g 23.4 4.1 46.5 12.3 10.5 64.9 161.7 % 2 1.2 3.6 9.5 2.4 86.0 3.8 Ridge n 33 13 36 14 2 5 0 103 g 478.8 254.3 544.8 360.5 10.3 57.5 1706.2 % 39.9 72.2 41.6 47.2 7.9 13.4 40.1 Rocker n 4 0 3 1 0 1 0 9 stamping g 20.7 66.0 5.0 60.6 152.3 % 1.7 5.0 0.6 14.1 3.6 Appliqué n 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 g 5.0 6.5 11.5 % 0.6 8.6 0.3 Fingernail n 2 0 1 1 0 2 0 6 impression g 7.8 10.2 4.0 24.7 46.7 % 0.6 0.8 0.5 5.7 1.1 Fabric n 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 impressed g 16.3 16.3 % 3.8 0.4 Multiple n 6 0 7 6 1 1 0 21 decoration g 65.8 102.3 103.5 10.2 8.3 290.1 % 5.5 7.8 13.6 7.8 1.9 6.8 Rim sherd decoration Punctates n 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 5 g 23.0 2.4 10.4 9.9 28.3 74.0 Ridges n 12 4 10 3 3 6 0 38 g 436.0 70.2 372.1 287.5 60.4 88.8 1315 .0 Dragged n 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 impressions g 15.1 15.1

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Table 8-6. Continued.

Ash midden Stratum 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Neck sherd decoration Punctates n 3 0 8 3 2 5 1 22 g 128.4 75.3 47.5 17.1 58.5 1.9 328.7 % 41.4 26.1 48.6 100 32.3 10.0 36.0 Striations n 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 g 4.7 4.7 % 1.6 0.5 Incisions n 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 g 23.1 23.1 % 7.4 2.5 Impressed n 7 0 4 0 0 3 1 15 ridge g 141.0 41.2 78.0 17.0 277.2 % 45.4 14.3 43.1 90.0 30.3 Ridge n 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 g 10.0 10.0 % 3.2 1.1 Rocker- n 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 stamping g 7.7 7.7 % 2.5 0.8 Multiple n 0 0 2 2 0 3 0 7 decoration g 167.6 50.3 44.3 262.2 % 58.0 51.4 24.5 28.7 Household Stratum 1 1/2 2 pits wall total Body sherd decoration Punctates n 1 1 1 0 0 3 g 8.1 1.3 2.3 11.7 Striations n 4 2 2 1 0 9 g 6.1 6.1 3.4 0.5 16.1 Incisions n 1 0 1 1 1 4 g 0.8 5.1 2.3 0.5 8.7 Impressed n 2 0 1 0 0 3 ridge g 4.9 3.7 8.6 Ridge n 2 0 1 0 2 5 g 10.1 1.6 106.9 118.6 Dragged n 0 0 0 1 0 1 impression g 1.9 1.9 Multiple n 0 0 1 1 0 2 decoration g 0.9 5.7 6.6

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Table 8-7. Spindle whorl attributes Stratum 1 2 3 4 6 Mean+s.d. Diameter 4.00 4.05 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.24+0.56 (cm) 3.0-6.0 4.0-5.5 3.4-4.9 3.5-5.0 3.8-5.0 Thickness 7.05 6.45 6.50 5.30 6.40 6.80+1.66 (mm) 3.4-11.1 5.5-9.4 4.2-7.7 3.9-8.8 6.0-11.5 Weight (g) 96.6 37.1 88.3 24.5 39.5 Total MN 15 4 10 4 3 Density #/m3 6.5 6.0 5.6 7.0 6.3 Density g/m3 42.1 55.7 49.5 42.6 83.2

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Figure 8-1. Temper frequencies in the ash midden and household.

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Figure 8-2. Vessel shape of necked jars that could be reconstructed.

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Figure 8-3. Examples of neck shape of necked jars.

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Figure 8-4. Examples of vessel types other than necked jars.

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Figure 8-5. Examples of rim types.

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Figure 8-6. Rim types.

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Figure 8-6. Continued.

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Figure 8-6. Continued.

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Figure 8-7. Rim type distribution.

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Figure8-8. Rim diameter for different rim types.

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Figure 8-9. Distribution of rim shapes.

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Figure 8-10. Rim types in the household.

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Figure 8-11. Frequencies of decorated and plain sherds in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-12. Examples of common decorations.

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Figure 8-13. Examples of uncommon decorations.

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Figure 8-14. Frequencies of body sherd decorations in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-15. Body sherd decoration frequencies in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-16. Examples of neck sherd motifs.

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Figure 8-17. Frequencies of neck sherd motifs in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-18. Examples of handle types.

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Figure 8-19. A, B: Examples of handle fragment. C, D: Handle manufacture.

