Visions of the Dead: Kano Tan'y's Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams

Visions of the Dead: Kano Tan'yū's Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams Author(s): Karen M. Gerhart Reviewed work(s): Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 59, No. 1 (Spring, 2004), pp. 1-34 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25066273 . Accessed: 12/12/2011 04:53

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http://www.jstor.org Visions of the Dead

Kano Tan'y?'s Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams

Karen M. Gerhart

Secreted away in the recesses of Rinn?ji ??EEtF, the Tendai temple at Nikk? Bttj, are eight striking paintings of T?sh? Daigongen MMJt?eM (Great Avatar Illuminating the East), the deified persona of Tokugawa Ieyasu $g JlliCJ?? (1542-1616). Two others of a similar sort remain in the possession of the Tokugawa family. What distinguishes these ten paintings from other depictions of T?sh? Daigongen is that they are based on dreams that appeared to the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu %% (1604-1651), during the last decade of his life. Seldom displayed, the hanging scrolls are attributed to the shogunal painter (goy? eshi fPfflf?ffl) Kano Tan'y? f?WW:ft (1602-1674) and were likely pro duced following written or verbal notations from Iemitsu. Scholars of early modern Japan are aware of the paintings and may even have seen them exhibited.1 Nonetheless, the images have received limited attention and have been analyzed only perfunctorily. Other than a short article written nearly a half century ago by Hirono Sabur? JaKFH?? and a more recent essay by Takagi Sh?saku ?SvfcBSffs there is little published research of significance, and art historians have not attempted to situate the scrolls within the history of the development of portraiture in Japan.2 One reason for the lack of attention may be that the paintings are difficult to categorize. By scrutinizing their historical context and investigating their symbolic content, however, I hope to explore what lay behind their creation and offer some suggestions about their signifi cance to Iemitsu.

The author is associate professor of Japanese art, University of Pittsburgh. She wishes to thank Maribeth Graybill, Kuroda Hideo HEB 0 tt?H, Yonekura Michio yft^i?^, and the anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. She would also like to express her gratitude for research two from the AAS Northeast Asia Council. 1 support provided by grants In 1994, a number of these paintings were displayed at the Tochigi Kenritsu Hakubutsukan tS/fcJfir?ff #jt8. See Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen. 2 Hirono 1958-1959, vol. 10, pp. 2-5; vol. 11, pp. 2-5; vol. 12, pp. 4-7; Takagi 1998, pp. 239-68. 2 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

The Meaning of Dreams In the modern West, a dominant approach to dream analysis has been psycho analytical, based primarily on Freud's Interpretation of Dreams or Jung's dis cussion of archetypes m Dream Analysis? Traditionally, however, in many areas of the world, dreams have often been viewed as channels of communication with the invisible world and as giving the dreamer privileged access to a higher onto logical plane than ordinary reality. This was true in China and Japan as well.4 In China, it was commonly believed that the appearance of spirits of the dead in dreams carried a special meaning, as indicated by Confucius when he expressed regret over no longer seeing dreams of the Duke of Zhou.5 Early Japanese texts likewise indicate that, along with the ritual practices of divination, oracles, and possession, dreams were regarded as a means by which the living could communicate with other realms.6 Dreams appear in the earliest Japanese literature as messages from the gods to earthly rulers. In Kojiki "S^IB (712) andNihon shoki B^IME (720), for example, dreams provide instructions from the gods to the early emperors, forewarning them of danger, explaining mysterious events, encouraging the building of worship halls and the perfor mance of rites, and offering advice on keeping peace and waging war.7 Other early texts speak of the dead imparting messages to the living through dreams. The Man'y?sh? 7JIPI?, a poetic anthology dating from the mid- to late eighth century, includes dream-inspired verses written by empresses and imperial con cubines at the time of a ruler's death or death anniversary. One relates that Empress Jit? ?#K (r. 690-697) received a verse in a dream after attending a Buddhist memorial ceremony on the eighth death anniversary of her husband, Emperor Tenmu ^S (r. 673-686).8 The mid-Kamakura setsuwa collection Jikkinsh? +f H?>relates a now-famous tale of Fujiwara no Kanefusa's MM^W (1003-1069) dream of Kakinomoto no Hitomaro ffi^Afl*5, a poet who served at the courts of Jit? and Monmu :Scfifcin the late seventh century. Kanefusa commissioned a painting of Hitomaro and paid homage to it; his dedication to the image is said to have improved his cal

3 Both theories have the drawback of being ethnocentric. Sociohistorical approaches have given somewhat more attention to the specificity of cultural context and the contextual meaning of dreams; see Bastide 1972. As noted by Henri Corbin, however, modern Western reflections on a or dreams have tended to reduce visionary dreams either to psychological, sociological, histor ical explanation; see Corbin 1967, p. 382. 4 See Bernard Faure's discussion of dreams as metaphors and signs in Buddhist monastic com munities. Faure 1996, pp. 114-43; also O'Flaherty 1984. 5 Confucian Analects, p. 196. Dreams were also linked to transformations; numerous passages in Chinese Daoist texts suggest that dreams can help one move between different states of con sciousness. Schipper 1993, pp. 115-16. 6 Numerous studies discuss the interpretation of dreams in Japan as communications from the dead to the living. See, for example, Eguchi 1987; Kitagawa 1976 and 1980; Saig? 1972; and Ebersole 1989. 7 Philippi 1968, pp. 39, 168, 201, 213, 220, 268; Aston 1972, pp. 115, 152, 155, 165, 290. See also Blacker 1975, pp. 37-38. 8 Ebersole 1992, p. 70; for another example, see also p. 175. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 3

ligraphy.9 Eiga monogatari ^ig%|? (946-1092) abounds with similar illustra tions, such as the story of an old man who had a dream of an ox, revealed as K?syapa Buddha. A picture of the ox was painted and dedicated at the temple, where it became an important icon of worship.10 Indeed, many religious paint ings are purported to have been based on dreams, such as Onj?ji's H?ft^ Yellow Fud?, said to have been painted by the monk Enchin H^ (814-891) after the deity visited him in a dream.11 Dreams linked to death and the dead played an important role in Heian court life.When Fujiwara no Michinaga llflRiUI (968-1027) fell ill, a number of peo ple began to experience uneasy dreams about him, and are said to have feared he would soon die. After his death, Empress Ishi ?J? received assurance through a dream that Michinaga had been reborn at the lowest level of the lowest class in paradise.12 When his son's wife subsequently died, she also appeared to her husband, dressed in layers of white, in a dream from the world beyond.13 Eiga monogatari and other Heian texts reveal a widespread fear of spirit manifesta tions, malignant spirits who ranted and raved and had to be transferred to medi ums to be dealt with by monks chanting prayers.14 Often assumed to be unappeased souls of the deceased, such spirits frequently appeared in conjunc tion with illness or childbirth, some through the medium of dreams.15 Dreams played such a significant role in the lives of Heian-period aristocrats, and their interpretation was deemed so critical, that a Bureau of Divination (Onmy?ry? PU RIS?)was established, with Yin-yang masters (Onmy?ji P?lS?fU)charged with interpreting dreams and omens for the court and members of the nobility. Buddhist monks also recorded dreams and visions. Dream visions, such as those received by the priest My?e Sh?nin 0JK?? (1173-1232), were sometimes was meditation- rather than sleep-induced.16 An inveterate dreamer, My?e vis ited by all sorts of dreams, many of which he interpreted as emanations of the Buddha.17 Priest Keizan J?kin Hl?^S? (1268-1325) saw dreams and visions as auspicious signs from the other world. He interpreted his dream of a fabulous monastery, for example, as a sign to construct Y?k?ji ?Ot^. Dreams also were seen as responses from the divine to the performance of religious acts, such as when Keizan dreamed of a Dharma robe, which he regarded as an affirmation of religious vows he had taken.18

9 Jikkinsho, pp. 150-52. 10 1980, vol. 2, 663. 11McCullough p. Ishida 1987, p. 134. 12 McCullough 1980, vol. 2, pp. 293, 770. 13 McCullough 1980, vol. 2, p. 616. 14 1980, vol. 2, 770-71. 15McCullough pp. McCullough 1980, vol. 2, p. 610. 16 as Tanabe 1992, p. 5. Tanabe generally defines dreams occurring when one is asleep and visions as the result of fantasies when awake; he categorizes My?e's meditation-induced visions as dreams. 17 a In one dream, My?e interpreted vision of a court lady who wanted to embrace him as an emanation of Vairocana Buddha; Tanabe 1992, p. 182. See also Karen L. Brock's discussion of dreams; Brock 88-90. My?e's18 2001,pp. Faure 1996, pp. 114, 132. 4 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

Muromachi- and Edo-period texts suggest that both kami and Buddhas were more willing to manifest themselves in dreams than to the conscious mind. Popular medieval tales (otogiz?shi fpfo^?) are replete with examples of deities appearing in reimu 1?W, or divine dreams, most often disguised as beautiful women or old men, to deliver answers to problems troubling the dreamer. People with problems or anxieties might pass the night in a temple or shrine in hopes of having answers vouchsafed through divine dreams. Indeed, the myriad dream manifestations of Kasuga Daimy?jin #B^0J!#, as related in the early-four teenth-century Kasuga gongen genki # BU?Hi&?B, make it clear that postulating dreams as sources had the effect of authenticating both the stories and any images that resulted from them.19 Throughout Japanese history dreams were thus viewed as gifts from beyond, giving the receiver a window onto the divine. Interpreted sometimes as provid ing edification and sometimes as rewards for effort, such dreams were alike regarded as messages from higher powers. Tokugawa Iemitsu's dreams are part of this tradition and, within the context of Edo society, were considered authen tic and important messages from T?sh? Daigongen.

