[>ol)mesia in Review: Issues and Events, I July I998 to 30 June I999

Reviews of American Samoa, the 1998. This expanded the cabinet Cook Islands, Hawai'i, and Tuvalu from IS to 17 members, including 4 are not included in this issue. women. More important, the reshuf­ fle prompted the resignation from the governing coalition of Emile Vernau­ The year under review holds echoes don, leader of the Ai'a Api party. Ver­ of years past in terms of yet another naudon was enraged by Flosse's coop­ split in the governing coalition tion of his hitherto closest Ai'a Api between Gaston Plosse's Tahoeraa colleagues, Jean Christophe Bouissou and Emile Vernaudon's Ai'a Api. As a and Lucie Lucas, with the inducement result Vernaudon was bent on revenge of ministerial posts. and joined forces with the pro-inde­ This strategy of luring the leading pendence opposition. The outcome of lights from junior alliance parties and the senatorial elections also brought ensuring their loyalty was precisely a sense of dejii-vu as Plosse added the how Plosse rid himself of Jean Juven­ final jewel to his collection of political tin and effectively brought about the offices. Concurrent with the election demise of the Here Ai'a party in the campaign was the trial of antinuclear mid-I990S (TP, July 1998,7-9). activists who participated in the air­ Vernaudon suspected that a similar port riots three years ago. No'nviolent fate was planned for Ai'a Api. The demonstrators were let off with a rupture was yet another in a long warning, whereas those guilty of vio­ history of short-lived marriages of lence and two trade union leaders, the convenience and subsequent divorces supposed instigators of the riots, were between Vernaudon and Plosse. The subject to prison sentences. Defense latest alliance had enabled Vernaudon lawyers failed to persuade the judge to win a seat in the French national of a government conspiracy against assembly in May 1997. By alienating the activists. The issue that most pre­ Vernaudon, who is not only a deputy occupied the government during these but also mayor of Mahina and a terri­ twelve months was the campaign to torial assemblyman, Plosse set himself reform the statute of autonomy via up for harsh criticism of his leader­ a constitutional amendment. The ship in both and Paris. process and content of the reform Vernaudon claimed that Plosse was, however, quite different from wanted to eliminate the Ai'a Api that of the Noumea Accord in New party due to Vernaudon's persistent Caledonia. disagreement with decisions taken by After the territorial by-elections, the government. Notably, in 1998 President Gaston Plosse consolidated Vernaudon was opposed to the blow­ his power and rewarded his followers out of costs for building a presidential in a ministerial reshuffle in mid-June "palais, " which was estimated to

221 222 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC' SPR;ING 2000

reach over 3 billion FCFP, the 200 mitted a draft electoral refol;m law to million FCFP for the inaugural presi­ the French national assembly. dential bodyguard service, IOO mil­ Following his departure from the lion FCFP to pay for the additional government, Vernaudon worked with ministers, and I.2 billion FCFP to pur­ the Tavini party in the opposition, and chase a mere 5 acres as the site for a they ran a joint campaign in the sen­ waste facility. He noted Plosse's prac­ ate elections, even though he does not tice of subsidizing municipal councils share Tavini's desire for independence that demonstrate loyalty to the Taho­ from France. The united front was to eraa party. This practice includes the prove unsuccessful, however, through transfer of territorial land to Plosse's no fault on their candidate's part. The own council of Pirae for the construc­ opposition would have been hard put tion of an ostentatious new town hall to field a better candidate than Jean­ to be built at the cost of 800 million Marius Raapoto (formerly head of the FCFP (TP, Sep I998, 26-29). defunct Tireo party) in terms of intel­ Another salvo was launched by ligence, integrity, and commitment to Vernaudon against Plosse and his the welfare of the people. government in October, this time at The result of the election on 27 the national assembly. Much of the September for French Polynesia's sole speech consisted of vitriolic attacks representative to the French Senate on Plosse's leadership, especially alle­ was no surprise, given that it was gations with regard to his political never a question of whether Plosse empire building, his failure to declare would win but rather by how much. the extent and origins of his immense Plosse's Tahoeraa party and its allies wealth, his dicta,tori~l style, and his control 37 of the teqitory's 44 munic­ obsession with incessant reform of the ipal councils, which in turn nominate territory's statutes. Reiterating an old the majority of representatives to the opposition refrain, Vernaudon argued electoral college determining the that the government only enjoys its senate position. Of the 50I electors, majority rule thanks to a skewed elec­ 385 (or 80 percent) voted for Flosse; toral system that favors the outer 89 (I8.4 percent) for Raapoto of the islands, these mostly being conserva­ Tavini-Ai'a Api coalition; 8 for Yves tive strongholds of Plosse's Tahoeraa Conroy, an independent; none for party. The result is a situation where Alain Ferte of the National Front; the largely urban Society Islands, with and I9 cast informal