EUTHYPHRO and the LOGIC of MIASMA Maureen ECKERT
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CRATYLUS by Plato Translated by Benjamin Jowett the Project Gutenberg Ebook of Cratylus, by Plato
CRATYLUS By Plato Translated by Benjamin Jowett The Project Gutenberg EBook of Cratylus, by Plato INTRODUCTION. The Cratylus has always been a source of perplexity to the student of Plato. While in fancy and humour, and perfection of style and metaphysical originality, this dialogue may be ranked with the best of the Platonic writings, there has been an uncertainty about the motive of the piece, which interpreters have hitherto not succeeded in dispelling. We need not suppose that Plato used words in order to conceal his thoughts, or that he would have been unintelligible to an educated contemporary. In the Phaedrus and Euthydemus we also find a difficulty in determining the precise aim of the author. Plato wrote satires in the form of dialogues, and his meaning, like that of other satirical writers, has often slept in the ear of posterity. Two causes may be assigned for this obscurity: 1st, the subtlety and allusiveness of this species of composition; 2nd, the difficulty of reproducing a state of life and literature which has passed away. A satire is unmeaning unless we can place ourselves back among the persons and thoughts of the age in which it was written. Had the treatise of Antisthenes upon words, or the speculations of Cratylus, or some other Heracleitean of the fourth century B.C., on the nature of language been preserved to us; or if we had lived at the time, and been 'rich enough to attend the fifty-drachma course of Prodicus,' we should have understood Plato better, and many points which are now attributed to the extravagance of Socrates' humour would have been found, like the allusions of Aristophanes in the Clouds, to have gone home to the sophists and grammarians of the day. -
Plato's Symposium. a Critical Guide
CJ-Online, 2018.10.03 BOOK REVIEW Plato’s Symposium. A Critical Guide. By PIERRE DESTRÉE and ZINA GIANNOPOU- LOU, eds. Cambridge, UK and New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 268. Hardback, $99.99. ISBN 978-1-107-11005-2. estrée and Giannopoulou have provided scholars with thirteen exegeti- cally rich and philosophically sophisticated chapters on Plato’s Sympo- sium, written for the most part by scholars with numerous publications D(in several cases, numerous books) on Plato, classical Greek moral psychology, and ancient Greek philosophy. Many of the chapters warrant discussion at least to the length that I am allotted for my review of the entire volume, which alas I cannot provide here. In lieu of that: First, an overview: Since the editors’ introduction ably summarizes the main insights and methodological approaches of each individual chapter, I will refrain from duplicating such effort and instead offer an overview of the volume’s organ- ization. Running through the volume is a commitment to understanding Plato’s Symposium through the interrelations of the dialogue’s various encomia of Erôs and their anticipations of Diotima’s account. The first two chapters consider the “place-settings,” as it were, to the encomia of Erôs in the Symposium: Zina Gian- nopoulou examines how the dialogue’s outer frame and prologue anticipate as- pects of temporality raised by Diotima’s speech, while Jeremy Reid looks at inter- textual connections between the positive depictions of Erôs in the first three speeches of the Symposium and the account of potential guardians in the Republic. -
Socrates II PHIL301 the Euthyphro
Socrates II PHIL301 The Euthyphro - Setting and cast o Socrates encounters Euthyphro as both proceed to court. Socrates is to hear whether he will be indicted. Euthyphro is prosecuting his father for murder. o Socrates, we think, is faithfully depicted by Plato, in this dialogue. o Euthyphro is (evidently) a “mantis”, a kind of prophet of conservative, traditional religious views. He takes the stories of the Theogony as literal truth, for example. See RAGP, p. 97, n. 1. o Euthyphro takes his task to be one of “piety”, to prosecute a murder, which the gods disapprove of as unjust. It is unclear whether he is right to do so, given the circumstances: the murdered man is himself clearly a murderer; Euthyphro’s father has captured and bound the murderer, who subsequently dies accidentally, though owing also to the father’s negligence. Is it truly pious to prosecute the father? o Note the apparent tension between two sets of moral obligations – those to one’s family and other intimates, and a more general, universal set, 4b-c. o The elements of the drama bring out the role of Socrates as moral gadfly. It is all too common for persons like Euthyphro to act on a presumed knowledge of piety (or justice, etc.), where their actions in fact reflect significant or even profound ignorance. o Moral Risk: In this connection, see 4e and 16d, where Socrates expresses the primary moral concern with respect to ignorance: if we do not know the moral truth, we risk committing an injustice. Compare Apology 28a, 30d, 36c, 38a, 38e, and esp. -
Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
Plato's Symposium: the Ethics of Desire
