An Ethnography of Turkish-German Adolescent Girls in Berlin, Germany

SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING, BICULTURAL CITIZENSHIP, AND IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF TURKISH-GERMAN ADOLESCENT GIRLS IN BERLIN, GERMANY

HILLARY ANNE MELCHIORS

Submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Anthropology

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

August 2014

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of

Hillary Anne Melchiors

candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Committee Chair

Atwood D. Gaines

Committee Member

Jill E. Korbin

Committee Member

Eileen A. Anderson-Fye

Committee Member

Kenneth Ledford

Date of Defense

3/10/2014

*We also certify that written approval has been obtained

for any proprietary material contained therein.

This dissertation is dedicated to the six participants in this project.

For your generocity, honesty, and kindness I will be eternally grateful.

Table of Contents

List of Tables 5

List of Figures 6

Acknowledgements 7

Dissertation Abstract 8

1. Introduction 11

2. Background 25

3. Research Design and Methods 112

4. Location of Study and Participants 122

5. Subjectivity and Bicultural Citizenship 161

6. Subjective Well-Being: Expectations and Problematic Encounters 205

7. Citizenship Law, Integration, & Counting 243

8. Identity and Representation 282

9. The Future 318

10. Conclusion 336

Appendix A: German Citizenship Law (In German and translated into English) 348

Appendix B; Interview Schedule 322

Appendix C: Video Diary Instructions 321-325

Works Cited 352

List of Tables

Table 1 Total Immigrant Population in Germany ages 11-19 87

Table 2 Total Immigrant Population in Berlin ages 11-19 89

Table 3 Berlin Resident Population 91

Table 4 Benefits from Hartz IV/1,000 in Berlin 92

Table 5 Selected Neighborhood Populations in Berlin by Country of Origin 94

Table 6 Selected Neighborhood Populations in Berlin by Migration Background 95

Table 7 Marriages Between Germans & Foreigners 244

Figures

Figure 1 Modified Bronfenbrenner Model 83

Figure 2 School Graduation Rates by Migration Background 232

Figure 3 Collage 282-284

Acknowledgments

Along the path toward my dissertation I have had a tremendous amount of support from a number of people that I would like to recognize. First is my husband Andrew

Melchiors, without whose support none of this would have ever been possible. His encouragement and compassion have allowed me to reach heights that I never imagined without him, and I am eternally grateful to him for his help in all things. My children

Annika and Mayzie Melchiors have also been a great help to me, especially in remembering what is really important in life when I felt despair during my academic journey. They are the lights of my life, and I cannot imagine navigating graduate school without them along for the ride. My mother Deborah Wilson is my consummate and constant cheerleader who never let me forget that I have great potential. My father Ron

Vogt’s ear has been bent more than a time or two along the way, and I am so grateful for his reminding me that education is something that no one can ever take away from you and is a true achievement to be proud of. The entirety of the rest of my family has also been extremely supportive through this whole process, even if they didn’t really understand what the heck I was doing most of the time. Thanks goes especially to Kim and Fred Melchiors, Valerie Vogt, and Justin and Nicole Vogt who have all supported me without reservation for my entire graduate school endeavor.

I would also like to thank my astute advisor Atwood D. Gaines and the rest of my committee Jill E. Korbin and Eileen Anderson-Fye for their invaluable insights and patience with me throughout this process. Their expertise and guidance has been indispensable for funding proposals, fieldwork freak-outs, dissertation research breakthroughs, and career path advice. Thank you for all of the letters of

recommendation and comments on my writing that I received, and I feel extremely lucky to be able to now call you my colleagues.

It would not have been possible to have survived getting my PhD without the help of some amazing friends. Thank you to Kristi Ninneman for always listening and helping me work through my issues. Thank you to Sarah Rubin for helping keep me sane and always being willing to have a work date with me. Thank you to Stephanie McClure for keeping me humble and our great conversations on your back porch. Thank you to Meg

Winchester for porch talks that I never wanted to end. Thank you to Meghan Halley and

Nadia El-Shaarawi for showing me how to make it happen with a smile on my face.

Thank you to Amy Rezac, Anna Fiskin, Jonathan Metcalfe, Prisca Fall, Stacey McKenna, and Aura Newlin for being part of the best cohort I could have ever imagined. Lastly, thank you to Ruth Magtanong who was also in our cohort, for being there for our family when we couldn’t be together and for being our live-in nanny in Germany for a month.

To all of my friends, a big thank you for many late night conversations and shared life moments that I will never forget from my time during graduate school.

Subjective Well-Being, Bicultural Citizenship, and Identity: An Ethnography of Turkish-German Adolescent Girls in Berlin, Germany

HILLARY ANNE MELCHIORS

Abstract

Turkish-German adolescent girls have been held up as symbols of non-integration for the more than fifty years that Turks have been in Germany. Due to a change in German immigration and naturalization law in 2000, children born to Turkish parents now receive

German citizenship at birth and must choose whether to keep it and renounce their

Turkish citizenship by the time that they are twenty-three or to keep their Turkish citizenship and give back their German passports. The historical context of Turks in

Germany is extremely important for understanding the ways that immigration and integration debates are framed in Germany today and the ways that Turkish-German adolescent girls are currently viewed in Berlin by both themselves and outsiders. Based on twelve months of ethnographic research in Berlin, Germany, this dissertation explores the subjective experience, expressions of citizenship, and subjective well-being of six second and third generation Turkish-German girls ages thirteen to seventeen. This work explores the experiences of these girls as foreigners in both Turkey and Germany, and their subsequent bifurcation of Turkey as their homeland and Germany as their home.

This dissertation introduces the concept of bicultural citizenship, as these girls simultaneously belong to Germany and Turkey in two different allegiances: legal citizenship and cultural belonging. This scholarship is theoretically grounded in an integrated approach to subjectivity and identity, exploring these concepts through the bicultural lenses of Turkish-German adolescent girls. Through thick-description of the

cultural place where these girls have grown up, bicultural citizenship will be further explored as an environmental influence on their personal and cultural identity. The internalization of German so common that they have grown accustomed to and expect them, articulating “you just get used to it.” The policy implications of this research extend beyond immigration and integration and into education and other arenas as well.

By looking at the history of German immigration policy and how it has played out in the lives of these second and third generation immigrant girls, this research contributes to the larger discussion of how policy plays out on the individual level and the unintended long- term consequences of exclusion.

Chapter 1: Introduction

According to the United Nations, there are almost 214 million migrants in the world (2009). In Germany alone there are more than ten million migrants, making up

13.1% of the total population (UN 2009). With such a huge number of people affected around the world, immigration and integration issues are some of the most important in need of addressing. In addition, depression is the fourth leading contributor to the global burden of disease and leading cause of disability around the world, with 121 million people affected worldwide (World Health Organization 2010). Beginning in the 1960s, some eleven million temporary workers from the Mediterranean region migrated to

Western Europe for work (Wolf 1997). Turks coming to Germany were one of these groups. Many of these “temporary” workers stayed for generations in Germany, such that the country is now seeing the fourth generation of Turks in Germany.

Changes in German policy, over the course of many years, have constructed

Turks first as guests and more recently as citizens by choice, but it remains unclear whether these policy changes have affected the experiences of the second and third generation adolescent girls identified in this study. Specifically, the citizenship laws were reformed in 2000 to include Turks, among other minority populations, born in Germany.

This reform made a formerly purely jus sanguinis (right of blood) nation into a partly jus soli (right of soil) country, but has not been without controversy. Since 2000, children born in Germany to foreign parents have been granted dual citizenship until the age of twenty-three when they must choose which they would like to keep. If it is German citizenship, then they must apply to keep their German passport and renounce all others.

These reforms were controversial at the time they were passed and have continued to be

part of the on-going immigration debate and discussion in Germany. They have since been revised several times, as I will discuss in a further chapter. This research project looked specifically at the history of immigration and citizenship policy to understand the changing political landscape surrounding the current debate.

In January 2009, I conducted a pilot study, supported by the Lemelson/Society for

Psychological Anthropology Pre-Dissertation Fellowship, to establish contacts within the

Turkish-German community of Berlin, and to assess whether this topic is a salient issue for research with Turkish-German girls.

2011 marked fifty years since the first Turks arrived in Germany as so-called

“guest workers.” Our family arrived in Berlin in October of that year to begin my fieldwork. Arriving to conduct my fieldwork was a type of immigrant experience in and of itself for us, though ours was admittedly very different than that of the Turkish experience must have originally have been. I would like to briefly discuss the advantages that we had as immigrants coming to Germany, and how those compare with the Turkish immigration experience. I would also like to outline some of the issues we faced as immigrants to the country that could be similar to any immigrant situation.

The first major advantage we had as immigrants was our arrival with plenty of money to support our family for the entire year. My only project for the year was to conduct my dissertation research, and once settled into our new home, I was able to do that. Neither my husband or I were tasked with finding gainful employment. Although money is extremely helpful in solving some issues, I should note that some of our issues with settling down happened precisely because we came for only one year. At the outset,

I encountered a conundrum I was staying at a youth hostel while searching for an

apartment for our family, and needed to get a cell phone to call the prospective apartments for rent. I wanted to get a pay-as-you-go phone, as most contracts for phones in Germany are for two years. I could either pay an exorbitant amount of money for phone cards or get a cheaper plan designed for people who live in Germany. In order to get the cheaper plan, I had to present my registration form, and in order to register I had to have a residence. I was stuck, though eventually found someone willing to schedule an appointment via e-mail.

The apartment we found was not ideal. It was plenty spacious, and in a safe section of the city, but far removed from my field site. By the time we moved into the apartment, we had spent an entire month in temporary housing, and were so relieved to finally have a longer term temporary home away from home. Upon reflection, the circumstances that lead us to this apartment were not entirely unavoidable, as we had originally thought. We could have paid a full month and a half’s rent for someone to find us an apartment in the section of the city where I had planned to do my research. Yes, that could have been possible, but it certainly wasn’t in the original research budget as I had outlined it. In the end, I was able to utilize my American contacts in Berlin to find an apartment, and that was a major advantage that Turks coming to Germany might not have had originally, though admittedly there are many services targeting housing for Turks in

Berlin now.

The ideal for anthropologists is certainly to live in the exact place where you are conducting research in order to gain a better emic perspective than might otherwise be possible. We chose this apartment and city section out of necessity. It happened to be in one of the quieter outer ring suburbs of the city. We could and often did walk the paved

path of where the wall used to be. We lived in the American sector on the western edge of the wall that surrounded the western portion of the city. We enjoyed many advantages by living in Zehlendorf, such as the easy access to biking trails and an opening in the

Kindergarten just around the corner for our oldest daughter. There is relatively very little crime, though all of Berlin is a fairly safe place compared to an American city of the same size: such as Chicago for instance. Despite the fact that I ended up working in a section of the city that was a long, albeit direct train ride away, I still believe the apartment in Zehlendorf was the right place for us to end up, though I am sure that some will deride me as lacking field work chops for having lived there.

Another advantage that we had as a family was my ability to speak German.

Nevertheless, my vocabulary in certain situations still failed me. Turks coming to

Germany do not always have the linguistic advantage that we had upon arrival. When I did call around about apartments however, my accent did always give me away as a foreigner, despite my best efforts. This was still a far cry from anyone who arrives in

Germany not knowing any of the language at all. Going to the grocery store was not an exercise in guessing and we had to conduct very little business with pointing and gestures.

My German funding from the Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst came with a handbook of all the things I had to do to settle into our life in Germany for the year. I had an outline of all the bureaucratic hoops I had to jump through in order to make everything official for our time. I knew for example, that I had to register at the city hall where I was going to live. I knew that I had to have that registration

(Anmeldebestӓtigung) in order to open a bank account or get a cell phone. I knew that I

it was also important to have that paper in order to get our visas (Aufenthaltserlaubnis).

All of these issues were part of our settling in process before I even got to the research portion of the trip.

Wie kommst du auf diese Thema?

How did I come to this theme? I heard this question more often than I can even count during the course of my fieldwork. The answer is complicated. The first time I ever learned there were Turks in Germany, was when I went there to visit my friend. It was in Bremerhaven that I learned of the dangers of Turkish men lurking near bar doors and why I should stay away from certain dodgy bits of town. It made an impression on me, the young eighteen year old from Indiana, but I didn’t really take major notice of it at the time. The second time I went to Germany, I heard stories of how my German guy friends had been in fights with Turkish men and how they were now scared of all Turks.

I remembered this time. I remember thinking that I could both understand and not understand their trepidation for an entire culture of people just because of one fight at the same time.

My third time in Germany, I met my first Turkish-German man. His name was

Faruk, and he was the maintenance man at the restaurant where I was working. I found his accent extremely difficult to understand, but I certainly related to him being that we were both foreigners in this land of the Germans. His story was fascinating, as he had come to Germany without a job and since landed on the island of Norderney doing maintenance work. I started investigating a little more about Turks in Germany and relating less to my German friends when it came to them.

In one undergraduate course the next year, I found myself watching several

Turkish-German films. The one that always sticks out in my mind as cementing my interest in this population is Gegen die Wand (Head On is the English title) by the very famous Turkish-German director from Hamburg Fatih Akin. I was enthralled at the cultural differences between Turks and Germans displayed in the film, and overwhelmed by the violence of the film. I had to know more.

I traveled to Berlin in the summer of 2003 to conduct research on my undergraduate thesis comparing the German and American health care systems. I just so happened to find a place to live in the Kreuzberg neighborhood of the city. Kreuzberg is the center of Turkish-German life in Berlin, though its recent transformation due to gentrification now speaks otherwise. The city drew me in, and I became a regular at the

Turkish market that happened twice weekly only a few subway stops away from my apartment. My appreciation for Turkish culture blossomed beyond the culinary as well, and I knew I had to find a way to get back there.

I started graduate school with the idea that I should try to conduct research in

Berlin with Turkish-Germans. I was not sure how to make that happen or exactly which topic I would find to examine, but I knew beyond a doubt that Berlin was calling my name. Exploring the topics of Medical Anthropology in my first semester, I kept my mind open for themes that might be nice to explore in Berlin. Psychological

Anthropology held the answer. I scoured the research about Turkish-Germans to find that while the adolescent Turkish girls in Berlin were very often discussed as symbols for non-integration or the backwardness of Turkish culture as compared to Germany, no one had actually spoken to them. Bingo! I had my dissertation topic!

Why girls?

As I will discuss further in the background chapter of this dissertation, adolescence is a formative time in a person’s life. Beyond the idea that these girls were symbols in a larger discussion of Turks versus Germans, I also knew that as a young woman I would have more success talking to adolescent girls rather than boys. While it would have been great to get the adolescent boy perspective, I do not think it would have been the right choice for me as a researcher.

During my time in Berlin, I had the opportunity to interact with many kids from many different cultural backgrounds. I volunteered at an afterschool help center, where I helped all the children with their English homework. I am still not sure if it is because I am a woman, an American, not a Muslim, or some other reason, but I never had successful conversations with the young Turkish men I encountered there. That is not to say that this chasm between us could not have been breached, but it would have been considerably more difficult than the one between the girls and me.

Outline of this dissertation

The first substantive chapter of this dissertation will situate my research in the literature as reviewed in both my adolescence & Europe exams including publications that have come out within the last year and since my return from fieldwork. Beginning with a history of the study of adolescence, I will delve into the theoretical backdrop of the reasoning for this research, including contemporary discussions of the anthropology of adolescence. Moving forward I delve into the history and theoretical developments of the anthropology of northwestern Europe with a specific focus on German speaking Europe divided into pre- during- and post World War anthropology. I work toward an

understanding of post WWII anthropology of Europe, including the development of the

European Union, national identity, German unification, ethnicity, and migration crossing the boundaries of several different approaches to ethnography and anthropological inquiry such as legal analysis and the effects of immigration. I end the chapter by taking note of anthropological contributions to an ethnographic picture of Europe, highlighting some of the major works within the field. This chapter is accentuated with discussions of the relationship between the theoretical and ethnographic archive and this particular research project. Chapter three focuses on the research design and methodology utilized in this project. This chapter details the plan I had going into the field, including how I came to develop and conceptualize the project. The methods utilized did not always go as planned, as seems to be the norm in any research project, and I will briefly touch on changes made in the field in the iterative process that is fieldwork.

I spend chapter four introducing my six research participants and the location of the study. Beginning with an overview of immigrants in Germany from a statistical perspective, I then move forward to descriptions of Berlin, Wedding (the neighborhood where this research was conducted), the after-school help center where recruitment for this project began. The most important sections of this chapter are those that describe in detail the six participants of this study. As a true-ethnography, a la Shweder (1996), the number of participants was kept intentionally small in order to get a more detailed description of their perspectives.

Chapter five is devoted to an explication of the subjectivity and bicultural citizenship of the girls in this study. In this chapter, I attempt to answer the following questions: How do Turkish-German girls see themselves with regard to citizenship and

belonging? How do the girls process their experiences as foreigners in both Turkey and

Germany such that they view themselves as bicultural citizens with legal German citizenship and cultural Turkish citizenship? What types of experiences contribute to their individual subjectivity? I introduce the concept of bicultural citizenship, and explore the ways in which the girls consider themselves always foreign no matter where they are. I also explore the implications of always being foreign, and their conceptualization of themselves within this context. Finally, I look to their split definitions of homeland and home as an explanation for their bicultural identity framework, and when exactly they feel homesick.