Iemitsu 'sDreams

T?sh? Daigongen appeared to Iemitsu in thirteen dreams between 1629 and 1647. These can be divided into three categories: 1) three early dreams of 1629, 1635, and 1637 linked to Iemitsu's illnesses (not painted); 2) a cluster of seven dreams between 1639 and 1642, plus one in 1647, associated with ritual events for T?sh? Daigongen; and 3) three dreams in 1643 that seem to be related to the grave illnesses and ultimate deaths of two figures who had been of pivotal impor tance to the Tokugawa. The earliest dream visitations of 1629, 1635, and 1637 appeared to Iemitsu during serious illnesses (figure 1). As far as we know, none of the dreams were painted, but an examination of their context helps to explain Iemitsu's attach ment to Ieyasu and his subsequent reverence for T?sh? Daigongen. While the illnesses themselves are recorded in Tokugawa jikki ?SJ?f^lE (True Record of the Tokugawa), that account does not mention the dreams. The connection between the two lies in a written norito $IM (ritual Shinto prayer) dedicated to

1629(Kan'ei 6).2.? Smallpox No painting Cold or flu ?o 1635(Kan'ei 12).4.23 j painting 1637(Kan'ei 14).1.22 Unspecified I No painting

Figure 1. Dreams and illnesses.

19 a a a mature Kasuga Daimy?jin appeared in dreams in many guises?as lady, young boy, man, an old man, several different monks, various members of the Fujiwara lineage, numerous Buddhist and Shinto deities, and as various natural forms (trees, fire, deer, and so forth). See Tyler 1990, pp. 113-26. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 5

T?sh? Daigongen at the Nikk? T?sh? shrine in the eighth month of 1640 (Kan'ei 17) by Iemitsu's wet-nurse, Kasuga no Tsubone #BIj (1579-1643).20 Kasuga is believed to have drafted the prayer herself and to have recited it before T?sh? Daigongen on that date at his Nikk? shrine. Recounting the many times Ieyasu assisted Iemitsu in the past, the norito tells us that Iemitsu's first dream occurred when he contracted a case of smallpox (t?s? ?ilr) near the end of the second month of 1629 (Kan'ei 6).21 After seeing T?sh? Daigongen standing near his bedside in the dream, Iemitsu began to recover:

snap's*-eiibf???, ^b^??in^t?*D, g(7)ffl_;

Kun goh?s? asobashi s?r? toki, fushigi no goreimu ari, kun no omakuragami ni Daigongen-sama mietamau okage arata ni, tashika ni haishitatematsuritamaite, sumiyaka ni gohonpuku ari.

When His Lordship [Iemitsu] contracted smallpox there was a miraculous divine dream. At His Lordship's bedside Daigongen-sama kindly appeared, and was clearly and truly venerated. And immediately there was a complete recovery.

Iemitsu became ill again on 1635(Kan'ei 12).4.23.22 This time, he developed a serious cold, or perhaps influenza, and news of the illness brought the daimyo to assemble at Edo castle in concern for his condition. Kasuga's norito relates that on this occasion, too, he was cured following a dream of T?sh? Daigongen:

Onaji gonen saki, kinoto no i no toshi owazurai ari to iedomo, kore mo, fushigi no goreimu arite, sunawachi ogenki ari.

Five years ago, in the year kinoto no i [1635] His Lordship again fell ill. On this occasion, too, there was a miraculous divine dream and soon he became well.

Another bout of illness and a third dream of T?sh? Daigongen followed in the first month of 1637 (Kan'ei 14.1.22).23 The dream is described in the norito as follows:

20 The date 1640.8 is given in Tokugawa Iemitsu-k? den, p. 153. This is the only source that mentions the month of the dedication. The norito was discovered in storage at Rinn?ji in April 1922 and designated a National Cultural Property (j?y? bunkazai MM^CWlM). Measuring 34.6 x 439.0 cm, the long handscroll is partially reproduced on p. 154 of Tokugawa Iemitsu-k? den. I have used this source for my translations. A partial transcription of the norito is also given in Takagi 1998, pp. 260-62. ^ ^ Kasuga's name was Sait? Fuku SrJ^lte. Her father, Sait? Toshimitsu 3fj8f???jH,was a chief vas sal of the infamous Akechi Mitsuhide ^?^it^', her mother was the daughter of InabaMichiakira mmmm. 21 The incidence of smallpox is also confirmed in Tokugawa jikki, vol. 39, p. 455. 22 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 39, p. 678. 23 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 48. 6 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

Onajiku hinoto no ushi no toshi, owazurai daiji no toki, kun okokoro ni tanomi no narase tamau wa, Daigongen-sama goshintoku bakari nari, owazurai yoku tamawaba, yoki on 'yume, samonakuba ashiki on 'yume to nenji madoromitamau tokoro ni, arata ni onmuch? ni, kun Nikk?san goshasan arite, gosokutai gosh? zoku nite goshinzen mik?shi no hotori nite, gohai asobashis?r? to on 'yume same, iyoiyo gohonpuku ari

In the same way, in hinoto no ushi [1637], when His Lordship suffered a serious illness, he put his faith solely in the divine virtue of Daigongen-sama. He prayed for [a sign]: were he to recover, he should receive a good dream; if not, a bad dream. When he dozed off, he saw clearly in a dream: His Lordship was paying reverence at the shrine at Nikk?. Attired in court costume, he was paying obei sance by the wooden lattice in front of the god. After awaking from the dream, he recovered completely.

This passage indicates that Iemitsu specifically sought a dream visitation from T?sh? Daigongen and suggests as well a link to ritual activities. In the dream, Iemitsu was dressed in his most formal court robes (sokutai Mm) to pay obei sance to the deity. The dream, therefore, served as a ritual area that had its coun terpart in the physical space of the shrine, just as the oneiric image of T?sh? Daigongen had its equivalent in the deity himself. Iemitsu offered homage to the deity through the dream as he did during actual pilgrimages to T?sh? Daigongen's shrines. Through its record of the dream visitations the norito con firmed T?sh? Daigongen's divine nature and validated his power to influence events in this world.24

The Framework of Veneration The second group of dreams, from 1639 to 1642, plus one in 1647, all of which were illustrated by Kano Tan'y?, can be linked to the development of ritual occa sions venerating T?sh? Daigongen. The basis for such veneration lay in the first instance in Ieyasu's declaration before his death on 1616.4.17 that he would

24 Although Iemitsu continued to suffer bouts of illness throughout the last fifteen years of his were life, after 1637 we have no specific evidence that the ailments accompanied by dreams. The illnesses can be confirmed through various contemporary sources. See, for example, entries for Sh?h? 2(1645).2.25 and 5.28 in Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 384, 397. Despite the positive augury of the dream of T?sh? Daigongen in the first month of 1637, Iemitsu evidently did not make an immediate full recovery. Letters written by the daimyo Hosokawa Tadatoshi SHJiLS^J (1586 1641) in the intercalary third and fourth months describe the shogun as depressed and irritable because of illness. In the latter letter, Tadatoshi noted that because the illness was a long one, the shogun had become short-tempered. Even the smallest thing made him irritable, and those clos est to him had to be careful in his presence. This statement apparently refers to the fact that Iemitsu disliked the moxibustion treatments he was receiving for the illness, and even small applications irritated him so much that physicians dreaded his summons. See Yamamoto 1989, pp. 59-60. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 7

"become the tutelary deity (chinju no kami 81 \f#) of the eight provinces of the Kant?."25 By this he presumably indicated his intention to protect his descen dants and ensure the prosperity of the Tokugawa house. Following Ieyasu's death, the Tendai priest Nank?b? Tenkai ?^ytW^M (15367-1643) outmaneu vered two major rivals, the Yoshida Shinto scholar Bonshun ^# (1553-1632) and the Zen priest Ishin S?den JEU'L>#f?(1569-1633), and succeeded inwinning agreement for Ieyasu's deification as a gongen WM according to Tenkai's own Tendai-based form of Shinto rites. He also secured a decision to bury the late shogun not, as initially considered, at Kun?zan AJEULi (in present-day Shizuoka prefecture), but at Nikk?, north of Edo, where Tenkai presided over religious matters.26

Tenkai thereby became protector of Ieyasu's physical remains and the ritual specialist concerned with his deified form. Under his guidance, in the course of 1616-1617, a mausoleum and shrine were constructed for the deity at Nikk?. On 1617.2.21, imperial messengers traveled to Kun?zan to accord Ieyasu the status of daigongen, and the following month, his body was moved to Nikk?, where, on 1617.4.17, the first anniversary of his death, he was formally enshrined as T?sh? Daigongen.27 Thereafter the shrine became the locus of death rituals (nenki kuy? ?StffiO officiated by Tenkai himself. In the following years various opportunities were used to define and sustain rituals to T?sh? Daigongen. Shortly after Ieyasu was enshrined at Nikk?, T?sh? Daigongen's spirit (bunrei ji?9) was invited (kanj? fijgf ) to other locations where additional shrines were constructed and the deity enshrined.28 The second Tokugawa shogun, Hidetada ^S (1579-1632), began this process in 1618 by establishing a subsidiary shrine for T?sh? Daigongen atMomijiyama tEUd?, just north of the Honmaru ?f% (main enceinte) of Edo castle; a second shrine was built inside the Honmaru enceinte in 1622. Parallel to this process, subsidiary shrines were established in the domains of the main branch lines of the Tokugawa house.29 Almost a hundred additional T?sh? shrines were constructed through out the county during the lifetimes of Hidetada and Iemitsu.30 Although there was evidently no effort in the seventeenth century to make T?sh? Daigongen the focus of a popular cult,31 the construction of the shrines served to establish the

