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Visions of the Dead: Kano Tan'y's Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams

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Visions of the Dead: Kano Tan'y's Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams Visions of the Dead: Kano Tan'yū's Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams Author(s): Karen M. Gerhart Reviewed work(s): Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 59, No. 1 (Spring, 2004), pp. 1-34 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25066273 . Accessed: 12/12/2011 04:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sophia University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Monumenta Nipponica. http://www.jstor.org Visions of the Dead Kano Tan'y?'s Paintings of Tokugawa Iemitsu's Dreams Karen M. Gerhart Secreted away in the recesses of Rinn?ji ??EEtF, the Tendai temple at Nikk? Bttj, are eight striking paintings of T?sh? Daigongen MMJt?eM (Great Avatar Illuminating the East), the deified persona of Tokugawa Ieyasu $g JlliCJ?? (1542-1616). Two others of a similar sort remain in the possession of the Tokugawa family. What distinguishes these ten paintings from other depictions of T?sh? Daigongen is that they are based on dreams that appeared to the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu %% (1604-1651), during the last decade of his life. Seldom displayed, the hanging scrolls are attributed to the shogunal painter (goy? eshi fPfflf?ffl) Kano Tan'y? f?WW:ft (1602-1674) and were likely pro duced following written or verbal notations from Iemitsu. Scholars of early modern Japan are aware of the paintings and may even have seen them exhibited.1 Nonetheless, the images have received limited attention and have been analyzed only perfunctorily. Other than a short article written nearly a half century ago by Hirono Sabur? JaKFH?? and a more recent essay by Takagi Sh?saku ?SvfcBSffs there is little published research of significance, and art historians have not attempted to situate the scrolls within the history of the development of portraiture in Japan.2 One reason for the lack of attention may be that the paintings are difficult to categorize. By scrutinizing their historical context and investigating their symbolic content, however, I hope to explore what lay behind their creation and offer some suggestions about their signifi cance to Iemitsu. The author is associate professor of Japanese art, University of Pittsburgh. She wishes to thank Maribeth Graybill, Kuroda Hideo HEB 0 tt?H, Yonekura Michio yft^i?^, and the anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. She would also like to express her gratitude for research two from the AAS Northeast Asia Council. 1 support provided by grants In 1994, a number of these paintings were displayed at the Tochigi Kenritsu Hakubutsukan tS/fcJfir?ff #jt8. See Tenkai s?j? to T?sh? gongen. 2 Hirono 1958-1959, vol. 10, pp. 2-5; vol. 11, pp. 2-5; vol. 12, pp. 4-7; Takagi 1998, pp. 239-68. 2 Monumenta Nipponica 59:1 The Meaning of Dreams In the modern West, a dominant approach to dream analysis has been psycho analytical, based primarily on Freud's Interpretation of Dreams or Jung's dis cussion of archetypes m Dream Analysis? Traditionally, however, in many areas of the world, dreams have often been viewed as channels of communication with the invisible world and as giving the dreamer privileged access to a higher onto logical plane than ordinary reality. This was true in China and Japan as well.4 In China, it was commonly believed that the appearance of spirits of the dead in dreams carried a special meaning, as indicated by Confucius when he expressed regret over no longer seeing dreams of the Duke of Zhou.5 Early Japanese texts likewise indicate that, along with the ritual practices of divination, oracles, and possession, dreams were regarded as a means by which the living could communicate with other realms.6 Dreams appear in the earliest Japanese literature as messages from the gods to earthly rulers. In Kojiki "S^IB (712) andNihon shoki B^IME (720), for example, dreams provide instructions from the gods to the early emperors, forewarning them of danger, explaining mysterious events, encouraging the building of worship halls and the perfor mance of rites, and offering advice on keeping peace and waging war.7 Other early texts speak of the dead imparting messages to the living through dreams. The Man'y?sh? 7JIPI?, a poetic anthology dating from the mid- to late eighth century, includes dream-inspired verses written by empresses and imperial con cubines at the time of a ruler's death or death anniversary. One relates that Empress Jit? ?