Chapter six is devoted to discussion of expectations, subjective well-being and problematic encounters as they were described to me by the girls. Each of these girls was quick to describe problematic encounters that they face sometimes daily and ways in which they deal with them. They also easily described differences between the expectations placed on Turkish girls in Germany, German girls in Germany, as well as adolescent girls in Turkey. A brief review of the subjective well-being literature is followed by their sometimes detailed stories, many of which astounded me at the time of our conversations. In addition to their stories, I will discuss a public meeting I was able to attend about the psychological effects of racist and discriminatory violence against migrants in Germany.

Chapter seven is entirely devoted to a public policy in Germany concerning citizenship, integration, and counting of immigrants and/or people with an immigrant background in Germany. With extensive quotes from the girls regarding their own citizenship and how it relates to them, this chapter seeks to focus in on the effect of recent

changes in citizenship law. The girls’ definitions of integration are also discussed, with an eye to better understanding their perspective as it relates to policy and their everyday lives.

Chapter eight is devoted to a discussion of identity and representation. After a brief review of the anthropological inquiry and theoretical discussions of identity, the girls’ identity conceptualization is discussed. I end the chapter with a discussion of several pieces from an art exhibition, Heimatkunde (study of the homeland), and how they relate to the results of this research, and include three collages that one of my participants had created for a school art project. The results of this examination point to a hybridized identity of sorts for these girls, though they most often do not describe themselves in that manner.

Chapter nine, the final substantive chapter of this dissertation, examines the girls’ and my vision for their future. Including educational goals and marriage and family plans, this chapter will discuss how they see themselves as well as where they see themselves when thinking about growing up. As adolescents, these girls are in the midst of massive transition in their lives. Three of the participants were getting ready to take their MSA (Mittlerschluss Abitur) exam, which would qualify them to continue in the college bound track of Gymnasium. Two of the girls were finishing their twelfth grade years and getting ready to start the grade thirteen Abitur process that would either lead them to university studies or to a more career focused path. The sixth girl was in the midst of finishing up her Abitur during her twelfth year of school at the time we spoke.

This chapter will discuss not only where and how they see themselves in the future, but

also where they are now, one and a half years after the completion of my fieldwork in

Berlin. Finally, this chapter shall discuss the vision that I see for their futures.

The final chapter of this dissertation is entirely devoted to the conclusions of this study. In this chapter I shall explicate the findings of the study and the possibly implications. I will discuss the theoretical implications as well as the practical ones in terms of policy and the girls’ lives as they are now. These conclusions shall draw together all of the previous data presented in order to paint a broader picture of Turkish-

German girls in Berlin. Through these girls’ experiences, subjectivity, identity, and contextualized representation, it is my hope that the reader will have a true emic understanding of what life for these girls is like, what keeps them psychologically healthy, and what these findings have to say about the state of second and third generation adolescent “immigrant” and “foreign” girls in Berlin.

A note about language contextualization

I have purposefully chosen to include the original text from my interviews, with all of the verbal ticks including my own. Part of the reason for doing this is so as not to reify the relationship of power between myself and these girls. I leave my own verbal ticks in so the reader might better understand the relationship I had with these girls and the context in which we interacted. The girls in this study were very open with me, talking about things that might otherwise be considered non-topics in their lives. Many had never even thought about some of the topics that we discussed, and I purposefully have left in their remarks about not knowing. I hope that in the course of reading this dissertation, the reader will be constantly reminded that the girls in this study are teenagers.

All interviews were transcribed by me and a native German speaker who studies

German linguistics at Indiana University. I include both the actual German language transcription of the interviews and my personal translation. There were some points in the interviews and during my participant observation when the girls spoke Turkish on the phone or with others in their vicinity. I do not speak Turkish, and it was not such a common occurrence that I found it necessary to get these utterances translated. All of the girls in this study speak both Turkish and German, though are much more comfortable in the German language. They sometimes even corrected my German, which aided some with my positionality.

I make great use of extended quotations from my participants. The reasoning behind doing this is that one of the goals of this study was to bring the voices of the girls to the foreground. They are so often discussed as symbols for the Turkish community in

Berlin and wider Germany, but it is rare to find someone who has actually spoken directly with them, if ever. I did speak with them, and their stories astounded me. I want you as the reader to also be astounded and to better understand their experiences from their perspectives and in their own words.

Positionality & Reflexivity

As a researcher, graduate student, and woman, I found myself constantly evaluating my positionality within this context. As an American woman, I was somewhat of a novelty to the girls, and they often asked me questions about what the

United States is like. In the German language, there are two separate pronouns that one uses when addressing another person. Du is the informal word for you, while Sie is the more formal term. The three older girls in the study were easily persuaded to refer to me

with the du form, while the three younger girls never got used to calling me anything but

Sie. Utilizing Sie in this context did not mean that they couldn’t trust me; rather it was a sign of respect. I tried to constantly remind them that they could use du with me, but they rarely did, and if they did it was typically followed by a giggle. While this Sie did cause me a great deal of concern while I was in the field, upon reflection I do not consider it reflective of a poor or distanced relationship between us.

Throughout the course of my fieldwork I continually related to the girls about being an outsider in Berlin, and I found this rather surprising given that they are all

BerlinerInnen (Berliners). I went shopping with them. I ate countless sweets with them.

I drank an inordinate amount of Turkish tea and ate at many Turkish restaurants I never would have found on my own. They even introduced me to a local specialty of waffles filled with fruit and sweets and smothered in any kind of calorie-filled topping one could imagine. I told them stories of how I was treated differently as an American in Berlin, and they told me stories of being treated differently because they are Turkish. All six of the girls, regardless of their pronominal usage, treated me with kindness, respect, and loyalty.

Over the course of the next pages in this dissertation, I shall devote some space to reflection on my experiences in Berlin and with these girls whom I had the privilege to work with during my time there. I continue to maintain contact with them all occasionally correcting their English homework for them, exchanging e-mails, text messages, and Facebook1/twitter conversations. I became their tutor, their mentor, and

1 I am currently writing a reflexive article about being Facebook friends with research participants. As this will be addressed elsewhere, I do not think it important to do so here. 23

their friend during the course of our time together. I am forever in their debt, and sincerely look forward to keeping in contact with them.

Chapter 2: Theoretical Background

This chapter will frame the theoretical background to this study and situate it within the anthropological canon. Specifically focusing on the anthropology of adolescence and the anthropology of Europe, I will contextualize this study and how it contributes to these two specific theoretical histories. Beginning with a brief background to this research, I then move on to a discussion of the anthropology of adolescence. The anthropology of adolescence is considered in the context of theoretical developments in the field, why adolescence is important and interesting to anthropology, adolescence as the focus of anthropological inquiry, and some of the contemporary discussions within the anthropology of adolescence. I finish with a look at three different sections of the anthropology of Europe: theoretical development, German-speaking Europe, and anthropological ethnographic contributions to this field including those on migration.

Each of these three sections are further broken down to discuss the history of the anthropology of Europe from pre-war to post-World Wars, a discussion of anthropology within German-speaking Europe focusing on the development of the European Union, national identity, and German unification and change, and ending by looking at ethnographic contributions of the anthropology of Europe specifically to discussions of national identity, ethnicity, and migration By the end of this background chapter, the reader should have a better understanding of both the theoretical and ethnographic context of this study. What are the relevant theories that drove me forward in my thinking toward this study? What is the historical context of the field in which this research is being presented? What are the ideas that germinated the thinking behind this study?

Background

According to the United Nations, there are almost 214 million migrants in the world (2009). In Germany alone there are more than ten million migrants, making up

German policy over the course of many years have constructed Turks first as guests and more recently as citizens by choice, but it remains unclear whether these policy changes have affected the experiences of these girls. Specifically, the citizenship laws were reformed in 2000 to include Turks, among other minority populations, born in Germany.

These reforms were controversial at the time they were passed and have continued to be

part of the on-going immigration debate and discussion in Germany. This research will look specifically at the history of immigration and citizenship policy, in addition to interviewing policy makers and immigration lawyers to understand the changing political landscape surrounding the current debate.

Immigrant girls in several contexts have higher incidences of depression and suicide, often correlated to the incongruities between the identity they develop as immigrant adolescents and the perceived cultural expectations of their home culture

(Canino & Roberts 2001, Guarnaccia & Lopez 1998). Turkish-German girls have been shown to be at high risk for depression and suicide (Claasen et al 2005, Storch & Poustka

2000, Grube 2004). These studies have specifically looked at first- and second- generation immigrants, though some Turkish immigrants have now been in Germany for as many as four generations, the high rates of suicide and depression persists in adolescent girls. Turkish-Germans are also notable, as multiple generations in Germany and changes in German policy over the course of many years have constructed Turks first as guests and more recently as citizens by choice, but it remains unclear whether these policy changes have affected the experiences of these girls. These high rates of depression and suicide are part of the continued discussion surrounding these adolescent girls and part of why they are such a population of interest. However, this research focuses on what may be precursors to a diagnosed mental illness, not on such diagnoses.

This research looks at adolescent subjective well-being through the person- centered ethnography of six female adolescents to ask the very basic question: are they happy? If not, what are the sources and nature of their distress or concern? Based on previous work that has been done in immigrant populations and my own pilot work in

Berlin, the concept driving this proposed research is that subjective well-being in

Turkish-German girls may be correlated with incongruities between the girls’ developed identity and their perceived cultural expectations. Racism, whether individual acts, institutional, or both, is also posited as affecting the cultural expectations of the girls as has been shown in other populations (Thomas & Schwartzbaum 2006). This work will specifically focus on the subjective well-being of the adolescent participants and their contextualized experiences in relation to their perceived cultural expectations, self- conceptualization and identity.

This work draws on theories in psychological anthropology, specifically enculturation (LeVine 1999) and concepts of referential versus indexical selves (Gaines

1992a). Additionally, I draw from the psychological concept of cognitive dissonance

(Festinger 1962) and an ecological model of human development (Bronfenbrenner 1979).

I will begin my research with a modified Bronfenbrenner-type model based on my findings from my pilot data that suggested the girls think of themselves as having two separate selves that they keep distinct out of necessity (See Figure 1). Additionally, I draw on DeVos and Suarez-Orozco’s discussion of cultural dissonance in second generation immigrants (1990) and Weisner’s ecocultural model of development (1998).

The issues explored by these theoretical giants have directly influenced this dissertation research. Not only is the research design directly patterned from these ideas, but also the ways in which these categories and topics of investigation are conceptualized and sometimes operationalized. I enumerate these theories here in the hope of better explaining how I transitioned from my population and topics of interest to my research

design and methodology. This is my attempt at explaining my theoretical heritage to make clearer why I am interested in what I am studying.

Given that immigrant children must exist in multiple cultural spheres, identity development becomes particularly challenging during adolescence (Suarez-Orozco

2000). Both the culture of home and the culture of the host country play a part in identity formation, both directing the individual toward specific social goals through cultural expectations (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco 1990). As Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance shows (1962), when individuals perceive that their ideals do not match those of their environment, they most often try to reconcile the two incompatible ideals, sometimes to the detriment of their own psyche. Levels of mental illness in immigrant populations have been shown to be correlated with acculturation and integration levels

(Bhugra & Arya 2005; Oppedal, Roysamb, & Sam 2004; Virta, Sam, & Westin, 2004), though the research tends to stop examining immigrants after the second generation in country. DeVos has also specifically discussed the role of multiple competing frames of reference in minority populations with regard to ethnic identity (1995). Turkish-German adolescents as third generation immigrants have been studied in the educational (Mannitz

2005) and socioliguistic contexts (Eksner 2007), but this research will be distinctive in that it will focus on the subjective experience of these girls in an attempt to better conceptualize their cultural experience (Biehl, Good, and Kleinman 2007).

Why Adolescence

How does culture shape the way that a human being develops (in all senses of the word) and what are the consequences of this shaping? Some of the first theoretical questions in anthropology have centered on these processes. Many of the first lines of

inquiry were based on the cultural evolutionist perspective, which was then sharply criticized by Boas and colleagues. In his discussion of the Plasticity in Child

Development (2008 [1912]), Franz Boas, the father of American Anthropology suggests that environment has the possibility to change physical development which in turn effects the mental processes of the individual, thus explaining how cultural factors can shape the individual’s psyche, all through the use of anthropometry and comparing populations born in different places This idea fed the discussion of the different ways that we become competent members of our own particular societies. For example, in Kroeber’s Eighteen

Professions (2004 [1915]) he outlines the basic thinking in Boasian historical particularism and explains very clearly the logic behind such ideas as thinking that all people are equally civilized as adapted to their own environment and within their specific cultural context and the idea that culture and the separate and equally important contributions that social science has the possibility of producing for the study of mankind. Boas and his colleagues laid the foundation for the anthropologists interested in studying the different ways in which human beings become competent members of their own respective societies, especially with the concept of cultural relativism and the importance of ethnographic evidence.

Further anthropological scholarship was then shaped by outside theorists such as

Freud, the Culture and Personality School and later Piaget (1928), Erikson (1968), &

Kohlberg’s (1984) different universal models for human psychological development.

The biggest driving forces in the anthropology of adolescence were Benedict, Mead, and colleagues in the Culture & Personality school. It was this culture and personality theoretical framework that laid the path out for the later schools of thought looking at

how we learn culture and develop including John & Beatrice Whiting and Robert LeVine to name just three extremely influential anthropologists who have continued the theoretical discussion surrounding child and adolescent development.

Benedict was one of the first anthropologists to attempt to tackle the issue of how is culture learned and what cross-cultural evidence exists to support claims on the universality of how that process plays out. Utilizing this cross-cultural evidence to compare American upbringing with others, Benedict illustrates that certain patterns within our own culture could be viewed as setting up obstacles to children transitioning to adulthood (1968 [1938]). Benedict draws out three examples to elucidate her overall point that there is a discontinuity in the way that American children are conditioned in that they are told to do one thing as children and then expected to behave completely differently as adults. The first example is with regard to responsibility. American culture makes a stark division between children who are supposed to spend the majority of their time playing and adults whose primary responsibility is to work. This is contrasted with other cultures where children are trained for their later work roles. Secondly Benedict discusses the American proclivity for a constant dominant-submissive role adherence, and argues that not every given situation demands such a relationship. Ethnographic evidence from some American Indian tribes provides the ethnographic veto with their use of reciprocal privileges and obligations without domination. Lastly Benedict points to the US puritanical model of contrasted sex roles, not allowing non-reproductive age children any leeway for sexual play as many other cultures readily tolerate.

Overall, Benedict makes an interesting critique of the seemingly conflicted roles that US culture teaches children and the contrast with how they are expected to behave as

adults, but as the most prescient evaluation of this idea, fails to recognize the children as having any sort of agency or participation in the production of these roles. At the time this was published however, this was a very apropos evaluation and excellent use of the ethnographic record to illustrate a veto. Her illustrations pushed the theoretical boundaries past Freud and the other invariant stage theorists and help move anthropology in the direction of both critique of psychological theorizations and descriptive accounts of difference in a culturally relative framework.Later Miller and Dollard’s collaboration between psychology and anthropology helps push the field further while Herskovits postulates more active view of enculturation (1941). Schwartz also tackled similar ideas with an eye toward the individual’s active role in their own formulation of cultural knowledge (1981).

Harkness then contributed a huge critique of all universal models, most especially

Kohlberg (1984). Gilligan similarly critiques Kohlberg’s universal model from within psychology, arguing for a gendered interpretation of developmental processes. Then

Shweder who critiques Culture and Personality from a theoretical standpoint (1979a &

1979b), along with LeVine whose critique is mostly methodological (1980).

Adolescence as the Focus

For the purposes of this discussion, the working definition of adolescence as a life stage will be the onset of puberty to the assumption of full adult roles (Whiting &

Whiting 1989).

The anthropology of adolescence really began with a developmental psychology publication: G. Stanley Hall’s treatise Adolescence (1904). Hall categorized adolescence as a life stage full of storm and stress in his two volume treatise on this transitional period

of life. His three key aspects of this sturm and drang are conflict with parents, mood disruptions, and risky behavior. As one of the founders of the field of psychology, Hall was especially interested in understanding the universal factors associated with adolescence.

Other foundational developmental psychology texts describing adolescence and identity include is Erikson’s Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968) and Ketts Rites of Passage

(1977). Anthropologists have of always been interested in discussing the multiplicity of pathways of growing up in cross-cultural context. Whenever invariant stages or universal descriptions of behavior are part of the discussion, we have often contributed the skeptical voice of those outside the typical psychological study population. For example,

Malinowski devoted an entire book disproving the universal Oedipal complex as put forth by Freud and colleagues in his tome Sex and Repression in Savage Society (1927).

Malinowski and colleagues were part of the beginning of the anthropological interest in adolescence and adolescents as a specific transitional stage, but Margaret Mead’s match most definitively lit the fuse for the much later explosion of anthropological research on this life course and those passing through it.

Between Mead and the 1980s, there is relative quiet within the discipline of anthropology about adolescence. Of notable exception is Brown who built on the foundational work with adolescents by analyzing fifty-five different cultures with regard to their female initiation rites to try to understand why some cultures have them and others do not and how to account for variation in said rites (1963). The relative dearth and later growth of publications in the anthropology of adolescence can be attributed to two things. Firstly, within anthropology at the time there became a huge interest in the

study of children and childhood, as noted in the previous section of this dissertation.

Secondly, outside of anthropology, psychology continued to look at adolescence and theorize about developmental processes. The anthropological gaze returned to adolescence with two landmark studies, which shall be the next focus of this paper.

These two different approaches to the study of adolescence directly affect the way we theorize and study adolescents now.

