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The Liberal Arts and Education in the Middle Ages

The Liberal Arts and Education in the Middle Ages

VII

THE LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES

The liberal arts held a prominent position in medieval education. They were referred to as the septennium (seven) which was divided into the trivium (three) and the quadrivium (four). The trivium included grammar, rhetoric and dialectics, and the quadrivium comprised arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy. Lessons in grammar enabled one to read and write, since grammar as ars recte loquendi supplied the rules for speaking and writing correctly. The material considered included orthography, vocabulary, and especially the structure of language (subject, predicate, noun, pronoun, etc.). It was commonly presupposed that the structure of language corresponded to that of being and understanding, a presupposition which was partly responsible for the so-called grammatica speculativa. In many respects medieval grammar is the precursor of modern linguistics. Rhetoric, the second or sometimes third of the trivium, primarily related to the style or manner of speaking. Beauty and ability to convince were of central importance to rhetoric as ars bene dicendi and ars persuadendi (the art of speaking well and convincingly), where rules were formulated for the wording of what one had to say. Although in the beginning this embellish• ment was incidental, rhetoric largely coincided with what is now called literary science. Concept, judgment and reasoning were all in dialectics considered. Once again rhetoric often came up for discussion in the chapter on reasoning, which also dealt with sophistry, incomplete syllogisms and arguments which were not strictly rational. Truth, reason and insight were of paramount importance. Dialectics was roughly equivalent to what is now, especially since Kant, referred to as philosophy. In the Middle Ages the liberal arts were no longer a preparation for philosophy or philosophical wisdom but rather for theology, which reigned supreme over the libetal arts and held sway as the only real science and true

S. Ijsseling, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Conflict © Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Netherlands 1976 LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES 47 wisdom. The liberal arts (and philosophy) were regarded as auxiliary to theol• ogy and as a mere preparatory phase towards the knowledge of divine things. The most important contribution towards the classification of the seven liberal arts and toward the establishment of this division is from a certain Martianus Capella, a non-Christian contemporary of Augustine, also from North-Africa. About 420 he wrote an allegorical and for modern readers rather bizarre book entitled De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii (On the Marriage of Philology and Mercury) which exerted considerable influence and was frequently commented upon in the Middle Ages. Through marriage to the god Mercury, Philology, the name for all man's knowledge, is raised to the divine realm. As a wedding present she receives seven bridesmaids, the seven liberal arts personified as women endowed with all sorts of attributes. Grammar is thus an old woman with a number of knives and files in an ivory box in order to apply the scalpel (as it were) to remove children's grammati• cal errors. Rhetoric on the other hand is a beautiful and elegant young woman, wearing a robe adorned with the various rhetorical figures and supplied with weapons to attack her opponents. Beauty and persuasiveness belong to her. The other arts are also depicted in this manner, and medieval man was thoroughly acquainted with these allegorical figures, which are often portrayed on the porches of Gothic cathedrals (such as Notre Dame in Paris or the cathedral in Chartres). In the early Middle Ages various authors wrote about the liberal arts, rhetoric included. The most important authors are Cassiodorus, , , Alcuin and Notker. Cassiodorus (490-583) wrote De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum (P.L., LXX, p. 1149-1220), in the second chapter of which he makes explicit mention of rhetoric, declaring his appreciation for profane literature, mundane authors and the wisdom of the world. According to him study of these is indispensable for the study of the bible. Rhetoric is especially necessary and honourable in civil affairs (p. 1151). A detailed outline of rhetoric is also included. Isidore of Seville wrote a lengthy work entitled Etymologiarum libri XX (P.L., LXXXII, p. 74-727), a kind of encyclopaedia of human knowledge, where he gives evidence of being extremely well-read. There are detailed expositions on nature and world history. The second book deals with rheto[]c and dialectics (p. 123-154). There is little original material in the works of Isidore and Cassiodorus both of whom are rather pedantic and principally concerned with preserving and passing on the heritage of classical antiquity. LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES

Bede the Venerable (672-735) was author of a work on poetry de arte metrica which deals with rhythm, rhyme, metre, etc. In an introduction to a relatively short text De Schematibus et tropis sacrae scripturae (p.L., XC, p. 175-186), he claims that sacred Scripture is in no way inferior to any other text and in many aspects even superior: with regard to authority, it is a divine authority; as regards use, it points out the way to true and eternal life; as far as age is concerned, it is older than any other writings; finally it has a style surpassing all others. Bede then provides a list of schemata or figures of speech (17) and tropes (15), constantly giving a definition and several examples all derived from Scripture in order to show its superiority. Under schemata he includes a discussion of conjunction, subjunction, re• petition and simile, while under tropes he considers catachesis, synecdoche, paraphrases, metaphor and metonymy. Metaphor is defined as rerum et verborum translatio (transference of words and things) and metonymy as transnominatio ab alia signijicatione ad aliam proximitatem trans/ata (the transference of the world from its own meaning to one closely associated with it). More has yet to be said about the superiority of the bible. Alcuin (730-804) wrote Dialogus de rhetorica et virtutibus (p.L., CI, p. 919-950), a fictional dialogue between Charlemagne and Alcuin in a most academic form of question and answer. There is an almost exclusive treat• ment of the structure of juridical procedure: on legal debate and on legal eloquence. It is important to note the context of this work. On the continent of Europe barbarity and ignorance prevailed; while Charlemagne wanted to bring civilization to the Frankish realm. For this purpose he appealed to English monks, one of whom was Alcuin. All sorts of monastery schools were then established where instruction was given in grammar, rhetoric and dialectics. The ability to speak well was deemed highly important for proper juridical procedure. Notker Labeo (950-1022) or "Teutonicus" was principal of the monastery school of St. Gallen. He translated the work of Martianus Capella into Old German and also wrote an 'Arte rhetorica'. He exerted considerable in• fluence on the formation of an autochthonous German literature. These writings of Cassiodorus, Isidore, Bede, Alcuin and Notker have a certain attraction owing to their rather naive simplicity and immediacy. At first sight there is little contribution towards a better insight into the conflict between rhetoric and philosophy. However, two problems which arose regularly in those texts are of importance to the conflict: juridical procedure which, as will be seen, later served as a model for the structure of education, and particularly the authority of Scripture. LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES 49

The Bible was a text or a collection of texts, read with utter respect in the Middle Ages, thoroughly studied and solemnly recited in the liturgy, where rhetoric assumed exceeding importance. Biblical interpretation was closely connected with rhetorical analysis, while liturgical readings presupposed a rhetorical training. In all aspects, then, Scripture was superior. In the Middle Ages there was a clear hierarchy among all the texts which had been handed down. At the top was the Bible as the highest authority and criterion for the truth and value of all other texts, which although they had a certain authority were still subordinate; immediately after Scripture came Christian tradition with sacred and profane writings. Next in line was non-Christian tradition with its own classification. Any medieval conflict between philos• ophy and theology, reason and faith, or worldly wisdom and divine wisdom is principally due to a conflict within the hierarchy of texts or the authority of different traditions. This is ultimately a rhetorical problem, for all argu• ments based upon tradition or existing texts are in fact not 'philosophical' but 'rhetorical' arguments. Even what is said about rhetoric in the High Middle Ages yields little in• sight regarding the conflict between philosophy and rhetoric. Neither can much significance have been attributed to Aristotle's tract on rhetoric when it became known in Europe at the end of the thirteenth century. No serious study was then devoted to this tract and, as far as can be ascertained, only Aegidius Romanus discusses the relation between philosophy (or rather ethics and politics) and rhetoric, clearly declaring himself in favour of philosophy. What is extremely important for the conflict between philos• ophy and rhetoric however is the actual structure of education, but then not so much as regards rhetorical theory, but rather as regards rhetorical praxis. In the High Middle Ages the Scholastics, initially at least awarded a central position to the so-called lectio which consisted in reading and ex• plaining a text recognized as having a certain authority, e.g. Scripture or the sentence of . The exposition was basically a thorough analysis whereby all sorts of distinctions were introduced. Besides this, there was a number of questions formulated with arguments for and against. The lectio was gradually superseded by the disputatio or public discussion, a kind of applied dialectics, where rhetoric was very much in evidence even though it was not commonly taught. The rhetorical structure of the disputatio is quite apparent from the posing of the question, the articulation of the objective and the construction of the argument. It is important to devote some time here to a consideration of the disputatio from a purely formal, stylistic and structural point of view. 50 LIBERAL AR TS AND EDUCA TION IN THE MIDDLE AGES

