1 SATIRE in the HISTORIA AUGUSTA by SHAWN GAIUS
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The Letters of Marcus Tullius Cicero to Several of His Friends
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 464 615 4 Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN w m '»? ^ .'. -vX , \ > • I LETTERTHE OF Marcus Tulliiis Cicero T O Several of his Friends: With REMARKS By W I L L I A M M E L M O T H, Efqi Quo fit ut omnis Votlva pateat veluti defcripta tabella Vita fenis. HoR. THE THIRD EDITION. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. i:x.:\/usfj{eg. 6V^//. LONDON: Printed for J. Dodsley, in Pall-mall. 177J, SRLF URl fft LETTERS.,...— , E^-nij OF Marcus Tullius Cicero T O Several of his F R i E N d So BOOK XI. LETTER L To Tiro. letter encourages me to hope that A.u.70?. find better : I am fure at YOURyou yourfelf leaftj I moil fincerely wifh that you may. I intreat you therefore to confecrate all your cares to that end ; and by no means indulge fo miftaken a fufpicion as that I am difpleafed you are not with me. With me you are, in the bell fenfe of that exprelTion, if you are tak- ing care of your health : which I had much rather you Ihouid attend^ than on myfelf. For Vol. UI. B tho' 2 The letters Book XL .v.u.7o8.tho'' I always both fee and hear you with plea- lure that will j pleafure be greatly increafed, when I fhali have the fatisfaftiory at the fame tii-n* to be afiured that you are perfectly well. My work is at prefcnt fufpended \ as I can- not make ufe of my own hand: however I em- ploy myfclf a good deal in reading. -
BOOK 15 the Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios
BOOK 15 The Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios 1. (377) After the reign of Leo the Younger, the most sacred Zeno reigned for 15 years. In the eighth month of his reign, he appointed Peter, the p!JrBmomr.ios of St Euphemia's in Chalkedon, as bishop and patriarch of Antioch the Great and sent him to Antioch. 2. After two years and ten months of his reign, he quarrelled with his mother-in-law, Verina, over a request she had made of him but which he had refused her, and so his mother-in-law, the lady Verina, began to plot against him. Terrified that he would be assassinated by someone in the palace, since his mother-in-law was living in the palace with him, he made a processusto Chalkedon and escaped from there using post-horses, and got away to Isauria even though he was emperor. (378) The empress Ariadne, who had also secretly fled from her mother, caught up with him in Isauria and remained with her husband. 3, After the emperor Zeno and Ariadne had fled, the lady Verina inunediately chose an emperor by crowning her brother Basiliscus. Basiliscus, the brother of Zeno's mother-in-law Verina, reigned for two years. When Verina had made Basiliscus emperor, she also named him as consul, together with Armatus who had been appointed by Basiliscus as AD476 senior lllc1q.ister mii1"tum prBesentalis. These two held the consulship. As soon as Basiliscus began to reign, he crowned his son, named Marcus, as emperor. -
Faliscan Personal Names
W. D. C. de Melo Faliscan Personal names The Indo-European system There are two types of names: a) names consisting of two stems, often praising the qualities of the person concerned: Πατρο-κλέης; these can be shortened (in either stem), but a suffix has to be added: Πάτρο-κλ-ος; b) names consisting of one stem, often nicknames, sometimes praising good qualities, but more often mocking bad characteristics. In the original system, a single name is enough: Greek Αἰσχύλος, Vedic Bh¯ımasena (name of a hero), Celtic Dumnor¯ıx. But in order to distinguish between people of the same name, the father’s name can be added; this is optional; cf: a) genitive: Greek Δημοσθένης Δημοσθένου, Old High German Hadubrant Hiltibrantes sunu; b) adjective: Greek Αἴας Τελαμώνιος, Old English Wulf Wonr´eding. Occasionally what began as a patronymic continues in a family; cf. the kings of Pylos: Νηλεύς, son Νέστωρ Νηλήϊος, grandson ᾿Αντίλοχος Νηλήϊος. This then becomes a clan name, cf. the mythical Τανταλίδαι or the Vedic singers K¯an. v¯as. The Latin system The Latin system is very different from the Indo-European system. Systems similar to the Latin one can be found in Faliscan, Oscan and Umbrian, but also in Etruscan. We are presumably dealing with a regional phenomenon. The full form of a Roman name can be seen in CIL I2 827: M (arcus) Herennius M (arci) f (ilius) Mae(cia tribu) Rufus. This consists of: praenomen, nomen (=nomen gentile / nomen gentilicium), genitive of father’s name + ‘son’, name of the tribe (ablative), cognomen. Usage: Cicero uses the combination praenomen + nomen + cognomen only in highly official contexts; praenomen + nomen or praenomen + cognomen is used in formal contexts; a single name is informal. -