25 was Toshogu goikun, vol. 1, pp. 252-342. Ieyasu's testament also recorded by Tenkai "^M (Jigen Daishi ?ffi^SS) and appears in T?ei kaizan Jigen daishi denki, vol. 1, p. 294; also Ishin S?den 1966-1971, vol. 3, p. 382. 26 on For details the religious power struggle that ensued over the deification, see Boot 2000, particularly pp. 146-55. Tenkai termed the theological system underlying the rituals to T?sh? Sann? Shinto [liEE^^tt?i. See 1996, pp. 61-84. Daigongen,27 Ichijitsu Sugahara Tokugawa jikki, vol. 39, pp. 120, 122, 123. 28 Toyotomi Hideyori ?el^?M followed a similar process of constructing subsidiary shrines for his father, Hideyoshi 3f^. See Kitagawa 1998, pp. 200-38. 29 Subsidiary shrines to T?sh? Daigongen were established inNagoya in 1619 and inMito and Wakayamain 1621. 30 A further eighty-four shrines were constructed in the 274 years between 1652 and 1926. See 1992, 2, p. 198. Takafuji31 figure SeeAkimoto 1975. 8 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1 deity as the object of veneration by Tokugawa branch houses and significant numbers of daimyo. Upon his succession as shogun in 1623, Iemitsu proceeded to enlarge and rein force this framework of veneration. Hidetada had attended two memorial ser vices to Ieyasu at Nikk? officiated by Tenkai, on the second (1617) and seventh (1622) anniversaries of Ieyasu's death. Iemitsu took part in such memorials on seven occasions: in 1628,1629,1632,1636,1640,1642, and 1648.32 While par ticipation in the memorial services themselves was limited to the immediate family and officiating priests, scores of daimyo together with their retainers accompanied the shogun on his three-day procession from Edo castle to Nikk? on these occasions.

Iemitsu also institutionalized regular progresses to the Momijiyama shrine at Edo castle. He and his father, Hidetada, initially visited the Momijiyama shrine on the seventeenth day of the New Year and in the fourth and ninth months. After Hidetada's death, Iemitsu began making the short pilgrimage monthly, often accompanied by large numbers of daimyo. Iemitsu also arranged for special cer emonies to be performed on the first day of the second month at the T?sh? shrine on Kun?zan, Ieyasu's temporary resting place before his remains were moved to Nikk?. Tokugawa jikki reports that Tenkai first performed these special cer emonies in 1629 (Kan'ei 6.2.2).33 From 1639 on they were held annually.34 Major reconstruction projects to enlarge the magnificence of the shrines to Ieyasu accompanied the increase in the occasions for offering veneration. In 1637 Iemitsu had the Honmaru T?sh? shrine moved into his residential com pound, the Ninomaru -(DA, thereby bringing it into close proximity to his daily life.35 Because of its nearness, this shrine (commonly referred to as the naik? 1*1 "SOserved as a personal worship space for the shogun and his immediate family and could be visited on an informal basis without attendants or officials. In 1644, Iemitsu ordered new buildings for the Momijiyama shrine.36 And in 1636 he undertook a large-scale rebuilding of the Nikk? complex. Its ornamental majesty, bright polychrome, and plethora of sculpted detail made the new Nikk? T?sh? shrine a conspicuous manifestation of both T?sh? Daigongen's divinity

32 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 39, pp. 124, 226, 432,457, 547; and vol. 40, pp. 9, 182, 266, 539. These years, equivalent to the thirteenth, fourteenth, seventeenth, twenty-first, twenty-fifth, twenty seventh, and thirty-third anniversaries of Ieyasu's death, vary somewhat from those generally regarded in the Edo period as the main memorial years. According toNihon juzokushi B^BM?? 5?, these were the first (presumably meaning the year of death), third, seventh, seventeenth, twenty-third, twenty-seventh, thirty-third, thirty-seventh, forty-third, forty-seventh, fiftieth, and hundredth death anniversaries. Nihon f?zokushi, p. 169. Today in Japan, the third, seventh, thir are teenth, seventeenth, twenty-third, twenty-seventh, thirty-third, fiftieth, and hundredth years usually recognized as having special significance. 33 vol. 39, p. 454. 34 Tokugawa jikki, Tokugawa vol. 40, pp. 127, 172, 217, 252. 35 jikki, Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 65-66. After Iemitsu died in 1651, the Ninomaru T?sh?g? fell into disuse, and in 1654 the god-body (shintai #fr) was transferred toMomijiyama and the build ings given to Senba fillet in Kawagoe (Saitama prefecture). Tokugawa jikki, vol. 41, p. 128. 36 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 367, 375. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 9

and Tokugawa authority. Several of the shrine buildings (the sanbutsud? H?AS and haiden WW) were refurbished again in 1645.2.17 in anticipation of imper ial messengers, who some months later, on 1645.11.9, came to announce the ele vation of the shrine's status from a sha it to a g? *?. This change raised the shrine-mausoleum to the equal of the imperial shrine at Ise, and it was accom panied by a promise to send imperial envoys annually to Nikk? T?sh?g? to make was special offerings.37 The Kun?zan T?sh?g? also rebuilt between 1646.10.3 and 1647.5.15 following this announcement.38 Apart from welcoming such recognition by the emperor, Iemitsu and Tenkai also encouraged regular progresses of foreign envoys to Nikk?. For the dedica tion of the new shrine buildings in 1636, it was decided that the Korean embassy should visit Nikk? "as an act of splendor for the whole country." Although the Koreans initially objected, in the first month of that year, a 214-member pro cession, including the three principal envoys, duly left Edo for Nikk?, where they offered incense to Ieyasu's deified spirit, as well as gifts of damask, satin, linen, and of tiger, leopard, mink, and shark skins. The Dutch similarly sent gifts toNikk? in 1636. Other visits by Korean embassies followed in 1643 (on which occasion the Koreans dedicated a great bell to the shrine), while in 1644 the Ryukyu envoys, too, journeyed to Nikk? as well as Edo.39 Although these progresses to honor T?sh? Daigongen and his shrine at Nikk? were developed exclusively by and for an elite circle of people around the shogun, commoners living along the travel routes participated vicariously, expe riencing some sense of the magnitude of the occasion through the sheer size of the shogunal and foreign parades as they passed through local villages on their way to Nikk?. Others learned of their splendor through inexpensive books, pam phlets, and prints designed for popular consumption.40

Private Dimensions of Veneration While the public aspects of the framework of homage fashioned for T?sh? Daigongen helped to establish and sustain the legitimacy of the Tokugawa regime, Iemitsu's veneration of T?sh? Daigongen also had an important private dimension. Iemitsu's personal reverence for his grandfather was driven by var ious factors, the most prominent of which were his belief that he was a reincar nation of Ieyasu and his apparent faith that the Tokugawa founder would ensure that he produced an heir. As Iemitsu was born during Ieyasu's lifetime, it was not technically possible for him to be a true reincarnation (tensh?

In 1922 seven silk amulet bags {mamori bukuro yf DW) that once belonged to

37 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 384, 420. The imperial proclamation is kept at Nikk? T?sh?g? It is in Nikk?-shi shi, vol. 2, 152-53. today.38 reproduced pp. Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 457, 485. 39 1991, 97-99. For a list of tribute see 207. 40 Toby pp. complete gifts, Toby, p. Toby 1991, pp. 208-209. 10 Monumento Nipponica 59:1

Iemitsu were discovered at Rinn?ji. Iemitsu had likely kept the charms on or near his person during his lifetime. Upon his death, the amulets were placed in the treasure house of his Daiy?in ~X$Wi mausoleum at Nikk? until an undis closed date, probably after the mid-nineteenth century, when they were moved to Rinn?ji. In April 1922, when the eight dream paintings at the temple were examined and declared National Treasures (kokuh? Hj?), officials decided to attach the amulets (also designated kokuh?) to the paintings. First, however, their contents were carefully examined.41 Inside the small silk bags were a total of ten slips of paper (nusa fi?) or bam no boo leaves (sasa haf?(DM) inscribed with writing. Appearing to have been written in Iemitsu's own hand, they attest to the shogun's conviction that he had a special tie to T?sh? Daigongen.42 One with writing that is both right side up and inverted on the two sides of the paper, offers particular evidence of this belief (see figure 2). On the narrow piece of paper, kept in a brocade pouch with designs of peony and cranes woven in silver on an indigo ground, is written: Side A:

nise gongen ZL-QZAj?Aj nise shogun ZH_;^< ^

second-generation avatar second-generation shogun SideB:

nise tenrin i^-frfi D^ nise gongen H-ti: Z-fvV?hj

second-generation turner- second-generation avatar of-the-wheel

The unusual way the phrases are written permits only one of the four to be read from any single point of view; the others become legible only when the paper is flipped over or turned upside down. I have found no explanation for or even discussion of this peculiarity in the sources that consider the amulets. The inverted writing may have had general talismanic implications. In Japan today there are several practices associated with the "other world" that, like the writ ing, are "backwards." At Buddhist funerals, clothing for the deceased usually includes straw sandals worn backwards, and sometimes the clothing itself is sewed backwards, from left to right. Shinto funerals include soundless clapping (shinobide MZS^) as an inversion of the normal practice and offerings of uncooked rice, something not normally eaten by the living.43 For "backwards" or altered inscriptions such as those in the amulets, Chinese instances of mirror-image writing on stone pillars suggest another possible inter pretation. The art historian Wu Hung has proposed that two such pillar inscrip