Plato’s Symposium: The Ethics of Desire FRISBEE C. C. SHEFFIELD 1 Contents Introduction 1 1. Ero¯s and the Good Life 8 2. Socrates’ Speech: The Nature of Ero¯s 40 3. Socrates’ Speech: The Aim of Ero¯s 75 4. Socrates’ Speech: The Activity of Ero¯s 112 5. Socrates’ Speech: Concern for Others? 154 6. ‘Nothing to do with Human AVairs?’: Alcibiades’ Response to Socrates 183 7. Shadow Lovers: The Symposiasts and Socrates 207 Conclusion 225 Appendix : Socratic Psychology or Tripartition in the Symposium? 227 References 240 Index 249 Introduction In the Symposium Plato invites us to imagine the following scene: A pair of lovers are locked in an embrace and Hephaestus stands over them with his mending tools asking: ‘What is it that you human beings really want from each other?’ The lovers are puzzled, and he asks them again: ‘Is this your heart’s desire, for the two of you to become parts of the same whole, and never to separate, day or night? If that is your desire, I’d like to weld you together and join you into something whole, so that the two of you are made into one. Look at your love and see if this is what you desire: wouldn’t this be all that you want?’ No one, apparently, would think that mere sex is the reason each lover takes such deep joy in being with the other. The soul of each lover apparently longs for something else, but cannot say what it is. The beloved holds out the promise of something beyond itself, but that something lovers are unable to name.1 Hephaestus’ question is a pressing one. -
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE 2 WHY? The trial and execution of Socrates in Athens in 399 B.C.E. puzzles historians What did Socrates say or do that prompted a jury to send a seventy- year-old philosopher to his death? Finding an answer is complicated by the two surviving accounts of the defense They were written by Socrates disciples, Plato and Xenophon Their accounts probably were trying to show their master in a favorable light They failed to present the most damning evidence against Socrates 3 The decisions to prosecute and ultimately convict Socrates had a lot to do with the turbulent history of Athens in the several years preceding his trial An examination of that history may not provide final answers, but it does provide important clues 4 As a young man, Socrates saw the rise to power of Pericles He brought on the dawning of the "Golden Age of Greece." Pericles--perhaps history's first liberal politician-- acted on his belief that the masses deserved liberty Pericles used the public treasury to promote the arts He pushed a building program designed to demonstrate the glory that was Greece It also ensured full employment and opportunities for the lower classes Pericles rebuilt the Acropolis and constructed the Parthenon 5 Parthenon 6 SOCRATES’ BELIEFS Meanwhile, Socrates developed a set of values and beliefs that would put him at odds with most Athenians 7 Socrates was not a democrat To him, the people should not be self-governing They were like a herd of sheep that needed a wise shepherd He denied that citizens had basic virtue -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
THE SYMBIOSIS BETWEEN DEMOCRACY and WAR: the CASE of ANCIENT ATHENS David M
THE SYMBIOSIS BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND WAR: THE CASE OF ANCIENT ATHENS David M. Pritchard (University of Queensland) Introduction This edited collection significantly advances our understanding of the two-way relationship of causation between democracy and war in world history. In particular it explores the almost entirely neglected question of the impact of the democracy of the classical Athenians on their waging of war. Today ancient Athens is not widely known for its intensification and transformation of war-making among the Greeks. It is famous instead for what is arguably the most fully developed democracy of pre- modern times and for its innovative culture, which helped lay the foundations for the arts, literature and sciences of the ancient and modern worlds. In 508/7 BC the Athenian dmos (‘people’) rose up against a leader who was once again aiming for tyranny, expelled him and the foreign troops backing his attempt, and arrested and executed his upper-class supporters (Ath. Pol. 20.1-21.2; Herodotus 5.65.5-74.1).1 They could no longer tolerate the internecine struggles of the elite and demanded an active role in the decision-making of the city. This was quickly realised by the reforms of Cleisthenes, which made the assembly and a new popular council of five- hundred members the final arbiters of public actions and laws.2 By the early 450s the people had consolidated their new dmokratia (‘democracy’) by making decisions on an increasing range of public affairs and by taking over entirely the administration of justice and the oversight of magistrates (e.g. -
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online Pg
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 15 Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Peter Green N PLATO'S Theaetetus, Socrates at one point (155E) offers to help I search out the truth of some well-known thinkers' hidden opinions. When Theaetetus responds eagerly to this offer, Socrates cautions him as follows: "Take a good look round," he says, "make sure no non-initiate is listening." Ironical or not, this remark at once reminds us of the student-gatekeeper in Aristophanes' pseudo Socratic CPPOV'TLC'T~PLOV (143, if. 140), who informs Strepsiades that the information he is about to impart must be regarded as {J-VC'T~PLCX.l Socrates then goes on to define 'non-initiates' in this context: "These are they who think nothing exists beyond what they can grasp in their two hands and who refuse to admit that actions and origins and abstraction generally have any real substance."2 Theaetetus, agreeing, describes such persons as 'stubborn and obstinate' (CKA:'lPOVC • .• KcxL a~·'TL'Tt;'TOVC). Socrates corrects him. They are, more precisely, a{J-ovcoL, without the Muses, gross, crude, lacking in both taste and mental cultivation. There is a similar attack in the Sophist (246A-B), and later in that dialogue (259E) the Eleatic Stranger links the epithet a{J-ovcoc with an equally derogatory one: acpLAococpoC, of which perhaps the most accurate translation would be 'non- (or anti-) intellectual'. Plato's immediate object in both cases was to discredit the 1 See A. -
