New Leaders, Old Dangers: What North Korean Succession Means for the U.S. Bruce Klingner

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

New Leaders, Old Dangers: What North Korean Succession Means for the U.S. Bruce Klingner No. 2397 April 7, 2010 New Leaders, Old Dangers: What North Korean Succession Means for the U.S. Bruce Klingner Abstract: North Korean dictator Kim Jong-il’s faltering health has raised concerns about regime stability. Succes- sion rumors have been swirling for years, with Kim’s third Talking Points son, Jong-eun, currently rumored to be Kim’s favored • The planned North Korean leadership suc- choice. But regardless of whether leadership stays in the cession from the ailing Kim Jong-il to his third family or is wrested away by a challenger, a new North son, Jong-eun, may fail, raising the potential Korean leader is likely to keep in place the same belligerent for regime instability. Recent social unrest in policies—toward South Korea, toward China and Japan, North Korea reflects a greater public willing- and toward the U.S. If succession does not go smoothly, and ness to rebel against the dictatorship. if the North Korean regime were to collapse, the ensuing • A failed succession could result in regime col- chaos would require immediate action by the U.S. and its lapse, leading to North Korea’s loss of control Asian allies to restore stability, provide humanitarian relief, of its nuclear weapons, greater risk of rogue and search for and prevent the distribution of WMDs. elements selling WMDs to rogue govern- ments and terrorist groups, fighting among competing factions, economic turmoil, and humanitarian disaster. International attention has been focused on North • Under such circumstances, China or South Korea’s nuclear weapons program, which endangers Korea might feel compelled to send troops U.S. national interests, the safety of critical U.S. allies into North Korea to stabilize the country, rais- Japan and South Korea, and peace and stability in ing the potential for miscalculation and Asia. Washington must continue to use a combina- armed confrontation. tion of diplomatic pressure and highly conditional • Regardless of who the next North Korean negotiations to induce Pyongyang to abide by its leader is, he is likely to maintain the regime’s denuclearization pledges, as well as to prevent nuclear belligerent policies toward the U.S., South proliferation. Korea, and Japan. Yet there is another North Korean threat for which Washington must prepare: instability in the country’s leadership. The planned succession from the ailing Kim Jong-il to his third son faces many challenges and This paper, in its entirety, can be found at: http://report.heritage.org/bg2397 may not be successful. Because the young son lacks Produced by the Asian Studies Center the gravitas of his father, there is the potential for a Published by The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002–4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. No. 2397 April 7, 2010 power struggle among challengers within the senior Kim’s sudden death or incapacitation could trig- party and military leadership. ger events culminating in a cataclysmic security The issue of succession is especially worrisome challenge for the United States, South Korea, and in view of recent indications that deteriorating Japan. The potential for turmoil in a nation with economic conditions, exacerbated by the tighten- nuclear weapons must therefore be a top priority for ing noose of international sanctions, and rising the U.S. and its allies. The Obama Administration civil unrest in response to draconian attacks should develop military, political, and economic against free-market activity could create a tinder- contingency plans for a wide range of scenarios. The box of instability. U.S. should integrate its plans with those of South Korea and Japan and initiate discussions with China If the situation became so dire as to bring about and Russia. Discussions among scholars from these the collapse of the regime, it could lead to North countries (“track two” dialogues) could be used to Korea’s loss of control over its nuclear weapons, augment government efforts. greater risk of rogue elements selling weapons of mass destruction to other rogue governments and Kim Jong-il’s Ill Health terrorist groups, fighting among competing fac- In August 2008, Kim Jong-il suffered one or two tions, economic turmoil, and humanitarian disaster. strokes, leading to his absence from public view for Under such circumstances, China or South Korea months. Later in 2008, the North Korean govern- might feel compelled to send troops into North ment released photos of Kim that purportedly Korea to stabilize the country, raising the potential showed him to be in good health, but these pictures for miscalculation and armed confrontation. were subsequently exposed as doctored. Kim even- Moreover, even a smooth leadership transition tually recovered but appears frail and emaciated. would put diplomatic efforts to induce North Korea Initial judgments about Kim’s health have been to abandon its nuclear