“At the Sight of the City Utterly Perishing Amidst the Flames Scipio Burst Into
Aurelii are one of the three major Human subgroups within western Eramus, and the founders of the mighty (some say “Eternal”) “At the sight of the city utterly perishing Aurelian Empire. They are a sturdy, amidst the flames Scipio burst into tears, conservative group, prone to religious fervor and stood long reflecting on the inevitable and philosophical revelry in equal measure. change which awaits cities, nations, and Adding to this a taste for conquest, and is it dynasties, one and all, as it does every one any wonder the Aurelii spread their of us men. This, he thought, had befallen influence, like a mighty eagle spreading its Ilium, once a powerful city, and the once wings, across the known world? mighty empires of the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, and that of Macedonia lately so splendid. And unintentionally or purposely he quoted---the words perhaps escaping him Aurelii stand a head shorter than most unconsciously--- other humans, but their tightly packed "The day shall be when holy Troy shall forms hold enough muscle for a man twice fall their height. Their physical endurance is And Priam, lord of spears, and Priam's legendary amongst human and elf alike. folk." Only the Brutum are said to be hardier, And on my asking him boldly (for I had and even then most would place money on been his tutor) what he meant by these the immovable Aurelian. words, he did not name Rome distinctly, but Skin color among the Aurelii is quite was evidently fearing for her, from this sight fluid, running from pale to various shades of the mutability of human affairs. -
Christoforou, P. (2017); ''If He Is Worthy': Interactions Between Crowds and Emperors in Plutarch and Tacitus' Accounts
Christoforou, P. (2017); ‘‘If He Is Worthy’: Interactions between Crowds and Emperors in Plutarch and Tacitus’ Accounts of A.D. 69’ Rosetta 21: 1 - 16 http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue21/Christoforou.pdf ‘If He Is Worthy’: Interactions between Crowds and Emperors in Plutarch and Tacitus’ Accounts of A.D. 69. Panayiotis Christoforou Introduction1 But no power, no empire, can hope to exist for long unless it wins the assent and trust of the majority of its subjects, and the question that this lecture aims at answering is, ‘What did the common people under the Empire expect of their rulers, and how were they satisfied?’ It is no good simply referring the inquirer to such treatises as Seneca On Clemency, Dio Chysostom On Kingship, or the younger Pliny’s Panegyric on Trajan. Instructive these treatises are, and useful… but they have one common fault: with their elegance and sophistication, their almost painfully literary quality, they can have reached and influenced only a small circle, whereas we are concerned with the ordinary people, ‘What did the farmer in Gaul, the corn-shipper in Africa, the shopkeeper in Syria, expect?2 At the Raleigh Lecture on History in 1937, M. P. Charlesworth showed his interest in the attitudes of subjects towards the empire, and asked the question of what they expected from the emperor, and what they thought about him. An interesting question, which is fraught with difficulties and pitfalls. For one thing, Charlesworth’s solution to his enquiry was to explore the ‘propagandic’ output of the centre, including -
The Roman Army in the Third Century Ad Lukas De Blois My Issue In
INTEGRATION OR DISINTEGRATION? THE ROMAN ARMY IN THE THIRD CENTURY A.D. Lukas de Blois My issue in this paper is: what was the main trend within the Roman military forces in the third century ad? Integration, or disintegration into regional entities? This paper is not about cultural integration of ethnic groups in multicultural parts of the Roman Empire, such as the city of Rome, thriving commercial centres, and border regions to which the armies had brought people from various parts of the Empire, and where multicultural military personnel lived together with indigenous groups, craftsmen from different origins, and immigrants from commercially active regions, either in canabae adjacent to castra stativa, or in garrison towns, as in the Eastern parts of the Empire. In variatio upon an issue raised by Frederick Naerebout in another paper published in this volume, I might ask myself in what sense an army, which in the third century ad was progressively composed of ethnically and culturally different units, kept functioning as an integrated entity, or in actual practice disintegrated into rivalling, particularistic regional forces whose actual or potential competition for money and supplies con- stantly threatened peace and stability in the Empire, particularly in times of dangerous external wars, when the need for supplies increased. The discussion should start with Septimius Severus. After his victories over Pescennius Niger, some tribes in northern Mesopotamia, and Albinus in Gaul, Severus had to replenish the ranks of his armies, for example at the Danube frontiers, which had yielded many men to Severus’ field armies and his new praetorian guard. -