votes (DT, 28 75 percent of the population, elect Sep I998, 26"':28). only half the territorial representa­ The landslide victory for Plosse tives. This marked the beginning of earned him a national rec.ord in- terms Vernaudon's campaign to reform the of votes for senate candidates. How­ territorial electoral system giving ever, his accumulation of offices has greater representation to the urban given cause for concern. A former areas (Vernaudon's speech of 23 Octo­ president, , believed ber, reprinted in full in TP, Nov I998, he could only do justice to the 20). Later, on II March I999, he sub- demands of one high office and POLITICAL REVIEWS· POLYNESIA 223 resigned from the senate to devote gram. (Those charged with arson and himself to the presidency. By contrast, looting in on the same day Flosse deems himself more than able were tried separately.) The defendants to carry out the duties of his concur­ in this case were mainly members of rent public offices as president, sena­ the Tavini party or the radical A Tia tor, and mayor, though he stresses I Mua trade union federation. The that his obligations as president take defense alleged a conspiracy on the priority and he may review his posi­ part of the territorial and state gov­ tion as mayor by the next municipal ernments in targeting these opposition elections (DT, 28 Sep, 26-28). It is groups. It was argued that the terri­ noteworthy that one of Flosse's first tory seized the opportunity to dis­ acts in the French Senate was to credit the independence movement defend the holding of multiple offices and ban the most troublesome trade by politicians during a debate on a union, while the state was left to con­ socialist party draft law designed clude its nuclear test series in peace. to prohibit such practices. In keeping with past traditions relat­ Flosse's ascendancy to the senate ing to charges against independence signals the departure of Senator and antinuclear activists, defense Daniel Millaud, the last representative lawyers presented their case as a of the founding generation or the trial of French nuclear colonialism Tahitian autonomist movement, which (TP, Oct 1998, 7-1°; DT, several included leaders such as Pouvanaa a editions, 19-26 Sep 1998). Oopa, , and Francis San­ The defense argued that police ford. These men were all lobbying for actions had contributed to provoking expansive forms of autonomy long the violence at the airport. Defendants before Flosse saw the light in 1980. who gave testimony acknowledged As early as 1969, Millaud gave sub­ that a "collective insanity" ensued stance to the autonomist vision as after a gendarme threw a tear gas coauthor of a report detailing the grenade at the protesters, including a nature of such a status. During his group of women engaged in a sit-in. years of service to the territory as It also emerged that a police grenade senator, Millaud has scrutinized the was responsible for starting the fire impact of the nuclear test program, that destroyed part of the airport, so campaigned against French incursions die defendants were not charged with on territorial autonomy, and, more arson. recently, sought a fair deal for French An impressive range of witnesses Polynesia in its dealings with the were called for the defense, including European Union. Jacques Ihorai and Monseigneur Cop­ Also in late September, the long­ penrath, the respective heads of the awaited trial took place of the people Evangelical and Catholic churches in charged with rioting at the interna­ Papeete; Cotra Uregei, a prominent tional airport on 6 September 1995 Kanak trade unionist and indepen­ (see earlier review), the day after dence activist; Cyril Legayic a Tahi­ France resumed its nuclear test pro- tian trade union leader; Gabriel 224 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· SPRING 2000

Tetiarahi, a leader of Tahitian non­ party (DT, 26 Sep 1998; TP, Nov government organizations; and a let­ 1998,7). . ter of supp~rt was presented from The overriding political priority Dominique Voynet, the Green French for President Flosse in the year under environment minister. These witnesses review was to catch up with the did not condone the violence commit­ progress made by New Caledonia in ted by some defendants, but they did its statutory relationship with France. maintain that public outrage about Flosse was caught off guard as the the nuclear test resumption by France French state, the FLNKS, and the RPCR was understandable, especially for the signed off on the Noumea Accord in disadvantaged youth. The only wit­ May 1998, granting the territory ness who gave testimony hostile to sweeping new powers and, pending the defendants was Gaston Flosse. 