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Figure 8-20. Examples of sherd tools.

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Figure 8-21. Distribution of sherd tools in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-22. Use alterations on body sherds in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-23. Examples of use alterations.

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Figure 8-24. Use alteration on body sherds in the household.

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Figure 8-25. Use alteration on neck sherds in the ash midden.

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Figure 8-26. Location of pitting and erosion.

CHAPTER 9 SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

The aim of archaeology is to understand the life style and values of past societies.

The socio-political organization of complex societies plays an important role for understanding both the functioning of every-day life and the world view of people living

in such societies. This study of the Konso helps to document the variation in organization

of complex societies. In addition, the characterization of ceramic, lithic, and personal adornment artifact forms a baseline for more specific studies of the Konso.

Socio-Political Organization

The investigation into the Konso socio-political organization prior to 1897 was based on two types of sources. Spatial analysis was used to determine whether there was a regional spatial hierarchy and to explore differentiation within settlements. Oral histories provided insights into the power structure.

Spatial Analysis

Table 2-1 in chapter 2 gave some spatial correlates for hierarchical and nonhierarchical socio-political organizations and it may be informative to review them for

Konso. The regional spatial analysis showed no evidence for site hierarchy. There is no evidence for centers surrounded by smaller settlements, nor is there a clear division into groups of different size. The rank size distribution is markedly convex indicating that the

Konso area was not an integrated polity. Rather the size distribution appears to depend on the age of the settlements. Settlements in the north-east are on average larger, have more

267 268 interior stone walls and are closer spaced than in other areas. This is consistent with oral histories indicating the north-east being the first settled area.

The question of spatial hierarchy within settlements could not be clearly answered.

The average household size of high status families was larger than that of ordinary people, but there was substantial overlap and the difference was not significant. In addition, xauda households, which should be an example of low status, were slightly larger than the average. Actually the size difference of households was larger between settlements than between status groups. However, the number of households studied is small and there were only five high status and only three low status households. Thus it appears that there was no spatial hierarchy of households within settlements, but this should be further studied.

The Konso settlements contain ritual spaces, moras, in addition to households, walkways and communal activity areas. The major rituals take place in the main mora.

They are also the place for poles raised for generation changes and victory stelae commemorating heroic deeds of the warrior generation. These moras are rarely placed centrally, indeed they may be outside the settlement. They are cared for by the warrior generation grade. The most imposing structure in the mora is the pafta, which is where all unmarried men sleep. Thus, in Konso the main ritual space is not controlled by a chief, but is used to honor all men of a generation grade.

In a hierarchical socio-political organization elites are also expected to have more exotic trade goods and elaborate artifacts than the general population. This study does not directly address this question. However, the characterization of artifacts provide a baseline for future investigations.

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The organization of households provides insights into the world-view of inhabitants

(Deetz 1977, Huffman 1996), and aids interpretation of archaeological features. In

Konso, settlements were normally placed on hill sides, and space for households prepared similar to agricultural terraces. The households were divided into an upper living area separated from a lower area used for storage and livestock holdings. This division is important in Konso. It was evident in all households encountered, even when the ground

was level the two areas were separated by recessed stones. Most activities could take

place in both areas, but ritual activities were only performed in the upper part.

Connah (2000) stressed the importance of investigating city walls to gain

information about Africa's urban past. Konso has a very high density of walled

settlements, with more than 50 in a 225 km2 area. The Konso walls were built to defend

from enemies and wild animals, and reach up to 7 m high. It would certainly have been

labor intensive to build the walls, but calculations of the labor requirements suggests that

an average wall could be built by the inhabitants in less than 2 months. Thus there is no

need to assume a centralized rule to organize the labor force, nor a surplus of food to feed

workers.

Oral History

Power relations will differ between hierarchical and non-hierarchical socio-political

organizations (see table 2-1). In Konso the poqalla tumas are the most revered

individuals. Their function is to ensure the fertility and the peace. They have supernatural

attributes, and are involved in the most important rituals. They advice on political matters

and are wealthier than most Konso. However, they have no coercive power, as evidenced

by oral histories of warfare against their advice and examples of their power being

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curtained. Therefore, although they have some parallels with sacred chiefs, in Konso their

power was succesfully limited to that of ritual leaders.

The power of other individuals in Konso was also limited. The position of

generation leader, with the duties of organizing labor for building and warfare, was not

inherited and changed with each new generation coming to power. In addition, success in

warfare was commemorated in the name of the generation rather than in the name of the

generation leader. The judicial power was primarily in the hands of elders. Heroes

occupied a more ambivalent position. They were buried prominently, either in the main

mora or near other moras, and in the Fasha area they have stelae raised in their name for

heroic deeds. However, there were no oral traditions of them being involved in the

governing of settlements, except for giving advice.

