Aristophanes and the Sophists
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Plato's Symposium. a Critical Guide
CJ-Online, 2018.10.03 BOOK REVIEW Plato’s Symposium. A Critical Guide. By PIERRE DESTRÉE and ZINA GIANNOPOU- LOU, eds. Cambridge, UK and New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 268. Hardback, $99.99. ISBN 978-1-107-11005-2. estrée and Giannopoulou have provided scholars with thirteen exegeti- cally rich and philosophically sophisticated chapters on Plato’s Sympo- sium, written for the most part by scholars with numerous publications D(in several cases, numerous books) on Plato, classical Greek moral psychology, and ancient Greek philosophy. Many of the chapters warrant discussion at least to the length that I am allotted for my review of the entire volume, which alas I cannot provide here. In lieu of that: First, an overview: Since the editors’ introduction ably summarizes the main insights and methodological approaches of each individual chapter, I will refrain from duplicating such effort and instead offer an overview of the volume’s organ- ization. Running through the volume is a commitment to understanding Plato’s Symposium through the interrelations of the dialogue’s various encomia of Erôs and their anticipations of Diotima’s account. The first two chapters consider the “place-settings,” as it were, to the encomia of Erôs in the Symposium: Zina Gian- nopoulou examines how the dialogue’s outer frame and prologue anticipate as- pects of temporality raised by Diotima’s speech, while Jeremy Reid looks at inter- textual connections between the positive depictions of Erôs in the first three speeches of the Symposium and the account of potential guardians in the Republic. -
EUTHYPHRO and the LOGIC of MIASMA Maureen ECKERT
EUTHYPHRO AND THE LOGIC OF MIASMA Maureen ECKERT ABSTRACT: Euthyphro is a Socratic interlocutor claiming enormous religious expertise, while his portrayal in the eponymous dialogue raises questions the reliability of his beliefs. This paper closely examines how Euthyphro justifies his case against his father, identifying an argument that relies on the concept of miasma (pollution). In so far as miasma is considered in isolation, Euthyphro has a good argument. Unfortunately, there is more than miasma at stake when considering why one could prosecute one’s own parent. Introducing the other relevant concepts, honor and shame, we find his case reflects a dilemma at the source of ancient Greek religious thought. It would not be possible for Euthyphro or anyone else to know what to do in his case. KEYWORDS: Plato, Euthyphro, Dilemma, Miasma, Pollution This is why even now I go around in accordance with the God, seeking out and investigating both citizens and foreigners, any whom I suppose are wise, and when someone doesn’t seem so to me, I make it clear they are not wise, assisting the god. (Appology 23b)1 Euthyphro is a classic Socratic interlocutor, one who claims expertise in religion and is then shown that he does not know what he claims to know. Plato’s vivid characterization of Euthyphro’s variety of quirks, his claims of superiority, his lack of self-awareness, his susceptibility to Socrates’ mocking flattery, the outrageousness of his case, make it easy to lose sight of any philosophically significant elements contained in his claims. While he exemplifies the type of epistemic hubris Socrates is out to cure, it would be a mistake to write him off ad hominem. -
Teachers' Pay in Ancient Greece
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) University Studies of the University of Nebraska 5-1942 Teachers' Pay In Ancient Greece Clarence A. Forbes Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/univstudiespapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Studies of the University of Nebraska at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Teachers' Pay In Ancient Greece * * * * * CLARENCE A. FORBES UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA STUDIES Ma y 1942 STUDIES IN THE HUMANITIES NO.2 Note to Cataloger UNDER a new plan the volume number as well as the copy number of the University of Nebraska Studies was discontinued and only the numbering of the subseries carried on, distinguished by the month and the year of pu blica tion. Thus the present paper continues the subseries "Studies in the Humanities" begun with "University of Nebraska Studies, Volume 41, Number 2, August 1941." The other subseries of the University of Nebraska Studies, "Studies in Science and Technology," and "Studies in Social Science," are continued according to the above plan. Publications in all three subseries will be supplied to recipients of the "University Studies" series. Corre spondence and orders should be addressed to the Uni versity Editor, University of Nebraska, Lincoln. University of Nebraska Studies May 1942 TEACHERS' PAY IN ANCIENT GREECE * * * CLARENCE A. -
