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R. Needham Mourning-Terms In: Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En

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R. Needham Mourning-Terms In: Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En R. Needham Mourning-terms In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 115 (1959), no: 1, Leiden, 58-89 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 10:56:53PM via free access MOURNING-TERMS I he objects of this article are: (1) to make a comparative survey | of sets of terms ref erring to the deaths of kin; (2) to propose a preliminary interpretation of the Penan system of teknonyms and death-names and of the other sets of terms compared. It will be f ollowed by another article on the same theme, in which other evidence will be used to conclude the analysis of the Penan usages.1 The present article continues the discussion of issues which I have raised in earlier publications, chiefly in an examination of the system of teknonyms and death-names of the Penan of Borneo (Needham 1954a).2 A full understanding of the issues requires an acquaintance with the latter article, but briefly the facts dealt with are as fóllow: At the birth of a child to him a Penan assumes a teknonym, and at the death of what a Penan calls a "true" kinsman or kinswoman he assumes one of a number of terms •— which I have called "death- names" — according to his relationship to the deceased. In many contexts there is a. regular alternation between the names connected with life (the teknonyms) and those connected with death. The tek- nonyms and death-names together constitute a highly unusual and beautifully consistent terminological system, and the principles that 1 My researches among the Penan in 1951-2, and a brief return visit to Sarawak in 1955, were made possible by the award of a Senior Studentship by the Treasury ("Scarbrough") Committee for Studentships-in Foreign Languages & Cultures, for which I express my gratefui acknowledgement. I am also indebted to the Institute of Social Anthropology, University of Oxford, and to Merton College, Oxford, which afforded me further means and facjlities to continue my work. My colleague Dr J. H. M. Beattie has been so kind as to comment on the first version of this paper and of its sequel. It gives me pleasure to make gratef ui recognition of the profit that I have derived, as often before, from his patiënt and astute criticism. I have not, however, burdened him with later drafts and he should not be charged with their defects. 2 See also References. The note on reference to the dead among the Penan (1954c) should be regarded as a long footnote to 1954a :429. (The resemblance to Malay royal usage, pointed out in the note, is of course fortuitous). Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 10:56:53PM via free access MOURNING-TERMS. 59 characterise it pose particularly clearly problems of general interest in sociólogical interpretation. My earlier efForts at explanation were based on an internal analysis of the Penan system in its most complete f orm, but led to only negative conclusions. I now present a corhparative study of terms similar to death-names, a"nd pursue a line of interpretation for which in the earlier analysis I could not find adequate methodological justification. Terms connected with death have not since Frazer (1911) engaged the attention of scholars as posing problems of comparative sociology, and my f irst intention is to show that one class of such terms is found in significantly regular form in widely disparate societies. This class consists of terms which are applied to surviving relatives of a deceased person and which divide these into a number of categories according to their relationship to that person. The societies possessing such terms are: Andaman Islanders Mentawai (west of Sumatra, Indonesiaj Engano (west of Sumatra) Waropen (northwestern New Guinea) Manus (Admiralty Islands) Solomon Islanders (Bougainville) Tjapwurong (western Victoria, Australia) Shasta (California). Dr Murray Groves tells me that such terms are also found among the Motu of southeastern New Guinea (near Port Moresby). The terms refer to the deaths of father, mother, husband, wife, older sibling, younger sibling, and child. I merely mention these usages here, as an addition to the record of the distribution of such terms, and await Dr Groves' final and published exposition of their use and significance. That these terms are only now known to exist among the Motu, a society well known since the end of the nineteenth century and des- cribed in its traditional state by Seligmann fifty years ago, indicates thatthere are doubtless other societies in which such terms exist but have nót been recorded. I myself have searched for mourning-terms, or for some tracé of their former use, in Indonesia (Java, Bali, Sum- bawa, Flores, Timor; and Sumba; and by enquiry of individuals f rom Sumatra, Celebës, Lombok, Savu, Roti, and Pantara) and in Malaya, but without discovering any sign of them. Neither have enquiries made of scholafs specialising in the study of other areas had any result; but Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 10:56:53PM via free access 60 RODNEY NEEDHAM. this is not too surprising, for mourning-terms are not necessarily revealed in the course of any type of investigation. They have to be looked for, with some fairly clear idea of what form they may take and what their importance may be. An excellent recent example of this is Keuning's survey of the ethnographic literature on the island of Engano, where mourning-terms are recorded (see below). In a com- petent and thorough review of the literature he deals with customs at death and with the details of some mourning-usages (1955: 189-190), but he makes no mention of mourning-terms, even though they have been described and their existence amply confirmed by a number of reliable observers. One of the objects of this article, therefore, and of other publications on the same theme, is to establish mourning-terms as social phenomena likely to exist in certain conditions and worth looking for. It is one of the distinctive cultural features of all the tribes of middle Borneo3 that they use teknonyms and death-names, and a comparative study might well begin with a consideration of these; but it is clear from the literature and from my own observations that the principles guiding their use are everywhere the same as those which I have described from the Penan. Moreover, these societies, whether nomadic or settled, are fundamentally similar in social structure. The conclusions derivirig from a comparison of their usages, though inte- resting, are thus. likely to be limited in application to a middle-Borneo type of society and to be too closely dependent on the cultural parti- culars of Bornean ethnography.4 For this survey I have had to extract from the literature only such data as specifically suited my purposes. It might seem more desirable for me to present an adequate account of the social organisation, economy and beliefs of each of the societies whose customs are exami- ned, but this is not possible here and in any case has not seemed necessary to make the points I wish to make. My conclusions are 3 The cultures and types of social organisation in Borneo f all into three major lateral divisions. North Borneo extends down to about 4° North; and middle Borneo lies between this cultural boundary and a line running roughly along the Rajang, the Baleh (upper Rajang), and the Barito-Mahakam watershed. The peoples of the northern division (e.g. Dusun), the middle (e.g. Kenyah and Kayan), and the southern (e.g. Iban and Ngaju) differ greatly from each other in language and social order. Death-names are one of the most useful features by which the middle Borneo peoples are distinguished from the others. (Cf. Needham 1955:161.) 4 I intend to publish eventually a complete survey of all Bornean death-names. Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 10:56:53PM via free access MOURNING-TERMS. 61 necessarily general, and minute knowledge of the particular societies is not necessary to comprehend them or, I think, to judge their validity. The references are full enough for anyone not familiar with the literature on a certain area to pursue his own enquires and to seek other answers. II The significance of some terms applied to relatives in connection with death is easily grasped. For example, in many Californian tribes there is a change in the terms used between affines after the death of the connecting relative. The Tolowa apply the term tamage to their affines in place of the normal affinal terms, and the same custom is found among a number of other Californian tribes of different stocks and languages (Gifford 1922: 17 et passim). There is a similar change in the affinal terms of many, and probably all, of the tribes of middle Borneo. For instance, among the Penan the term for brother-in-law is sabai and for sister-in-law is lango (Eastern Penan) or langu (Western Penan), but after the death of the connecting relative these terms are discarded for the single reciprocal term Heng (E.) or bieng (W.). The general significance of such changes is clear. An alliance is established between two groups of kin by the marriage of a member of one to a member of the other, and this relation is expressed by the use of terms of affinity. (The point is clearly made by the Californian custom that until the marriage payment has been made — and the new jural status of affinity formally established — the groups concerned do not use the affinal terms, even though the couple may be living together and raising children.) With the death of the connecting relative the status of the groups in respect of each other is altered; but a relation nevertheless persists, especially if children have been bom to the marriage, and this new relationship is marked by a new term.
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