weapons on hold. It is reassessed as a result of Kim’s August 2009 meet- unlikely that Pyongyang would trade away its ings with former President Bill Clinton and Hyun- nuclear weapons when it feels weakened by leader- dai Chairwoman Hyun Jung-eun, during which ship transition. the North Korean leader was described as robust _________________________________________ and in full control of his faculties, but there are The North Korean regime has shown remarkable continuing concerns about Kim’s health, and a resilience over the past 15 years. However, there sudden collapse is possible at any time. Life is now a growing sense that a combination of expectancy for stroke victims is low, particularly stresses is pushing Pyongyang closer to the for someone like Kim, who has resumed smoking tipping point. and drinking. ____________________________________________ Kim Jong-il continues to suffer from chronic health problems, including diabetes, kidney and The North Korean regime has shown remarkable heart problems, and high blood pressure. He resilience over the past 15 years, belying repeated reportedly receives regular dialysis, particularly predictions of its imminent demise. However, there before meetings with foreign leaders, so that he is now a growing sense that a combination of can appear to be in good health.1 In December stresses is pushing Pyongyang closer to the tipping 2009, there were reports that Kim remained point. Like storm clouds on the horizon, the impli- weak and could work only every other day.2 cations of leadership transition are significant and Contrary to rumors, he likely does not have pan- unpredictable. creatic cancer. 1. “Kim Jong-il Undergoing Regular Kidney Dialysis,” The Chosun Ilbo, February 1, 2010. 2. “Report: NKorean Leader Kim’s Health Worsens,” Associated Press, December 16, 2009, at http://www2.wnct.com/nct/news/ world/article/report_nkorean_leader_kims_health_worsens/85789 (March 30, 2010). page 2 No. 2397 April 7, 2010 Third Time’s the Charm? being glorified, as had occurred with Kim Jong-il’s It has long been expected that Kim Jong-il would mother during his own accession to power. implement a hereditary succession plan as his own In 2005, European policymakers were advised to father had done. The North Korean constitution has prepare contingency plans for “sudden change” in no formal provisions for leadership succession. North Korea. The Japanese Public Security Intelli- _________________________________________ gence Agency warned of a potential “feud or con- frontation” arising from a succession struggle. Jong- It has long been expected that Kim Jong-il chol had reportedly been assigned to a department would implement a hereditary succession plan. within the Korean Workers Party in which Kim The North Korean constitution has no formal provisions for leadership succession. Jong-il had served during his own accession. Kim ____________________________________________ Jong-chol also was reported to have attended meet- ings with his father and visiting Chinese officials, It was predicted initially that Kim Jong-nam, Kim’s including President Hu Jintao. Yet Jong-chol’s star first son, would be selected as the next leader, but also faded in favor of his younger brother, Kim 4 Jong-nam was perceived as having eliminated himself Jong-eun’s. from contention after his arrest for sneaking into Japan During 2009, indicators began to appear that on a false Dominican passport, ostensibly to visit Kim Jong-eun was in the process of being anointed Disneyland Tokyo. However, because he is an illegiti- instead to succeed his father. Initial reports were mate son, Jong-nam was never a viable candidate: cryptic, based on a rumored North Korean telegram Because the Confucian culture and traditions sent to overseas missions designating Jong-eun as were still strong in North Korea at the time, the next leader. Media reports, denied by Beijing, Kim Il-sung could not publicly accept [Kim asserted that Kim Jong-eun had secretly traveled to Jong-nam’s mother] into North Korea’s most China to meet with President Hu Jintao. prestigious family because she had been Jong-eun is reported to have become the head of married to another man and was five years both the State Security Department and the Depart- older than [Kim Jong-il].3 ment of Organization and Guidance of the Korea Jong-nam lost additional favor after the births of Workers Party. In June 2009, South Korean intelli- his half-brothers Kim Jong-chol and Kim Jong-eun, gence reported that North Korea had informed the who were subsequently more favored by Kim Jong- army, the presidium of the Supreme People’s Assem- il. After their births, Jong-nam was largely aban- bly, and its embassies that Jong-eun had been desig- doned by Kim Jong-il. nated as Kim Jong-il’s successor. North Korean embassies signaled congratulatory messages to Expectations then shifted to Kim Jong-chol, Kim Pyongyang in which they pledged their allegiance to Jong-il’s second son.
Recommended publications
  • Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. Bennett C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W.