A History of Cynicism
A HISTORY OF CYNICISM Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com A HISTORY OF CYNICISM From Diogenes to the 6th Century A.D. by DONALD R. DUDLEY F,llow of St. John's College, Cambrid1e Htmy Fellow at Yale University firl mll METHUEN & CO. LTD. LONDON 36 Essex Street, Strand, W.C.2 Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com First published in 1937 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com PREFACE THE research of which this book is the outcome was mainly carried out at St. John's College, Cambridge, Yale University, and Edinburgh University. In the help so generously given to my work I have been no less fortunate than in the scenes in which it was pursued. I am much indebted for criticism and advice to Professor M. Rostovtseff and Professor E. R. Goodonough of Yale, to Professor A. E. Taylor of Edinburgh, to Professor F. M. Cornford of Cambridge, to Professor J. L. Stocks of Liverpool, and to Dr. W. H. Semple of Reading. I should also like to thank the electors of the Henry Fund for enabling me to visit the United States, and the College Council of St. John's for electing me to a Research Fellowship. Finally, to• the unfailing interest, advice and encouragement of Mr. M. P. Charlesworth of St. John's I owe an especial debt which I can hardly hope to repay. These acknowledgements do not exhaust the list of my obligations ; but I hope that other kindnesses have been acknowledged either in the text or privately. -
Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
Plato's Symposium: the Ethics of Desire
Plato’s Symposium: The Ethics of Desire FRISBEE C. C. SHEFFIELD 1 Contents Introduction 1 1. Ero¯s and the Good Life 8 2. Socrates’ Speech: The Nature of Ero¯s 40 3. Socrates’ Speech: The Aim of Ero¯s 75 4. Socrates’ Speech: The Activity of Ero¯s 112 5. Socrates’ Speech: Concern for Others? 154 6. ‘Nothing to do with Human AVairs?’: Alcibiades’ Response to Socrates 183 7. Shadow Lovers: The Symposiasts and Socrates 207 Conclusion 225 Appendix : Socratic Psychology or Tripartition in the Symposium? 227 References 240 Index 249 Introduction In the Symposium Plato invites us to imagine the following scene: A pair of lovers are locked in an embrace and Hephaestus stands over them with his mending tools asking: ‘What is it that you human beings really want from each other?’ The lovers are puzzled, and he asks them again: ‘Is this your heart’s desire, for the two of you to become parts of the same whole, and never to separate, day or night? If that is your desire, I’d like to weld you together and join you into something whole, so that the two of you are made into one. Look at your love and see if this is what you desire: wouldn’t this be all that you want?’ No one, apparently, would think that mere sex is the reason each lover takes such deep joy in being with the other. The soul of each lover apparently longs for something else, but cannot say what it is. The beloved holds out the promise of something beyond itself, but that something lovers are unable to name.1 Hephaestus’ question is a pressing one. -
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE 2 WHY? The trial and execution of Socrates in Athens in 399 B.C.E. puzzles historians What did Socrates say or do that prompted a jury to send a seventy- year-old philosopher to his death? Finding an answer is complicated by the two surviving accounts of the defense They were written by Socrates disciples, Plato and Xenophon Their accounts probably were trying to show their master in a favorable light They failed to present the most damning evidence against Socrates 3 The decisions to prosecute and ultimately convict Socrates had a lot to do with the turbulent history of Athens in the several years preceding his trial An examination of that history may not provide final answers, but it does provide important clues 4 As a young man, Socrates saw the rise to power of Pericles He brought on the dawning of the "Golden Age of Greece." Pericles--perhaps history's first liberal politician-- acted on his belief that the masses deserved liberty Pericles used the public treasury to promote the arts He pushed a building program designed to demonstrate the glory that was Greece It also ensured full employment and opportunities for the lower classes Pericles rebuilt the Acropolis and constructed the Parthenon 5 Parthenon 6 SOCRATES’ BELIEFS Meanwhile, Socrates developed a set of values and beliefs that would put him at odds with most Athenians 7 Socrates was not a democrat To him, the people should not be self-governing They were like a herd of sheep that needed a wise shepherd He denied that citizens had basic virtue -