41 Hirono 1958-1959, vol. 11, p. 2; also Tokugawa Iemitsu-k? den, p. 153. 42 Five of the silk bags and four of the written slips contained within the bags are photograph ically reproduced in Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen, p. 62. For a discussion of the contents of all ten of see Hirono 1958-1959, vol. 11, 2-4. 43 slips paper, pp. Kenney 1996-1997, pp. 403, 406, 416, 423. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 11

Figure 2. Front and back of amulet. Courtesy of Rinnoji.

tions (actual mirror images; not just inverted) at the tomb of Emperor Wen X?? of the Sui dynasty (died A.D. 502) were meant to be read in sequence, with the visitor to the tomb reading first the normal arrangement, and then comprehend ing the "illegible" inscription as having meaning from the point of view of the dead in the other world. Hung believes that the purpose of the juxtaposition is to "force the mourner to go through a psychological dislocation from this world to the world beyond it."44 The writing on the amulet encourages a similar disruption of logic and may be intended to reflect the viewpoint of T?sh? Daigongen. Although such an interpretation is necessarily speculative, the meaning of the words is fairly clear. Takagi Sh?saku suggests that they show Iemitsu to have believed himself to be a transmigration or reincarnation (tensho) of Ieyasu and a reimbodiment (sairai ff^fc) of the founder.45 Hirono Sabur? proposes a slightly different but related interpretation, holding that in the amulet Iemitsu expressed his desire to become a cakravartin (tenriri), the ideal king who governs through Buddhism, and to rule the world as Ieyasu's reimbodiment.46 The words also suggest that Iemitsu hoped to be deified as a gongen. Pointedly ignoring Hide tada, the true second-generation Tokugawa leader, the amulet indicates that Iemitsu envisioned himself as following in his grandfather's footsteps in life (as shogun), in religion (as supreme possessor of the Buddhist law), and in death (as gongen).

44 Hung 1995, pp. 254-55. 45 Takagi 1998, p. 260. Herman Ooms also suggested this interpretation to me verbally in 1998. 46 Hirono 1958-1959, vol. 11, p. 3. 12 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

Date Owner Ritual Clothing

1639.12.16 Rinnoji Eve of pilgrimage/Momijiyama White robe (hakui ??) 1641.1.17(a) Tokugawa Pilgrimage/Momijiyama White robe (hakui) 1641.1.17(b) Tokugawa Pilgrimage/Momijiyama Court robe (sokutai) 1642.2.17 Tokugawa Pilgrimage/Ninomaru Court robe (sokutai) 1642.12.17(a) Rinnoji Pilgrimage/Momijiyama Court robe (sokutai) 1642.12.17(b) Rinnoji Pilgrimage/Ninomaru Brown robe (monpuku MtM) 1647.12.25 Rinnoji Eve of Ieyasu's 105th birthday White robe (hakui)

Figure 3. Dreams and ritual occasions.

Dreams and Dates The dates of most of Iemitsu's dreams of Ieyasu can be readily linked to the rit ual framework developed for T?sh? Daigongen. Notably (see figure 3), five of the dreams occurred on the seventeenth, the day Ieyasu died in the fourth month of 1616; four (including two of those associated with the seventeenth) occurred in the twelfth month, the month of Ieyasu's birth on 1542.12.26 and the tradi tional time to begin preparing for the New Year and the display of ancestor por traits for memorial rituals. It is natural that Iemitsu should be more than usually aware of T?sh? Daigongen on these occasions when he was involved in Buddhist services, prayers, and rites performed for Ieyasu's deified form. One other dream associated with the seventeenth took place in the second month, the month when Emperor Go-Mizunoo i?zjcffi awarded Ieyasu first the title of shogun and then, after his demise, that of T?sh? Daigongen. On two occasions T?sh? Daigongen same appeared to Iemitsu in dreams twice on the day. The first dream that was painted occurred on 1639.12.16, the eve of one of a on Iemitsu's pilgrimages to the Momijiyama T?sh? shrine. On 1641.1.17, day which a parade of important officials and daimyo attended a lavish ceremony at Momijiyama, T?sh? Daigongen visited Iemitsu in dreams twice.47 During 1642, was T?sh? Daigongen appeared to Iemitsu in dreams three more times. The first on 2.17. On that day Iemitsu visited the T?sh? shrine in the Ninomaru enceinte.48

47 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 216,218. Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen, the catalogue of the 1994 one exhibition of a number of the dream paintings at Tochigi Kenritsu Hakubutsukan, lists of the on in dreams of this date as having occurred 1641.2.17. Takagi Sh?saku also lists the painting question under the date 1641.2.17. See Takagi 1998, p. 241. According to the staff of Tochigi Kenritsu Hakubutsukan, however, the correct date is 1641.1.17. 48 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 256. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 13

At this time preparations were in motion for the commemoration on 4.17 of the a twenty-seventh anniversary of Ieyasu's death. Iemitsu would make progress to Nikk? to attend the ceremonies held there on that date. Late in that same year, 1642, Iemitsu had two more dreams of T?sh? Daigongen, both on 12.17, when he made two separate pilgrimages, one to the Momijiyama shrine and the other to the shrine in the Ninomaru.49 No more dreams that can be associated with rit ual occasions were recorded until 1647, when T?sh? Daigongen appeared to Iemitsu a final time on 12.25., the evening before elaborate festivities, including sarugaku MM and ky?gen, were to be held at the Ninomaru in celebration of the anniversary of Ieyasu's birth.50 One may hypothesize that the dreams of 1639,1641, and 1642 were also linked in some way to the important matter of obtaining an heir to continue the shogu nal line. In 1639 the shogun was thirty-six years old and still had no male heir.51 Those around Iemitsu were clearly concerned about this matter. In the eighth month of 1640, Iemitsu's wet-nurse, Kasuga no Tsubone, dedicated the ritual prayer (norito) to T?sh? Daigongen at his Nikk? shrine cited above (pp. 5-6). After reciting the occasions on which T?sh? Daigongen had previously come to Iemitsu's aid, she went on to express thanks and request continued assistance. Although Kasuga's prayer does not specifically mention an heir, the timing of the offering suggests that such a request may have been intended. Early in 1641 it became known that one of Iemitsu's wives (sokushitsu ?IJ_i_), Oraku no kata &^(Djj (16217-1652), was pregnant, and prayers began to be offered in earnest for a safe birth. Statements by various figures around Iemitsu indicate that a particular trust was vested in T?sh? Daigongen. Eish?in ^(?IS; (Okaji no kata i5^^C0jj; 1578-1642), one of Ieyasu's wives and still a power ful figure in the castle's inner quarters (?oku ^Ht), wrote to Tenkai that the child was sure to be the anticipated heir because it had been prognosticated during Ieyasu's own lifetime that Iemitsu's heir would be born in the year of the snake (1641) when he was thirty-eight.52 Tenkai's biography relates that he had long prayed to T?sh? Daigongen for the birth of an heir to Iemitsu, and that in 1641, T?sh? Daigongen appeared to him in a dream and foretold that an heir would be born if prayers were offered to Jie Daishi iSH^Sfi.53 Tenkai accordingly had a special worship hall built at the Okunoin H (?>!??(inner shrine) at Nikk? and had

49 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 302. 50 an Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 512. This must have been extraordinary celebration. I have found no earlier records of celebrated at the castle. 51 Ieyasu's birthdays being Two years prior, Iemitsu's first child, a daughter named Chiyohime ?ft?E (1637-1698), had been born. 52 Jigen daishi zensh?, vol. 1, pp. 321-25. The letter noted that Ieyasu, born in the year of the tiger (1542), had been thirty-eight when his heir, Hidetada, was born in the year of the rabbit (1579). Itwas thus fitting that Iemitsu, born in the year of the dragon (1604), should likewise pro duce an heir at age thirty-eight in the year of the snake. The fortuitous birth of Tokugawa heirs in as an con successive zodiac signs?tiger, rabbit, dragon, and snake?could be taken augury of the tinued of the Tokugawa house. See Takagi 1998, pp. 252-53. 53 prosperity Jie Daishi is the posthumous title of Ry?gen ?LM (912-985), a Tendai priest who came to be regarded as the guardian deity of Hieizan. 14 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

secret rites performed there. He also requested Iemitsu to have a wooden image of Jie Daishi at a temple in Ise moved to Edo's Kan'eiji jiiTk^f, where Tenkai offered prayers to it. Upon returning to Nikk?, Tenkai received another dream prognostication from T?sh? Daigongen. In this dream, a crane built a nest in a pine tree, which Tenkai interpreted as a message signifying long rule for the Matsudaira f??- (the original name of the Tokugawa).54 On 1641.8.3 all dreams and prayers were answered when Ietsuna WM (1641-1680) was born. He would succeed Iemitsu as the fourth Tokugawa shogun a decade later. It thus seems plausible that Iemitsu's two dreams in 1641 also were linked in some way to his concern to secure an heir. That of 1642.2.17 similarly may have been associated with not only rituals for Ieyasu but also ceremonies that pre sented the new heir to T?sh? Daigongen. On 1642.2.9 Ietsuna had been taken to both the Ninomaru and Momijiyama shrines.55 On 1642.12.17, a day when Iemitsu had two dreams of Ieyasu and made pilgrimages to both the Momijiyama and Ninomaru shrines, the young Ietsuna was likewise taken to visit the Ninomaru shrine.56 The dream on 1647.12.25 was T?sh? Daigongen's last known appearance to Iemitsu, and the pilgrimage Iemitsu made to Nikk? the following year for the thirty-third anniversary of Ieyasu's death would prove to be his final progress there. In 1649, Ietsuna made the trip in his place, and by the end of that year, Iemitsu began to defer many official duties and participation in annual obser vances to Ietsuna.57 Iemitsu became seriously ill in the first month of 1651, and Ietsuna requested prayers for him in the second month.58 Iemitsu died on 1651. 4.20, just days after the anniversary of the death of his hallowed grandfather.