Warfare in Karate had minor impact on settlements. The winner obtained disputed

land and a sacrificial bull. In Fasha, on the other hand, warfare resulted in destruction of

settlements. However, the inhabitants of the destroyed settlements did not become slaves

or tributary to the winners, nor did they lose their land. Fights with enemies outside

Konso took the form of raids. Consequently, there are no examples of conquest warfare from Konso.

The oral histories from Konso do not indicate that leaders in one settlement appointed leaders of other settlements, nor do they indicate tributary relations between settlements. However, the poqallas do obtain some labor from people they have lent land to (Watson 1997), so this question should be studied further.

Although the spatial analysis shows that Konso was not an integrated polity, the placement of watching moras indicate that outside enemies were expected. Furthermore,

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inhabitants of destroyed settlements moved to other settlements where they had clan

members. Thus, even with warfare and lack of integration the Konso see themselves as

one people.

Oral histories thus corroborate the findings from the spatial analysis. The Konso

developed mechanisms that ascertained that no individual could obtain absolute power.

Ritual leaders, generation leaders and elders discussed problems and their

recommendations had to be confirmed by assemblies of the adult males of the

settlements.

Comparisons with Other Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups

The Konso organization has many parallels with that of neighboring Eastern

Cushitic speaking groups. All have clans and councils of elders. The gada system with

generation leaders existed among the Oromo, Dullay, Burji, Dassanetch and Gedeo. With

the exception of the Dassanetch these groups also have hereditary ritual leaders. The

question of how much power elders, generation leaders and ritual leaders had in the different ethnic groups is problematic, because ethnographic studies are from the 20th

century. Thus, the organization may reflect changes introduced after the Southern groups

became part of the Ethiopian Empire. However, it appears that in general the Eastern

Cushitic speaking groups employed checks on leaders to prevent individuals from

obtaining too much power.

Culture History

One of the goals of the excavation in Konso was to characterize artifacts and, if

possible, seriate them. This goal has no immediate bearing on the sociopolitical organization of Konso, rather it was done to aid further studies into socio-economic differences, trade, and regional diversity. It should be remembered that resistance to

272 hierarchy does not mean egalitarianism. There are differences in wealth and status within

Konso and to obtain a more complete picture of Konso organization it is necessary to look at socio-economic factors in future studies.

The analysis of artifacts focuses on characterization, as there were few temporal changes. It should be kept in mind that this is a first step in the study of Konso artifacts.

Thus the interpretation of lithic materials may be specific for Olanta, where the excavation took place, rather than for Konso as a whole. For example, the most common raw material recovered from the excavation was chert, but hide workers in Kashalle in southern Konso use quartz crystal to manufacture tools (Kathryn Weedman personal communication 2002). Glass trade beads are likely to have been originally obtained from traders at Konso markets. Although that would suggest that the types and proportion of beads found in the excavation should reflect Konso as a whole, informants said that the popularity of types of beads varied between different settlements. Pottery in Olanta may have been obtained from a resident potter or from markets. As two of the largest markets in Konso, both of them known to have been used prior to 1897 AD, are situated within

1/2 hour's walk from Olanta, it is likely that the pottery recovered in the excavations reflect Konso pottery in general.

Lithics and Glass

The number of tools recovered is too low to do more than a tentative characterization of lithics, but constitutes a first step. Scrapers and unshaped tools predominate in the assemblage. Only four other types of tools were found, all of them in lower strata. These consisted of one point, one backed blade and two bifaces, one of which resembled a knife. The majority of scrapers and unshaped tools were produced from chert, although raw materials also include agate and basalt. Quartz and quartzite

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debitage indicate that these raw materials were also used for tool production. End

scrapers and core scrapers were most common. Core scrapers were not found by Brandt

(1996) in his study of contemporary hide workers. This may be due to a temporal

difference or differences between settlements or individual knappers. One of the

unshaped tool types merits further characterization. Four utilized flakes were identified as

used to shave hair by the Konso excavation assistants. They had roughly triangular shape

with plain platforms, a slightly thickened edge close to the platform, and a sharp utilized

edge. The form indicates that they could have been used as hand-held razor blades. The paucity of specialized tools in Konso fits well with Rosen's (1997) interpretation of fewer types of tools being made as lithics are replaced with metals.

Scrapers and unshaped tools were also manufactured from glass, in particular green bottle glass. The number of bottles used to manufacture tools is likely to be low, as only 6 bottle bases and 4 bottle lips were found. However, none of the tools were made from clear glass, although 4 of the bottle bases and all the bottle lips were of clear glass. This indicates a conscious choice of green glass as a raw material for tools, either due to properties of green glass or preference by the knapper.