#K (r. 690-697) received a verse in a dream after attending a Buddhist memorial ceremony on the eighth death anniversary of her husband, Emperor Tenmu ^S (r. 673-686).8 The mid-Kamakura setsuwa collection Jikkinsh? +f H?>relates a now-famous tale of Fujiwara no Kanefusa's MM^W (1003-1069) dream of Kakinomoto no Hitomaro ffi^Afl*5, a poet who served at the courts of Jit? and Monmu :Scfifcin the late seventh century. Kanefusa commissioned a painting of Hitomaro and paid homage to it; his dedication to the image is said to have improved his cal 3 Both theories have the drawback of being ethnocentric. Sociohistorical approaches have given somewhat more attention to the specificity of cultural context and the contextual meaning of dreams; see Bastide 1972. As noted by Henri Corbin, however, modern Western reflections on a or dreams have tended to reduce visionary dreams either to psychological, sociological, histor ical explanation; see Corbin 1967, p. 382. 4 See Bernard Faure's discussion of dreams as metaphors and signs in Buddhist monastic com munities. Faure 1996, pp. 114-43; also O'Flaherty 1984. 5 Confucian Analects, p. 196. Dreams were also linked to transformations; numerous passages in Chinese Daoist texts suggest that dreams can help one move between different states of con sciousness. Schipper 1993, pp. 115-16. 6 Numerous studies discuss the interpretation of dreams in Japan as communications from the dead to the living. See, for example, Eguchi 1987; Kitagawa 1976 and 1980; Saig? 1972; and Ebersole 1989. 7 Philippi 1968, pp. 39, 168, 201, 213, 220, 268; Aston 1972, pp. 115, 152, 155, 165, 290. See also Blacker 1975, pp. 37-38. 8 Ebersole 1992, p. 70; for another example, see also p. 175. Gerhart: Visions of the Dead 3 ligraphy.9 Eiga monogatari ^ig%|? (946-1092) abounds with similar illustra tions, such as the story of an old man who had a dream of an ox, revealed as K?syapa Buddha. A picture of the ox was painted and dedicated at the temple, where it became an important icon of worship.10 Indeed, many religious paint ings are purported to have been based on dreams, such as Onj?ji's H?ft^ Yellow Fud?, said to have been painted by the monk Enchin H^ (814-891) after the deity visited him in a dream.11 Dreams linked to death and the dead played an important role in Heian court life.When Fujiwara no Michinaga llflRiUI (968-1027) fell ill, a number of peo ple began to experience uneasy dreams about him, and are said to have feared he would soon die. After his death, Empress Ishi ?J? received assurance through a dream that Michinaga had been reborn at the lowest level of the lowest class in paradise.12 When his son's wife subsequently died, she also appeared to her husband, dressed in layers of white, in a dream from the world beyond.13 Eiga monogatari and other Heian texts reveal a widespread fear of spirit manifesta tions, malignant spirits who ranted and raved and had to be transferred to medi ums to be dealt with by monks chanting prayers.14 Often assumed to be unappeased souls of the deceased, such spirits frequently appeared in conjunc tion with illness or childbirth, some through the medium of dreams.15 Dreams played such a significant role in the lives of Heian-period aristocrats, and their interpretation was deemed so critical, that a Bureau of Divination (Onmy?ry? PU RIS?)was established, with Yin-yang masters (Onmy?ji P?lS?fU)charged with interpreting dreams and omens for the court and members of the nobility. Buddhist monks also recorded dreams and visions. Dream visions, such as those received by the priest My?e Sh?nin 0JK?? (1173-1232), were sometimes was meditation- rather than sleep-induced.16 An inveterate dreamer, My?e vis ited by all sorts of dreams, many of which he interpreted as emanations of the Buddha.17 Priest Keizan J?kin Hl?^S? (1268-1325) saw dreams and visions as auspicious signs from the other world. He interpreted his dream of a fabulous monastery, for example, as a sign to construct Y?k?ji ?Ot^. Dreams also were seen as responses from the divine to the performance of religious acts, such as when Keizan dreamed of a Dharma robe, which he regarded as an affirmation of religious vows he had taken.18 9 Jikkinsho, pp. 150-52. 10 1980, vol. 2, 663. 11McCullough p. Ishida 1987, p. 134. 12 McCullough 1980, vol. 2, pp. 293, 770. 13 McCullough 1980, vol. 2, p. 616. 14 1980, vol. 2, 770-71. 15McCullough pp. McCullough 1980, vol. 2, p. 610.
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