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The Trial and Death of Socrates : Being the Euthyphron, Apology, Crito, and Phaedo of Plato
LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO /?. (Boffcen THE TRIAL & DEATH OF SOCRATES *O 5' dve^Tcurroj /3toj ov /Siwrds cu>0p(j!nrip ' An unexamined life is not worth living.' (PLATO, Apol. 38 A. ) THE TRIAL AND DEATH OF SOCRATES BEING THE EUTHYPHRON, APOLOGY, CRITO, AND PH^EDO OF PLATO TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY F. J. CHURCH, M.A. LONDON MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1895 [ All rights reserved.] First Edition printed 1880 Second Edition, Golden Treasury Series, 1886 Reprinted 1887, 1888, 1890, 1891, 1892, March and September 1895 PREFACE. THIS book, which is intended principally for the large and increasing class of readers who wish to learn something of the masterpieces of Greek literature, and who cannot easily read them in Greek, was originally published by Messrs. Macmillan in a different form. Since its first appearance it has been revised and corrected throughout, and largely re- written. The chief part of the Introduction is new. It is not intended to be a general essay on Socrates, but only an attempt to explain and illustrate such points in his life and teaching as are referred to in these dialogues, which, taken by themselves, con- tain Plato's description of his great master's life, and work, and death. The books which were most useful to me in writing it are Professor Zeller's Socrates and the Socratic Schools, and the edition of the VI PREFACE. Apology by the late Rev. James Riddell, published after his death by the delegates of the Clarendon Press. His account of Socrates is singularly striking. -
Plato's Symposium. a Critical Guide
CJ-Online, 2018.10.03 BOOK REVIEW Plato’s Symposium. A Critical Guide. By PIERRE DESTRÉE and ZINA GIANNOPOU- LOU, eds. Cambridge, UK and New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 268. Hardback, $99.99. ISBN 978-1-107-11005-2. estrée and Giannopoulou have provided scholars with thirteen exegeti- cally rich and philosophically sophisticated chapters on Plato’s Sympo- sium, written for the most part by scholars with numerous publications D(in several cases, numerous books) on Plato, classical Greek moral psychology, and ancient Greek philosophy. Many of the chapters warrant discussion at least to the length that I am allotted for my review of the entire volume, which alas I cannot provide here. In lieu of that: First, an overview: Since the editors’ introduction ably summarizes the main insights and methodological approaches of each individual chapter, I will refrain from duplicating such effort and instead offer an overview of the volume’s organ- ization. Running through the volume is a commitment to understanding Plato’s Symposium through the interrelations of the dialogue’s various encomia of Erôs and their anticipations of Diotima’s account. The first two chapters consider the “place-settings,” as it were, to the encomia of Erôs in the Symposium: Zina Gian- nopoulou examines how the dialogue’s outer frame and prologue anticipate as- pects of temporality raised by Diotima’s speech, while Jeremy Reid looks at inter- textual connections between the positive depictions of Erôs in the first three speeches of the Symposium and the account of potential guardians in the Republic. -
EUTHYPHRO and the LOGIC of MIASMA Maureen ECKERT
EUTHYPHRO AND THE LOGIC OF MIASMA Maureen ECKERT ABSTRACT: Euthyphro is a Socratic interlocutor claiming enormous religious expertise, while his portrayal in the eponymous dialogue raises questions the reliability of his beliefs. This paper closely examines how Euthyphro justifies his case against his father, identifying an argument that relies on the concept of miasma (pollution). In so far as miasma is considered in isolation, Euthyphro has a good argument. Unfortunately, there is more than miasma at stake when considering why one could prosecute one’s own parent. Introducing the other relevant concepts, honor and shame, we find his case reflects a dilemma at the source of ancient Greek religious thought. It would not be possible for Euthyphro or anyone else to know what to do in his case. KEYWORDS: Plato, Euthyphro, Dilemma, Miasma, Pollution This is why even now I go around in accordance with the God, seeking out and investigating both citizens and foreigners, any whom I suppose are wise, and when someone doesn’t seem so to me, I make it clear they are not wise, assisting the god. (Appology 23b)1 Euthyphro is a classic Socratic interlocutor, one who claims expertise in religion and is then shown that he does not know what he claims to know. Plato’s vivid characterization of Euthyphro’s variety of quirks, his claims of superiority, his lack of self-awareness, his susceptibility to Socrates’ mocking flattery, the outrageousness of his case, make it easy to lose sight of any philosophically significant elements contained in his claims. While he exemplifies the type of epistemic hubris Socrates is out to cure, it would be a mistake to write him off ad hominem. -
Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
Plato's Symposium: the Ethics of Desire