PLATO on the PLEASURES of COMEDY Lauren Olin*
7 PLATO ON THE PLEASURES OF COMEDY Lauren Olin* Abstract In considering Plato’s position on humor, we are faced with an apparent paradox. There is evidence that Plato thought deeply about humor and recognized its value––Plato’s writings and Socrates’s ironic disposition testify to his comedic sensitivity––but Plato’s explicit remarks on the subjects of humor and comedy are largely negative (e.g. Laws 934d-936c; Apology 18d, 19c; Philebus 48a-50c; cf. Morreall 1983: 4-5). This paper aims first to reconstruct his view on the topics of humor and comedy, and secondly to examine this apparent paradox in light of that reconstruction. I argue first that Plato’s discussion of comedy in the Philebus is intended to apply narrowly to the case of malicious comedy. I’ll then argue that, understood in light of the broader context of the Philebus, Plato’s account is possessed of resources to explain both why humor is a valuable part of the good life, and why, for some individuals, exposure to humor brings only deleterious effects and should not be indulged. Key words: Plato, Philebus, Pleasure, Comedy, Humor I. It seems reasonable to believe that Plato’s dialogues have endured, at least in part, because they are amusing. Without exception: Plato’s writings are woven through with humor and witticism, and so testify to his comedic sensitivity (Wood 2007, Halper 2011). Plato’s main character, Socrates, is endowed with cunning sense of humor and, often, this capacity is instrumental in his efforts to put “pretenders to wisdom” in their proper places (Apology 33c). -
The Clouds Aristophanes
The Clouds Aristophanes TRANSLATED BY ANONYMOUS ROMAN ROADS MEDIA Classical education, from a Christian perspective, created for the homeschool. Roman Roads combines its technical expertise with the experience of established authorities in the field of classical education to create quality video courses and resources tailored to the homeschooler. Just as the first century roads of the Roman Empire were the physical means by which the early church spread the gospel far and wide, so Roman Roads Media uses today’s technology to bring timeless truth, goodness, and beauty into your home. By combining excellent instruction augmented with visual aids and examples, we help inspire in your children a lifelong love of learning. The Clouds by Aristophanes translated by Anonymous This text was designed to accompany Roman Roads Media's 4-year video course Old Western Culture: A Christian Approach to the Great Books. For more information visit: www.romanroadsmedia.com. Other video courses by Roman Roads Media include: Grammar of Poetry featuring Matt Whitling Introductory Logic taught by Jim Nance Intermediate Logic taught by Jim Nance French Cuisine taught by Francis Foucachon Copyright © 2013 by Roman Roads Media, LLC Roman Roads Media 739 S Hayes St, Moscow, Idaho 83843 A ROMAN ROADS ETEXT The Clouds Aristophanes TRANSLATED BY ANONYMOUS Dramatis Personae Strepsiades Phidippides Servant of Strepsiades Disciples of Socrates Socrates Just Discourse Unjust Discourse Pasias, a Money-Lender Amynias, another Money-Lender Chorus of Clouds A ROMAN ROADS ETEXT Scene: In the background are two houses, that of Strepsiades and that of Socrates, the Thoughtery. The latter is small and dingy; the interior of the former is shown and two beds are seen, each occupied. -
Plato and Aristophanes: Poets of Hope
Reason Papers Vol. 36, no. 1 Articles Plato and Aristophanes: Poets of Hope Anne Mamary Monmouth College 1. Introduction: Readers of Riddles In the final scene of Plato’s Symposium, Aristodemus opens a sleepy eye just in time to hear “Socrates driving [Aristophanes and Agathon] to the admission that the same man could have the knowledge required for writing comedy and tragedy—that the fully skilled tragedian could be a comedian as well.”1 In the twilight between waking and sleeping, slipping into the early dawn following a night of hard drinking and even harder talking, Aristodemus hears a Socratic riddle, delivered like an oracle from the lips of a man drunk with love or inspired by a god. Socrates speaks in riddles to the sweet but uncomprehending tragic poet, Agathon, and the comic poet, Aristophanes, while Plato’s readers listen in, as much participants in the night’s mysteries as are the characters in the dialogue. Whether tragedies, comedies, or Plato’s Socratic dialogues,2 plays, like oracles, invite their audiences to be readers of riddles, and, like seekers of guidance at Delphi, partners in the paths to their own destinies. One is not given the answer, firm and comforting or even demanding and coercive, in Aristophanes’s work or in Plato’s. The oracle at Delphi rarely hands out unambiguous advice. Thinking of plays and dialogues as awakening human consciousness, as setting into motion the creativity and introspection of the present, these productively ambiguous forms hold up mirrors to their audiences. One could take the reflections they show as straightforward affirmations of “what is” in our human-made cultural lives.