DIOGENES of SINOPE Diogenes of Sinope (C
DIOGENES OF SINOPE Diogenes of Sinope (c. 412‐323 BC), a contemporary of Plato and Aristotle, is considered the founder of the philosophical school of Cynicism. Concerned more with action than with words, he left no writings. What we know of his thought is what has been related to us by contempo‐ raries and later scholars. The most extensive account is from Diogenes Laertes, writing almost 500 years after Diogenes lived. LIFE OF DIOGENES OF SINOPE, THE CYNIC (404‐323 BC) RD BY DIOGENES LAERTIUS (3 CENTURY AD) Diogenes was a native of Sinope, son of Hicesius, a banker. Diocles relates that he went into exile because his father was entrusted with the money of the state and adulterated the coin‐ age. But Eubulides in his book on Diogenes says that Diogenes himself did this and was forced to leave home along with his father. Moreover Diogenes himself actually confesses in his Porde‐ lus that he adulterated the coinage. Some say that having been appointed to superintend the workmen he was persuaded by them, and that he went to Delphi or to the Delian oracle in his own city and inquired of Apollo whether he should do what he was urged to do. When the god gave him permission to alter the political currency, not understanding what this meant, he adulterated the state coinage, and when he was detected, according to some he was banished, while according to others he voluntarily quitted the city for fear of consequences. One version is that his father entrusted him with the money and that he debased it, in consequence of which the father was imprisoned and died, while the son fled, came to Delphi, and inquired, not whether he should falsify the coinage, but what he should do to gain the greatest reputation; and that then it was that he received the oracle. -
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online Pg
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 15 Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Peter Green N PLATO'S Theaetetus, Socrates at one point (155E) offers to help I search out the truth of some well-known thinkers' hidden opinions. When Theaetetus responds eagerly to this offer, Socrates cautions him as follows: "Take a good look round," he says, "make sure no non-initiate is listening." Ironical or not, this remark at once reminds us of the student-gatekeeper in Aristophanes' pseudo Socratic CPPOV'TLC'T~PLOV (143, if. 140), who informs Strepsiades that the information he is about to impart must be regarded as {J-VC'T~PLCX.l Socrates then goes on to define 'non-initiates' in this context: "These are they who think nothing exists beyond what they can grasp in their two hands and who refuse to admit that actions and origins and abstraction generally have any real substance."2 Theaetetus, agreeing, describes such persons as 'stubborn and obstinate' (CKA:'lPOVC • .• KcxL a~·'TL'Tt;'TOVC). Socrates corrects him. They are, more precisely, a{J-ovcoL, without the Muses, gross, crude, lacking in both taste and mental cultivation. There is a similar attack in the Sophist (246A-B), and later in that dialogue (259E) the Eleatic Stranger links the epithet a{J-ovcoc with an equally derogatory one: acpLAococpoC, of which perhaps the most accurate translation would be 'non- (or anti-) intellectual'. Plato's immediate object in both cases was to discredit the 1 See A. -
PLATO on the PLEASURES of COMEDY Lauren Olin*