Plato’s Symposium: The Ethics of Desire FRISBEE C. C. SHEFFIELD 1 Contents Introduction 1 1. Ero¯s and the Good Life 8 2. Socrates’ Speech: The Nature of Ero¯s 40 3. Socrates’ Speech: The Aim of Ero¯s 75 4. Socrates’ Speech: The Activity of Ero¯s 112 5. Socrates’ Speech: Concern for Others? 154 6. ‘Nothing to do with Human AVairs?’: Alcibiades’ Response to Socrates 183 7. Shadow Lovers: The Symposiasts and Socrates 207 Conclusion 225 Appendix : Socratic Psychology or Tripartition in the Symposium? 227 References 240 Index 249 Introduction In the Symposium Plato invites us to imagine the following scene: A pair of lovers are locked in an embrace and Hephaestus stands over them with his mending tools asking: ‘What is it that you human beings really want from each other?’ The lovers are puzzled, and he asks them again: ‘Is this your heart’s desire, for the two of you to become parts of the same whole, and never to separate, day or night? If that is your desire, I’d like to weld you together and join you into something whole, so that the two of you are made into one. Look at your love and see if this is what you desire: wouldn’t this be all that you want?’ No one, apparently, would think that mere sex is the reason each lover takes such deep joy in being with the other. The soul of each lover apparently longs for something else, but cannot say what it is. The beloved holds out the promise of something beyond itself, but that something lovers are unable to name.1 Hephaestus’ question is a pressing one. -
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE 2 WHY? The trial and execution of Socrates in Athens in 399 B.C.E. puzzles historians What did Socrates say or do that prompted a jury to send a seventy- year-old philosopher to his death? Finding an answer is complicated by the two surviving accounts of the defense They were written by Socrates disciples, Plato and Xenophon Their accounts probably were trying to show their master in a favorable light They failed to present the most damning evidence against Socrates 3 The decisions to prosecute and ultimately convict Socrates had a lot to do with the turbulent history of Athens in the several years preceding his trial An examination of that history may not provide final answers, but it does provide important clues 4 As a young man, Socrates saw the rise to power of Pericles He brought on the dawning of the "Golden Age of Greece." Pericles--perhaps history's first liberal politician-- acted on his belief that the masses deserved liberty Pericles used the public treasury to promote the arts He pushed a building program designed to demonstrate the glory that was Greece It also ensured full employment and opportunities for the lower classes Pericles rebuilt the Acropolis and constructed the Parthenon 5 Parthenon 6 SOCRATES’ BELIEFS Meanwhile, Socrates developed a set of values and beliefs that would put him at odds with most Athenians 7 Socrates was not a democrat To him, the people should not be self-governing They were like a herd of sheep that needed a wise shepherd He denied that citizens had basic virtue -
Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to -
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online Pg
Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Green, Peter Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1979; 20, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 15 Strepsiades, Socrates and the Abuses of Intellectualism Peter Green N PLATO'S Theaetetus, Socrates at one point (155E) offers to help I search out the truth of some well-known thinkers' hidden opinions. When Theaetetus responds eagerly to this offer, Socrates cautions him as follows: "Take a good look round," he says, "make sure no non-initiate is listening." Ironical or not, this remark at once reminds us of the student-gatekeeper in Aristophanes' pseudo Socratic CPPOV'TLC'T~PLOV (143, if. 140), who informs Strepsiades that the information he is about to impart must be regarded as {J-VC'T~PLCX.l Socrates then goes on to define 'non-initiates' in this context: "These are they who think nothing exists beyond what they can grasp in their two hands and who refuse to admit that actions and origins and abstraction generally have any real substance."2 Theaetetus, agreeing, describes such persons as 'stubborn and obstinate' (CKA:'lPOVC • .• KcxL a~·'TL'Tt;'TOVC). Socrates corrects him. They are, more precisely, a{J-ovcoL, without the Muses, gross, crude, lacking in both taste and mental cultivation. There is a similar attack in the Sophist (246A-B), and later in that dialogue (259E) the Eleatic Stranger links the epithet a{J-ovcoc with an equally derogatory one: acpLAococpoC, of which perhaps the most accurate translation would be 'non- (or anti-) intellectual'. Plato's immediate object in both cases was to discredit the 1 See A. -
PLATO on the PLEASURES of COMEDY Lauren Olin*
7 PLATO ON THE PLEASURES OF COMEDY Lauren Olin* Abstract In considering Plato’s position on humor, we are faced with an apparent paradox. There is evidence that Plato thought deeply about humor and recognized its value––Plato’s writings and Socrates’s ironic disposition testify to his comedic sensitivity––but Plato’s explicit remarks on the subjects of humor and comedy are largely negative (e.g. Laws 934d-936c; Apology 18d, 19c; Philebus 48a-50c; cf. Morreall 1983: 4-5). This paper aims first to reconstruct his view on the topics of humor and comedy, and secondly to examine this apparent paradox in light of that reconstruction. I argue first that Plato’s discussion of comedy in the Philebus is intended to apply narrowly to the case of malicious comedy. I’ll then argue that, understood in light of the broader context of the Philebus, Plato’s account is possessed of resources to explain both why humor is a valuable part of the good life, and why, for some individuals, exposure to humor brings only deleterious effects and should not be indulged. Key words: Plato, Philebus, Pleasure, Comedy, Humor I. It seems reasonable to believe that Plato’s dialogues have endured, at least in part, because they are amusing. Without exception: Plato’s writings are woven through with humor and witticism, and so testify to his comedic sensitivity (Wood 2007, Halper 2011). Plato’s main character, Socrates, is endowed with cunning sense of humor and, often, this capacity is instrumental in his efforts to put “pretenders to wisdom” in their proper places (Apology 33c). -