It was around this same time when Schlegel and Barry began working on the

Adolescent Socialization Project analyzing the Human Relations Area Files for ethnographic evidence of adolescent characteristics in preindustrialized societies (1991).

The significance of Schlegel and Barry’s contribution with this volume is that it again pushes the discipline in the direction of being an explanatory science, not only interested in description of cross-cultural variation but also interested in looking for similarities and explanations for these. These scholars also continue the long-standing tradition of interdisciplinary publications with one anthropologist (Schlegel) and one psychologist

(Barry). Most importantly for the purposes of this discussion, this volume helped reignite the anthropological interest in the study of adolescents and adolescence in context.

When Shlegel and Barry published their book Adolescence (1991) the Whitings’

Harvard Adolescence Project had already published the ethnographies from their cross- cultural look at adolescence in six different cultures. Several of the Whitings’ students who conducted research for the Harvard Adolescence Project published excellent ethnographic accounts of adolescence in several contexts. Condon wrote on Inuit Youth

(1987), Burbank on Aboriginal Adolescence (1988), and Davis and Davis on

Adolescence in a Moroccan Town (1989) to name three that were part of this rebirth of

the anthropology of adolescence at the Harvard Adolescent Project that grew out of the original Six Cultures Study. Beginning with an assumption of universal biological processes, these follow-up studies looked at the variable sociocultural processes in contexts of huge institutional, demographic, and technological changes. These projects were noting the emergence of adolescence as a life stage in areas where it had not existed previously. The Whiting definition of adolescence as the period between the onset of puberty and the full assumption of adult roles was also built on the idea that adolescence also only exists in areas where there is enough wealth to maintain a transitionary period between childhood and parenthood.

Some Contemporary Discussions in the Anthropology of Adolescence

In their introduction to their edited volume, Mortimer and Larson outline several of what they view as the most influential macro-structural processes that are changing adolescence as we have looked at it (2002). Some of the trends discussed include demographic shifts, economic changes, institutional systems, new technology, lengthening of the adolescent transition, and greater diversity in adolescence and the pathways to adulthood (2002). Mortimer and Larson are very certain about the adolescent’s role in their own future.

“Adolescents are not passive recipients of macrosocietal change, they are actors within it. In some cases they create it. Adolescence is above all a period in which youth are required to be agents, to find their own paths, and, within the set of constraints and opportunities available to them, to mold themselves in ways that enable them to obtain the adulthoods they desire” (p15).

This agency in the navigation of identity development within a larger and rapidly transforming larger cultural environment is especially important to the discussion of

adolescence, and has become a major theoretical vein ripe for discussion within the literature.

Focusing on the adolescents conceptualizations of their present self and future self, Anderson and Anderson analyze Thai adolescent ideas of positive and negative attributes as they mature marked by both age and physical growth (1986). Building on identity development theories Markus and Kitayama published an article outlining a dyadic structure for self-conceptualization comparing the Japanese and American models

(1991). Looking at individual constructions of identity and self-esteem, Usmiani and

Daniluk contribute evidence that the mother’s role is important (1993).

An excellent ethnographic example of the effect of mass media and larger cultural structures on identity comes from McCune who researched American girls in the early

1990s (1994). By looking at identity and the staging of adolescence with regards to the rejection of overt authority, turning from parents as figures of influence to peers, and sexual ambivalence, McCune illuminates the somewhat tenuous relationship between the inside drama of these four 11 and 12 year old girls and the outside forces that affect them.

Whether identity is held in the individual or collective, it seems at least from one ethnographic account that agreement is paramount between the values held inside and those expressed outside. This is what Lowe writes about from one Micronesian society where he found that:

the emotional crises of young people in Chuuk often emerge from the incongruence in their pursuit of valued personal and social identities within the family, the community, and the peer group. Thus, youths who experience more incongruity in their engagements across the multiple activity settings of everyday life are at greater risk for stressful experiences (Lowe 2003, p219).

Not only are these adolescents personal desires socially shaped by needs for esteem and emotional attachment within the broader community and peer group, but they are also

“symbolically mediated social experiences in multiple, often conflicting domains of everyday activity” (p214).

Adolescents are often discussed, especially in much of the psychological literature, as being on the precipice of separating to form their own individual identity separate from what they have learned from their parents. In anthropology this has been conceptualized differently, with several different models of identity competing depending on the culture of origin and location among other variables specific to the adolescent as discussed by Markus and Kitayama for example (1991). Some have suggested that the most important aspect of identity formation and cultural production is socioeconomic class, in addition to race and gender (Lave, Duguid, Fernandez, and Axel 1992).

Fabrega & Miller argue for not only the importance of greater contextualization

(including media influence analysis) for understanding not only adolescent psychopathology, but also for a more thorough medical anthropology (1995). On a similarly broad level, Fussell and Greene discuss youth dependency not only on their families, but also on their communities and nations (2002, p52). Discussing youth on a global scale, and noting the demographic trends affecting them such as low birth rates bankrupting formerly solvent pension plans for the elderly and health, gender, and education gaps that need to be overcome, they also outline the region-specific challenges that youth will be facing in the coming years.

There is little that is predictable about the future, but one thing we do know is the numbers of young people coming of age in the next few decades. The absolute size of their cohorts is a direct indication of future demands for schools, health care, and employment training. The size of

their cohorts relative to other population age groups suggests the competition youth will face for public resources. National ability to prepare for these youth cohorts depends on each country’s place in the global economy, the international assistance, and the attention it gives to planning for the future of its young people (Fussell & Greene 2002, p56).

Adolescent immigrants and children of immigrants have also become a focus of major interest for anthropology. Immigration is one of the most stressful events that can occur in a person’s life, not least of which because immigrants are stripped of sustaining social relationships and roles which provide them with culturally scripted notions of how they fit in the world (Suarez-Orozco 2000). This loss of familiarity of contexts and people can lead to sadness and depression, with psychological and physical health prior to migration helping or impeding the potential acculturation process. Many of the stresses of immigration are complicated by both the structural barriers that immigrants encounter and the reactions and responses of the “native” populations in their new homes as well (Suarez-Orozco 2000). The process of learning the new rules for cultural interaction, or acculturation, is often a major source of stress in immigrants. Immigrant children have the potential advantage of being able to relatively rapidly adapt to their new circumstances and the accompanying acculturative stress. Religiosity and social support networks seem to play a positive role in this process, but experiences of discrimination and racism are reoccurring themes when children of immigrants are asked about the most difficult part of the immigration process (Suarez-Orozco 2000, pp211). Structural and attitudinal prejudicial exclusion can be potent psycho-social stressors intruding on the immigrant’s daily lives and interfering with their mental and social adaptation and adjustment (pp204).

Exclusion and inclusion criteria are basic psychological and social problems regarding group formation when developing a sense of social identity (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco

1990). As discussed previously, identity negotiation is one of the most important issues for adolescents, so it is an easy fit to look at identity negotiation in an adolescent group that has gone or is undergoing a great amount of stress and change such as immigrant adolescents.

Canino and Roberts found evidence to suggest that higher risk for suicidal behavior in immigrant Latino youths could be a product of acculturative stress (2001).

They too cited prejudice and discrimination as major contributing factor to this acculturative stress, in addition to disruption of support systems among others. Suarez-

Orozco and Suarez-Orozco note multiple pathways that adolescents choose, both consciously and unconsciously when attempting to adapt to their new and sometimes hostile locales, including total adoption of the customs of the new location, absolutely rejecting them, and multiple gradations of those between (ibid). Their discussion of the acculturative stress faced by these adolescents and the ways in which they navigate them is intriguing, especially within the context that the authors paint of immigration in the

United States. The negative consequences faced by immigrant adolescents who are not either part of an extensive protective social network or able to employ multiple adaptive pathways can be dire, including mental illnesses such as depression and even suicide.

Again, this focus on adolescents within the larger cultural context and in transitionary periods moves not only the anthropological theoretical discussion about adolescence in a new direction, but also pushes the boundaries back toward larger policy issues that affect them. This continues many of the same foci as the Whiting’s Harvard Adolescence

Project, while at the same time incorporating multiple other anthropological discussions of globalization, mental health, acculturation, and enculturation to name but a few. This is definitely a part of the pushing of the anthropological boundaries that were previously more easily drawn and focusing in on the blurring of those boundaries for both the discipline and the people that we study.

Focusing more on the role of media in the exportation of values across cultures and the issues that can arise is Becker. Three years after television was introduced to the island of Fiji, Anne Becker talked to adolescent girls there about their self-perception and eating habits (2004). She found that the new media exposure and rapid change that these girls were experiencing greatly shaped their behavior. Describing the multiple levels of changes, Becker writes:

The ensuing changes in self and body image were multifaceted. On the most superficial and concrete level, television appeared to redefine local aesthetic ideals for bodily appearance and presentation. Television scenarios also appeared to stimulate desire to acquire elements of the lifestyles portrayed, including the body shape perceived to be best suited for obtaining a job. Subjects explicitly reported modeling behavior and appearance on television characters. Indeed, role modeling of television characters appeared to conflate moral virtues, success in job opportunities, and appearance. On a subtle but palpable level, study subjects indicated that television characters, appearances, and values portrayed on television provided an anchor for identity as well as competitive social positioning in a rapidly evolving social landscape. For some of the subjects, the newly introduced pressures to reshape their bodies and compete for employment appear to have fostered disordered eating (Becker 2004, p540).

This is especially interesting with regard to the discussion of media influence on adolescent conceptualizations of self. In a rebroadcasting of the U.S.’s narrowly defined conceptualization of beauty, are we also exporting mental illness? How relevant are these images cross-culturally in a more diverse population with much different traditional conceptualizations of beauty, and what does that mean for the girls who start to compare

themselves with the unfair images being displayed? Becker’s evidence points to the fact that the effects of these media images have the potential to be devastating. Her larger analysis of one of the possible negative effects of globalization for these adolescents is what makes her important to the continued dialogue with and about adolescents in a quickly changing world.

Becker’s example from Fiji makes an easy comparison to Anderson-Fye’s in

Belize (2004). Anderson-Fye looked similarly at a population in the throes of rapid cultural change, new media exposure, and economic development and found a culturally patterned protective factor of the “Coca-Cola “ shape ideal for the girls there. Another recent ethnographic account in the vein of the anthropology of youth and the role of globalization in changing cultures is Cole’s work in Madagascar (2004). Cole found girls advancing their social position and status by engaging in the informal sex economy, by commodifying their bodies, and their values became ever more colored by consumerism as the area became more consumer focused. This is emphasized by Burton, Obeidallah, and Allison in one article discussing their work with inner city African-American teens

(1996). They outline three issues for consideration when developing conceptual frameworks for studying this population. Firstly, researchers need to acknowledge that

“contextual variations in the meaning of adolescence and successful developmental outcomes” exist (p396). Secondly, researchers should understand that there are

“inconsistencies in role expectations for adolescents within families and across social contexts” (p396). These two considerations are true in this population to be sure, but could also be translated to cross-cultural context. Lastly they articulate that researchers

must be aware of the “implications of an ‘accelerated life course’ on the developmental pathways of inner-city African-American teens” (p396).

Bucholz advocates for a shifting of the anthropological gaze from simply looking at adolescence as an interesting life stage for inquiry to a true anthropology of youth

(2002). Advocating for the creation of this new theoretical stance, she argues that an:

anthropology of youth is characterized by its attention to the agency of young people, its concern to document not just highly visible youth cultures but the entirety of youth cultural practice, and its interest in how identities emerge in new cultural formations that creatively combine elements of global capitalism, transnationalism, and local culture (Bucholz 2002, p525).

This theoretical turn is interested in questions such as: How do adolescents around the world negotiate and produce culture? This anthropology of youth would look specifically at the affect of the modern condition on youth, and would focus on youth rather than adolescence as a categorization.

Amit-Talai and Wulff’s edited volume Youth Cultures: A Cross-Cultural

Perspective reports on the lives of youth not only as object of study but agents of cultural interpretation, creation, and reformation (1995). One of the most prolific writers and researchers in the field of youth cultures has been Angela McRobbie. Her work looking at the interaction of Feminism and femininity with youth culture among girls in England is extremely interesting (i.e. McRobbie & Garber 1977, McRobbie 1991, 1993).

Rosenberg and Garofalo focus their gaze on the role of media in the lives of girls and their use of technology to form their own subcultures (1998). In a very similar theoretical vein, Fuglesang looks at the role of feminism and media in Muslim girls’ lives in Kenya

(1994). Looking at youth in national context, both Pilkington in Russia (1994) and Yan in China (1999) discuss how changing cultural landscapes effect the youth of these

respective countries and how they negotiate their place in it. Other authors have focused in on youth subcultures, especially with regard to minority populations (i.e. Indian-

American Youth Subcultures: Maira 1999 & Sunaina 1999). Others have even taken on the issues brought on by globalization and the struggle of youth to find their own narrative within the context of a larger global youth culture (Griffin 2001). These are only a sampling of the issues explored in the study of youth cultures.

Europe

This section will briefly outline theoretical developments within the anthropology of Europe. These theoretical developments will be discussed in three distinct time periods. In chronological order, the first time period discussed will be anthropological theory prior to the World Wars. This section will focus on the philosophical beginnings of the discipline and the historical anthropology approach to discussions of remembering.

The second section will focus on anthropology during the war period, and will specifically discuss the anthropological contributions to eugenics and later analysis and contextualization of these theoretical and practical contributions to the larger philosophical underpinnings of National Socialists specifically. Lastly, this section will briefly discuss anthropological theoretical developments since the post-war period focusing in on the anthropology of rural northwest Europe and larger European Union issues. The goal of this section is not only to briefly epistemologically illuminate the roots of the anthropology of Europe, but also to contextualize contemporary anthropology both in and of Europe within broader theoretical discussions in the discipline.

The distinction between the anthropology of Europe and anthropology in Europe is important to discuss at the outset of this essay because the separation is not always a

clear one to make. This stems at least in part from the continued anthropological discussion about research undertaken in one’s own respective culture. As will be clear from the evidence presented in this essay, it is not entirely possible to separate the two, most especially because several key debates about the nature of Europe and the role of anthropology have circled the globe at this point, and piecing out the researchers’ origins is not always helpful in distinguishing their perspective. It is not entirely possible to understand the literature of the anthropology of Europe without looking into some of the work coming out of anthropology in Europe, most especially German-language publications. It is my contention that though they are ostensibly distinguishable, the goal of this section is not to piece them out, rather to understand the historical theoretical roots of anthropology with regards to Europe. These intertwined literatures both contribute to this discussion, and understanding both the emic and etic perspectives of broader historical theoretical tropes is the imperative for this discussion.

Pre-Wars

This section will discuss the philosophical beginnings and historical anthropology’s discussion of “remembering” prior to the world wars that vastly changed anthropology of and in Europe. Philosophically, several scholars have traced the roots of anthropology in Europe to the German enlightenment, to Kant and the brothers Grimm to name a few (Faull 1995). A more specific focus on the split in European anthropology can be found in Schipper’s discussion of philosophical divorce between anthropologists focused on research with non-European populations and those who focused on Europe

(1995). Also of note in this pre-war period is that this divorce was partly fueled by the home country and politics of the anthropologists. From the German Enlightenment

writers and founding folklorists, European anthropology, that is anthropology of and in

Europe, begin its philosophical roots long before the first World War. Heine-Geldern details a 100 year history in German language publications in anthropology and the importance of German contributions to anthropological theory (1964). Theoretical development of the schools of thought have not gone without criticism, such as

Andriolo’s critique of the Kulturkreiselehre in his discussion of the Austrian contribution to theory (1979). As noted previously, the German-language theoretical developments are particularly noteworthy because of their extended period of philosophizing from home, especially in contrast to their colonialist neighbors who sojourned into the field with numerous tales and stamps in their passports: England and France most notably. The importance of the German-language philosophical developments of Kant, Nietzsche,

Marx, Weber, and Freud to name only five cannot be overstated (See: Keyes 2002).

These men, among others have made lasting and significant impressions on the way that we think about social science and conceptualize culture among a myriad of other things.

The second aspect of theoretical development with regards to pre-world war

Europe is the historical anthropology discussion of the issue of historical memory. A fine example of this would be Sabean’s 1984 discussion of the historical communication of power narratives. Along a similar line is Eidson’s discussion of multiple variations within local history (2000). Looking at 19th and early 20th century documents, he notes that multiple divisions among people of power along lines of religion, family, or political affiliation for example account for variations in the historical archive of interest and perspectives accommodated.

World Wars

Near the beginning of the twentieth century, a turn in social science discussions began to take place in Europe. Building on the theoretical foundations laid especially by

Nietzsche and Marx, social scientists began discussing issues of class and race, in addition to further developing the theoretical foundations of the structural functionalist paradigm. The science of racial classification was a very anthropological endeavor, and a very popular one at the beginning of the twentieth Century, as seen through the ambitious writings focusing on the history, customs, measurements, and particularities specific to each race. Using an historical perspective and focusing on the correlation between geographic and anthropometric data, Ripley published an ambitious volume titled the

Races of Europe in 1899 Racial categorization became even more refined in subsequent publications about the races of Europe. In 1907, Weisse published a study of Die deutschen Volksstämme und Landschaften (The German Tribes and Countryside).

Keeping with Ripley’s tripartite theme, he divides Germany into three sections and details the fine differences between the tribes of under-Germany, middle-Germany, and over-Germany.