7 PLATO ON THE PLEASURES OF COMEDY Lauren Olin* Abstract In considering Plato’s position on humor, we are faced with an apparent paradox. There is evidence that Plato thought deeply about humor and recognized its value––Plato’s writings and Socrates’s ironic disposition testify to his comedic sensitivity––but Plato’s explicit remarks on the subjects of humor and comedy are largely negative (e.g. Laws 934d-936c; Apology 18d, 19c; Philebus 48a-50c; cf. Morreall 1983: 4-5). This paper aims first to reconstruct his view on the topics of humor and comedy, and secondly to examine this apparent paradox in light of that reconstruction. I argue first that Plato’s discussion of comedy in the Philebus is intended to apply narrowly to the case of malicious comedy. I’ll then argue that, understood in light of the broader context of the Philebus, Plato’s account is possessed of resources to explain both why humor is a valuable part of the good life, and why, for some individuals, exposure to humor brings only deleterious effects and should not be indulged. Key words: Plato, Philebus, Pleasure, Comedy, Humor I. It seems reasonable to believe that Plato’s dialogues have endured, at least in part, because they are amusing. Without exception: Plato’s writings are woven through with humor and witticism, and so testify to his comedic sensitivity (Wood 2007, Halper 2011). Plato’s main character, Socrates, is endowed with cunning sense of humor and, often, this capacity is instrumental in his efforts to put “pretenders to wisdom” in their proper places (Apology 33c). -
Marsilio Ficino's Commentary on Plato's Gorgias
Marsilio Ficino’s Commentary on Plato’s Gorgias Leo Catana Abstract: Plato’s Gorgias sets out to discuss the nature translated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but, and aim of rhetoric. The dialogue was held in high esteem apart from the Meno, none of the dialogues conveyed among late ancient Platonists and it resurfaced in Renais- much about ancient sophists. In the Timaeus we find the sance discussions about ethics. Olympiodorus (6th cen- speaker Critias, whose relation to the speaker with the tury) produced an extensive commentary on the dialogue, same name in the Plato dialogue entitled Critias is dis- emphasising its ethical content. In 1409, Leonardo Bruni puted, but the central point is that Critias in the Timaeus (1369-1444) provided the first complete Latin translation did not convey theories under the banner of sophistry.1 In of the Gorgias with preface and annotations. Later in the Meno 93c, Meno had related that sophists (sophistai) Renaissance we find direct and indirect commentaries by promised to teach virtue (aretē), adding that he admired George of Trebizond (1395-1472/1473) and Marsilio Fi- Gorgias (probably a reference to Gorgias of Leontini), for cino (1433-1499). I argue that Ficino’s translation of, and his refusal to make such a promise; all he did was to teach commentary to, Plato’s Gorgias was a significant, but oratory. Gorgias of Leontini (485-380) was a historical perhaps also unintended, contribution to the dissemination figure, who went to Athens on a diplomatic mission in of ancient sophists in the Italian Renaissance. Ficino’s 427, and Plato’s Gorgias was clearly a reaction to his in- commentary to the Gorgias defends a legitimate and fluence on Athenian rhetoric and politics.2 In Meno 75e, philosophical use of rhetoric, including the one we find in Socrates had referred to Prodicus, but without linking his Plato’s own writings. -
Chapter 3. the Power of the Sophist to Attack Plato, Turn to His Ancient Enemies for Advice
By way of an Introduction: These pages contain individual chapters from my 1990 book, Postmodern Sophistications. I have obtained the rights to the essays am making them available separately. The entire text of the book is also available on Research Gate. The underlying aim of this collection of essays was to question the opposition between the Sophists and Plato. That classic dispute has been the model for many discussions of tensions within our society:: on the one hand you have the clever manipulative salesmen who care nothing about truth. On the other hand the rigorous scientific investigation that never quite makes contact with politics. Rootless nihilism vs. naturally grounded values. Anarchy vs. Rules. In this book I developed a pragmatic middleground, using themes from Heidegger and Dewey; in later writings I rely more on Hegel. But the point remains the same: don't listen to the Straussians and others who try to force on our politics or art or philosophy a simple opposition between truth-loving traditionalists (Socrates) and flaky relativistic postmoderns (the Sophists). It was not so simple in Greece and it's not so simple today. Part of the book deals with postmodern critiques of rational knowledge, with Lyotard and Habermas on center stage. Their opposition between postmodern and modern views remains relevant, although post-1990 developments in deconstruction and critical theory have widened and deepened the debate. The points made in these essays remain useful, if not complete. The second part of the book deals with architecture. The word postmodern has gone out of fashion in architecture.