Women in Livy and Tacitus
Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2021-5 Women in Livy and Tacitus STEPHEN ALEXANDER PREVOZNIK Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation PREVOZNIK, STEPHEN ALEXANDER, "Women in Livy and Tacitus" (2021). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 46. https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/46 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women in Livy and Tacitus By Stephen Prevoznik Prevoznik 1 Introduction Livy and Tacitus are both influential and important Roman authors. They have written two of the most influential histories of Rome. Livy covers from the founding of Rome until the Reign of Augustus. Tacitus focuses on the early empire, writing from the end of Augustus’ reign through Nero. This sets up a nice symmetry, as Tacitus picks up where Livy stops. Much has been written about the men they include, but the women also play an important role. This essay plans to outline how the women in each work are used by the authors to attain their goals. In doing so, each author’s aim is exposed. Livy: Women as Exempla Livy’s most famous work, Ab Urbe Condita, is meant to be read as a guide. -
The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-2 The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great Stanislav Doležal (University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice) Abstract The article argues that Constantine the Great, until he was recognized by Galerius, the senior ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Emperor of the Tetrarchy, was an usurper with no right to the imperial power, nothwithstand- ing his claim that his father, the Emperor Constantius I, conferred upon him the imperial title before he died. Tetrarchic principles, envisaged by Diocletian, were specifically put in place to supersede and override blood kinship. Constantine’s accession to power started as a military coup in which a military unit composed of barbarian soldiers seems to have played an impor- tant role. Keywords Constantine the Great; Roman emperor; usurpation; tetrarchy 19 Stanislav Doležal The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great On 25 July 306 at York, the Roman Emperor Constantius I died peacefully in his bed. On the same day, a new Emperor was made – his eldest son Constantine who had been present at his father’s deathbed. What exactly happened on that day? Britain, a remote province (actually several provinces)1 on the edge of the Roman Empire, had a tendency to defect from the central government. It produced several usurpers in the past.2 Was Constantine one of them? What gave him the right to be an Emperor in the first place? It can be argued that the political system that was still valid in 306, today known as the Tetrarchy, made any such seizure of power illegal. -
Naming Effects in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura
Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Version 1.0 September 2009 Wilson H. Shearin Stanford University Abstract: This essay argues that selected proper names within Lucretius’ De rerum natura, rather than pointing deictically or referring with clear historical specificity, instead render Lucretius’ poem vaguer and more anonymous. To make this case, the essay first briefly surveys Roman naming practices, ultimately focusing upon a specific kind of naming, deictic naming. Deictic naming points (or attempts to point) to a given entity and often conjures up a sense of the reality of that entity. The essay then studies the role of deictic naming within Epicureanism and the relationship of such naming to instances of naming within De rerum natura. Through analysis of the nominal disappearance of Memmius, the near nominal absence of Epicurus, and the deployment of Venus (and other names) within the conclusion to Lucretius’ fourth book, the essay demonstrates how selected personal names in De rerum natura, in contrast to the ideal of deictic naming, become more general, more anonymous, whether by the substitution of other terms (Memmius, Epicurus), by referential wandering (Venus), or by still other means. The conclusion briefly studies the political significance of this phenomenon, suggesting that there is a certain popular quality to the tendency towards nominal indefiniteness traced in the essay. © Wilson H. Shearin. [email protected] 1 Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Poet, patting more nonsense foamed From the sea, conceive for the courts Of these academies, the diviner health Disclosed in common forms. -