'approval of the process in a referen­ A verdict was issued on 20 Octo­ dum, the long-term option of acced­ ber. The sixty defendants were ing to independence. Noumea was grouped into several different cate­ given the power to restrict employ­ gories. The first concerned some ment opportunities to New Caledo­ thirty people who were charged with nians, a dispensation Tahiti had been occupying the tarmac of the airport seeking for decades. Flosse immedi­ and obstructing air traffic and, though ately began drafting, and negotiating they were judged culpable for their behind the scenes, a new package actions, because they had behaved of rights for French Polynesia. With peacefully they received no penalty. astute political timing, Flosse People convicted of theft and vandal­ announced the initial gains during ism received fines anli .su!,pended his budgetary speech:to-the territorial prison sentences, while those found assembly one week before the senate guilty of armed violence against the elections. police received short prison terms. The president informed the assem­ The court did not accept the politi­ bly that, like New Caledonia, their cal reasoning behind the defense case. territory would enjoy a new status as The stiffest prison terms were thus a result of a planned amendment to reserved for the alleged ringleaders of the French constitution. Although the the airport riots, both then leaders of deal was not finalized, he was confi­ the A Tia I Mua trade union. Ronald dent about certain rights being forth­ Terorotua and Hiro Tefaarere received coming. The territorial assembly prison terms of 6 and 18 months would be empowered to pass its own respectively. Tefaarere had been a legislation as a "country," with the French public servant until he was same status as the constitution gives dismissed after the riots and is cur­ to national laws. A form of Polyne­ rently a Tavini party territorial assem­ sian "citizenship" would be instituted, blyman. His penalty was severe, given but within the parameters of French that he had at no time personally nationality, which Flosse believed engaged in violence. Both men are to be of symbolic significance. The seeking appeals and have been sup­ Tahitian government would obtain ported in this quest by the Tavini greater powers for negotiating inter- POLITICAL REVIEWS' POLYNESIA 225 national agreements in the Pacific (pays d'outre-mer, or POM) instead Islands. However, Flosse emphasized of an overseas territory (TOM). More­ that, in contrast to the Noumea over, the name Tahiti Nui, which Accord, their statutory deal would Plosse's government had already been reinforce autonomy, and indepen­ using for years in the region without dence was not even on the agenda French approval, would be "added" (Dr, 18 Sep 1998, 22-23). to French Polynesia. Plosse was also Elaboration of Flosse's conception hopeful that the new status would of "citizenship" followed at a confer­ allow Tahiti Nui to join the South ence on Identity, Nationality and Citi­ Pacific Forum. zenship in the Overseas Territories In addition, the complex timetable held in mid-November. He defined for the next stage of statutory evolu­ citizens as being those who were born tion was set for the authorization of in this country or of parents born in the draft constitutional amendment this country, and, as a second cate­ by the following levels of government: gory, citizenship would extend to resi­ territorial assembly (6 April), council dents of 5 to 10 years. He emphasized of state (15 May), French cabinet (26 that the Polynesian form of citizen­ May), national assembly (10 June), ship would have no ethnic dimension senate (13 October), and finally the and was meant to be all inclusive. Congress of Versailles. Apparently a These citizens would benefit from an national (ie, French) referendum was employment policy that discriminated not required for this type of amend­ in their favor. Plosse envisaged that ment. The way would then be clear citizenship would also protect the land for an organic law to be drafted, spec­ ownership of the people against incur­ ifying the detailed application of the sions by foreigners and metropolitan general principles in the constitutional French, whose acquisitions would be amendment. Such a law would not be controlled by the territorial govern­ finalized until sometime in the year ment. Curiously, unlike electoral pol­ 2000 (DT, 14 April 1999, 22). icy in the Noumea Accord, citizenship By early 1999, criticisms of the would not entail birth or residence way in which the territorial govern­ restrictions on the right to vote, pur­ ment had approached both the process portedly because Tahiti intended to and content of the statutory reform remain within the French Republic. were emerging. The critics, not sur­ This means that metropolitan French prisingly, included members of the temporarily residing in Tahiti will opposition such as Oscar Temaru, retain the right to vote in local elec­ Emile Vernaudon, and Boris Leontieff tions (TP, Dec 1998, 32). (mayor of Arue and leader of Fetia By April, more gains under the Api), and also scholarly commenta­ forthcoming statutory reform were tors such as Guy Sem. outlined by Flosse on his return from First, there was concern that the all a meeting in Paris with the secretary important negotiations for statutory of state for Overseas France, Jean­ reform had been undertaken entirely Jack Queyranne. French Polynesia by the government (Plosse) and state would become an overseas country (Queyranne) behind closed doors. 226 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· SPRING 2000