Metals

Metal artifacts were found in all strata in the ash midden excavation, although the density decreased with depth. Most of the metal was severely corroded and could not be identified. Nails were recovered from the 5 upper strata and was the most common identifiable artifact. Other artifacts included needles, firearm objects such as bullets and pistol parts, wires and metal rods. One of the metal rods, found in stratum 4, was identified as being used to press cotton seeds out of the cotton prior to spinning. There is no tradition of iron smelting in Konso, and oral histories indicate that iron was brought in

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by traders prior to the time Konso was incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire

(Kluckhohn 1962).

Beads and Other Personal Adornments

The trade glass bead assemblage in Konso is characterized of a high proportion,

approximately 90%, of drawn beads. This is consistent with other bead assemblages in

East and South Africa dating to the last 500 years. In contrast to assemblages from Fort

Jesus (Kirkman 1974) and South Africa (Kinahan 2000) more than 50% of the drawn

beads in Konso were compound beads with a core of one color and an overlay of another color. Within the compound beads the "indian red on green" was more common in lower stratigraphic layers and the "red on white" more common in upper stratigraphic layers, which is consistent with the change in proportions over time of these beads in South

Africa. Blue-green and white were the most common colors of simple drawn beads. The

frequencies of blue-green beads were substantially higher in the Konso excavation than in

the Fort Jesus assemblage, whereas the frequency of white beads was substantially lower.

The proportions were similar to that of late 18th century assemblages in South Africa. A

notable difference between the Konso assemblage and that of South Africa is the virtual

absence of decorated beads in Konso. Only one such bead was found in Konso, which

gives a frequency similar to the Fort Jesus assemblages. The glass beads as well as

cowrie and marginella shells must have come to Konso by trade and, as Somali traders

are known to have traded in Burji and with the Borana, the most likely route is from the

Indian Ocean. The poor correspondence between the Konso assemblage and the Fort

Jesus assemblages is therefore somewhat surprising. The most likely explanation is bead

preferences among the Konso, another possibility is a different trade route. Studies of

275 bead assemblages from Burji and Borana should help to discern between these possibilities.

Ceramics

The ceramic assemblage is characterized by high proportions of necked vessels and quartz and mica temper. Judging from neck sherds about half the vessels are decorated.

As the vast majority of body sherds were plain, decoration is likely to be restricted to the upper part of the vessel. The most common decorative elements are striations and plain ridges. Striations are found on the body of vessels, whereas plain ridges are found on rims or bodies. The most common decorations on necks are a horizontal or vertical band of punctates or impressed ridges. Most of the vessels are smoothed or polished on the exterior. Slips are very rare. Rims vary in shape from rounded to flattened. There were no sharply tapered rims in the assemblage, except for two porcelain cup rims. There were few changes over time, although there was a tendency to more elaborate decoration in the lower levels of the ash midden. In addition, rounded rims and short necked jars tended to be more common in lower strata.

The majority of the pottery sherds recovered were pitted and eroded on the interior.

As Arthur (2003) has shown, this indicates beer production. The Konso local beer, chagga, is an important food source. Contrary to the Gamo, where beer production is associated with wealthy households (Arthur 2003), virtually all Konso women brew beer.

Thus, recovery of pitted vessels is not likely to give information on social status in

Konso. As elsewhere in the world (Deal and Hagstrum 1994) broken pots are reused in

Konso. Two types of reuse are especially interesting in Konso. One is the use of large sherds to manufacture entrances for beehives. Broken pieces of these were recovered from stratum 1, 3 and 5 in the ash midden, indicating that honey was collected from at

276

least the time stratum 5 was formed. The other is the manufacture of spindle whorls from

broken pottery. Although only artisans weave cotton in Konso, virtually everybody spins

cotton. It is common to see both men and women spinning while they are talking to each

other or relaxing in moras. Spindle whorls were recovered from all strata in the ash

midden except stratum 2 and 7, implying that cotton was an important resource since at

least the time stratum 6 was formed.

Chronology

One of the objectives of this study was to determine the age of the Konso settlements. Hallpike (1972:192) estimated that the Konso had raised stones for the passage of generation grades since 1604 AD in the Karate area. He considers this being a minimum time of occupation. However, this estimate is based on the time spent in each generation grade not changing over time, and it does not indicate how long the Konso have lived in stone walled settlements and/or practiced intensive agriculture. The antiquity of the stone walled settlements and the intensive agriculture is important for future questions about sustainable intensive agriculture in environments with uncertain rainfall, and stability of socio-political organizations. Unfortunately, the charcoal samples from the lowest strata in the ash midden submitted for dating did not give a reliable date.

Therefore, the chronology of Konso settlements in this study is based on relative chronologies of settlement expansions and artifacts recovered from the excavations. It should be kept in mind that the age suggested by artifacts is based on the ash midden excavation, and as artifacts sink in ash they are likely to be an underestimate.