On Leontius' Origin and Career up Until the Year 481/482*
Piotrkowskie Zeszyty Historyczne, t. 21 (2020), z. 3, s. 9-18 www.ihpt.pl/pzh DOI: 10.25951/4249 Mirosław J. Leszka https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2643-4520 Uniwersytet Łódzki e-mail: [email protected] On Leontius’ Origin and Career up until the Year 481/482* O pochodzeniu Leoncjusza i jego karierze do roku 482 Abstract This article discusses the usurper Leontius’ origin and career up until the year of 481/482. He was most likely born in a family belonging to the circles of provincial aristocracy, which enabled him to receive a good education. As for his ethnicity, contrary to a rather popular scholarly opinion that he was from Isauria, he might just as well have come from Syria (as Theophanes points out directly). Regarding his position as magister militum per Thracias, it seems that he could have held it in the years 478–482 (there is no certainty that he exer- cised this function in 484). He probably had known Illus before 481/482. Abstrakt Artykuł poświęcony jest pochodzeniu i karierze Leoncjusza (do roku 481/482). Urodził się on zapewne w rodzinie należącej do kręgów prowincjo- nalnej arystokracji, co umożliwiło mu odebranie dobrego wykształcenia. Co do pochodzenia etnicznego, to wbrew dość powszechnej w nauce opinii, że po- chodził z Izaurii, trzeba wskazać, że równie dobrze można uznać, że wywodził się z Syrii (o czym bezpośrednio mówi Teofanes). Co do pełnienia przez niego * The research project financed by the National Science Centre, Poland. Decision number: DEC-2018/31/B/HS3/03038. 10 Mirosław J. Leszka stanowiska magister militum per Thracias, to wydaje się, że mógł je sprawować w latach 478–482 (nie ma pewności, że był nim w 484 r.). -
A Tale of Two Periods
A tale of two periods Change and continuity in the Roman Empire between 249 and 324 Pictured left: a section of the Naqš-i Rustam, the victory monument of Shapur I of Persia, showing the captured Roman emperor Valerian kneeling before the victorious Sassanid monarch (source: www.bbc.co.uk). Pictured right: a group of statues found on St. Mark’s Basilica in Venice, depicting the members of the first tetrarchy – Diocletian, Maximian, Constantius and Galerius – holding each other and with their hands on their swords, ready to act if necessary (source: www.wikipedia.org). The former image depicts the biggest shame suffered by the empire during the third-century ‘crisis’, while the latter is the most prominent surviving symbol of tetrar- chic ideology. S. L. Vennik Kluut 14 1991 VB Velserbroek S0930156 RMA-thesis Ancient History Supervisor: Dr. F. G. Naerebout Faculty of Humanities University of Leiden Date: 30-05-2014 2 Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 3 Sources ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Historiography ............................................................................................................................... 10 1. Narrative ............................................................................................................................................ 14 From -
Magic and the Roman Emperors
1 MAGIC AND THE ROMAN EMPERORS (1 Volume) Submitted by Georgios Andrikopoulos, to the University of Exeter as a thesis/dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics, July 2009. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. ..................................... (signature) 2 Abstract Roman emperors, the details of their lives and reigns, their triumphs and failures and their representation in our sources are all subjects which have never failed to attract scholarly attention. Therefore, in view of the resurgence of scholarly interest in ancient magic in the last few decades, it is curious that there is to date no comprehensive treatment of the subject of the frequent connection of many Roman emperors with magicians and magical practices in ancient literature. The aim of the present study is to explore the association of Roman emperors with magic and magicians, as presented in our sources. This study explores the twofold nature of this association, namely whether certain emperors are represented as magicians themselves and employers of magicians or whether they are represented as victims and persecutors of magic; furthermore, it attempts to explore the implications of such associations in respect of the nature and the motivations of our sources. The case studies of emperors are limited to the period from the establishment of the Principate up to the end of the Severan dynasty, culminating in the short reign of Elagabalus.