/' Both the advisory economic, social, democratic processes, has obtained and cultural council and the territorial constitutional status in its own rIght assembly were presented with a fait (TP, April 1999, 36). accompli in the last week of March The Flosse government's statutory and had little time to peruse the draft reform appears high on symbolism, constitutional amendment, much less notably in the constitutional refer­ alter it, before it was forwarded to ences to French Polynesia "govern­ Paris on 6 April. As a result the docu­ ing" itself (replacing the term "admin­ ment was not passed unanimously by istering") as an "overseas country" the assembly, as it ideally should have and "Polynesian citizenship." Yet, been; rather, the government pushed it closer scrutiny of the revised article through with its majority. This process 78 suggests that the new status may was in stark contrast to the lengthy be low on substance. The French state and widespread public consultation, retains control over foreign policy, including of opposition parties, that defense, justice, nationality, law and preceded the Noumea Accord and order, currency and foreign exchange, ensured it of public support. civil liberties and rights, electoral law, The process in Tahiti was also less and credit (DT, 27 May 1999, 22). democratic insofar as no referendum Authority in other domains may be was scheduled for the'population to transferred gradually to Tahiti. The register their approval of the pro­ amendment outlines new territorial posed statutory changes. Once again, powers in the most general terms, this was not the case in New Caledo­ with reference to the assembly being nia, where 72 percent of voters (and a subject to review only by the French majority of all persons'eligible to vote) constitutional council (thus removing endorsed the Noumea Accord in a the administrative tribunal), the spe­ referendum held 8 November 1998. cial privileges of citizens to work and In addition, and unlike New Caledo­ land, and the assembly's limited rights nia, critics decried the decision by the to engage in relations with Pacific territorial government to deliberately states. exclude the prospect of a referendum It must be emphasized that by on self-determination, thus excluding choosing to limit the scope of the con­ independence as a future option. stitutional amendment in comparison The territorial government argued to the Noumea Accord, the Tahitian that extensive consultation, bipartisan government severely curtailed its peo­ consensus, and popular referenda were ple's future options due to the obsta­ not necessary on the grounds that the cles faced in amending the constitu­ present reform did not entail a process tion. Moreover, although the French of decolonization (TP, Dec 1998, 31). national assembly unanimously passed This explanation points to the reform's the amendment, at the time of writing key limitations. In an assessment of there was still scope for that version the constitutional amendment, Guy to be changed by the French senate. Sem described it as a "pale replica" Significantly, the specific nature and of the Noumea Accord, which, in part scope of the powers to be transferred due to its approval through rigorous to French Polynesia remain to be POLITICAL REVIEWS· POLYNESIA 227 defined and interpreted by the forth­ cent of the budget). The extent of this coming organic law. dependence on the state is reinforced Contrary to the wishes of President by the latest trade figures, which, Flosse, French Polynesia did not though showing a steady growth in accede to its new status at the same exports, still exhibit a gaping deficit, time as New Caledonia, which had with exports covering only 23.9 per­ its organic law passed on 23 March cent of the cost of imports (DT, 6 May 1999. By the end of the year under 1999, 20). To add to its economic review, and in contrast to their exclu­ woes, the territory is struggling to sion from negotiations on the consti­ recover from another natural disaster, tutional amendment, an opposition as floods in Tahiti on 19 December delegation including Vernaudon and left hundreds homeless and caused Temaru was invited to meet with damages of up to 5 billion FCFP Queyranne and other officials in Paris (TP, Jan 1999, 53)' to discuss the content of the organic Emile Vernaudon and Boris Leon­ law. tieff, among others, have argued that The rationale behind the Tahoeraa the territorial government ought to government's determination to remain be doing more to promote sustainable part of France (and one shared by a economic development and social jus­ sizable portion of the population) is tice, and spend less money, time, and the knowledge that independence energy on never-ending piecemeal would certainly entail a sharp reduc­ reforms to the statute of autonomy. tion in the transfer of funds from KARIN VON -STROKIRCH Paris. Despite the closure of the nuclear test program, state funding. has continued at high levels as the References fol~owing figures demonstrate: France TP, Tahiti Pacifique. MontWy. Papeete. injected a total of us$1.5 billion (I 52.5 billion FCFP) into the territory DT,· La Depeche de Tahiti. Daily. Papeete. of only 224,000 inhabitants during PINA, Pacific Islands News Association, 1998, of which $300 million were quoted in Pacific Islands Report tax exemptions and $1.2 billion were direct transfers (PINA nius online, 7 June 1999)· Direct transfers from Paris can be broken down as expenditure in the MAORI ISSUES following areas: state controlled sec­ tions of the civil service and emer­ Politically the second half of 1998 gency relief (16.65 billion FCFP), edu­ was very disappointing for Maori­ cation and research (40.5 5 billion dom. In 1996 New Zealand First had FCFP), national defense (3 5 billion captured all five Maori seats in Parliac FCFP), pensions (12.5 billion FCFP), ment and formed a coalition govern­ municipal government (6.66 billion ment with the National party. The FCFP), and a grant to the territorial cabinet included three Maori minis­ budget (9.9 billion FCFP or 12.66 per- ters, all from New Zealand First, with