Relative Chronology of Konso Settlements

The majority of Konso settlements have inner walls in addition to the stone wall around the settlement. This indicates that the settlements were extended when the

277

population became too high. Based on the number of walls and oral histories it was

possible to set up a relative chronology of the Konso settlements. This indicates that the settlements in the north-eastern part of Konso were built first, followed by expansion to the south and south-west. The western and northern area are likely to have been settled last.

The average household size and the size of settlements prior to 1897 were used to estimate the population in Konso. Comparisons of estimates of population in the early stages of Konso settlements with those of settlements inhabited at the end of the 19th

century indicated that population had doubled 4 times. Although it is recognized that

estimates of population growth are uncertain, the population increase suggests that the

Konso have lived in the area since at least the 16th century.

Excavation

The most striking difference in the ash midden excavation is the substantial

increase in lithic material below stratum 3. Thus stratum 4 and below were probably

formed at a time when Konso was more isolated and relied on local materials for tool

production. This suggests that the upper three strata were formed in the last century. The

recovery of bullets and pistol parts in the upper 3 strata corroborates this interpretation, as

firearms were not known in Konso prior to the time the Amhara armies came. The two

worn Haile Sellasie coins and a bullet identified as Italian by the Konso assistants in

stratum 1 suggest that this stratum was formed in the last 60 years. In addition the

increase in wound glass beads in the three upper strata is similar to that seen in the early

20th century at South African sites. Glass scrapers and glass debris was recovered from

stratum 4 and 5, albeit in lower frequencies. It is not known whether glass was imported to Konso prior to 1897, but it is possible that it was brought by traders.

278

The chronology of stratum 4-7 is less clear. The glass trade beads recovered include varieties found at Fort Jesus (Kirkman 1974) as early as the early 17th century. However, the proportions of bead types are more consistent with a 18th or 19th century origin. This

is later in time than expected from the spatial analysis. However, beads may have moved

downwards in the ash midden, or the excavated midden may be younger than the

settlement.

Future Studies

This study is a first step in a long-term investigation of socio-political organization

and history of Konso and neighboring groups. There are several topics that need to be

explored. Within Konso these include studies into the early history of Konso, studies on

socio-economic differences within Konso settlement and regional diversity within Konso.

Another topic is the interaction between Konso and neighboring groups, and studies of

trade routes to and from Konso. A third topic is investigations of other Eastern Cushitic

groups in Southern Ethiopia with the aim to study similarities and differences in socio-

political organization and use of environment.

Konso

This study provides information on the socio-political organization of Konso before

it's incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire. The results of the regional spatial analysis

imply that Konso was not an integrated polity. The settlement distribution and the use of

space within settlements are not consistent with a hierarchical organization. Nor do oral

histories support the presence of elites. Thus, the hypothesis that Konso was a complex

society with political hierarchy, is not supported. The conclusion of this study is that the

Konso developed a socio-political organization with division of power. Even though the

overall socio-political organization points to an egalitarian ethos and resistance to

279

hierarchy, further studies into socio-economic differences will give a better picture of the

Konso organization. One point that should be further investigated is that of a possible

correlation between household size and status. As discussed in chapter 4 the households of high status individuals tended to be larger than other households, but the difference

was not significant. However, there were only 5 high status households studied, so an

expanded study is warranted. It would also be important to know if differences in

household size, or lack thereof, is a new development. This question is best addressed by

measuring compounds in an abandoned settlement.

This study could not resolve the absolute chronology of Konso settlements, although oral histories, settlement expansions and artifacts recovered from excavations

suggests a time depth of at least several hundreds of years. Thus there is a need for future

studies into the chronology of the settling of Konso. Small scale excavations in the oldest

known settlements will help to extend the chronology of Konso, both in regards to

absolute chronology and possible seriation of artifacts.

This study found some differences between regions in Konso, in particular it

appears that warfare was conducted differently in Fasha than in Karate. There are also

differences in material culture. In the area around Doha in the far southwest of Konso

people live in houses built of stone, even though other structures, such as grain storage

facilities are identical to those of the rest of Konso. There are also known differences in

raw materials used for stone tools. Hide workers in Kashalle in the far south of Konso

preferentially use quartz, whereas chert is the most common material elsewhere in Konso.

In addition, informants recounted that the preferences for different types of beads

differed. Regional differences and similarities are important factors to take into account

280

in studies of socio-economic differences and for questions about the cohesion of Konso.

A full investigation of regional differences would involve excavations in all settlements,

which would keep many archaeologists occupied for a long time period. However, small

scale excavations in a few areas would determine whether there are substantial

differences.