Dreams Related to Illnesses of Tenkai and Kasuga In 1643, Iemitsu had three dreams of Ieyasu on dates not associated with cere monies in honor of T?sh? Daigongen (8.22, 9.29, and 12.28; see figure 4). The

Date Owner Event Clothing

1643.8.22 Rinnoji Kasuga's illness and Brown robe (monpuku) Tenkai's visit

1643.9.29 Rinnoji Kasuga's death and Brown robe (monpuku) Tenkai's illness/death

1643.12.28 Rinnoji Iemitsu's illness (?) Brown robe (monpuku)

Figure 4. Dreams not linked to rituals to Tosho Daigongen. 54 Entry for Kan'ei 18(1641).8.1; in Jigen daishi zensh?, vol. 1, pp. 321-23. 55 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 253-56. 56 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 302. Following the visits tea was served at the Ninomaru, and Tenkai was summoned to watch a 57 celebratory sarugaku performance. Fujii J?ji ?#??n has analyzed Iemitsu's participation in the annual round of ceremonial events {nenj? gy?ji ^??T?); see Fujii 1997, fig. 5, p. 208. 58 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 684. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 15

two dreams on 8.22 and 9.29 may be related instead to concern for Tenkai and Kasuga no Tsubone, who both had been of great importance to Iemitsu, and who fell ill and died within weeks of each other.

Kasuga no Tsubone became ill early in the eighth month. Iemitsu visited her (presumably in the inner quarters of the castle) on 8.13, but her condition grew steadily worse. On 8.21, Iemitsu summoned Tenkai to the castle, where he remained until 8.23.59 During that time, on 8.22, perhaps after prayers for Kasuga led by Tenkai, T?sh? Daigongen appeared to Iemitsu in a dream. Iemitsu paid another visit to Kasuga on 9.2, and Ietsuna was brought to see her on 9.4. She died a week later on 9.14.60 In the meantime, Tenkai himself had taken ill on 9.8. Iemitsu visited him at on Kan'eiji 9.29, and T?sh? Daigongen appeared to Iemitsu again that very night. Tenkai succumbed just days later on 10.2.61 Given Iemitsu's reliance on both Kasuga no Tsubone and Tenkai, it would not be surprising if the dream visita tions from T?sh? Daigongen on these dates were linked to worry over their con dition and efforts to secure their recovery. on The third dream of 1643, 12.28, cannot readily be linked to any special occurrence. On that date, Iemitsu had participated in the annual year-end ritual greeting to the daimyo (seibo ~?M). He evidently had been ill on the twenty fourth,62 so this dream, like earlier ones, may have been related to his own illness.

Characteristics of the Dream Paintings All nine of the paintings commemorating Iemitsu's dreams are paper hanging scrolls with ivory rollers stored in double boxes of paulownia wood, several of which have dated inscriptions.63 The scrolls all have small square pieces of paper on pasted their backs that declare the images to be T?sh? Daigongen. The form and content of the inscriptions on the backs of the paintings are similar except for the dates. A typical example is figure 5, found on the back of the painting commemorating the dream of 1642.12.17(a). l?flg^:*a?-_lfffe?tir?SS, **+AJB+z_?+-tB, *B#?M T?sh? Daigongen goreimu ni yori arigataku oboshimesare, Kan yei j?ky? reki j?ni gatsu j?shichi nichi, son'y? o kakitatematsuru nomi

In gratitude for a divine dream from T?sh? Daigongen on Kan'ei 19[1642].12.17, [Iemitsu] could not but have [the deity's] august countenance painted in homage.64

59 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 326, 327. 60 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 330, 331. Although Kasuga no Tsubone died on 9.14, her death is noted in the for 9.16. 61 entry Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, pp. 332, 333. 62 Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 339. 63 In addition to nine are the paintings discussed here there two other related portraits that I have not included in of this analysis because various anomalous features. For descriptions of these por traits, see below, note 74. 64 Tenkai soj? to T?sh? gongen, p. 59, figure 56. 16 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

Figure 5. Inscription on the back of the painting commem orating the dream of 1642.12.17(a). Courtesy of Rinnoji.

Japanese sources that discuss the inscriptions fail to address the question who wrote them. The only comment made is that the writing on the reverse is in ink, and the only reference to an author states that the writing could not be Iemitsu's because of the use of honorifics.65 Nonetheless, none of the secondary sources questions the authenticity of the inscriptions or suggests that they were added later. All of the writing looks to be by the same hand. Stylistically the paintings have several features in common. The deity is shown seated on a thin brocade-bordered woven mat (shitone W) placed upon a rec tangular raised mat (agedatami ?W4) beneath a cusped gable roof (kara hafu ?rffi?); his figure is framed by tied hanging curtains (tobari tS) decorated with the Tokugawa family three-leafed hollyhock (mitsuba aoi HHH) crest and rolled

65 See the discussion in Tokugawa Iemitsu-ko den, pp. 168-74; Fujii 1997, pp. 187-91; Hirano 1958, vol. 11, pp. 2-5; and Takagi 1998. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 17

Date/Owner Pose Clothing

1) 1639.12.16 Three-quarters/ White robe / no hat Rinn?ji Bent-knee (hakui) 2) 1641.1.17 (a) Three-quarters/ White robe w/hat Tokugawa Bent-knee (hakui / maru tokin ?L?8??) 3) 1641.1.17(b) Frontal/ Court robe Tokugawa Ankles crossed (sokutai) 4) 1642.12.17 (a) Three-quarters/ Court robe Ankles crossed Rinn?ji_ (sokutai) 5) 1642.12.17(b) Three-quarters/ Brown robe / no hat Rinn?ji Ankles crossed (monpuku) 6) 1643.8.22 Three-quarters/ Brown robe / no hat Rinn?ji Bent-knee (monpuku) 1) 1643.9.29 Three-quarters/ Brown robe / no hat Rinn?ji_ Bent-knee (monpuku) 8) 1643.12.28 Three-quarters/ Brown robe w/hat maru Rinn?ji_ Bent-knee (monpuku / tokin) 9) 1647.12.25 Three-quarters/ White robe / no hat Tokugawa Bent-knee (hakui)

Figure 6. Poses and clothing in the dream portraits. bamboo blinds (misu f P?).66Elements identifiable with theNikk? T?sh? shrine, including the railed veranda (k?ran AfflJ, en ?), steep wooden stairs (kizahashi fit), and a pair of lion-dogs (koma inu ?S^), are clearly visible in all but two paintings.67 In all but one the figure sits in a three-quarter pose, facing slightly to the viewer's left; in one, his pose is frontal. In six of the paintings the figure has one knee bent, in a style of "royal ease" (rinn?za $??^).68 The greatest variation among the nine paintings is in the different types of robes worn by the deity (see figure 6). T?sh? Daigongen appears in three basic guises: formal court robes (sokutai), kosode /J^? robes with Tokugawa crests (monpuku $cflB), and white lounging robes (hakui S?).69 In two of the paintings, 66 Tobari recall the curtains of the imperial bedchamber (ch?dai (fi pT).Fujiwara 1998, p. 165. They also resemble the curtains that cover hidden images (hibutsu ?ft?A) in esoteric Buddhist tem ples. They thus suggest that the figure behind them, emperor or deity, is too sacred and powerful to be exposed directly to human eyes. 67 as Carved koma inu originally functioned supports for standing screens, but in the eleventh century they began to be used at shrine entrances independent of the screens. The earliest docu at a a mentation of koma inu used shrine is in 1039, when pair of gold and silver lion-dogs were offered to Ise shrine; Kageyama 1973, p. 63. 68 This pose is commonly associated with images of Monju and Kannon. It is reserved for royal or personages and is uncommon for minor accessory deities. Whether there is deeper meaning to T?sh? in this pose is unclear. 69 Daigongen sitting I am indebted to Yonekura Michio and Sata Yoshihiko fe^5j)H for their assistance in help ing me identify the specific types of clothing. 18 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

Figure 7. Dream painting of T?sh? Daigongen, 1641.1.17(b). Courtesy of the Tokugawa Memo rial Foundation f?JHE^Btffl, Tokyo.