    [Show full text]
  • Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea
    Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea Sudden Change for Preparing Council Special Report No. 42 January 2009 Paul B. Stares and Joel S. Wit Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street Council No. 42 Special Report New York, NY 10065 Preparing for tel 212.434.9400 fax 212.434.9800 1777 F Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 Sudden Change tel 202.509.8400 fax 202.509.8490 www.cfr.org in North Korea 16316CFR_CSRKoreaCover-R3.indd 1 1/15/2009 9:59:00 AM Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea Council Special Report No. 42 January 2009 Paul B. Stares and Joel S. Wit Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, the CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to dis- cuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling Council scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
    Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations U.S.-Korea Relations: Good News Summit Kicks Disputes Down the Road Donald G. Gross Atlantic Council of the United States Speculation about a possible North Korean nuclear test spiked tensions on the Korean Peninsula this quarter as Pyongyang continued to refuse to return to the Six-Party Talks. Pyongyang underscored its status as a nuclear weapons state by removing spent fuel rods from its five-megawatt reactor, and then testing a short-range missile in the direction of Japan. If North Korea’s purpose was to heighten differences between South Korea and the U.S, and thus weaken the alliance, its efforts proved successful through May. The U.S., as a veiled threat, moved 15 stealth fighters to South Korea, broke off talks on recovering Korean War remains, and considered seeking sanctions against North Korea at the UN. After Seoul openly rejected seeking UN sanctions, South and North Korean diplomats met for the first time in 10 months on May 15 to discuss “inter-Korean issues.” Seoul promised North Korea large-scale aid if it returned to the Six-Party Talks, but gained no commitment from Pyongyang on the nuclear issue. With Washington and Seoul far apart on how best to deal with North Korea, President George W. Bush and President Roh Moo-hyun held a one-day summit June 10. Rather than resolving their tactical differences, the two leaders emphasized strategic agreement on the importance of the U.S.-Korea alliance and a peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Transformation on the Korean Peninsula: Technology Versus Geography
    THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL Military Transformation on the Korean Peninsula: Technology Versus Geography Being a Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy At the University of Hull By Soon Ho Lee BA, Sungkyunkwan University, Republic of Korea, 2004 MA, The University of Birmingham, United Kingdom, 2005 MRes, King’s College London, United Kingdom, 2006 1 Acknowledgement I am the most grateful to my Supervisor Dr. David Lonsdale for his valuable academic advice and support during the long PhD journey. To reach this stage, I have had invaluable support from my family back in Korea and my dear wife Jin Heon. I would also like to thank my family for being so patient while I was researching. During this journey, I have obtained a precious jewel in my daughter, Da Hyeon. I will pray for you all my life. I would like to give special thanks to my late grandfather who gave me the greatest love, and taught me the importance of family. 2 Thesis Summary This thesis provides an explanation of one RMA issue: the effectiveness of contemporary military technology against tough geography, based upon case studies in the Korean peninsula. The originality of the thesis is that it will provide a sound insight for potential foes’ approach to the dominant US military power (superior technology and sustenance of war). The North Korean defence strategy – using their edge in geography and skill – tried to protect themselves from the dominant US power, but it may be impossible to deter or defeat them with technological superiority alone.
    [Show full text]
  • Chairman Kim Jong Unpresides Over Preliminary to Party Central Military
    Democratic People’s Republic of Korea No. 26 (3 114) weekly http://www.pyongyangtimes.com.kp e-mail:[email protected] Sat, June 27, Juche 109(2020) Chairman Kim Jong Un presides over preliminary to Party Central Military Commission meeting A preliminary meeting for the presided over the preliminary. the Seventh WPK Central Military WPK Central Military Commission Fifth Meeting of the Seventh Central It was attended by Ri Pyong Chol, Commission, and made a study of took stock of the prevailing situation Military Commission of the Workers’ vice-chairman of the WPK Central a report and decisions which would and shelved the military action plans Party of Korea took place by way of Military Commission, and some be submitted to the fifth meeting and against the south which the General video conferencing on Tuesday. members of the commission. some documents containing national Staff of the Korean People’s Army Kim Jong Un, chairman of the The meeting deliberated on agenda measures for further bolstering the presented for the fifth meeting. WPK and chairman of the WPK items about major military policies war deterrent of the country. Central Military Commission, to be laid before the Fifth Meeting of At the preliminary meeting, the KCNA ANNIVERSARY All out to fight against aggressors On June 25 1950 the Korean more than 2 800 students of involving all the people. As liberated three days after the liberation, they displayed a war broke out due to the Kim Il Sung University a result, a fund amounting to start of the counterattack as well matchless self-sacrificing spirit US’ anti-DPRK policy of volunteered to go to the front more than 174 497 000 won as over 90 percent of the area of and heroism in the defence of aggression.