Interactions with Neighboring Groups

The Konso live in an isolated area, but it should be remembered that all known

groups interact with neighboring groups. It is clear that the Konso had extensive peaceful interactions with the Burji. Burji runners warned the Konso about the Amhara armies, at least some of the pottery families were reported as having come from Burji, and other individuals also moved to Konso from Burji. Interactions with the Borana was reported by Hallpike (1972) in regards to trade in glass beads, and elders in the southern part of

Konso, closest to the Borana, recounted that their relations with the Borana was peaceful.

According to Hallpike (1972) relations with the Gauwada, to the west of Konso, were

generally peaceful, and it is likely that either clay or finished pottery was obtained from

Gauwada in prior times as it is today.

There are two possible studies of interaction that are of particular interest. The first is the trade routes into Konso. Kluckhohn (1962) states that Somali traders brought goods to Konso. They may have come via Borana or Burji. Informants in Konso reported that caravans came from the south bringing iron and salt, and Pankhurst (1965) notes that

Somali traders regularly traveled to Borana and that there was a Somali trading post in

Burji. Smith (1969 [1897]) recounts that the Konso were wellknown for their cotton

cloth, and that it was traded with neighboring groups. The most promising artifact to

study in regards to trade with Konso is glass beads.

281

The second question concerns the interaction between Konso and Burji, and Konso and Gauwada. If potters came from Burji in the past, there should be resemblances between pottery in Konso and Burji. Likewise, if the Konso obtained pottery from the

Gauwada in the past, their pottery should show similarities.

Similarities between Eastern Cushitic Speaking Groups

About 30 years ago Lewis (1975) pointed out that there are several similarities in the societal organization of Eastern Cushitic speaking ethnic groups. Since that time there have been more ethnographic studies published about Eastern Cushitic speaking groups, particularly about those living in Southern Ethiopia. The review of some of these studies in Chapter 3 in general corroborate Lewis' suggestion about the egalitarian ethos of

Eastern Cushitic speaking groups. However, as many ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia were severely impacted by the Amhara armies of Emperor Menelik II, it would be valuable to investigate their socio-political system prior to their incorporation into the

Ethiopian Empire.

Concluding Remarks

Archaeologists often infer hierarchical sociopolitical organization from remains of fortifications, labor intensive monumental works, and differences in residence sizes

(Renfrew 1973, Spencer 1994, Mudar 1999, Robertshaw 1999). The intensive terraced agriculture and the stone walled settlements in Konso suggest a possible hierarchical organization of their society. However, this study indicates that the socio-political organization of Konso prior to 1897 was characterized by resistance to hierarchy. This does not imply a completely egalitarian society. There are status differences within

Konso. Notably the ritual leaders have higher status. Thus Konso fits close to a nonhierarchical endpoint of possible socio-political organizations but has some elements of

282 stratification. Power was divided between ritual leaders, lineage heads, generation leaders and elders. Although the positions of ritual leaders and lineage heads were inherited, their main function was advisory, and they could not enforce their recommendations. Thus, the

Konso developed a system that could sustain large populations, and organize labor both for defense and building of terraces and fortifications without a vertical hierarchical power structure. Consequently, archaeologists need to consider non-hierarchical models of organization when complex societies are excavated. This approach have been used by some archaeologists, notably by Trigger (1990) in regards to Iroquoian organization,

McGuire and Saitta (1996) concerning pueblo organization, and McIntosh (1999b,

1999c) in her investigation of Jenne-Jeno in the inland Niger delta. This Konso study shows how a non-hierarchical organization functions, and adds a model that future studies can build on. In addition, the similarities between Konso and neighboring

Eastern-Cushitic speaking groups suggests that language similarities may be used to set up hypotheses about sociopolitical organization and symbolic values.

APPENDIX A FORMS AND ANALYSIS KEYS

A-1 KONSO HOUSEHOLDS

Town ______Ward ______Date ______Surveyor(s) ______GPS ______

Owners Clan ______Age ______Gada grade ______Occupation ______Social responsibilities ______Acquisition of compound ______How long in compound ______Distance to water ______# in household ______Relationship to owner ______

Circumference ______Location of gate: major ______minor ______

Structures in upper part ______

Structures in lower part ______

Location of hearths ______Location of grain storage ______Location of stalls ______