those portraying the dreams of 1641.1.17(b) and 1642.12.17(a), T?sh? Daigongen is depicted in full formal court costume (sokutai), complete with the black court hat (suiei kanmuri ??BS) worn by civil officials, and holding a thin wooden cer emonial slat (shaku %j), with a ceremonial sword by his side. In both examples, the deity wears figured blue court robes (yanagigasane $PSI), but in the 1641 painting the robes have vermilion-lined sleeves, and T?sh? Daigongen sits in a rigidly frontal pose before gilt-framed sliding door panels (figure 7). Ieyasu was granted the right to wear sokutai and its appropriate accessories after Emperor Go-Mizunoo awarded him the titles of "barbarian-subduing great general" (seii taish?gun ffi]?;M#lQ, "minister of the right" (udaijin ^tT^E), and "head of the lineage" (uji no ch?ja JSfi??) in 1603. T?sh? Daigongen's appearance in such garb, reflecting the pinnacle of his worldly status, may perhaps be linked to mat Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 19

Figure 8. Dream painting of T?sh? Dai gongen, 1643.12.28. Courtesy of Rinn?ji.

ters pertaining to the political role and position of the Tokugawa house. It will be remembered that the dreams of these dates can be plausibly connected to pil grimages to the T?sh? shrines in Edo castle and to the anticipation and then cel ebration of the birth of an heir. Four of the dream portraits?those of 1642.12.17(b), 1643.8.22, 1643.9.29, and 1643.12.28?show T?sh? Daigongen wearing brown robes (see figure 8). Commonly called monpuku (robes with family crests), these garments consisted of a hip-length kosode (a robe with small wrist openings) with Tokugawa crests imprinted on the shoulders and sleeves, worn together with hakama if.70 In the seventeenth century, samurai of the fifth rank or higher generally wore this type of

The upper garment is termed more specifically daimon hitatare ^?&?EII. 20 Monumento Nipponica 59:1 clothing as normal official dress, usually in combination with a stiff sleeveless overgarment (kataginu 1$) and samurai eboshi f?l^I?, a truncated black cap of silk or hemp. In these pictures, however, T?sh? Daigongen does not wear kataginu or the appropriate hat. Rather, his robes are tied so casually that they gape at the neck and expose one or two white undergarments. The result is a very eased formality, one that is further emphasized in three of the paintings by his three-quarters bent knee pose. In the painting of 1642.12.17, T?sh? Daigongen sits with his ankles crossed and his torso nearly frontal?only his head is turned. Two swords rest on decorated lacquer racks by his side in all four of these images. In three, the deity is hatless, but in two, including that of 1643.12.28 (figure 8), he wears a soft dark brown or black cloth cap (tokin t%M), often worn by mountain ascetics (shugenja #?#) and favored by hermits and retired scholar-gentlemen in both China and Japan. The evidence in these four paintings?the casually tied robes, poses of "royal ease," soft cloth caps, and swords at rest?suggest that T?sh? Daigongen is at lei sure, or appeared in the dream in a private rather than official guise. This fits with the surmise that the three dreams of 1648 may have been linked to Iemitsu's "private" life, specifically his anxieties over the illnesses of Kasuga no Tsubone and Tenkai. In the three dream paintings of 1639.12.16, 1641.1.17(a), and 1647.12.25, T?sh? Daigongen is portrayed in hakui aie, white robes generally worn for infor mal lounging or as undergarments (see figure 9). Here, too, he sits in his shrine in a pose of royal ease, robes loosely draped and tied in front with a dark cloth tie. One or two layers of white undergarments are visible at the neckline, confirming that the hakui was intended as informal outerwear, rather than underwear. In one painting, T?sh? Daigongen wears a soft, black beret-like cap, and in two of the paintings (1639.12.16 and 1647.12.25) his two swords rest at his side on deco rated lacquered sword racks. In the painting of 1641.1.17(a), the ubiquitous koma inu are missing. The figure's relaxed posture and informal dress in these portraits seem to typify Ieyasu's retirement from official life; this type of apparel would normally have been worn only at home among immediate family members. It is difficult to draw any specific connection between this garb and the circumstances surrounding the dreams in which T?sh? Daigongen is depicted wearing it. A slip of paper found in one of Iemitsu's amulets, however, suggests that the vision of T?sh? Daigongen in white robes made a strong impression on him:

Gongen-sama, shiroki gofuku omeshis?r? onsugata, ogamis?r? onkoto

Honorable gongen, in white clothing, [your] divine form is worshiped.71

Apart from dress, the other key identifying attribute in the paintings is the face. Each face is generally recognizable as Ieyasu in old age, as depicted in other por

71 Hirono 1958-59, vol. 11, p. 2; Takagi 1998, p. 244. Takagi indicates that the writing is in Iemitsu's own hand. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 21

Figure 9. Dream painting of Tosho Daigongen, 1647.12.25. Courtesy of Rinnoji.

traits, yet each is distinctly different. What may be the reason for such differ ences is impossible to say.72 Several of the paintings contain distinctive elements in addition to the general features mentioned at the beginning of this section. The painting of the dream of 1643.2.17 shows, just below the cusp of the shrine roof, a small wooden plaque of a white hawk perched on a pine branch, presumably references to Ieyasu's love of hawking and his family, the Matsudaira.73 The painting of 1643.12.28 (figure 8) similarly depicts a white hawk perching on a pine branch to the deity's

72 In the early seventeenth century, it was fairly common for sketches of the face (kamigata &K W) to be drawn when a subject was still living and then pasted onto the actual portrait after death. There is no evidence, however, that this was the method of production here. 73 Both white birds and pine trees also have associations with kami. The pine was a favorite vehicle for a kami's descent, and white and black birds were believed to have a more sacred char acter than birds of other colors. See Blacker 1975, pp. 36, 39. 22 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

right and bamboo on his left; the same motifs also appear in the painting of 1642.12.17.74

Portraying Deities and Dreams As noted at the beginning of this article, the dream paintings are standardly at tributed to Kano Tan'y?. The attribution is not without problem because the paintings are not signed, have no identifying seals, and there appear to be no con temporaneous sources to confirm the attribution.75 Tokugawa jikki mentions only Tan'y?'s public projects for the Tokugawa, like the Kyoto imperial palace pro jects. Tenkai gives information about portraits of himself painted by Tan'y?, but a never does not mention the dream paintings.76 Tan'y? is plausible candidate theless. He served three of the early Tokugawa shogun as official painter and decorated the interiors of their castles and palaces with visual symbols reflect ing Tokugawa authority.77 Iemitsu, in particular, seems to have favored the artist for work associated with the T?sh? shrine. It was Tan'y? who painted the drag ons on the ceilings of the Y?mei Wi^M gate at Ieyasu's newly renovated mau soleum and Tan'y? who produced five scrolls of pictures for T?sh?sha engi M ?Stk?c?B, an account of the origins of the Nikk? T?sh? shrine and of Ieyasu's life and deification. Until further evidence to the contrary appears, it is thus reason able to assume that Tan'y? painted these works as well.78

74 In addition to the nine dated dream paintings discussed here, there is one other undated paint ing in the collection of Rinn?ji that is identified by the slip of paper on its back as a dream painting. The scroll is kept in an uninscribed box, but Tenkai added a colophon on the front upper portion of the scroll; we thus know it must have been painted before Tenkai's death on 1643.10.2. Compared to the nine dated paintings, it contains many unusual iconographie features. It is the only dream painting that boasts a colophon or writing of any sort on the front. In the painting T?sh? Daigongen sits with bent knee on a shitone placed on regular tatami matting in front of a tokonoma, rather than at his shrine. His very pale blue monpuku of figured cloth is unlike the other robes of this type, which are brown. He also is surrounded by an array of accoutrements. An incense burner on an intricately carved wooden stand and a flower arrangement are displayed in the alcove, and a scene of a pine tree with white hawk is painted on the back of the alcove wall. In front and below the seated figure are two symbols of immortality: a miniature Isle of the Immortals (h?rai) artfully arranged on the back of a tortoise. as a Yet another portrait of T?sh? Daigongen in formal clothing is sometimes counted dream no on reverse as an painting. Unlike the others, this painting has inscription its to confirm it image a a seen in a dream, but, according to Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen, reference in letter from Iemitsu's close attendant (sokkin fljjfi) Nakane Masamori ^?BIE^ (1588-1665) to Tenkai suggests itwas drawn after a dream appearance. This catalogue also indicates that it was dedicated (kaigen sareta BBBB^?lfc) in the first year of Keian (1648) and worshiped by succeeding generations of on Tokugawa shoguns who came to pay their respects to T?sh? Daigongen his death anniversary. See Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen, p. 58. Because of the lack of a date and the other divergent fea tures, I have not included these paintings in the overall analysis of the dream paintings. 75 Buddhist paintings generally are not signed because signatures admit to human pride and because the paintings are objects of worship that become the deity upon dedication. It is likely are same reason. that these images of T?sh? Daigongen not signed for the 76 See, for example, Jigen daishi zensh?, vol. 1, pp. 364, 365. 77 See Gerhart 1999. 78 an area The paintings have not been analyzed for style and this is of research that might yield additional proof. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 23