The historical context of the volume edited by Paterson and written by leading

British scholars of German culture at the time is especially important to note, as the editor does in the introduction. Published after the beginning of the Great War in 1915, these scholars focus on German contributions to science, art, music, politics, and religion. This is not a love letter to German scholarship, rather is considered squarely in the structural functionalist tradition of understanding a part of Culture, thus explaining and clarifying the largest version of global culture.

Also of importance to note here was the focus on international relations within social science writing. That focus was seen in the introduction of Paterson’s edited volume and continued with an exemplary text by Helferrich in 1921 after the war.

Writing from a political science perspective, Helferrich not only historically contextualizes German policy in Turkey but also discusses future relations between the countries based on their cooperative interactions during the Great War. The established

German racial discussion was taken further by the publication of Günther’s volume

Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (Racial Studies of the German People) in 1922. It took many years and mountains of research, including from the father of American anthropology Franz Boaz and later Atwood Gaines (2005) to completely refute this claim that lead to a very horrendous history.

Coon’s 1939 re-write of Ripley’s original Races of Europe is also an important example to note in the American departure from the continental European discussion about racialized hierarchies. Though Coon did completely restructure racial categorizations departing from Ripley’s three-tiered distinctions, he also notably did not discuss racial differences in intelligence, blood groups, or racial hygiene. Instead this volume focuses on the categorization of races as variation on a human theme and not as categorically different. This departure made the important philosophical distinction of cultural relativity and is the outstanding contribution of American anthropologists in the anthropology focusing on race during this period.

One last development of this period is of note, and that is the intensified focus on understanding and classifying differences within supposedly homogeneous groups within

Europe. One very detailed and exemplary account is Weiss’ 1946 tome on the “folklore”

of the Swiss people. Weiss’ volume is particularly detailed in its analysis and documentation of Swiss life right down to the specialized language used in popular swiss sports.

Historical anthropology’s analysis, contextualization, and critique of anthropology’s role in the atrocities committed in the name of racial hygiene have been chronicled in several recent publications. Frank briefly discusses the American anthropological departure from the continental European discussions of race during the lead up to the war, particularly noting Boas’ influence not only as a Jew himself but as a serious scholar who devoted part of his career to debunking the anthropometric studies of race (1997). Outside of his academic role, Boas even went so far as to write to

Hindenburg protesting Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor in 1933, which is a fairly big turning point in the view of American anthropology in Germany. This one protestation could be seen as a symbolic divorce between the two anthropologies, and while Frank points to the Jewish origin of multiple scholars in anthropology as the reason, it could also be interpreted as a decision to remain culturally relativistic on this side of the

Atlantic.

There are two most outstanding historical anthropology discussions of anthropology’s role in Germany’s Third Reich. Evans most recently published a detailed account of the used of race science in the period between the world wars (2010). This volume argues that racialized anthropology was set within a very specific historical context and was not the only logical outcome of the beginning anthropologists. By looking specifically at the politicized presentation via public exhibition of data constructed for the Nazi funders, Evans focuses in on the culturally constructed nature of

science, and paints a picture of anthropologists’ whose ethics were lost to ideology and political accommodation (2010). Evans notes that:

In wartime the temptation to yield to ideological fashion was great. By doing so, German anthropologists imperiled their intellectual independence, departed from international standards of scientific work, and abandoned a humanistic and cosmopolitan approach to humanity. This was a bargain that signaled the end of one tradition in German anthropology and the beginning of another that would culminate in the Nazi anthropology of the 1930s. (p230, 2010).

So while the logical ends of the previous racial hygiene discussion may not have been genocide, according to Evans, these anthropologists had already begun the slide down that slippery slope to genocide.

That exact descent is the focus of Schafft’s historical analysis of Nazi anthropology, picking up where Evans leaves off in the historical archive (2004). Schafft not only discusses the flaws in Nazi anthropological efforts in excruciating detail from primary document research, but also discusses the professional and financial support coming from the United States (2004). The level of complicity of anthropologists in the

Nazi final solution is devastating and so outside of the realm of consideration of ethically minded scientists, and Schafft makes great effort to discuss the post-war complicity as well noting the relative silence from the discipline about the cooperation and conspiracy of anthropologists in the dark national socialist period in Germany. The disgrace of

Volkskunde in Germany lead to a prolonged denial and later silencing of the field that helped make the scientific case for genocide and actually helped in the implementation of the final solution being carried out. Schafft’s historical anthropology contextualization is punctuated by a very nuanced critique of the misappropriation of anthropological research for horrific purposes. This book is vital for anyone interested in understanding

the history of anthropology both in and of Germany, and also very important in an ethics of research and applications discussion2.

Post-Wars

So far this section has briefly discussed anthropological developments in Europe first in the pre-war period philosophical beginnings and historical anthropology’s treatment of remembering this time period. The second section focused on anthropology leading up to, during, and directly after the period of the two world wars for which

Europe was the stage, most specifically with regard to racial science, ethics, and contextualization of anthropology done in the name of ideological and political compromise. This last section will focus on the period of time since the world wars, and will look at broader conceptualizations of the continent as a whole, the rural focus of anthropology, and will finish by briefly introducing the anthropology of the European

Union.

The events of World War II effected anthropological theory in and of Europe in multiple an irrevocable ways, just as they changed the continent itself. The focus in social science shifted noticeably from documenting differences to understanding them and focusing more on larger theoretical questions than head circumference and coloration. This is not to suggest that old theoretical questions were no longer relevant in the Europe that was rebuilt from the ashes, but more than just the buildings had changed

2 A broader discussion of the split in German anthropology along Völkserkunde and Volkskunde lines is beyond the scope of this dissertation, but it would be remiss to not at least note that neither of these terms has survived the long term academic-ese in Germany. Anthropology in Germany goes by many names, but is most typically referred to as Ethnologie, which is in a practical sense a combination of both of the former approaches.

at least partially to do with the fact that the means to an ideological end had been put into motion and been found to be morally and ethically repugnant in practice.

Issues such as national identity came into anthropological focus, most especially in the country where national pride had run amok. In an amazingly poignant set of transcript quotes from small group discussions with Germans from ages 13-78 in 3 major West

German cities, Wolff outlines the way that Germans picture themselves in relation to others, the present and future, and the past (1955

The historical changes in ethnology in Germany, began to be explored in historical context in the 1950s, with scholars noting the three different periods of theoretical development as being shaped by the massive events of the wars on the continent (Westphal-Hellbusch 1959). It would be almost 20 more years before a real look into redefining the agenda and basic principles for Volkskunde in Germany, as the scars from the second world war, both because of exclusion/inclusion that was perpetrated by the Nazi funding structure for research and the resultant cooperative anthropologists’ research and ethically bankrupt conspiracy with them (Bausinger 1978).

The historical look at specific peoples also became a focus of the post-war period, such as

E.A. Thompson’s discussion of the Germans before Germany (1965) and Bjerke’s linguistic anthropological developmental approach to kinship studies in Europe (1969).

Historical legal analysis of foreign labor and capitalism practices in Germany, were also part of this trend (Rhoades 1978).

Historical anthropology’s focus on the past as a process and not a static fact had to contend especially with professional guilt in Germany, and it did not especially recover until the 1980s, according to Bock (1995). Harkening back to the historical anthropology

discussions of memory studies, is Bourguignon, who in 1996 returns to a Vienna that she fled at the outbreak of war and asks whether or not it is possible to remember a place that no longer exists physically or ideologically

Another characteristic of post-war European anthropology has been the focus on rural communities as they fit within their larger cultural context. Honigman’s intensive focus on a very small rural Austrian town’s cultural processes, including contracts and drinking practices is particularly exemplary of this type of study that was being done in the period directly following the war (1968a, 1968b, Honigman & Honigman 1976).

Cole and Wolf’s 1974 study of ecological resources and cultural patterning as it relates to outside political interests in two tiny alpine villages less than 3 Km apart but isolated by mountainous terrain is also especially worth noting in this time period.3 Another example of the anthropological focus on the agrarian rural culture is Burcaw’s analysis of the architecture, dissemination of architectural style, and historical functionality of homes and maps in Saxony, Germany (1979 King’s ethnography of a small-rural community turned tourist destination for one season of the year in north-West Germany seems to bridge this historical ethnography and discussions of the larger European context, as if to both gloss over the continent as a whole while at the same time discussing this tiny portion of it (1984). King’s ethnography was part of the movement to discuss the larger

European issues through the lens of the rural population, and is notable for bridging these two very different styles before that was a real issue in the anthropology of Europe.

3 This is also particularly interesting to relate to Jared Diamond’s discussion of ecological resources as historical shapers around the world in his 1997 book Guns, Germs, and Steel; though it is not particularly relevant to this discussion. 52

The Goddard, Llobera, and Shore edited volume titled The Anthropology of

Europe is one of the foundational texts outlining the major issues in contemporary anthropology in and of Europe, most especially discussions of the European Union

(1996). Wolf returned to the historical memory discussions with his quintessential book

Europe and the People without History in a combination with political economy, history, and anthropology and leaning very heavily on Weberian conceptualizations of modes of production (1997). Wicker’s edited volume focuses on national identity in a multicultural and transnational Europe (1997). Douglass discusses one of the issues they raise, migration within and from outside of the continent (1998), while DeSoto takes a broader view of the national and EU discussions of identity (1998) that Leontidou later expands and deconstructs in a piece about three meta-narratives within the discussions of the boundaries of Europe (2004). Wilson specifically discusses the need for an anthropological inquiry into the nature of the European Union from the highest position

(1998) that is answered by Shore (2000). Herzfeld has continued the discussion of the boundaries of Europe with a larger focus on the decentralization of power and the effects that globalization and migration have had on the European periphery’s perceptions of their own European-ness (2010). These are only a smattering of the more contemporary themes in the anthropology of Europe.

It has been the intention of this section to explain how and why theoretical developments within the anthropology of Europe have been inexorably shaped by the historical events of the continent itself. By distinguishing the three distinct time periods in European history and discussing the philosophical foundations, historical anthropological discussions of the three time periods, and cross-Atlantic dialogue that

resulted in a newer conceptualization of European Anthropology the intertwined nature of anthropologies in and of Europe has been discussed. All of these historical and theoretical developments have been essential in forming European Anthropology as it is practiced both in Europe and by American Anthropologists.

German-Speaking Europe

This section will argue that anthropologists studying Europe, especially German- speaking Europe, have contributed both ethnographic evidence and theoretically grounded discussions of the continent in the period since the Second World War.

Beginning with a brief overview of the general contemporary state of the anthropology of

Europe, I will then discuss the major contemporary themes in the Anthropology of northwest Europe. The themes I will focus on in this essay are European Union development, national identity, and German unification and change. These are four of the major contemporary themes driving the anthropology of Europe and the most relevant to a dialogue about the anthropology of Europe’s contribution to the larger anthropological theoretical discussions.

Europe has been present in the anthropological imagination for as long as there has been anthropology (indeed, Europe and anthropology have helped to create each other). Europe exists as a conceptual contrast, as a vehicle of Occidentalism, to define and enforce the boundaries and hierarchical inequalities of Occident and Orient (West and non-West). It has also been used to define and serve as a testing ground for the distinguishing disciplinary features of anthropology itself (Parman 1998, p2)

As Parman so eloquently discusses it, European cultures have served as the norm since the inception of anthropology, and the anthropology of Europe has been a more relatively recent turn in the anthropological imagination which has turned to questioning the

assumptions at the basis of traditional theoretical bases (1998). Scholars such as Forsythe have called for an increase in studies looking at Germany specifically.

Ten years after the formation of the SAE, Goddard, Llobera, and Shore’s establishing edited volume titled The Anthropology of Europe (1996). This book especially focuses on the historical development of the anthropology of Europe, several of the major contemporary themes in anthropological research of Europe at the time, and reasons for discussion Europe as a continent. They also interrogate the agendas put forth for the anthropological focus in European anthropology such as Grillo’s quintessential monograph on this exact discussion (1980). The most important contribution these authors make to the contemporary discussion of the anthropology of Europe is the outlining of why Europe should be conceptualized as an entity in addition to parsing out the various cultural contributions and contextualization of each individual nation-state as they exist currently.

European Union Development

The development of the European Union has been one of the major contemporary themes in the anthropology of Europe, and has often set the theoretical stage for the rest of the themes. The sputtering and fits of the process of dissolution of boundaries within the EU has been a topic of much critique and discussion. The political, legal, and cultural shifts that have been shaped not only by the historical events that have changed the shape and nature of Europe as a continent but also by changing perceptions and foci by the member nations themselves as they struggle to redefine their respective sovereignties and places within the hierarchy of this new formulation of a power structure. This section

will focus on anthropological discussions of the EU and how researchers have re- conceptualized European discussions because of it.

One critical discussion about the EU has to do with the individual support for the union by citizens contained within it. In a sample of individuals from all of the member nations of the European Union and over the course of ten years, Deflam and Pampel were able to show that national boundaries are still important in the shaping of support or lack thereof for the Union (1996). This broader European identity, as primarily defined by capitalist class-tensions is the focus on the essays in the volume Rethinking Nationalism and Ethnicity edited by Wicker and including some of the most prominent European anthropologists engaged in discussing European Union issues at the end of the 1990s

(1997). The interrogation of multiculturalism is especially prescient within a powerfully constructed broader European identity, and these authors take it to task without gloves.

While critical of the broader EU issues, at the same time, this volume does not go so far as to completely deconstruct the idea of the EU, which seems to also suggest that turn away from the post-modernism of the 1980s as discussed elsewhere (Goddard, Llobera,

& Shore 1996).

As is also characteristic of more contemporary anthropological themes, one focus in the study of the EU has been a call for a greater understanding of the power structures of the EU from the top down. The daunting task of understanding the EU as a set of cultural relations and clearly defining it as neither a state nor a nation, rather a supranation such as has never been realized in the modern world was laid out very clearly by Wilson (1998). The very next year, Shore published his discussion of how the EU is being constructed from the very top levels and the wider cultural implications of

powerful attempts to create a new European identity through the targeting of women and the rewriting of history as if a mono-cultural European entity was an inevitable fact of evolution (1999). Shore truly established himself as the leading political anthropologist the next year with the publication of his ethnography of the EU from the halls of Brussels

(2000). While questioning the supra-state status of Europe (based on Weber-ian criteria),

Shore has also brought the anthropological focus to the philosophical debate as to how we should consider the EU politically and culturally (2005). He notes that the differences between the laws of the member states and those coming out of Brussels are becoming more difficult to distinguish (Shore 2005

Shore’s political anthropological discussion lends easily to the focus of anthropologists looking at the member state specific contexts and the return to nationalist discourses as a reaction to the very mono-culturalizing efforts critiqued by Shore. With a highly nuanced treatment of nationalism beyond traditional criticisms and toward a development of theoretical constructions of international comparisons within the EU, the

2006 volume Neo-Nationalism in Europe and Beyond is an exceptional example of the kind of work being done within the member nations of the EU that focus in on broader issues of the continued conundrum of the union as a whole (2006). The authors in this volume discuss not only the political anthropology huge issues, but how the home politics of the member states in the EU play and interact with the larger political structure’s attempts at forming a more perfect union. They discuss neo-nationalism “through a focus on action, interaction, and practice together with accompanying forms of discourse” within the nations and as a complicated internally diverse construction (Gingrich and

Banks, 2006).

Most recently in debates about the mono-cultural perceptions of the EU, discussions of the periphery of Europe and old exclusions have come to the forefront in anthropological debate about the collective endeavors of the EU. In a brilliant anthropological critique discussion of the specific case of Istanbul, Levent Soysal spends a chapter discussing the ways that the former Oriental capital is now a more global focused city in midst of a civilizing process (2010). In the same volume, Herzfeld takes up the theoretical discussion where Soysal leaves off and goes even further in discussing the changing nature of Europeanization of the city and the subsuming and suppression of the traditionally considered oriental aspects in the hopes of becoming a more internationally marketable city (2010). This political and cultural Europeanization is discussed as Turkey continues to be excluded from the European Union, popularly reasoned as irreconcilable cultural differences. This most recent volume on Istanbul both interrogates the EU construction of cultural homogeneity and the permeable boundaries of Europe while pointing to the fact that even those who play by the rules of the EU in the hopes of being included are not always welcome additions to the club.

National Identity

Moving from the largest geographic and political conceptualizations of Europe, the second major contemporary theme in the anthropology of Europe up for discussion in this essay is national identity. Discussions of identity and belonging have long been a focus in anthropological inquiry in Europe. This section of the essay will focus on the major anthropological discussions within the theme of national identity. Typically in the

Anthropology of Europe, national identity has been discussed as being within the bounds of a state, as has most typically been discussed in Germany. When compiling the

research for this section, I thought it most prudent to include work that looked at both smaller groups within larger states and broader theoretical discussion on the theme.

Finally, ethnographic evidence that illustrates the larger theoretical debate remains the most important for purposes of keeping true to the original thesis of this essay that contemporary themes in the anthropology of northwest Europe have been enormously influenced by historical events that have transpired there in the recent past.

In one now classic study, Cole and Wolf look at national identity and ethnicity in two isolated alpine towns that are located less than three kilometers apart (1974). What is striking about this as one of the foundational works looking at national identity is that here these villages both belong to the Italian state, yet the difference in language use and

“political allegiance” paints a patchwork picture of national identity as being shaped more by the ethnic composition of the population. In essence, the authors argue that language is the most important factor when it comes to cultural practices and even thought patterns, especially reasoning and prioritization (Cole and Wolf 1974).

Population ethnicity and broader national identity are also the focus of Linke’s historical discussion of labor migrants in Germany (1982 Looking at the historical record also, Douglass also chooses to focus on the law and differing treatments of migration around the continent (1998).