    [Show full text]
  • Korean Unification Prospects and the United States' Policy
    Ad Americam. Journal of American Studies 14 (2013): 37-49 ISSN 1896-9461 DOI: 10.12797/AdAmericam.14.2013.14.03 Marcin Grabowski Institute of Political Science and International Relations Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland Korean Unification Prospects and the United States’ Policy Korean unification seemed a conceivable prospect at the turn of the century, especially after the Inter ‑Korean summit in 2000. This is not the case nowadays, however, in light of the provocative behavior of the North Korean regime in 2010, 2012 and 2013 (especially the declarations made in March 2013). Since such an option seems likely in the future, U.S. foreign policy ‑makers should ana‑ lyze possible scenarios for Korean integration and its influence on the regional system. The costs of such an endeavor are hard to estimate, although using German unification for comparison, we may expect that such a process could ruin the economies of both Ko‑ reas, as well as the socio‑political systems of both countries. There are even greater doubts concerning whether there is any actor in the regional scene that could support Korean unification. As for the main regional players – China, Japan and the United States – such a change would be a serious challenge. This is why it is important to focus on the German example in order to strengthen the regional trust and alliance system. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the crucial Northeast Asian challenge of American foreign policy, present the possibilities of Korean unification, assess its costs, use German unification as a point of comparison, and assess the possible influence of Ko‑ rean unification on the regional system and the approaches of regional powers towards the process of creating a New Korea.
    [Show full text]
  • THE KOREAN PENINSULA: PEACEFUL ENGAGEMENT for HUMANITARIAN CONCERNS Hamid-Ur-Rehman
    THE KOREAN PENINSULA: PEACEFUL ENGAGEMENT FOR HUMANITARIAN CONCERNS Hamid-ur-Rehman Abstract This paper reviews the prospects for Korean reunification in view of the policies and actions of the governments of the two Koreas. It also looks at the roles played by the major global powers, that is, the US, China, Japan and Russia, as their policies directly affect any long-term political solution and ongoing humanitarian concerns on the Korean peninsula. It discusses President Kim Dae-jung’s ‘sunshine policy’ in the late 1990s, a policy of engagement which revived hopes for Korean reunification. Those hopes suffered serious setbacks following North Korea’s nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009. Also, in 1998, there was a radical shift in South Korea’s policy toward North Korea with the election of Lee Myung-bak’s conservative administration which tied aid to denuclearisation. The renewed talk of ‘contingencies’ and ‘succession struggle’ in North Korea in the wake of Kim Jong-il’s reported stroke in August 2008 has also been vitiating inter-Korean relations. Conflicting US and China policies on North Korea is another factor that has bedevilled reunification. This paper argues that Korean reunification can best take place through sustained engagement and peaceful means. An important facet is the creation of the right environment for achieving the goal of reunification and denuclearisation, a daunting task, particularly before the implementation of at least one of the international commitments made, such as the 2000 and 2007 South-North Summit Declarations or the 1994 Agreed Framework between the US and North Korea; or the lifting of international sanctions on North Korea.
    [Show full text]
  • V Ol.18, No.2, 2009
    Vol.18, No.2, 2009 ISSN 1229-6902 Scott Snyder & See-Won Byun The Obama Administration and Preparations for North Korean Instability Alexander Lukin Russia’s Korea Policy in the 21st Century Jae Chang Kim No.2, 2009 Vol.18, A Divided Korea and the Reunification Strategy Richard Weitz Demise of Russian-Chinese Arms Relationship and Its Korean Implications Raymund Jose G. Quilop Building a Security Community in Northeast Asia: Options and Challenges Webpage : http://www.kinu.or.kr Guideline for Manuscript Submission International Journal of Korean Unification Studies As the National Research Foundation of Korea’s · Books: John Smith, China’s Revolution: registered journal as of 2009, The International Rise and Fall (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Published biannually by the Korea Institute for National Unification Journal of Korean Unification Studies (ISSN NO. University Press, 1992), p. 37. 1229-6902) is biannually published by Korea · Article: K. J. Holsti, “The Horseman of Publisher Jae-Jean Suh Institute for National Unification (KINU), a Apocalypse,” International Studies Quarterly, government-funded research institution in Vol. XXX, No. 4 (Spring 1992). pp. 55- Editor-in-chief Seongwhun Cheon the Republic of Korea specializing in areas of 89. Editors Choon-Heum Choi, Jinwook Choi, Woo-Taek Hong, unification policy, North Korean studies as · Collection: Samuel S. Kim, “Pyongyang, Moon-Young Huh, Kyu-Ryoon Kim, Young-Ho Park well as international relations. the Third World, and Global Politics,” in Tae-Hwan Kwak et. al (eds.), The Assistant Editor Mi-Kang Kim All articles published in the journal are Two Koreans in World Politics (Seoul: Copy Editor Anthony Banks subject to review by relevant experts in the Kyungnam University Press, 1990), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea
    Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea Sudden Change for Preparing Council Special Report No. 42 January 2009 Paul B. Stares and Joel S. Wit Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street Council No. 42 Special Report New York, NY 10065 Preparing for tel 212.434.9400 fax 212.434.9800 1777 F Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 Sudden Change tel 202.509.8400 fax 202.509.8490 www.cfr.org in North Korea 16316CFR_CSRKoreaCover-R3.indd 1 1/15/2009 9:59:00 AM Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea Council Special Report No. 42 January 2009 Paul B. Stares and Joel S. Wit Preparing for Sudden Change in North Korea The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, the CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to dis- cuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling Council scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Engaging Asia's Hobgoblin
    2015】 © Institute of InternationalEngaging Relations Asia’s Hobgoblin and Area( Studies,GRAY) Ritsumeikan University55 Engaging Asia’s Hobgoblin: Japanese Diplomacy and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea GRAY, Gavan Patrick* Abstract The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is seen as a significant security threat and, alongside the state’s history of provocative actions and poor human rights record, this has made it a virtual pariah, economically isolated by a crippling sanctions regime. In the face of recent diplomatic initiatives with the DPRK, Japan has encountered pressure from its US ally to maintain a more hardline approach by continuing to focus on prioritization of the DPRK as a serious security threat. Such a stance would hamper diplomatic rapprochement and, by sustaining the economic status quo, increase the chances of a governmental collapse within the DPRK. Analysis of the current situation suggests that such destabilization would present a far greater danger to Japan’s security than the alternative. Namely, downgrading the military threat posed by the DPRK and instead focusing on the reform of its economic and human rights problems as a means of encouraging compliance with international norms. Keywords: Japan, North Korea, DPRK, nuclear weapons, abduction. RITSUMEIKAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Vol.13, pp.55-82 (2015). * Gavan Patrick Gray, PhD. Research fields include Critical Education, East Asian Security and Counter-Terrorism Policy. Lecturer at Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Adjunct Lecturer at Doshisha University,
    [Show full text]
  • Good News Summit Kicks Disputes Down the Road
    Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations U.S.-Korea Relations: Good News Summit Kicks Disputes Down the Road Donald G. Gross Atlantic Council of the United States Speculation about a possible North Korean nuclear test spiked tensions on the Korean Peninsula this quarter as Pyongyang continued to refuse to return to the Six-Party Talks. Pyongyang underscored its status as a nuclear weapons state by removing spent fuel rods from its five-megawatt reactor, and then testing a short-range missile in the direction of Japan. If North Korea’s purpose was to heighten differences between South Korea and the U.S, and thus weaken the alliance, its efforts proved successful through May. The U.S., as a veiled threat, moved 15 stealth fighters to South Korea, broke off talks on recovering Korean War remains, and considered seeking sanctions against North Korea at the UN. After Seoul openly rejected seeking UN sanctions, South and North Korean diplomats met for the first time in 10 months on May 15 to discuss “inter-Korean issues.” Seoul promised North Korea large-scale aid if it returned to the Six-Party Talks, but gained no commitment from Pyongyang on the nuclear issue. With Washington and Seoul far apart on how best to deal with North Korea, President George W. Bush and President Roh Moo-hyun held a one-day summit June 10. Rather than resolving their tactical differences, the two leaders emphasized strategic agreement on the importance of the U.S.-Korea alliance and a peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Manage North Korea
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES AN APPROACH TO MANAGING NORTH KOREA by GENERAL (RET.) LEE SANGHEE Nonresident Senior Fellow Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Former Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Republic of Korea The Brookings Institution Washington, D.C. November 20, 2007 1. Introduction 2. The Internal Situation of the North Korean Regime, and Projected Change 3. North Korea’s External Relations and Strategic Intents 4. ROK and Regional Countries’ Perception and Position on North Korea 5. A Way for the ROK-U.S. Alliance to Manage North Korea 6. Conclusion 1. Introduction With the signing of the ‘Initial Actions for Implementation of the September 19 Joint Statement’ on February 13, it seems that much of the tensions on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia that arose from North Korea’s missile launch in July and nuclear test in October 2006 have subsided. In addition, the five working groups of the Six-Party Talks are continuing their discussions. And also on October 3, the Six-Party Talks released a joint statement on ‘Second-Phase Actions for the Implementation of the September 19 Joint Statement.’1 Involved nations, including the Republic of Korea, assess that the recent agreements would serve as the turning point in achieving peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. Moreover, with a joint declaration signed by the leaders of South and North Korea at their bilateral summit on October 4, expectations for peace and stability on the Korean peninsula are increasing. It may hint at a possibility for a fundamental shift in security structure on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia.
    [Show full text]