How might Tan'y? have gone about depicting T?sh? Daigongen as he appeared in Iemitsu's dreams? We have no written records verifying that he received specific directives, but it is likely that verbal communications describ ing T?sh? Daigongen's appearance came from Iemitsu himself or from some one close to him. Tan'y?, by dint of his status as goy? eshi with the special rank of h?gen ffiBg,79 was one of only a handful of artists at this time authorized to receive direct instructions from the shogun.80 Takagi Sh?saku notes that on a different occasion Iemitsu sent written instructions to Tenkai regarding the sculpting of a wooden statue of Ieyasu. In the letter Iemitsu specified the color and design of the robes, cap, and hakama, and noted that both the size of the statue and the face should be modeled after the mortuary portraits hung at New Year's (sh?gatsu no goei ~SL? (?>fPI^).81 We may presume that he gave Tan'y? similar directions about the features to be included in the dream paintings.82 It is likely, too, that Tan'y? drew on his experience in preparing formal paint ings of T?sh? Daigongen, such as the mortuary portraits hung at New Year's. A comparison of one such painting attributed to Tan'y?, a portrait of T?sh? Daigongen held now by the Tokugawa Art Museum inNagoya (figure 10) to the dream portraits can help to delineate the iconographie features that distinguish "ordinary" portraits of the deity T?sh? Daigongen from portraits of the secular ruler Tokugawa Ieyasu on the one hand and paintings of T?sh? Daigongen as he appeared in Iemitsu's dreams on the other.83

79 Tan'y? was granted this title on 12.29.1638; Tokugawa jikki, vol. 39, p. 122. The title, trans lated as "eye of the law," was an ancient court title that originated in the ninth century and was given by the imperial household to honor Buddhist monks. In the seventeenth century, this, like was other court titles, still granted by the throne, but with prior approval from the shogun in Edo. The titles of h?gen and two other titles, hokky? ?? f? (bridge of the law) and h?in ???P (seal of the were law), granted to artists, Confucian scholars, and medical doctors as well as Buddhist priests. 80 Indeed, oku eshi Hl?SB ("inner" painters) such as Tan'y? were required to appear at Edo cas a tle several times month to take requests from the shogun. See K?no 1984, p. 26. Additionally, was to on numerous Tan'y? commanded by Iemitsu paint for him other occasions. Tan'y? and his brother Yasunobu ?ffg painted before the shogun at Edo castle, for example, on 1637(Kan'ei 14).7.28; Tokugawa jikki, vol. 40, p. 59. 81 Takagi 1998, pp. 242-43. 82 were An unresolved question is the date when the portraits painted. Inscriptions on the back of the painting may be taken to indicate the date when the portrait was painted as well as the date event of the commemorated (see above, p. 15 and figure 5). It is plausible to assume that the pieces were painted close to the time of the event. 83 A key issue in the study of portraiture is "likeness": how closely does a portrait identified an with individual need to resemble that person? The criteria for judging "likeness" in portraiture have been long debated, but remain little agreed upon. See Ho 1987, pp. 131-36. For a discus sion of the meaning of "likeness" in relation to ancestor portraits and abbot portraits in China, see also Sommer 1994; and Foulk and Sharf 1973. In ancestral portraits, of which the dream paint one was ings may be considered type, it essential that the portrait resemble the subject sufficiently for to was the descendants perform the proper rituals. It equally vital, however, that the image depict the subject's status and accomplishments. While fidelity was most critical in the presenta tion of the face, depictions of the body, most particularly the clothing worn by the subject, gen strove erally for "presentability." Iemitsu's detailed directions regarding the garb to be portrayed in the wooden statue of T?sh? Daigongen and the variation in the dress of the deity in the dream paintings suggest that in these cases particular attention was given to the latter factor. In China, 24 Monumento Nipponica 59:1

Figure 10. Formal portrait of T?sh? Daigon gen. Attributed to Kano Tan'y?. Treasures from the Tokugawa Art Museum. Courtesy of Tokugawa Reimeikai Foundation $SJIIS?i!f!#.

Formal "ordinary" portraits of T?sh? Daigongen, such as figure 10, typically depict him wearing black official court robes (sokutai). In this regard there is virtually no difference between the visage and dress of Ieyasu portrayed in sec ular guise and those seen in "ordinary" depictions of him as a deity.84 The key mortuary portraits were typically produced inworkshops, with the body generally painted by one artist and the head filled in by another. A workshop approach is a possibility with these paintings; Tan'y? might have been responsible for the faces while other Kano artists drew the settings and no was bodies. We have proof, however, that this method used. 84 For this reason, art historians often use the appellations Tokugawa Ieyasu and T?sh? Daigongen interchangeably. See, for example, "Portrait of Tokugawa Ieyasu," reproduced in the The Shogun Age Exhibition, pp. 37-38 (1983). The painting clearly depicts T?sh? Daigongen. Because they are seldom intrinsic to the painting or its history and too often created for the pur conse poses of general audience identification, such titles are notably unreliable. They tend, quently, to obscure important issues about the work of art. This seems to be a common problem, as Robert Borgen notes a similar ambiguity of terminology regarding Sugawara no Michizane lir J^5!? and his deified form as Tenjin ^ff?; see Borgen 1994, p. 304. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 25

to differentiating between his secular and deified form lies rather in the setting. Secular settings are used, as in Tan'y?'s rendition in T?sh?sha engi of Ieyasu in retirement at Sunpu Itff?, to portray Ieyasu in his living form.85 Elements read ily identifiable as part of a shrine scene, on the other hand, indicate his deified personage as T?sh? Daigongen.86 These include the distinctive cusped gable roof of the gongen architectural style particular to the Nikk? T?sh? shrine, rolled bamboo blinds, tied hanging curtains decorated with the Tokugawa family three leafed hollyhock crest, a railed veranda, and steep wooden stairs flanked by a pair of lion-dogs. T?sh? Daigongen sits within a shrine setting suggestive of the site where he was enshrined and worshiped; it is this iconography that confirms that the painting is of a deity. These same elements appear, as we have seen above, in the dream portraits. There, too, they establish the deified status of the figure depicted. What then, distinguishes portraits of T?sh? Daigongen in his "ordinary" deified guise from the dream paintings? "Ordinary" paintings of T?sh? Daigongen consistently depict him wearing black formal court robes and often have inscriptions on their upper portions. Those based on dreams, by contrast, offer more color options and style variations for the robes and carry no visible inscriptions. In the paint ings based on dreams, T?sh? Daigongen appears in pale blue and deep blue court robes, brown robes with family crests, and informal white gowns; in none does he wear a black court costume. In addition to the portraits carrying inscrip tions on the reverse rather than obverse sides, the unusual colors and styles of the robes thus identify the paintings as exceptional visualizations of T?sh? Daigongen.87 In that Kano artists were trained to approach new projects by consulting works of art produced by their predecessors, we may plausibly assume that Tan'y? stud ied other paintings in developing this iconography. When he was commanded to illustrate the T?sh?sha engi, for instance, he borrowed for a time or examined the Shakad? engi emaki W?.'?MM??^ illustrated by his great-grandfather Kano Motonobu yfWj?in and the Y?z? nenbutsu engi emaki B?S^Aiic?l?il, both kept at Seiry?ji ?f?e^f in Kyoto.88 As examples of paintings of deified progenitors, the portraits probably best known to Tan'y? were those of Toyokuni Daimy?jin HH^BJff, Toyotomi Hideyoshi's deified form.89 Hideyoshi was deified after

85 See T?sh?sha engi, p. 65. 86 I am grateful to Professor Kuroda Hideo for pointing this out to me in a discussion at the Daigaku in 2000. Tokyo87 Shiry?hensanjo April Another device that at first glance might appear to distinguish the dream paintings are frothy white clouds around the bottoms of the stairs and the rooftops of the shrine buildings. Similar cloud patterns appear in other paintings of T?sh? Daigongen, such as figure 10, however. The more clouds, therefore, seem to represent generally another realm?the celestial world of the deity rather than a dream. 88 See Hata 1984 and Doi 1970. 89 The general format for paintings of deified humans was established earlier than this exam was common ple, however. It to represent deities (as distinct from deified humans) in the garb and pose of a court official. An example is the painting of Tatsuta My?jin ^BE|H^#, dating to 1295, kept by the Yasumigaoka Hachiman tt^^frA? shrine at Yakushiji ^6fp# in Nara. See 26 Monumento Nipponica 59:1

his death in 1598 with the hope that he would protect his descendants and Toyotomi rule. To that end, a shrine was erected for him at Amidagamine fflffi If?^rtt in Kyoto. Although the Tokugawa destroyed that shrine in 1615, sub sidiary shrines were constructed on temple and domain lands in various parts of the country in the early years of the seventeenth century, and the deity was invited to take up residence at the new shrines. Painted portraits of Toyokuni Daimy?jin in court robes seated in his shrine functioned as icons of worship at these sub sidiary shrines.90 Although Tan'y? had opportunities to borrow temple paintings when he produced T?sh?sha engi, it is unlikely that he would have been per mitted to remove any of the Toyokuni Daimy?jin images from the shrines for study. At least two of the portraits, however, are attributed to Tan'y?'s uncle, Kano Mitsunobu f?m%\t (1565-1608),91 so it is likely that Mitsunobu's writ ten notations or verbal comments were retained or remembered by other mem bers of the atelier, for Tan'y?'s portraits of T?sh? Daigongen follow the same basic iconography. Potential models for the distinctive features of the dream paintings?the styles of robes and poses?are more difficult to identify. It may be that these elements derive primarily from specifications issued by Iemitsu. Possibly they draw, how ever, from other examples of paintings of visions seen in dreams, although rel atively few such works survive today.92 One of the best-known stories about the