The Oracle Given to Chaerephron on the Wisdom of Socrates. an Invention by Plato
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 3 | 1990 Varia The Oracle Given to Chaerephron on the Wisdom of Socrates. An Invention by Plato Mario Montuori Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/994 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.994 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 1990 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Mario Montuori, « The Oracle Given to Chaerephron on the Wisdom of Socrates. An Invention by Plato », Kernos [Online], 3 | 1990, Online since 19 April 2011, connection on 21 April 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/994 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.994 Kernos THE ORACLE GIVEN TO CHAEREPHON ON THE WISDOM OF SOCRATES. AN INVENTION BY PLATO* The historieal character of the oracle's reply to Chaerephon's question as to whether any man was wiser than Socrates has been generally accepted by modern Socratic historiography. The historie authenticity of the Delphic pronouncement was not questioned by Schleiermacher, Hegel and Zeller and has since been confirmed by a long tradition of Socratic studies. By contrast, the perplexity, silence or denial of a few scholars seem little more than rare, paradoxical exceptions. «To invent the deposition of a witness at a recent tria!», wrote Gomperz, «and except by this fabrication to make contemporaries and posterity believe in an event ofthe utmost importance: who would wish to attribute to Plato such a purpose which is as stupid as it is dishonest ?» The Delphic answer, which by almost unanimous agreement has been accepted as evidence of an historical event, has therefore become «one of the most important documents on the philosophy and destiny of Socrates» and its historieal character appeared to guarantee the authenticity of Plato's Apology as a Socratic document. -
Plato and Aristophanes: Poets of Hope
Reason Papers Vol. 36, no. 1 Articles Plato and Aristophanes: Poets of Hope Anne Mamary Monmouth College 1. Introduction: Readers of Riddles In the final scene of Plato’s Symposium, Aristodemus opens a sleepy eye just in time to hear “Socrates driving [Aristophanes and Agathon] to the admission that the same man could have the knowledge required for writing comedy and tragedy—that the fully skilled tragedian could be a comedian as well.”1 In the twilight between waking and sleeping, slipping into the early dawn following a night of hard drinking and even harder talking, Aristodemus hears a Socratic riddle, delivered like an oracle from the lips of a man drunk with love or inspired by a god. Socrates speaks in riddles to the sweet but uncomprehending tragic poet, Agathon, and the comic poet, Aristophanes, while Plato’s readers listen in, as much participants in the night’s mysteries as are the characters in the dialogue. Whether tragedies, comedies, or Plato’s Socratic dialogues,2 plays, like oracles, invite their audiences to be readers of riddles, and, like seekers of guidance at Delphi, partners in the paths to their own destinies. One is not given the answer, firm and comforting or even demanding and coercive, in Aristophanes’s work or in Plato’s. The oracle at Delphi rarely hands out unambiguous advice. Thinking of plays and dialogues as awakening human consciousness, as setting into motion the creativity and introspection of the present, these productively ambiguous forms hold up mirrors to their audiences. One could take the reflections they show as straightforward affirmations of “what is” in our human-made cultural lives. -
Philosophy/Political Theory the Vanross Foundation Staff Writers
Philosophy/Political Theory The VanRoss Foundation Staff Writers Aristophanes’ Clouds takes a parodied approach to criticizing Socrates while seeking to expose his moral inconsistencies as well as his philosophical ones. At the same time, the Apology builds off of the criticisms laid out in Aristophanes’ Clouds in an extensive dialogue of charges against Socrates. Although the Apology is a formal depiction of Socrates’ own defense, the Republic actually appears to be a fundamental shift in the Socratic ideologies described in Clouds. Unlike in the Apology, the Republic is the real apology in terms of Socrates reconstructing his philosophical beliefs to better fit the city. In Aristophanes’ Clouds, Socrates is portrayed as somewhat of an immoral individual who has a negative influence on the ones around him. From the beginning of the play, the reader is met with the unfortunate predicament Strepsiades has found himself in. As a result of his son, Pheidippides’, frivolous spending habits, Strepsiades is in somewhat of a financial predicament. Therefore, Strepsiades seeks help from Socrates to discover how to make weaker speech overcome stronger speech in order to evade his financial debt. It is here where the reader realizes the basis for Socrates’ negative portrayal throughout the story. The fact that Socrates is sought after by Strepsiades in search of learning illegitimacies makes it clear that the author intends to emphasize Socrates’ guilt. The list of things Socrates is made out to be guilty of is extensive and precise. As a whole, the charges against Socrates are characterized by his perceived unwillingness to recognize the gods and their power.