Is national identity really such an important discussion to have when these borders are becoming less meaningful with the ever expanding sovereignty of the EU? In a most eloquently argued case, Leontidou enthusiastically argues that national identity is very much still an important discussion to be continued in the anthropology of Europe (2004).

This directly compliments Borneman’s discussion of the German context that I will

confer in the next section of this chapter. Leontidou’s articulation of the dialogue between national identity and broader EU both deconstructs the post-nationalist EU identity exchange and places it within a broader globalization and historical context.

Another important discussion in the national identity literature has been the treatment of small groups within larger state boundaries. Though outside of northwestern

Europe, the exemplary nature of Llobera’s text on Catalonia within Spain within the

European Union surely warrants an exemption. This piece discusses the Catalonian push against the subsumation of their culture in the larger Spanish collective relating it to the larger push against the homogenization of all of Europe under the EU banner (Llobera

2004). .

In her ground-breaking look at illegal migrant’s access to the basic human right of health care, Casteneda shows the real underside of discussions of national identity, which is the question of who is allowed to be included and desired to be part of an identity

(2008a & 2009). In both of these papers, Casteneda focuses on the German legal situation of these migrants who may be deported without their children and whose doctors may face criminal charges just for helping them. The models of citizenship, in a country whose laws have only recently been changed to not be based on blood inclusion, do not include any room for those who do not follow the rule of law so deeply cherished in the German sensibility.

German Unification & Change

Having been through some of the most profound changes in Europe since World

War II, Germany is a locale ripe for the anthropological imaginary and continues to be

the focus of contemporary researchers. This section of the chapter will briefly highlight some of the anthropological discussions that have specifically looked at Germany.

Writing in 1978, Rhoades deconstructed the commonly held notion that guest worker migration to Germany was temporary and good for the economies of the guest workers. Like Linke (1982), Rhoades looks at the immigration policy development over time, going back even further to the forming of the Reich in 1871. What is most striking about his discussion from our own vantage point in time is the question of what would he say now? When this piece was written in 1978, there were still two Germanys, and migration was contained to those who were invited. There was very little intra-European migration to Germany, especially not without invitation, and the first guest workers were only starting to have their grandchildren be born in the German state that only wanted their labor.

Also interesting in historical perspective, is Forsythe’s articulate discussion of

German identity that was published in the spring of 1989. While a very important work, discussing especially the divided nature of German identity and basically outlining the fact that to be German essentially means to be conflicted, it also became less pertinent to the discussion at the end of the same year it was published. This is not to say that

Forsythe’s argument about German identity being tied to the past is at all wrong. That is a generational debate that continues to wage on in the face of legal dialogues, cultural conflicts, and discussions of national pride for sure (i.e., Miller-Idriss 2009). However, it is important to note here that the earthquake that shook the German cultural context in

1989 changed not only the borders of the nation-state but also the anthropological discussion of it and the people in it.

When the wall fell in 1989, East-West was ostensibly dissolved for one Germany, but Borneman has built an entire career discussing the reunification and the ramifications on both sides to German identity and cultural shifts. Working primarily with the law and ethnographic evidence gathered through extended fieldwork that included a Fulbright funded stay in the early 1980s in an East German border town, Borneman is considered by many to be the most important American anthropological scholar conducting research in and publishing about Germany. Only three years after the fall of the Berlin Wall,

Borneman published an analysis of the subjective experience of being a Berliner within the two legally distinct systems that had very particular regulations regarding kinship, reproduction, and remembrance (1992). Through an insightful discussion relating the legal frameworks set out by the two governing bodies to the personal experiences of his informants, Borneman deconstructs the notions of self as revealed in the differing policies of the states and takes on the humongous task of beginning to discuss the issues with the process of the reunification of the two Germans in a post script (1992).

The fortuitous timing of Borneman’s research could not have been more perfect for a legal anthropological analysis of the changing German situation. The very next year, he followed up his book with three articles more specifically discussing the reunification process from a legal standpoint (1993a, 1993b) and with regards to subjectivity (1993c).

Echoing the German Studies discussion, his 1997 book analyzing the legal processes held for crimes committed during the period of East Germany casts an interesting light on the processes in dual and dueling cultural contexts (1997a). Borneman’s focus on German identity and the east-west tension is especially prescient as it examines the historical context of German state boundaries and the post-nationalist discussion within the

European Union context (1997b). He further explores these issues in a chapter that is a reflexive personal ethnography of his relationship with a woman and her daughters whom he met in East Germany prior to the fall of the wall and later moved to West Germany

(1998).

Other anthropologists have also focused on the experiences of reunification in

Germany, such as Baer who provides another personal insight into the before and after of educators and communist party members in the former East Germany (1998) and Berdahl who contributes an ethnography of before and after in a tiny town on the border between the divided Germanys (1999). In a more literary tradition, Boyer focuses his east-west discussion in Berlin at the turn of the century, but still owes much to the legal discussions as outlined by Borneman (Boyer 2001a). Boyer’s work in particular marks a turn in the historical discussion of German identity from being completely within the state borders to including a post-nationalist discussion about the broader effects within the European

Union (i.e. Boyer 2000, 2001b).

The final focus of Borneman’s work that is relevant to this essay is his look at the experience of German sacrifice in historical context that both continues his work on identity, law, and experience as well as making the larger context writ personal (2002).

Borneman’s collected work has been extremely influential in not only the contemporary anthropology of Germany and greater Europe, but also in theoretical discussions of the changing nature of historical context and generationally divided experiences. Legal anthropology scholars such as Caldwell who has focused on recent changes in German positive freedom discussions owe a debt to his ability to bring the largest discussion of law down to a level of individual experience (Caldwell 1996). Hauschild, who focuses

on the multiple competing narratives of the origins of anthropology within Germany is also grounded in Borneman’s larger discussions (Hauschild 1997).

The final contemporary focus of anthropologists working in Germany has been the continued focus on populations considered to be outside of the national German kinfolk. Looking at the German immigration policy since reunification, Rotte discusses the efficacy of policy adaptations to the changing situation there (2000). A much more nuanced and historically contextualized piece comes from White who not only discusses the immigration issues from the emic perspective within Germany but also focuses in on the duel issue of the re-immigration of populations such as Jews born in Russia whose families were excised by the Nazi regime (1997).

Mandel’s Cosmopolitan Anxieties is the most exemplary and complete ethnography of Turks in Germany that exists (2008). Her more than 20 years of research experience with this population and the discussion from multiple perspectives is outstanding and an important contribution to the anthropological archive not only of

Germany but also most broadly of migration. Additionally, Casteneda has focused her research on illegal migrants in Berlin, as previously discussed, and their situation in

Germany both from a legal analysis and a medical anthropological approach to health disparities in the larger context of power differentials (i.e. Casteneda 2007, 2009, 2010).

All of these shifts in anthropological focus have been especially affected and even have been precipitated from the historical shifts that have not only changed the face of

Europe but the perspectives and experiences of the people who have lived them.

Anthropologists have been uniquely positioned to be able to explain both the largest historical and legal contexts of the European Union down all the way to personal

experiential focus in specific cities. Theoretical discussions of the nature of the European

Union and changing national identities in light of the massive shift to a theoretically proposed post-nationalist Europe have been greatly informed by continued ethnographic insights from the pinnacle of power in the EU bureaucratic representatives of the “new”

European citizenship down to the powerless illegal immigrant. The contemporary anthropological themes explored in this essay are only a peek into the possibilities for continued research in this ever expanding locale that continues to be greatly shaped by the tectonic shifts in the region. Keeping pace with the change will be the challenge in the near future.

Ethnographic Contributions

This section will focus on the anthropological contributions to our understanding of European conceptualizations, discussions, and experiences of national identity, ethnicity, and migration specifically. With cultural relativity at the heart of the discipline, anthropologists have been uniquely positioned to critically analyze issues arising from the massive changes being currently undertaken in Europe. By focusing both on the historical anthropological discussions of these three issues and the most current publications in the field, this essay will clarify three of the most prescient issues in the anthropology of Europe. The holistic anthropological approach has been especially adept at understanding these changes in historical context as well as interpreting the individual experiences of participants within and in light of them.

Europe was once thought of as being completely outside the geographical canon of anthropology. Having been the starting point for much theoretical social science and considered to be mostly familiar, even to many American anthropologists, for a long time

anthropology of Europe was confined to looking at rural-agrarian settings in small scale though often insightful ethnographies. It has even been argued that the anthropology of

Europe was only invented in 1986 with the formation of the Society for the Anthropology of Europe (Parman 1998). It is my contention however, that anthropologists have had contributions in this area long before the formation of a formal society in American anthropology. I include here ethnographic insights from long before 1986 as evidence that anthropologists have been interested in discussing European issues of national identity, ethnicity, and migration for longer than the SAE has existed formally. As anthropologists have moved to study within their own cultures, so it would seem that

Europe has become a locale of greater interest, though Wolf and others have argued with the historical accuracy of discussing the West as an entity (1997).

Before moving on to the discussion of how in a post-nationalist Europe anthropology has contributed to these three specific areas, it is extremely important to also note here that post-nationalism in Europe is itself an idea that has been unpacked and deconstructed in the European mind and the anthropological imaginary. Wicker, and several others included in his edited volume, contend that post-nationalist European ideals are completely constructed under the guise of capitalistic flexibility and do not reflect the emic European self-conceptualizations (1997). Deflam and Pampel, in a sample of individuals within European Community member states over the course of ten years have shown that the shift to a post-nationalist view contrary to the discourse from the top, has not been and will continue to not be a quick or smooth transition to a broader constructed European identity (1996). In his book Building Europe, Shore has gone even further to criticize the very notion that a constructed “European nation” could ever

be realized (2000). Shore’s ethnography of European civil servants in the EU parliament in Brussels is revealing for both post-modernist discussions of the constructed nature of an EU identity and for discussions of the de-centralized non-state-state of the EU and its power (2000). It is not the intention of this essay to reify the categorization of Europe as post-nationalist, rather to situate the broader anthropological discussions of national identity, ethnicity, and migration within the framework of the debate about the postnational European identity and order.

National Identity

Before there was a European Union and a real debate about the post-national

European view, national identity was already a discussion in anthropological research.

Looking at the German ideological conceptualization of their perceived national identity in comparison specifically to Americans and Germany in the past, present, and future was the focus on one particularly revealing study (Wolff 1955). In this same time period, historical focus on the development of the German nation became an area of prime interest, such as Thompson’s focus on the pre-state German identity gathered from historical literature and other compilations of German history (1965). Historical context is especially imperative in considerations of German identity, as has been discussed by

Forsythe, who specifically outlines scales of German-ness in the debate about national identity and belonging, as the continuum of inclusion based on generational and cultural ties to Germany explains some of the basic cultural reasoning for legal exclusion of such groups as the guest workers in German society (1989). She concludes that historical considerations and the divided state (at the time) means that in essence to identity as

German is to identify as essentially conflicted. This conflicted nature is also explored by

Caldwell who discusses the removal of the crucifix from Bavarian elementary classrooms based on the constitutional legality of positive religious freedom (1996). Caldwell discusses this political debate situated in the multicultural dialogue and paradigm as it relates to the Catholic minority in Germany, and it easily lends itself to a discussion of the way that Germans see themselves in national context.

Religious performance and symbolism as subtle resistance to post-nationalist discourse has also been a focus of the national identity discussion. In a focus on a small town in the black forest’s carnival rituals, De Soto explores the various ways in which culture is performative and reflective of the broader discussions of both national identity and the development of post-nationalist constructions (1998). These mountain villagers both embody and resist both of these macro-conceptualizations of their identity and cling to the micro-traditions of their carnival to assert the importance of their local identity over either of these enormously engulfing ideas of to whom they belong. Borneman and

Senders similarly explore the performative aspect of national identity and post-nationalist discourse in their discussion of the participants in the now defunct techno-fueled Love

Parade celebration (2000). Their political and linguistic analysis of individual participant’s drug-induced narratives is revealing in that they focus on the resistance to the Europeanization of the continent and focus instead on the choreography of political non-engagement.

Elsewhere, Borneman argues for the historical construction of German national identity and the political election process as public remembrance and sacrifice for past deeds (2002). Here Borneman discusses national identity as evidenced through political action both at the polls and in the national remembrance of the past through debates about

the debate about the national memorial for the victims of the holocaust in Berlin.

Borneman’s discussion of the theoretical tropes within the public debate is similar to

Boyer’s approach in his study of the journalistic influence in debates of identity (Boyer

2000). Boyer argues that the constructed nature of differentiated identities within the post-nationalist European context can be viewed as based in the journalistic discourse surrounding identity (2000).

Another Boyer piece focuses in on the climate of change in German national identity within in the broader post-nationalist discussion (2001a). Similarly, Llobera’s discussion of Catalan identity within the broader post-nationalist debate is both revelatory in its contextualization of a minority within a state within the European Union and explanatory for its combination of historical focus and finger on the pulse of current debates within Catalanian culture (2004). Gingrich an Banks’ introduction to their interesting volume about the reactive neo-nationalist turn in local political contexts within the EU is also an important contribution to this discussion, as they present a particularly nuanced discussion of a very ideologically charged debate (2006).

Ethnicity

Separating discussions focused on ethnicity within the nation-states of northwest

Europe is not as simple as one might assume at first blush. Much of the national identity discussion crosses also broaches the subject of ethnicity, though it can easily be argued that thoroughly dividing the two different constructed paradigms is not a wholly productive encounter. This section will briefly introduce some of the anthropological literature that has specifically focused on ethnicity and ethnic allegiances in several different locations within Europe and will continue the discussion of anthropology’s

cultural relativism as uniquely positioning the discipline to contribute to these theoretical debates.

In a territory that has changed state possession several times in the past on the

German-Polish border, Thaler discusses the lack of integration between these two ethnicities that have had continuous interaction and repeated exchanges (1997). Thaler argues that Germans and Poles don’t mix, while pretty much ignoring the entire issue of intercultural prejudices, and focuses instead on the ties that have bound them together such as presence of minority populations. Elsewhere, Wicker has argued that the postmodern post-nationalist discourse has too often ignored the ethnic component that has been present since the irruption of ethnicity within the modernist nation-state (Wicker

1997). Similarly Kockel has argued that ethnic boundaries, most especially in European areas that contain multiple ethnicities, have been dealt with in multiple ways that are culturally patterned by the majority (1999). Recently, Miller-Idriss has looked specifically at the connection between generational experiences and economic positioning in the return to right-wing and neo-nationalist groups in Germany (2009).

Migration

Migration discussions within northwest Europe are necessarily related to both discussions of national identity and ethnicity. Inclusion and exclusion criteria are imperative to these debates, and migration so often serves as a complicating factor in the mixture especially in areas that like to consider themselves to be homogenous.

Anthropological discussions of migration both to and from northwestern Europe have greatly contributed to our understanding of both the processes of this migration and the experiences of the individuals in the different contexts of migration. This section focuses

on the migration to northwestern Europe and will especially highlight more recent anthropological discussions about it.

Migration and the issues with European ideas of belonging and movement have long been a focus of anthropological inquiry, as Douglass points out in his analysis of three historical small-community focused ethnographies in the structural functionalist archives of Ireland and Spain (1998). Beginning with a discussion of the historical context of migration law in Germany from 1955 to 1980, Linke was one of the first anthropologists to focus specifically on migrant issues in Germany and the issues with the laws targeting guest workers there (1982). Linke built directly on Rhoades discussion which had focused on the use of temporary immigrants for work in Germany since the foundation of the Reich in 1871 (Rhoades 1978). Both of these authors specifically criticize the German system as inherently oppressive in the sense of creating an under- caste of workers in Linke’s argument and as economically hurting the European periphery states that contribute their laborers to German economic gains in Rhoades.4

Migration and the issues related to it are not entirely economic however, as

Mandel discusses in an article focusing on the Turks in Germany and their lack of assimilation (1989). Mandel discusses the threat of cultural difference and the German concern for the high fertility of the guests that chose not to leave (1989). Extra-cultural differences are not the only discussion within the anthropological look at migration in

Europe. Kockel focuses on Irish immigrants in Germany who cite economic opportunity as second in important consideration for their own migration and place social and cultural

4 This discussion of the periphery has also most recently been taken up with relation to the city of Istanbul and the changes being undertaken there at least partially as a result of the emigration of so many often to Germany (Güktürk, Soysal, & Türeli 2010). 71

views as most important (1993). These Irish intra-European migrants in Kockel’s study are shown to be taking lower paying jobs than both what they would earn in Ireland and then their German counterparts in the same positions are so significantly negative about their own Irish cultural experience that they would rather stay abroad illegally. Kockel is careful to discuss selection bias in his sample, but this is a much different discussion of cultural differences than is often put forth in discussions of migration and especially worth noting for that and the interesting comparison to economic migrants.

Guest workers have been huge focus of the anthropological research on migration in the European context. Soysal’s look at these guest workers in France, Germany, the

Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom brings a particularly interesting rights framework to the discussion of these people with three major contributions to the literature coming from this extremely important work (1994). Firstly,

Soysal argues that human rights discourse and the expansion of the universalizing rights framework has laid the gauntlet for these states to give rights to all peoples living within their boundaries. This has precipitated a massive shift in the formerly national or ethnic lines between citizen and alien-resident to the point of muddling them completely in some cases. Lastly, she suggests that the legitimacy of universal rights of all people is best based on the post-nationalist discourses framing current policy discussions in Europe rather than national belonging and identity ideas. This discussion is obviously prescient to discussions of both national identity and ethnicity as well, which is further evidence of the intertwined nature of all of these discussions.