Kageyama 1973, figure 50. Christine Guth Kanda notes that such images of native deities were generally kept hidden and seldom copied as iconographical drawings for fear their powers might overcome the unsuspecting viewer. For this reason records of such images are rare. Kanda 1981-1982, p. 204. Portrayals of deified humans would nevertheless seem to have followed the same general format. One difficulty in analyzing the iconography for the depiction of deified humans is that discus sions of Japanese portraiture have tended to focus on social divisions, with emphasis on the dis tinctive painting techniques employed for each group. Major exhibition catalogues, for instance, often divide Japanese portraiture into religious and secular styles. The former comprise primar ily priest portraits, while the latter includes portraits of courtiers in the manneristic "slit-eyes-and hooked-nose" (hikime kagihana ?[[=!??jj|) and "representational" (nise-e iof?) styles. A recent series of books on Japanese portraiture likewise groups the images by social categories, dedicat ing one volume each to women, military figures, artists and literati, emperors and court nobles, and Buddhist priests. See Tazawa 1998; Miyajima 1998; Matsubara 1998; Murashige 1998; and Kajitani 1998. For a similar approach in English, see Guth 1996, pp. 59-64. Cho Sunmie' s recent article on portrait paintings of the Choson dynasty similarly classifies Korean portraits into six categories based on the social status of the sitter. See Cho 2002. Scholars of Japanese art are cer tainly aware that the great majority of premodern portraits, including those assigned to the "sec ular" category, had mortuary functions. But perhaps in part because portraits have lost their ritual capacity over time, that aspect has not been given much attention in the analysis of the iconogra phy employed. See Yonekura 1995, pp. 15-18. 90 Kitagawa 1998, pp. 200-38. Sculpted wooden images of Hideyoshi were also used as images of in the shrines. 91worship The Itsu? Bijutsukan i&mjiffifit inOsaka has one and the other is at K?daiji rS"n# inKyoto. The attribution is in Kanoha no 1979, 99 and 100. 92 given kaiga plates Well-known examples include Vision ofSeiry? Gongen (Hatakeyama Kinenkan UlIl?E^fi?, Tokyo) and Manifestation of Kasuga Wakamiya Incarnate as a Young Prince, frontispiece of the Kongo hannyaky? ?zPPJjlx??fll (Goto Bijitsukan S?H?l??f, Tokyo). Both are paintings of visions or dreams of Shinto deities that appeared to monks. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 27

practice concerns Fujiwara no Kanefusa's dream of Hitomaro. As noted above (pp. 2-3), Kanefusa had the dream commemorated in a painting, which he then used as an icon of worship.93 In the following centuries, the poet's image was reproduced repeatedly for use as an icon of veneration at a ceremony, the Hitomaro eigu, in which those aspiring to poetic greatness offered him homage.94 The poet was commonly shown wearing white informal court robes and sitting in a three-quarters pose in the posture of "royal ease" seen in several of the dream paintings of T?sh? Daigongen. While such attire would have been inappropriate for most icons, which gen erally carried both religious and formal import, paintings of Hitomaro were hung in residential rooms for "private" ceremonies conducted and attended by devo tees of poetry. The nature of the Hitomaro eigu may thus account for the infor mality of the iconography. Such a hypothesis also suggests possible ways of accounting for the function and manner of use of Iemitsu's dream portraits.

Portraits as Religious Icons As noted above, the inscriptions on the reverse of the dream portraits declare that they were painted in gratitude to honor T?sh? Daigongen. In directing Tan'y? to paint images of thanks, Iemitsu was participating in an ancient and widespread religious act?the creation of ex-votos, the central purpose of which is to give thanks.95 As with the paintings commemorating T?sh? Daigongen's visits, votive images often include inscriptions memorializing the events for which they were made. In this case, the inscriptions also pointed to Iemitsu's privileged position as the receiver of the special grace of personal visitations from the Tokugawa founder. In one instance?the dream of 1647.12.25 (figure 9)?the inscription on the box lid further contributed to the sacralization of the image by describing the portrait (miei MW)?as "consecrated" (kaigen HUBS) rather than "painted."96 The term miei likewise indicated that the painting was not simply a "depiction" of the deity, but "reflected" his presence.

93 Jikkinsho, 150-52. See also discussion in Carter 2001, 318-19. 94 pp. pp. Graybill 1983, vol. 1, p. 35. An illustrated biography of themonk Kakunyo %%W(1270-1351), Boki ekotoba ^'jftl?l^l (fourteenth century), shows a hanging scroll of Hitomaro being venerated by other poets at a special ceremony. 95 uses David Freedberg discusses the many of ex-votos, noting that "such images [ex-votos] or simultaneously record gratitude for salvation from disease disaster, by what is perceived as divine intervention." 1989, 137. 96 Freedberg p. Kaigen usually refers to the drawing in of the pupils of the eyes (tengen j^M) of a Buddhist a image, process through which the image is invested with religious power. An undated Edo period manuscript describes the significance of this act as follows: As long as the Eye-Opening Ceremony has not been performed on an icon carved of wood or or same stone, in painted form, it should be regarded in the way as inanimate plants or wooden substances. But after the main priest has consecrated the image by dotting in its eyes, and has bestowed upon it the force of grace (kajiriki) by means of mudra, mantras, and med now itative vision (kannen), the dignified wooden substance or plain woven material [of the painting] has merged inseparably with the original substance (hontai) of the depicted deity. The manuscript is in the K?yasan University Library; it is cited in Goepper 1997, pp. 73-74. 28 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1

The paintings, thus, did not merely reproduce T?sh? Daigongen's physical form or record his divine visits. We may hypothesize that they were held to be consecrated "reflections" of the deity and, further, that they were used as icons in rituals of veneration for him. Paintings of T?sh? Daigongen were presumably hung in his shrine at Nikk? or in subsidiary shrines, such as the Ninomaru or Momijiyama shrines at Edo castle and the shrine at Kun?zan. As in the case of Hideyoshi's shrines, since about one hundred T?sh? shrines were constructed throughout the country in the first half of the seventeenth century, multiple paint ings would have been needed as icons. Such icons most likely were formal portraits of T?sh? Daigongen wearing official court robes. By contrast the infor mality of T?sh? Daigongen's dress and pose in most of the dream painting scrolls, as well as the personal nature of the circumstances from which they derived, would presumably have rendered them inappropriate for veneration by anyone not intimately linked to Ieyasu. In her research on the development of ancestral rites in Song China, Patricia Ebrey found that the ritual varied, from formal versions conducted by official priests to informal ones held by palace servants and the emperor himself. The location, too, shifted, with rites of state importance held at the Supreme Shrine (taimiao ~KM) while intimate informal rites were conducted within the palace. In accordance with this hierarchy, the icons of veneration were also ranked, with inscribed tablets venerated at the Supreme Shrine, painted clay statues worshiped at temples, and portrait paintings revered within the palace.97 Portraits used for informal rites, furthermore, portrayed the emperors not in their typical formal ritual robes, but in garments similar to those of scholar officials that the emper ors might have worn in their private quarters and on informal occasions.98 An analogous principle was perhaps adopted in the case at hand. The dream portraits were plausibly intended in the first instance as private icons to be used personally by Iemitsu to honor T?sh? Daigongen not only as ancestor and fam ily founder but also special protector. As W. J. Boot has emphasized, Iemitsu's worship of Ieyasu was founded above all on the sense of "a personal relation to Ieyasu, and a deeply felt personal belief."99 If this point is allowed, the primary physical locations for the enshrinement of the images would logically be the Nikk?, Momijiyama, and Ninomaru T?sh? shrines, where only Iemitsu and other important members of the shogunal house would have access to them. Perhaps we may surmise that the dream paintings of T?sh? Daigongen in court robes were used for Iemitsu's private veneration when he traveled in large progresses to Nikk?; those of him in the less formal brown robes, such as figure 7, may have been used in rituals at Momijiyama, where the shogun worshiped attended by several tens of other dignitaries. The portraits depicting T?sh? Daigongen in

97 1999, p. 76. See also Stuart and Rawski 2001, pp. 39-40. 98 Ebrey Ebrey 1999, p. 80. 99 Boot 2000, p. 162. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 29

hakui may have been reserved for rites at Ninomaru, where Iemitsu himself held daily or even twice daily private services to the deity.100 From the mid-1630s, Iemitsu undertook various projects to consolidate a rit ual platform for the veneration of T?sh? Daigongen. These included the rebuild ing of his mausoleum at Nikk? (1636) and of the Ninomaru (1637) and Momijiyama (1644) shrines, the composition of T?sh?sha engi (1640), and a series of major progresses to pay homage at T?sh? Daigongen's shrine in Nikk?. The dream paintings fall in the same period. While the other productions repre sented acts of public homage, the dream-inspired paintings may be assumed to have served as icons for Iemitsu's personal devotion. As such they stand as vivid proof of T?sh? Daigongen's enduring religious power in Iemitsu's world.

loo puj?j 1997^ p 187 it is notable that while writings related to Tenkai contain countless refer ences tomemorial services (kuy? {??), esoteric rituals (mipp? ?B??), the worship of m?ndala, and even one reference to a kaigen ceremony held for a portrait (by Tan'y?) of Jigen Daishi, I can find no reference to ceremonies at Nikk? involving the dream paintings. For the kaigen ceremony for Tenkai's portrait, see Jigen daishi zensh?, vol. 1, p. 364. 30 Monumento Nipponica 59:1

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