The disputatio commenced with a specific problem put to the speaker in the form of a question to which he had to formulate a satisfactory answer. Many such questions and replies are preserved under the name Questiones disputatae de quolibet. By way of example we may quote a few questions, perhaps rather tendentiously chosen: "Whether it is per• missible for masters in school to discuss the power of prelates?" (Quest. disp., XV, 15.) : "Whether religions are obliged to show tolerance towards their assailants?" (Quest. disp., V, 26.) James of Viterbo: "Whether there is a before and afterin God?" (Quest. disp., III, 9.) "Whether Angels love each other more than two people?" (Quest. disp., III, IS.) "Whether a married girl is happier than a girl about to marry?" (Quest. disp., I, 16.) "Whether a girl with a vow of virginity, who sees a rapist approaching and can only escape by killing him, is obliged to kill him or let herself be raped?" (Quest. disp., III, 22.) There are numerous examples but the most remarkable thing about them is the strong resemblance they bear to the declamationes of the Roman oratory schools. When rhetoric dis• appeared from public life at the end of the republic (44 B.C.) and became a matter for school, similar tasks were given to the pupils. Suetonius provides us with the following example: "Several young people from the city made their way in the Summer to Ostia where they met with some fishermen who had just dropped their nets. They agreed with the fishermen that they would have the catch at a fixed price; the money was paid out and they waited for the nets to be raised. Once this had been done it appeared that there were no fish in the nets but a closed basket full of gold. Whereupon the buyers claimed that the catch belonged to them, while the fishermen said that the basket of gold was theirs." (Rhet., I, 1.) The pupils had then to deliver a well-con• structed speech to defend one of the two positions. The older Seneca prov• ides another example: "The law demands that a priestess be chaste and pure. A is captured by pirates and sold to a brothel-keeper who forces her into prostitution. Whenever men come to her she attempts to persuade them to leave her alone and yet to pay her. She succeeds, but one day a soldier comes who will not accept her plea. He tries to overpower her, but she kills him. At this point she is summoned to court, acquitted and sent back home, where she requests to be accepted as a priestess. Her request is then disputed." (Contr., I, 2.) Its resemblance to the medieval disputationes is evident of course. Far more important however is that for the Romans it was a rhetorical task for pupils at oratory school, who had to offer a public defense of their position in this matter as a practical lesson in the art of disputation. LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES 51

Similarly public discussion in the Middle Ages was a rhetorical task and an essential element in education. The objective of these disputations was undoubtedly to learn the art of argumentation and expression. At the same time it was regarded as a kind of game, without implying that the problems were not serious or of no consequence, but simply mindful of the fact that it was a matter for school. The general idea in this public discussion was to refute a real or imaginary opponent and finally to come out of the lists as victor. This then was the aim of the whole enterprise, although it was above all a matter of truth. In these disputes there was an attempt to win the other over, to earn his approv• al, and that of all the others present. The objective was to gain general acceptance of one's position on the basis of a well-argued speech. When not all or even none of the opponents could be convinced, there still remained in some cases the possibility of saying "And yet it is true", which constituted an appeal to a higher authority to recognize the assertions as true. In the Middle Ages this higher authority was ultimately the word of God. Such an appeal, even at that time, could assume pathological forms, as was the case for example whenever someone stubbornly insisted on defending an utterly questionable and absurd position, with no regard for the evidence of opinion of others. Here one was certainly in the realm of idiosyncrasy; nevertheless an appeal could remain within the limits of what was considered acceptable. These limits were not always the same of course, since the development of knowledge usually involved shifting the declared boundaries. What has been said about the structure of medieval disputations also holds good for the structure of most contemporary philosophical or quasi• philosophical discussions and perhaps even for the structure of most philosophical expositions. In contemporary discussions also, gaining victory in the dispute and finding general acceptance are of central importance. Whenever one cannot obtain this acceptance, one can still maintain that the assertion is true all the same. Today there would normally be no appeal to God's word, but rather to the so-called facts, reason, evidence, etc., which have regained a kind of divine authority. Defending one's own position can once again assume pathological forms but it can also remain within the changing bounds of what is acceptable. To the latter belong the more or less generally accepted patterns of thOUght, current scientific procedures, and all that is self-evident. Mter this digression let us return to the medieval disputation, where the construction of the argumentation or structure of the response to the assigned task was usually as follows: the first assertion on the basis of 52 LIBERAL ARTS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES

historical evidence is that the reply appears to be negative (videtur quod non) or affirmative (videtur quod sic). Then several arguments are presented, i.e. other testimonies from tradition, which suggest that the answer should be the contrary, i.e. affirmative or negative (sed contra). All sorts of distinctions are introduced and finally a definite rather nuanced solution is obtained. Indeed this was not only the structure of the disputation but of most rhetor• ical and theological treatises. In the argumentation there was an almost exclusive appeal to historical evid• ence or authoritative arguments, i.e. texts with a certain authority (autoritates). Not all texts were ofequal value, since some had more authority than others. The• re was, as has been seen, a clearly demonstrable hierarchy among all these texts. The argumentum ex verbo was central not only to legal, ethical, political and theological matters but also to philosophical and metaphysical ques• tions. It is characteristic of medieval philosophy that it is principally a philosophy of Logos (Verbum) peculiar to the style of philosophizing which when compared with that of the ancients is in many respects new and yet considerably different from that of the modems. Three factors in particular have determined this characteristic style of phi• losophizing. In the first place it is greatly inspired by juridical procedure, which is naturally based on legal texts and their interpretation. Even the entire setting of public discussion, the classification of participants and method of procedure remind one of a court. Secondly this style of philos• ophizing is prompted by an unprecedented reverence for the written word. Whatever has been written is by this very fact already authoritative. Scrip• ture was of course the written word par excellence, at the same time also acting as the Law. Thirdly one should not forget that in the Middle Ages God principally belonged to the realm of the word. God is a speaking God, his son is called the Word, he has revealed himself through the Word and has become accessible in sacred literature, perhaps also in the books of the ancients and even later in the 'Book of Nature' () written by God himself. Modern thought has endeavoured to relinquish this style of philosophizing and it has succeeded. Nevertheless one should not under• estimate the latent influence of the medieval style on modem thought. Leibniz' Theodicy, Kant's Critique and Hegel's philosophy of history are inspired by the model of juridical procedure. The authority of the written word has undoubtedly given way to that of autonomous reason, although the latter is still considered as Law or even as 'unwritten law'. Throughout modem thought it is the God of the Bible who finally remains the supreme Challenge to thought itself. LIBERAL AR TS AND EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES 53

It is by no means rash to claim that medieval philosophy has a rhetorical structure. This is perfectly clear from a Platonic viewpoint. In the Middle Ages there was little or no awareness of this, for hardly any attention was paid to rhetoric. The liberal arts did of course hold a central position and consequently rhetoric also. It is true that Marieke van Nimwegen was prepared to sell her soul to the devil, in exchange for a thorough knowledge of these arts, especially rhetoric, the most beautiful of all. Nonetheless medieval philosophy did not attend the stylistic and aesthetic aspects of philosophical speech. The Italian Humanists reacted vehemently against this. There was even less attention paid to hidden or unconscious rhetoric, which was to be discovered by authors such as Marx, Nietzsche and Freud. 本文献由“学霸图书馆-文献云下载”收集自网络,仅供学习交流使用。

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