Focusing in on one specific guest worker population, Mandel and Ana stand on the shoulders of many Europeanists with their specific discussion of the Turks in

Germany and the legal and political exclusion of this group based on both guest status and perceived cultural differences (1994). Caglar extends their discussion in a more specific ethnographic picture of the marketing of Turkish fast-food cuisine in Germany

(1995). Caglar’s is also an interesting critique in that while she is still critical of the systematic and racist oppression of the Turks in Germany, she still focuses on the Turkish business owners navigation and adaptation within that system (1995). White has more broadly focused on the historical context of the Turks in Germany in relation to the political winds of change that swept Germany after reunification and with the invitation of return the previously ousted groups such as Jews who fled east from Nazi Germany.

Rotte contributes an interesting and broader analysis of German immigration control as effective policy intervention that has been especially adept at changing to fit the needs of the local population as they have evolved over time (2000).

Smaller segmentations of the immigrant population in Germany have been the most recent focus of the anthropological interest in migrants there. Bohnsak and Arnd-

Michael look specifically at Turkish-German youth cultural performances of break-dance as they are rooted in the changing adolescent identity and self-conceptualization of this population (2003). Eksner has also focused on the youth cultures perspective of Turkish-

German youth, most especially in an educational setting and the challenges posed by performance of expected cultural models (2006). Casteneda has focused her research on the health and marginalization of illegal immigrant populations in Germany within both a discussion of the legal frameworks they are forced to navigate and the personal experiences of being the target of cultural resentment and the personal risks posed when seeking health care (2008a & 2009).

These are only a few of the exceptional ethnographic work currently coming out of the anthropological gaze at migration in Europe. By focusing primarily on work coming out of Germany, it has not been my intention to say that this is the only work being done or even that it is the most important. This is partly my own personal preference and way of better understanding the location where I will soon be conducting my own ethnographic research. With an extremely checkered past and having undergone massive changes in the fairly recently tumultuous past, Germany is an especially interesting case study for the anthropology of migration, at least partly because it has some very unique laws regarding immigrants which are very largely conditional on both cultural and economic proving grounds.

Conclusion

This chapter is meant as a development of the theoretical background of this study. Beginning with a brief outline of the study as it was conceptualized; I then delved into the relevant literatures more broadly. Starting with anthropological inquiry into the life course stage of adolescence, I explained the history of this branch of anthropology and how my research fits within it. I then dove headlong into the anthropological theories of the study of Europe, most specifically Northwestern Europe, the broad themes that are exposed upon deeper consideration, and the anthropological contributions to a picture of Europe.

German Proverb: Achte nicht auf den, der spricht, achte auf das was gesprochen wird.

Söyleyene bakma, söylenene bak.

Don’t pay attention to the one who speaks; pay attention to what is said.

Chapter 3: Research Design & Methods

This chapter will discuss the design of this research project and the methods utilized for data collection. As often happens in the research process, some changes had to be made to the original design because of unforeseen circumstances. My original recruitment sites had a change in management and no longer would allow me to begin recruitment from their facilities. Consequently, I was forced to look for another site which then led me to a different neighborhood than was originally planned. This flexibility allowed me to move to a neighborhood that is not typically known for their exclusively Turkish population, rather for a more diverse immigrant population. A comparison of the neighborhoods will be discussed in the next chapter including greater descriptive detail of the location of the study.

I appreciate the diversity of the area in which I was able to conduct this research for a variety of reasons which I will discuss in the next chapter specifically describing the research setting and my participants. The purpose of this chapter is to set up the research questions and the methods utilized in order to obtain the answers to these questions.

I initially started with two main research questions:

1. What is the relationship between immigrant adolescent identity

development, self-conceptualization, expectations, policy, and subjective

well-being?

2. What is the subjective well-being of these girls in terms of self and ethnic

identity and their conflicts and social policy? In researching subjective

well-being, I will ascertain what environmental/contextual factors

(cultural, political, economic, physical) that affect adolescent subjective

well-being in the immigrant context.

These questions were formulated in conjunction with my dissertation committee with the thought that the answers would satisfy not only my dissertation criterion but also for the maximization of the broader impact of my research. Gleaned from pilot fieldwork and extensive background research on Turkish-German issues in Berlin, these issues were deemed to be the most prescient for research with an adolescent population.

Four main categories of investigation form the focus of this study in order to answer the above research questions: 1. Self and Ethnic Identity Conceptualizations and concerns; 2. Subjective Well-Being; 3. Expectations and sources of conflict; and 4.

Policy. For the purposes of this study, identity is defined as the girls’ personal perception of their own cultural belonging (ethnic), self-identity and self-representation. Identity could be fluid and changing for each participant and is revisited several different times over the course of the study. I am concerned to assess the nature of the self as they define it; as it may in fact be defined as referential/individual self or the indexical/social self

Gaines (1982 &1992a) or something else entirely. Subjective well-being will be defined as both the emotionally guided presence of positive and absence of negative affect, and the positive appraisal of one’s life based on perceived expectations and ideals (Diener

1994). Here it will be important to explore conflicts in their lives and how these are coped with or, perhaps, overwhelm the girls. Expectations vary from culture to culture and age to age. Many cultures have differing expectations for members and non- members, and in my pilot study it became clear that the expectations for Turkish-German girls are different depending on which generation in Germany they are. Based on the

pilot data, I anticipated expectations and conflicts with meeting or avoiding them, to be integral to understanding the lives of these girls. Lastly, I analyze immigration policy in terms of the knowledge and experience of the girls in the study. What appears on the national level in terms of the changing language of the laws affecting immigration and integration over time may or may not be part of the consciousness of these adolescents.

Additionally, I look at the new bureaucratic difficulty of counting people with “migration background” as it was discussed in a statistical symposium and expressed in statistics about the city of Berlin and the specific neighborhood in which my research was situated.

Methods

This project began with archival research looking at the history of German immigration and integration policy. The exact wording of immigration law as it has existed and evolved since its inception was investigated, and accordant analysis will be discussed in a later chapter. Additionally, archival research focusing on the category of

Turkish-German literature was explored to tease apart major themes of discussion within and by the community. The themes found will be discussed in a subsequent chapter, but it is worth noting here that knowledge of these themes became especially important in developing rapport with my adolescent participants. I also briefly explored the discussion of Turkish-German literature within the field of Germanic Studies to better understand the ways these girls are being discussed within academic settings and what types of issues others seem to find prescient to discussions of their lives without actually speaking to them. This shall also be discussed in a later chapter.

The major focus of this study was on 6 Turkish-German adolescent girls, ages

14-17 living in the city of Berlin, and most specifically in the neighborhood of Wedding.

In a purposive sample, the girls were recruited through a respondent driven method beginning at an educational non-profit organization. This research is intended as an intensive case study. Pilot work revealed that these adolescents can be difficult to find

(Bernard 2006). Girls ages fourteen to seventeen of Turkish descent who were born in

Germany and speak German fluently were included in this study. Only one referral was allowed from each girl to reduce selection bias in the respondent driven recruitment phase, though the small size n of the study makes selection bias almost impossible to rule out in this case. Ideally, I would have been able to recruit more than six girls for the study, but several constraining factors inhibited broader recruitment efforts.

Additionally, several studies have been published with small sample sizes resulting in significant and representative results such as Benford & Gough who had an N of five (2006); as did Stephens, Carryer & Budge (2004); Gilles & Willig’s N was four

(1997); lastly McKenzie with an N of nine midwives (2004). As Guest, Bunce, &

Johnson found, when looking at common perceptions and experiences among a relatively homogenous group, themes and codes developed in the first six to twelve interviews were frequently used and remained consistent (2006). As each girl was interviewed four times, this study is based on a total of twenty-four interviews. As Morse has also noted, there are several factors that need to be taken into account when considering sample size including: the scope and nature of the project, study design, and quality of data (2000).

As a “true ethnography” a la Shweder, this intensive research with these adolescents resulted in data that is of a very high quality (1996). As Sandelowski has pointed out:

A good principle to follow is: An adequate sample size in qualitative research is one that permits—by virtue of not being too large—the deep, case-oriented analysis that is a hallmark of all qualitative inquiry, and that

results in—by virtue of not being too small—a new and richly textured understanding of experience (1995).

The initial adolescent participants in this study were recruited at a non-profit educational center in Berlin which both conducts free afterschool homework tutoring in all subjects and has cultural activities that the children can participate in such as dance courses, theater, rap writing, and more, and further participants were recruited using a respondent driven method aided by recommendations from the initial participants. Initial potential adolescent participants in this study were approached by the staff of the non- profit organization were asked if they would like to talk to me about participation, given an informed consent document to review with their parents, and asked to follow-up with me at the educational center. I set up a meeting with potential participants to discuss participation in the study and answered any questions that they had at that time. If they were still interested in participating, they were to return with signed consent forms from their parents. All consent forms were translated in German and Turkish, so all parents would be able to completely understand what I was asking of their daughters.

Subsequent adolescent participants were recruited using a respondent driven method using the current participants. To avoid coercion, the staff at the educational center assured the girls that their participation in the study would not change their relationship with or interactions at the center in any way. All informed consent documents and interactions were in the German language, in which I am proficient and all participants are fluent. As Turkish was the preferred, and in some cases only language of some of the adolescents’ parents, therefore a certified Turkish translator translated all consent documents for the parents.

This portion of the study began with individual interviews that were audio recorded, transcribed, and coded for themes within the four variables of the study and any other themes that were noticeably important during the course of the study. The girls will participated in four individual sequential person-centered interviews over the twelve month course of the study. In contrast to the community-based ethnography, person-centered ethnography is focused on the lived experience of individual subjects and is characterized by its careful attention to indigenous concepts and terminologies, use of sequential in-depth interviews to collect experience-near data on personal meaning and experience, and attention to the position of the researcher and issues of representation and interpretation in anthropological inquiry (Hollan 2001; LeVine 1982). This is the model which I employed during my study.

The girls were also asked to create three video diary entries that will be self- recorded. Video diaries have been shown to be especially helpful in combination with qualitative interviews at illuminating issues in context that can be extremely relevant in a clinical setting (Buchbinder, et al., 2005), and I hoped to elucidate policy- relevant issues in this case. Though the diaries were individually recorded, the girls had the ability to talk about the subjects and topics given and include any information that they see as relevant. This is not to suggest that they have individualistic identities and self- conceptualizations, rather that no matter what their self-conceptualization they will articulate it within the frame of identity and self-conceptualization they hold for themselves. I also thought it important with regards to subjective well-being, to utilize a mixed methods approach as suggested by Jones and Sumner who conclude, “the quality and intensity of children’s voicelessness underscores the importance of integrating not

only observational and ethnographic qualitative methods, but also various oral and visual participatory research approaches” (2009: p47). By literally looking at things from the insider perspective, this research will shine a light on the typically inaccessible internal lives of the girls in the study and bring their voice to the discussion by using multiple methods to interrogate these complex and difficult to discuss variables of identity, expectations, and mental health. This video data was also invaluable in being able to see the girls as they are when they are alone, most often in their room, and without any other person there with them watching or listening to what they were saying. Almost all of them were completely self-conscious in the first video, fidgeting with their hair or hijab the entire time. Throughout the course of this study, I utilized participant observation to inform the content of the interviews and instructions given for the video diaries.

I had initially intended to have the girls create a collage of self-representation utilizing images collected during a media analysis. Only one of the girls was interested in doing so, and the others actually expressed that they were too shy to do so and would not know where to start. In lieu of these collages, I have included here a discussion of an art exhibition entitled “Heimatkunde” that took place at the Jewish Museum in Berlin.

Loosely translated “Heimatkunde” means a study of home/land. Several Turkish-

German artists were included in this special exhibit, and a brief discussion of their works is included here in a later chapter.

In addition to the adolescent girls of this study, I was able to interview key adult informants who work at agencies specifically dedicated to working with the Turkish-

German population in Berlin, many specifically with adolescents. These interviews were especially helpful in forming the themes of my interviews with the adolescents, and in

pulling out the most important issues in contrast to the political and media rhetoric surrounding this population in Germany and Berlin. Interestingly, most of these key informants who work with Turkish-German adolescents specifically, are first and second generation Turkish-Germans themselves. Their perspectives were extremely interesting with regard to the changing discussions and behaviors within Germany, both of the

Germans that they regularly interact with and the Turks (and other “foreigners”) whom they know.

The Model

This study was designed with a modified Bronfenbrenner model in mind. Several of the key elements of the study were changed over the course of implementation; however the model for discussion is still the same. Through the methods used, I am still able to discuss each level from the Macrosystem to the individual, and the themes explored in this discussion of my research shall be conceived within this type of exchange model.

Figure 1: Modified Bronfenbrenner Model of study design with listed measurements for each level of the model.

Shaded Area: Turkish Influence5; White Area: German influence6

1. Macrosystem Measurements: Policy analysis 2. Exosystem Measurements: Key informant interviews with people working directly with and for Turkish-Germans in Berlin 3. Microsystem Measurements: Participant observation, Individual interviews with girls 4. Individual Measurements: Interviews with girls, video diary entries, Turkish- German installations at Heimatkunde exhibition

5 The outline of the triangle should be pictured here as a dotted line to note the permeability of these categories of cultural influence. It is also important to note here that this is only a preliminary model that will most likely evolve and change over the course of my year in the field. 6 The divided individual in this model is based on my pilot data where the girls talked about keeping their two selves “simply separate.” 84

Turkish Proverb: Dostluk deniz kenarindaki taslara benzer. Ӧnce birer birer toplarsin. Sonra yavas yavas atmaya baslarsin. Yalniz bazilari vardir atmaya kiyamassin.

Freunde sind wie die Steine am Strand. Erst sammelt man sie, dann fӓngt man langsam an sie ins Meer zu werfen. Doch einige mӧchte man verschonen.

Friends are like stones on the beach. First you collect them, then you start to slowly throw them in the ocean. But some you want to spare.

Chapter 4: Location and Participants

Introduction

This chapter will introduce the location and participants of the study. Beginning with an introduction to Germany, the focus is specifically placed on understanding

Turkish immigrants within the boundaries of the entire country. The city of Berlin is the next focus, looking statistically at the population of the city and describing the cultural place in which these girls live. Further focusing in, the neighborhood where these participants live is then discussed in detail, and then the initial recruitment site is described. The final section of this chapter is utilized to describe the 6 participants in this study in detail. These descriptions are not meant as a case study, as this dissertation is not to be presented as such, rather as a peek into the specific lives of these girls. Later chapters will focus on the themes that emerged during the course of this study, but this section is meant to introduce the girls and let you get acquainted with their specific situations.

Germany

There are more than 1.7 million people of Turkish descent living in Germany

(Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland 2013). This number has certainly continued to rise as the average Turkish woman in Germany gives birth to 3 children in comparison to

German women’s average of 1.4 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). In 2012 a total of

1,081,000 people immigrated to Germany, and there were a total of 6,601,000

“foreigners” living in the Bundesrepublik of Germany, or 8.2% of the total population.

This number is slightly deceiving as it only counts people holding non-German passports, and thus does not count a large number of naturalized German citizens with a “migration

background.” A greater discussion of how this is calculated and the problems with these statistics shall be discussed in a later chapter, but it is worth mentioning here the working definitions of the terms I will be using in this chapter. For the purposes of this chapter, migration background will be defined as a person who holds a German passport but is either a first, second, or third generation immigrant. Foreigners are defined as those people living in Germany legally who hold citizenship in a different country. The numbers presented here are to give the reader a basic idea of what the population of

Germany, Berlin, and Wedding specifically looks like, and why each of these more specific areas is of interest to researchers looking at immigration issues.

Germany

In 2010 19.3% or 15,536,500 people had a migration background in Germany

(Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). The below table, however, is taken from more recent statistics from the 2011 census results. They represent first and second generation adolescent immigrants, defined as born in a different country and born in Germany respectively. Interestingly, the statistical office does not differentiate between second and third generation immigrants, so it is possible that the third (and perhaps further) generations are included in the numbers here for second generation immigrants. Because my population of interest is adolescents, I chose to include only the adolescent numbers for immigrants in here.

Table 1: Total Immigrants in Germany ages 11-19 All Nationalities Turkish Turkish Females Nationality 2nd Generation 1,238,498 489,331 224,030 1st Generation 5,975,210 1,086,386 532,591 Total 7,213,708 1,575,717 756,621

1% of the total German population was Turkish female adolescent immigrants in

2012 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). This same population makes up 10.5% of the total adolescent immigrant population of Germany, while both male and female Turkish adolescents make up 21.8% of the total adolescent immigrant population. What is interesting to note here about the broadest immigration statistics for adolescents in

Germany is the high percentage of second generation Turkish immigrants as compared to all other nationalities. It is also worth noting here, that adolescents brought to Germany as babies could also be hidden in the first generation numbers. In my fieldwork, I found that some Turkish men “import” their wives from Turkey, and sometimes have to wait months or years for their wife’s visa to come through. In that time, it is possible for them to conceive a child, and then bring him or her with them when they immigrate. This was a story that I heard over and over during my fieldwork and one that could easily be lost in these numbers.

What I want to convey with these numbers is this: long before Germany was officially a country of immigration, there were immigrants coming and staying there. It was only in the year 2000 that Germany officially became a country of immigration, meaning that roughly half of the adolescents counted in the above numbers had very little rights or official recognition under the German law prior to the change. Their families were allowed to live there, and they were born there, but the majority of rights were not extended to them otherwise. I shall discuss immigration law in greater detail in a later chapter. I also want to note here the special status that was given to Turks in Germany.