Activities in upper part ______

Activities in lower part ______

Comments ______

283 284

A-2. Lithic analysis key

Category Raw material 1=backed 1=obsidian 2=scraper 4=quartz white 3=point 5=quartz yellow 4=burin 6=quartz pink 5=flake 7=chert yellow-brown 6=core 8=chert red 7=nodule 9=chert brown 8=angular waste 10=chert black 9=polished stone 11=chert grey 10=grindstone 13=chert yellow 11=ecofact 14=quartzite 12=pebble 15=quartz crystal 13=glass fragment 16=agate 14=blade 18=glass aqua 15=unshaped tool 19=glass green 16=plexiglass/plastic fragment 20=glass colorless 17=biface 21=glass brown 18=indeterminable 25=basalt 26=chert white Completeness 27=glass yellow-green 1=whole 28=petrified wood 2=proximal fragment 29=bone 8=distal fragment 30=unknown stone 12=laterals midsection 13=indescribable Cross section 17=distal tip broken 1=irregular 18=indeterminable 2=biconvex 3=lenticular Planform 4=plano-convex 1=short quadrilateral 5=triangular 2=long quadrilateral 6=sub-triangular 3=short triangular 7=trapezoid 4=long triangular 8=parallelogram 5=short irregular 9=circular 6=long irregular 10=rhomboid 7=elliptic 11=polygon 8=indeterminate 12=concave 9=circular 13=indeterminate 10=long oval 14=convex 11=short oval 12=indeterminate

285

A-2. Lithic analysis key continued

Platform type Dorsal scar 1=cortex 1=parallel 2=plain 2=convergent 3=facetted 3=irregular one direction 4=point 4=radial 5=crushed 5=irregular two directions 6=bulbar scar and absent platform 6=opposed 7=plain and partially trimmed 7=indeterminate 8=broken/indeterminable 8=cortex 9=point and partially trimmed 9=none 11=absent Platform location Retouch class 3=edge used 1=unifacial dorsal 4=proximal dorsal 2=unifacial ventral 5=indeterminate 4=bifacial 11=right ventral 13=distal ventral 14=proximal ventral 16=proximal right

Location of retouch Edge form dorsal ventral bifacial right left distal left lateral 1 21 41 no retouch 10 30 50 right lateral 2 22 42 convex 11 31 51 both lateral 3 23 43 concave 12 32 52 distal 4 24 44 straight-convex 16 36 56 distal + left 5 25 45 straight- distal + right 6 26 46 denticulate 18 38 58 distal + both 7 27 47 irregular 22 42 62 proximal 8 28 48 prox + left 9 29 49 prox + right 10 30 50 prox + both 11 31 51 circular 14 34 54 indeterminable 17 37 57

286

A-2. Lithic analysis key continued

Lithic typology

Shaped tools 800= Cores 1100= Glass 810=pyramidal 1101=fragment 100=backed 811=single platform 1102=flake 109=backed blade 814=multiple platform 1103=resharpening 821=irregular flake 200=scrapers 822=fragment 1104=bottle lip 201=end 1105=scraper 202=side 900= Debitage/angular 1106=utilized piece 203=end and side waste 1107=core trimming 212=core scraper 901=flake flake 213=fragment 902=blade 1108=bottle base 903=proximal fragment 1109=flake fragment 300=points/unifaces/bifaces 904=angular waste 1110=impressed glass 301=unifacial 906=distal fragment 1111=modified 302=bifacial 908=core trimming flake unshaped tool 306=fragment 913=flake fragment 1112=point 914=resharpening flake 1113=broken bottle 700= Unshaped tools 701=modified Other 702=utilized flake/blade 1001=chert nodule 704=utilized angular waste 1002=grindstone 1003=grindstone fragment 1004=agate nodule 1007=quartzite nodule 1008=quartz nodule

287

A-3 Bead key

Class Type 1=bead 1=drawn, light blue-blue-green 2=cowrie or marginella shell 2=mold pressed, blue 3= bone cylinder 3=wound, blue, blue-green 4=metal or plastic ornament 4=wound, red 5=bracelet 5=drawn, red with white interior, rounded 6=indeterminate/unknown/other 6=drawn, red with white interior, cylinder 7=button 7=drawn, red with dark interior 8=wound, clear Material 9=drawn or wound, white 1=glass 10=plastic, yellow, oval 2=ostrich eggshell 11=Cowrie shell 3=plastic 12=Ostrich eggshell 4=marine shell 13=drawn or wound, yellow, round 5=metal 14=indeterminate 6=unknown/indeterminable 15=mold pressed, multifaceted sphere 7=bone 16=drawn or wound, yellow, annular 17=drawn or wound, red, annular Manufacture 18=drawn or wound, blue, annular 1=drawn 19=drawn or wound, multicolor, annular 2=wound 20=yellow, concave cone, side threaded 3=mold pressed 21=yellow, concave cone, top threaded 4=ground 22= drawn or wound, green, annular 5=unknown 23=marginella shell 6=indeterminable 24=drawn or mold pressed, blue, facetted 7=not applicable 25=drawn, dark blue-black, cylinder 26=drawn, blue with white interior Condition 27=drawn, red cylinder 1=intact 2=broken, >1/2 present Non-bead types 3=broken, <1/2 present 31=metal bell 4=worn, color worn off 32=metal bracelet 5=disintegrating 33=metal hanging ornament 6=corroded 34=bone hanging ornament 35=metal sweat scraper 36=plastic hanging ornament 41=button