For example, the average long-term visa for foreigners living in Germany is 18.2 years for men and 17.6 years for women (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). For Turks, the

average is 26.9 for men and 26.2 for women, a significantly greater number of years not having to reapply for a visa (ibid).

Berlin

Berlin has the largest number of Turkish-Germans in the country, and the city was ideal for conducting this research because of the numerous Turkish-German organizations and intricate social networks that exist, useful for the recruitment of research participants. When our family went to the Foreigner’s Office to fill out the paperwork, get interviewed, and receive our visas to stay in Berlin for one year, it was completely unsurprising to us that an entire floor of the office building was dedicated to only processing visas for individuals from Turkey. Additionally, it should be noted that the immigrant population is relatively young in Berlin, which is also not surprising given that the average Turkish woman births 3 babies to a German woman’s 1.4 (Statistisches

Bundesamt 2013).

Table 2: Total Immigrants in Berlin ages 11-19 All Nationalities Turkish Nationality Turkish Females 2nd Generation 67,315 30,672 13,910 1st Generation 413,681 82,183 39,487 Total 480,996 112,855 53,397

1.5% of the total Berlin population was a first or second generation adolescent Turkish female immigrant in 2012 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). Male and female adolescent

Turks make up 23.5% of the total adolescent immigrant population in Berlin, while

Turkish females make up 11.1%. Different sections of the city have a much different population statistics as I will show in the next section of this chapter describing the city section in which I conducted my research.

Berlin schools serve a little over 325,000 students in 12 different parts of the city

(Statistisches Bundesamt, 2013). Because of the high percentage of immigrants in some sections of the city such as Neukӧlln and Mitte, many students require basic German language instruction because of their lack of German language skills. For example, in both Mitte and Neukӧlln school-aged children of non-German Heritage who need special

German language instruction is greater than 20% of the students (Institut für

Schulqualitӓt der Lӓnder Berlin und Brandenburg [ISLBB] 2010, p95). A broader statistical picture paints a much more heterogeneous group, with the city average of students with migration background around 30% and nearly 15% foreign students

(ISLBB 2010, p113). As such a large portion of the population does not speak adequate

German, typically the only language of instruction, language issues because of “foreign” populations are significant. I put foreign in quotations here, as that is the colloquial way that the entire population of non-ethnic Germans are referred to collectively in Berlin regardless of citizenship. Education of “foreigners” is a major issue of contention amongst politicians and popular debates, especially discussions of the high cost of additional education in these current times of austerity.

Employment and welfare are additionally big topics of concern in all of Germany, but particularly in Berlin which has the highest percentage of governmentally dependent citizens (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013). These are defined as individuals who are unable to work for a variety of reasons, and whose sole income comes from the government in a variety of forms including Hartz IV (which is essentially what we in the United States would term welfare). In the below table, you can see that the dependent population in

Berlin actually outnumbers the total working population of the city-state.

Table 3 2011 per 1,000 residents German German with Foreigners Total (% total without Migration Berlin Migration Background population) Background Employed 1300.2 120.2 212.2 1632.6 (46.7%) Unemployed 134.4 26.2 58.3 218.9 (6.3%) Dependent 1199.5 242.1 204.5 1646.1 (47.1%) Approximate Total Berlin Population: 3,497,600 (Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg 2013)

As you can see in the above table, the popular debate point that a greater percentage of Germans with a migration background are dependent on the government system for their livelihood is indeed true. What cannot be portrayed in these numbers are the reasons why that is the case. It is not my place to speculate as to the reasons that these numbers are so high, but I think it is important to note here that immigrants do not typically occupy higher paying jobs, and thus tend to be the first to fall into the trap of poverty that forces them into this dependent status. I shall write about this at greater length with ethnographic evidence later in the chapter when I describe such a family.

The next two tables are especialy interesting as they show the percentage of employed people which still require governmental assistance to subsist in the city of

Berlin where the cost of living is relatively low compared to other large cities in

Germany such as Munich.

Table 4 2011 Benefits from Hartz IV (essentially welfare) per 1,000 Berlin Residents German German with Foreigners Total without Migration Migration Background Backgroud Employed 162.4 17.3 34.5 214.2 (13.1%) Unemployed 63.1 19.9 50.5 133.5 (61.0%) Dependent 109.9 85.6 69.2 264.7 (16.1%) % of employed, unemployed, & dependent populations respectively (Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg 2013)

Hartz IV is colloquially discussed as a synonym for the under-class of non-working poor.

As this table shows, that is not the case at all. When 13.1% of employed people require welfare, it could be said that the issue of underemployment is almost as great as that of those that are solely dependent on the government. What this table also shows is the great inequality of the percentage of immigrants (both Germans with migration backgrounds and foreigners) that require Hartz IV assistance, suggesting that indeed immigrants seem to have a greater need for public assistance. It is worth noting here that

I am not including unemployment benefits, as in the city-state of Berlin zero immigrants receive unemployment benefits according to the official statistical agency of Berlin-

Brandenburg (2013).

The city of Berlin certainly has some major issues to contend with when it comes to the immigrant population. Education and welfare are absolutely issues that need dealing with, and are prescient topics of debate. Berlin has the largest percentage of immigrants in the country of Germany, and a disproportionate amount of governmental aid is spent on the citizens of Berlin because of the great numbers of unemployed and dependent citizens. It would be a specious argument however, to then say that

immigrants are the sole problem in Berlin when they are not even directly correlated. As a city, the cosmopolitan perspective of Berlin is quite common. As Mandel notes:

Berlin praises its own cultural complexity, its diversity that fosters opportune conditions for cultural and economic creativity. It points to numerous subcultures as possessing the necessary critical mass for their lasting and far-reaching cosmopolitinizing effects. Futhermore, Berlin locates itself on the geopolitical map as belonging to both the east and west, offering itself as the linking bridge, the site where experiences of the previously divided continent gather together…It is as if Berlin’s and Germany’s self-congratulatory world-open cosmopolitanism limits itself to an east-west axis, ignoring the north-south, even when the south has moved northwest, becoming an integral part of the body politic (2008: p319-320).

Indeed, Berlin has been the locus of much politicization and policy enactment, but to singularly focus on the bifurcated east-west debate could perhaps be cited as German navel-gazing while forgetting that there is a sizable population of people that cannot be included in that discussion. I would go so far as to argue that this continuation of the east-west debate at the cost of a discussion of the north-south discussion only reifies the conceptualization that southern immigrants are incapable of integration. This will be discussed further in my chapter on immigration and integration policy in Germany.

Wedding

As noted elsewhere in this dissertation, I originally had planned to work with a non-profit organization that caters specifically to Turkish-German women in the

Kreuzberg neighborhood of Berlin. When that situation fell through, I set about searching for another place to begin recruitment. According to my sources, the people who staff the local non-profit organizations that cater to Turkish-German adolescents, there are primarily four neighborhoods that are populated with a greater number of immigrants. Kreuzberg is the most well-known for being populated with “foreigners”

throughout Germany, but as you can see from the tables below it is no longer the section of the city (and perhaps country) in which the greatest ratio of immigrants to Germans live.

Table 5

Neighborhood Country German German Foreigners Total of Berlin of Origin without with Neighborhood Migration Migration Population background Background Wedding Germany 46,686 17,998 Total: 95,499 30,815 Turkey 8705 Kreuzberg Germany 73,981 32,184 Total: 149,566 43,401 Turkey 16893 Schӧneberg Germany 55,486 17,082 Total: 94,751 22,183 Turkey 5,529 Neukӧlln Germany 77,255 32,352 Total: 162,377 52,770 Turkey 15,116 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2013)

What is interesting to note here again is what is lost in that middle column, and will be discussed in greater detail in a later chapter. In counting those Germans who have a migration background their national (or ethnic) origin is lost. This categorization is a direct result of the immigration law that was enacted in 2000 and has since been reformed several times. Looking at percentages of “immigrants” per neighborhood as compared with the entire city of Berlin is also illuminating as to having a greater understanding of the somewhat segregated nature of the city.

Table 6

German German with Foreigners Total Total without Migration Immigrant Migration Background population Background Berlin 2,520.428 445, 238 503, 945 3,469,611 949,183 (12.8%) (14.5%) (27.4%) Wedding 46,686 17,998 30,815 95,499 48,813 (48.9%) (18.8%) (32.3%) (51.1%) Kreuzberg 73,981 32,184 43,401 149,466 75,585 (49.5%) (21.5%) (29.0%) (50.6%) Schӧneberg 55,486 17,082 22,183 94,751 39,265 (58.6%) (18.0%) (23.4%) (41.4%) Neukӧlln 77,255 32,352 52,770 162,377 86,122 (47.6%) (19.9%) (32.5%) (53.0%)

Kreuzberg, Neukӧlln, Schӧneberg, and Wedding were all suggested to me as immigrant- rich sections of the city, and this was further illustrated for me by the sheer number of non-profit organizations catering to “foreign” youth in these neighborhoods. I interviewed professionals working with Turkish-German youth in every one of these neighborhoods, searching for a new place for recruitment. In the end, I settled on working in Wedding (pronounced: Vedding) for a variety of reasons: the diversity of the neighborhood including the high population density of Turks, the lack of previous scholarship focusing on this areas Turkish population, and pushed in no small way by the amenable and friendly environment that I found at the after-school help center where I interviewed. Unlike many of the other places I interviewed people working with

Turkish-German girls, Herr Weber did not immediately want to make sure this would be our only meeting. His willingness to cooperate with the research project was especially helpful for me, as I had already visited more than 10 other sites who were less than receptive to the idea of a researcher coming in. Suffice it to say, a number of researchers had burned bridges with many of the non-profit organizations working in immigrant-rich 95

neighborhoods of Berlin and specifically with immigrant populations. I shall discuss the organization where I began my research in the next section of this chapter.

It is also important to note here that neighborhood sections, Kiez, can be a strong identifier for residents. While none of the girls in this study specifically identified themselves as being Wedding-ers, the section of the city in which they live is important for understanding their specific situations. Kiez is a strong identifier in Berlin specifically because of its divided past, and Wedding has a specifically communist past which may have been part of the reason that so many “foreigners” settled there. Like all the other “foreigner” filled Kiezs in the city, Wedding too is a Kiez on the periphery of where the wall used to divide the city.

Wedding and all of the other “foreign” sections of the city are quite easily connected via public transportation. Originally, Kreuzberg, Wedding, and Neukӧlln were all immigrant-rich sections of the city because they were positioned against the Berlin wall, thus pushing the “foreigners” who lived in West Berlin as far away as possible, or at least that is one theory. Another theory might be that they wanted to congregate together for solidarity and a greater sense of community. Whatever the historical reason, these areas of the city, as evidenced above, continue to be immigrant rich. From Wedding it is a short ride on the U8 subway line to get to the heart of Kreuzberg where if you transfer to the U7 subway line you can then take another short right to the heart of Neukӧlln.

Even Schӧneberg is easily accessed from Wedding with a direct trip on either the U3 subway line or the S1 train line. The Wedding girls in my study primarily stuck to these three other sections of the city for a variety of reasons, but for the most part: Schӧneberg

for the shopping; Kreuzberg to visit family and friends; and Neukӧlln to visit the largest mosque in the city.

When I talked to my German friends about my change of neighborhood for my research, they all became very concerned. Apparently, Wedding has a reputation of being a “ghetto” in all of Germany, much like East Los Angeles or the South side of

Chicago in the United States. I utilize ghetto here as Julia Eksner’s conceptualization of the ghetto as an imagined geographic space imbued with social meaning, and in Berlin specifically in marginalized zones such as Wedding (2013).

My participants did not all agree with this characterization:

Eser: Aber ich bin eigentlich nicht in Orten, wo ich mich nicht wohl fühle. Hillary: Nein, du gehst einfach nicht dahin. Ja, ich auch. Nee, aber hier im Wedding, es ist für Deutscher, ja in Berlin, aber ich hab nie ein schlechtes Gefühl gehabt. Eser: Manchmal bin ich auch in Rudow. Dort ist immer sehr ruhig. Meine Cousine wohnt da. Aber ich fühl mich hier viel wohler. Man sagt ja, hier ist es voll schlimm, also im Ghetto. Aber ich finds nicht so.

Eser: But I’m not really in places where I don’t feel well. Hillary: Now, you just don’t go there. Yeah, me neither. Nee, but here in Wedding, it is for Germans, yes in Berlin, but I’ve never had a bad feeling. Eser: Sometimes I’m in Rudow too. It’s always very quiet there. My cousin lives there. But I feel more well here. One says yes, here it is totally bad, ah so in the ghetto. But I don’t think so.

Feride bemoans the busyness of her neighborhood:

Feride: Hier ist auch alles immer so viel los, und da [Turkei] gibt es auch schon vieles, aber die Stadt ist auch schon viel besser. Hillary: Du hast keine Ruhe hier gefunden in Berlin. Feride: Neee, vielleicht in dem Bezirk nicht.

Feride: Here there is always so much going on, and there (Turkey) there is also lots, but the city is also so much better. Hillary: You haven’t found any peace here in Berlin. Feride: Nah, maybe not in this neighborhood.

I never felt unsafe during my time in Wedding, as I have many times in the United States, but I did have several encounters that suggested “ghetto” to me in ways that were and were not expected. The first time I went to Wedding, I stopped at a library to look something up before heading to an interview at the afterschool help center that would become my initial recruitment site. The library was next to a small stream lined with benches, and I sat to gather my thoughts before making my way to my destination. I sat down to soak in the sun, and then started to make my way down the path lined with old linden trees. That was when I spotted a group of three people near a bench. They looked rather unkempt and were surrounded by beer bottles at 11am. I immediately thought they were going to ask me for money, as has happened on a daily basis during every stay in

Berlin I’ve ever had. Instead, the two who were standing turned their backs to me, as if to shield the one who was sitting on the bench from my prying eyes. Naturally, this made me all the more curious as to what was going on, so I looked in the gap between their gaunt hips. I saw a woman sitting on the bench with her head tilted back resting on the bench. One of her arms was exposed out of her long sleeves and there was a needle sticking out of it. This would not be my only experience with illegal drugs in Wedding.

Several times walking down the street I was asked if I wanted to purchase marijuana and other drugs.

In addition to the drug activity, I certainly saw my fair share of beggars and disheveled individuals on the street there, though that was not singular to the Wedding neighborhood at all. I think it is important to note that overall I never felt unsafe in

Wedding, including when I walked alone there after dark. I always took public transportation, and took appropriate safety precautions such as being aware of my

surroundings and keeping my phone close at hand. I never spoke with any resident of

Wedding who felt unsafe there, despite the known reputation that the neighborhood had.

Had I ever felt in danger, I would not have chosen to conduct my fieldwork in this specific neighborhood.

Wedding is also a beautiful section of the city with many old trees lining the streets and beautiful old apartment buildings populated with all kinds of people. This is a bustling section of the city, vibrant with the colors of foreign imported fruit and a multitude of heads covered in beautiful scarves for hijab. Walking the streets one will find a variety of shops specifically catering to the Turkish and other “foreign” populations. One can hear many different languages on the street and see many different colors of skin, including a number of African immigrants as well.

Hillary: Ist Wedding auch ein Ort von, also, deutscher Kultur? Feride: Nein, nicht so ganz. Weil hier im Wedding wohnen voll viel Ausländer. Araber, viel Türken. Hillary: Also, alles Türkisch. Feride: Ja, aber überwiegend leben hier Araber. Araber und Türken. Ja, Albaner auch. Indien auch. Das. Hillary: Ja, Äthiopen. Feride: Ja, ja, voll viele aus Afrika. Voll viele Kulturen.

Hillary: Is Wedding also a place of German culture? Feride: No, not quite. Because lots of foreigners live here in Wedding. Arabs, many Turks. Hillary: So, all Turkish. Feride: Yes, but mainly Arabs live here. Arabs and Turks. Yes, Albanians also. Indian also. The. Hillary: Yes, Ethiopians. Feride: Yes, yes, full many from Africa. Full many cultures.

It was not uncommon to hear French, Vietnamese, or Arabic in addition to Turkish being spoken on the street, including vendors as they would call out advertising their wares. It seemed more common to hear German spoken with a Turkish accent than with a Berliner

accent in Wedding. Yes, there are certainly seedy parts of the neighborhood that one should stay away from, but I will say again that I never felt unsafe in this section of the city or I would not have chosen to conduct my fieldwork there. Feride is also not convinced that Wedding is a ghetto.

Hillary: Du wohnst hier in Wedding, ja? Und viele Deutsche glauben, dass Wedding das deutsche Ghetto ist. Feride: Deutsche Ghetto? Hillary: Hast du eine Meinung dazu? Hast du dich irgendwann unsicher gefühlt? Feride: Hm, ich denk mal drüber nach. Ich glaub nicht, oder? Hillary: Das weiß ich nicht. Feride: Ich hab sowas noch nicht so gehört, mit Ghetto. Hillary: Nee? Hast du irgendwann sowas mit Gewalt erlebt? Feride: Nee, eigentlich nicht. Aber, ich hab schon Kampf und Streit gesehen unter Menschen. Aber ich hab sowas noch nie im Leben, gott sei Dank, erlebt. Hillary: Ja. Feride: Gibts bei euch das auch? Bei uns auch. Also, Gott sei Dank noch nicht. Sonst gibt es hier, natürlich hab ich schon sowas gesehen, so Streit und so. Hillary: Prügeleien. Ich glaub, dass gibt es überall. Ich hab auch Prügelei in Zehlendorf gesehen. Feride: Ja, Prügelei gibts überall, nicht nur im Wedding. Gibts doch überall, gibts auch in der Türkei, in Amerika, gibts auch in England, überall. Es gibts auch Prügelei in Gegend wo wenige Ausländer leben, wo zum Beispiel nur Reiche leben, da gibts auch Prügelei. Überall gibts das.