288

A-3. Bead key continued

Color Afa Xonso name 1=white 1=Elawa (blue, blue-green drawn) 2=light blue-green (aqua) 2=Hineta (blue or red round) 3=light blue 3=Hatdota (light blue, blue-green wound) 4=blue 4=Chiruana 5=red 5=Forota (tinted wound bead) 6=dark red 6= Yagada tima (red and “white heart” ) 7=amber (yellow-brown/yellow clear) 7=Shulayta (Indian red bead) 8=green 8=Tagama (amber plastic bead) 9=black 9=Ojara (small annular or white) 10=clear 10=Puleta (facetted blue) 11=yellow 11=Kala (yellow top threaded) 12=indeterminable 12=Heyrota (ostrich eggshell) 13=silver 13=Elela (cowrie shell) 14=brass 14=Alima 15=brown 15=Yagada atta (white bead) 16=Shua (yellow side threaded) Shape 17=Warwara (clear or ring shaped) 1=round sphere 18=Torqa (large green ring shaped) 2=barrel 19=Sagarita (marginella shell) 3=annular 20=Jimera (very dark blue cylinder) 4=disc 21=Makayeta 5=cylinder 6=ellipsoid (oval) 31=Qaowa (metal bracelet) 7=facetted cylinder or barrel 32=Sargura (metal bell) 8=round, irregular 33=Soyza (bone ornament) 9=ellipsoid, irregular 10=indeterminable 41=Qulfeta (button) 11=semicircular 12=concave cone 13=rectangular, pointed or straight 14=multifaceted sphere

289

A-4. Pottery analysis key

Artefact type Vessel shape

1=body sherd 1=jar 2=rim 2=bowl 3=base 3=plate 4=other 4=dish 5=neck 5=diste 6=handle 6=indeterminable 7=sherd tool 8=shoulder Use alteration 9=spindle whorl 1=erosion 10=foot stand 2=pitting 11=bee hive 3=scratches 4=sooting, dull Surface finish 5=sooting, glossy 1=burnish 6=none 2=polish 7=spalling 3=smoothing 8=wear on handle 4=plain 9=food residue 5=indeterminate 10=indeterminate 6=slip, red 11=rim chips 7=slip, black 12=cracking 8=glaze Postfiring alteration Amount of attrition 1=none 1=none 2=smudging 2=slight 3=indeterminate 3=moderate 4=fire cloud 4=heavy Temper material Temper shape 1=quartz 1=round 2=mica 2=angular 3=none visible 3=subangular 4=grog 5=red stone Color (Munsell) 1=brown (7.5YR 4-5/3-6) Location of decoration 2=reddish brown (5YR 4-5/3-6) 1=rim 3=red (2.5YR 4-5/4-6) 2=body 4=black (5-7.5YR 2.5-3/1) 3=rim and body 5=dark brown (7.5YR 4/2) 4=handle 6=dark reddish brown (5YR 3-4/2)

290

A-4. Pottery analysis key continued Temper size Temper composition range in mm % of temper in matrix

Type of decoration Design motifs (/ denotes and/or) 1=none 1=vertical incisions/ incised appliqué/ 2=punctuates punctuates on neck 3=striations 2=horizontal dragged impressions below 4=incisions rim 5=incised appliqué 3=multiple rows of punctuates of different 6=ridge orientation 7=comb stamping 4=multiple decorations around ridge 9=dragged impressions 5=striations in different directions 10=finger dimpling 6=horizontal punctuates/ incisions/ 11=rocker stamping dragged impressions/ rocker stamping/ 12=appliqué ridge on base of neck 17=fingernail impressions 7=horizontal incised appliqué on shoulder 18=black/red ash/paint 19=punctuates on appliqué 20=fabric impressed 1= Core exterior/middle/interior 1=light/dark/light 2=dark/light 2= 3=light 4=dark 5=light/dark 3= 6=dark/light/dark

APPENDIX B FORM CHARACTERISTICS OF TOOLS AND FLAKES

B-1. Cross sections of lithic and glass tools.

291 292

B-2. Planforms and edgeforms of lithic and glass tools.

293

B-3. Dorsal scar pattern and retouch location of lithic and glass tools.

294

B-4. Cross section and planform of lithic and glass flakes.

295

B-5. Dorsal scar pattern and platform type of lithic flakes.

296

B-6. Dorsal scar pattern and platform type of glass flakes.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Birgitta K. Kimura was born in Sweden. She received a B. Sci. in biology from the

University of Uppsala in Sweden in 1976. After several years of work in research

laboratories she enrolled in the graduate program in anthropology at the University of

Florida. She obtained her M.A. degree in anthropology in 1996. In 2001 she was granted

a Doctoral Dissertation Abroad Fellowship from Fulbright Hays and she completed her

Ph. D. in Anthropology in 2004.

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