Hillary : You live here in Wedding, yes ? And many German believe that Wedding is the German ghetto. Feride : German Ghetto? Hillary : Do you have an opinion about it ? Have you at some point felt unsafe? Feride : Hm, I think sometimes about it. I believe not, right? Hillary : I do not know. Feride : I have never heard this thing with the ghetto. Hillary : No? Did you at some point something experienced with violence? Feride : Nah not really. But , I've already seen arguments and strife among people. But I didn’t witness something never in life, thank God. Hillary : Yes.

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Feride : Is there that among you too? With us as. So, thank God, not yet. Otherwise, there is, of course I've seen something like that, so strife and so on. Hillary : fighting. I think tha is anywhere. I've also seen brawls in Zehlendorf . Feride : Yes, fights are everywhere, not just in Wedding. There but everywhere, there also in Turkey, in America, there also in England, anywhere. They also fight in areas where few foreigners are, where , for example, only the rich live , since there are also fighting. It’s verywhere.

From my observation, there seem to be several markers that distinguished Wedding as a

“ghetto” in comparison to other more affluent neighborhoods in the city. First was the sheer number of small casinos that lined the streets in the heart of the neighborhood.

These are mostly just parlors where electronic gambling machines sit and one can bet on sports games, and I only had occasion to walk into one once. There are also a fair number of places to buy cheap phones, which also sell foreign phone cards to multiple lands at exorbitant prices. Spӓtkauf stores (places that are open late, comparable to a seven-eleven in the United States only more typically small business owned) and Grill-

Imbiss/Büde (cheap grilled food stands) are also very common here. There are also many inexpensive clothing stores and dress makers whose windows are filled with sparkling bejeweled wedding dresses in the Turkish style. Unsurprisingly, because of the population, there are loads of stores selling imported goods from many nations too.

Lastly, the ghetto marker that I very rarely observed in other parts of the city was the presence of Gold Ankauf stores, places to sell one’s old gold. As an American these

“ghetto markers” are somewhat familiar, yet take on a different meaning in this context.

The international flavor of Wedding seems to almost have been planned into the city itself. Many of the streets are named after foreign places such as Osloerstraße (Oslo

Street) and Schwederstraße (Swedish street), though I never found a non-European

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named street in the neighborhood. The streets in Wedding never seemed trashier than any other part of Berlin, and people were no more or less rude there to me either. If anything, the people there were more forgiving of my accent and less likely to look down their nose at me if I made mistakes when speaking German. The summer streets were green there and lined with old trees, and strolling the streets during the day was breathtaking along the 4 lane road with a street car corridor in the center. By the time I left Berlin, Wedding certainly felt like home.

The ghetto-ization of foreigners in neighborhoods such as Wedding has effects on the girls’ lives. One such effect:

Eser: Ich kenn gar keine Deutschen. Hillary: Du kennst gar keine Deutschen, ehrlich? Welche Schule gehst du nochmal? Eser: Diesterweg. Ich meinte doch, ich hab nur eine deutsche Freundin, die später Moslem geworden ist, also konvertiert. Hillary: Genau. Eser: Sonst kenn ich keine richtigen Deutschen. Hillary: Ich find das unglaublich, keinen Deutschen zu kennen. Aber hier kennst du ein paar. Eser: Diese Lehrer nur so. Karsten, Jürgen.

Eser: I don’t know any Germans. Hillary: You know no Germans, honestly? What school do you go to again? Eser: Diesterweg. I meant but, I just have one German girlfriend, who later became Muslim, so converted. Hillary: Exactly. Eser: Otherwise, I don’t know any real Germans. Hillary: I find that incredible to know no Germans. But here you know a few. Eser: This teacher just like that. Karsten, Jürgen. (teachers at the after school help program)

Nachhilfe

Hidden between a shop that sells virtually anything and a tiny Italian restaurant, one will find a small sign advertising for MHW7. As with many Berlin buildings, one

7 I am using this abbreviation of the location to protect the identity of my participants. 102

walks through the openings for two other buildings to enter the third courtyard, and that is where one finds this hidden gem for kids seeking afterschool homework help, computer and internet access, and various free courses such as theater and dance. I found the program through an online collective of non-profit organizations that specifically cater to a majority “foreign” population, and initially interviewed the director about

Turkish-German issues faced by youth in the area and his experiences with Turkish-

German youth. There are two main rooms where the program takes place. One is ostensibly a theater room and the other a homework help area with computers and various formations of tables around the room for tutors to work with students on their pressing assignments. Oftentimes the theater room, which also has tables in it, becomes the overflow room for homework help where students and tutors struggle with chemistry,

French, and all manner of subjects of study typically from the sixth grade through the thirteenth.

Herr Weber, the director of MHW, is a very tall, gregarious, and easy to smile person. He has worked with at-risk kids for his entire career and is passionate about helping kids achieve within the German education system. During my stay there, he was actually interviewed by an American film crew about German-Jewish relations, and his opinions are all very obviously carefully thought out based on extensive thought and experience. Herr Weber is the center of life at MHW, and was always quick to help any kid who walked through the door. He coordinates personal tutors for a nearby shelter of refugee adolescents, and is extremely conscientious of cultural differences and traditions other than his own German ones. He is indeed proud of his German heritage, but accepting of all nationalities that he regularly encounters. He makes a point to know the

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names of all the children who come to MHW, and has a trusty team of scholars who come Monday thru Thursday afternoons to tutor kids in all subjects. On busy days, Herr

Weber will stop working on the never-ending mound of paperwork of a non-profit organization in Germany and come out to help the overwhelmed tutors. He has built a safe-place for all to come and get homework help, and keeps it so by being able to both joke around with the kids and to take a hard line with them when they are not following the rules.

The first time I came to MHW, I was struck by the number of kids that came to do their homework there. The first day there were approximately 20 kids packed around tables doing their homework and 10 more at the functioning but aging computers. As the semester progressed, the number of kids coming only increased and it was always packed around the time of big exams. I conducted many hours of participant observation at

MHW, and found it impossible to just observe at any time that the kids were there. Herr

Weber tried to offer me a job at the center to tutor English, as he saw me flanked by kids every day helping them with their homework, and I know that he was always happy to have me there. Naturally, I refused. There was never a dull moment to be had at MHW, and it ended up being the perfect place for recruitment.

Because of the great mix of ethnicities and ages at the center, I was able to have the staff approach every single second or third generation Turkish-German girl between the ages of 12-17 to be in my study. I ended up getting three of my study participants from MHW, and an additional 3 from referrals through the center. In my concluding chapter, I will discuss the limitations of my study and the differences between the girls in my study and the broader Turkish-German adolescent girl population in Berlin. What I

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want to note here is that I attempted to recruit 10 girls from MHW, and that was every one that fit the criterion of the study. Several of those that declined were just not interested in participating for a variety of reasons. Three of the girls approached to participate were indeed interested, but their parents would not allow them to participate because of the video diary component of the study. In future studies of this nature, I would choose to make video diary participation optional for this exact reason. I understand the parents’ trepidation about the videos, despite my protestations that if they would prefer I would be the only person to ever see the videos. Recruitment was not easy for this study, though I didn’t expect it to be. What is also significant to note here is that the girls who did end up participating in the study from the center were all very forthcoming and honest with me, even about subjects that could have been uncomfortable. The next section will introduce the six girls of the study individually.

Semra

Semra is a beautiful girl who wants to someday open up her own daycare. When

I met her, she was in the middle of her 12th year of Gymnasium and planning to take a

13th year. Part of the reason she was taking a 13th year was because she had previously been bumped down to a different school without a college preparatory focus

(Realschule), and unlike many who move downward in the tiered German system, she was able to move back up to the college prep level of Gymnasium. Additionally, she had switched to a third Gymnasium because of perceived unfair treatment by a teacher.

When I met her she was already starting to stress about her graduating exams, despite the fact that she still had almost a whole year to prepare for them. Of course, part of the

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ability to pass the Abitur (final exam) is to have a good grade point average, so it made sense that she was already stressing about her grades.

She is extremely fashion conscious, though her two younger sisters are always stealing her clothes. She started to wear a hijab when she was only 12 years old, and is a very committed Muslim woman. She has enormous brown eyes with lashes that are always covered with mascara and dark eyebrows that perfectly arch on her forehead. She always looks put together like she’s planned her outfit carefully, and always greeted me with a huge smile. She tends to purse her lips whenever she is thinking hard about something, which is fairly often, and she is cautious about the way that she speaks. She is an optimist by nature, and never has an unkind word to say about anyone, including people who treat her with disrespect. She is also a very open person, willing to talk about almost anything. The only thing I ever asked her that she didn’t want to answer, was one question about her boyfriend. She has an infectious laugh, and was always laughing at me and my “funny questions.”

Semra used to be part of a hip-hop dancing group, but had to stop when she got too busy with school. She typically spends most weekday afternoons either at an afterschool homework help center or at the library where she can concentrate better. Her weekends are filled with friends and family. She typically attends mosque with her friends, and then they go get something to eat together, go to a movie, or go shopping.

Having a little bit of time for herself is what she misses the most about having to study so hard for her Abitur right now, but she’s thankful that she at least gets one day to spend with her friends doing teenager things. Sundays are family days spent together with all

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five of her immediate family members doing typical family things like going to their private garden in a different part of the city or going on outings.

She gets along great with her youngest sister, but has an on-going antagonistic relationship with her sister who is two years younger than she is. At home they speak a mish-mash of Turkish and German, partly because her mother is not very good at speaking German. Her mother is originally from Turkey, and her father was born in

Germany. Growing up, she spoke Turkish with her mother, German with her father, and both languages with her siblings. She considers herself fluent in both languages, but prefers German most of the time. She reads books in German, because “Türkisch Bücher sind zu verwirrend und schwer.” [Turkish books are too confusing and difficult]. She can also read Arabic, which she learned in the Mosque so that she can read the Koran. She likes to say, “Ja, mein Deutsch ist auch nicht perfekt, aber besser als Türkisch.” [Yes, my

German is also not perfect, but better than Turkish.] Despite the fact that she grew up speaking German with her father at home, she believes that “im Kindergarten haben die es mir beigebracht eher” [in preschool is where they really taught me].

She listens primarily to two radio stations: one that plays American pop music and another that plays Turkish pop music. She doesn’t like German music and told me that “das ist nu rein Geschmack ding, und man kann das nicht ӓndern.” [It’s just a taste thing and you cannot change that]. Her favorite food is “Chinapfanne” [a very popular fast-food box of Chinese Lo Mein]. Most important to her is furthering her education in addition to marrying a nice Turkish-German man and having a good family, but school is

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the most important thing. She defines herself as “Zielstrebig” [goal oriented] and says that some people call her a “Streberin8” [nerd].

Defining Semra’s migrational generation is not as straight-forward because of her parents’ differing migration experiences. Her father grew up in Germany to 1st generation immigrants, and met her mother in Turkey at a large extended family wedding. They married shortly thereafter, and he brought her back to Germany to live with him. Semra was born a year later in Berlin. Asking around, I found this to be a fairly common occurrence among further generations of Turks. For the purposes of this discussion, I chose to define their generation in Germany as two and a half, as they have both indirect effects of having a mother who is a first generation immigrant and of having a father who has no migration experience himself. This seems to form a much different perspective than those who have two parents with no immigration experience. Semra expressed that her mother can function in the German language enough to get by at the grocery store, but that she must help her get through some official things like the immigration office. Both of Semra’s parents have unrestricted visas (unbefrisstete

Aufenthaltserlaubnis), and are therefore able to stay in Germany as long as they would like and travel in and out as they please. They have about 50 family members who live in

Berlin. As I will discuss later in greater detail, Semra has chosen to have German citizenship for a variety of reasons, including the potential for placement at a German university.

Feride

8 This word is particularly interesting because it literally translates as “one who strives” but is colloquially known as “nerd” and is an insult thrown between students despite the fact that as students within the German educational system achievement is not possible without a great deal of work. 108

When I met her, Feride was 17 and in her twelfth year of Gymnasium. She stresses about school often, though she does really well according to her grades. She was already planning to take a thirteenth year of school to finish when we met, which used to be more common than it is now that finishing in twelve is an option. After Gymnasium she wants to study psychology, if she is able to keep her grade point average high enough to get into a university program, though her favorite high school subjects are English,

French, Math, and Chemistry. She really wants to be able to help people in her future career. She was also in the middle of studying for her driver’s license when we met, and was surprised with a new-used car for her birthday.

Feride is a nice girl who would do anything for her friends. She has beautiful light eyes that contrast with her almost raven colored wavy hair, and loves to play tennis when she actually has some free time from studying. Of the girls I spoke with, she is the least religious of all the participants. She does not regularly pray or attend mosque, and only half-heartedly fasted during Ramadan while she was in Turkey, “wegen Hitze”

[because of the heat]. She is quick to give you her opinion and to talk, but slightly guarded when discussing more serious matters. Because of her involvement with several private tutors for school, private tennis lessons, and driving lessons she was a very busy girl during the time of this study. She constantly reminded me how busy she was, not in an apologetic fashion, rather as a statement of fact that she couldn’t change and made her exasperated. Her cautious nature could come off as snobby, but she really is not at all.

She is quick to smile and always full of questions. Whenever she doesn’t want to talk about something specifically, she’ll change the subject to something more “exciting” in

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her opinion. Our interviews always flowed really well, though it was somewhat difficult to keep her talking about personal topics.

Feride comes from a fairly successful family. Her mother owns a shop where she sells formal-wear that she imports from Turkey, and her father works in a factory making prosthetics. Her father originally traveled with his father to Germany to work, and her mother was born in Germany. They met in a small Turkish village while both were there on a vacation, and then later in a German town. As the story goes, they fell in love, got engaged, got married, and had a baby all within a year of meeting. Around one third of

Feride’s family lives in Berlin, while the rest live in a small town in Turkey. Her family owns several houses there, though it is unclear if she means her entire family or her immediate family when she says this. I could not get her to clarify, which speaks a little bit to her cautiousness about personal matters. Feride’s older brother works in the hospitality industry, and she is very proud of his polyglot capabilities which include

English. She lists having bronchitis from ages 11-14 as an extremely formative event in her life, mostly because she was so sick and had to have so many aspirator treatments.

Because of the nature of her mother’s business and her family’s means, Feride is able to travel multiple times per year to Turkey, far more than any other girl I talked to in my research. Her family has a vacation home in a tourist-filled coastal town, and her favorite activity while there is to lay on the beach with a good book. Of all the girls, she spoke with the most longing for Turkey, even speaking about being homesick at times. I suspect it could have more to do with the weather than longing for a life in Turkey though, as she will admit wanting to live in Germany for the long-term. She holds a

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German passport, despite the fact that she calls Turkey her homeland. German citizenship is a means to an end for her.

Hillary: Berlin ist nicht deine Heimat? [Berlin is not your homeland?] Feride: Ja schon, hier ist auch meine Heimat. Ich lebe hier, ich spreche die Sprache. Ich gehe hier in die Schule. [Yeah sure, here is also my homeland. I live here. I speak the language. I go to school here.] Hillary: Aber Turkei, lieber Turkei? [But Turkey, preferably Turkey] Feride: Ja, lieber Turkei. [Yes, preferably Turkey]

I will explore more of these issues in further chapters, but it is worth noting here that while Feride spoke with the most longing for Turkey, she fully acknowledged the fact that she was always on vacation there which certainly shaped her opinion of life there.

She longed to always be away from the stress of her life in Berlin, though fully acknowledged that a regular life in Turkey would be very different than her experiences there.

Eser

Eser is a very soft-spoken girl, beloved by her parents and unconditionally supported by them in her academic pursuits. According to her she can “pass for German” if she wants to. She has light olive skin and mousy brown hair with waves that she typically wears back in a low ponytail. Her eyes are brown and her clothes are practical.

She almost always has some type of scarf around her neck, and is embarrassed by compliments. She has one younger sister, and spends most of her free time studying for her Abitur (graduating exam). When I met her she was 16 years old and in the eleventh grade, getting ready to start the twelfth grade after which she was planning to graduate and go to college.

Both of Eser’s parents were born in Turkey and immigrated to Germany when they were younger. They met in Berlin, settled in the Kreuzberg neighborhood first, and

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later moved to Wedding where they currently live. Her family used to travel to Turkey more often, but since her grandparents passed away, they now travel there only every two to three years. When they do travel there, they always take the two day trek by car.

Eser’s mother runs an in-home daycare and her father has held a variety of jobs in the last few years all supplied by the “Job Center” (comparable to the unemployment office in the

United States). He is trained as a carpenter, but his job was outsourced to the Czech

Republic, and ever since he’s been traveling all around the city for work. Eser spends as much time with her parents as she can, and has never been one to hang out alone in her room afterschool. She is extremely studious, but her parents cannot help her with her homework. This could be because her favorite subjects are biology and art. Whenever they can help her, they do though, such as bringing her food when she is on a studying binge or working hard on a project. They are incredibly supportive of her and try to do everything in their power to help her achieve her goals.

At home her family speaks Turkish, though her parents and younger sister can also speak fluent German. Eser does speak German with her sister sometimes, but that had only started in the couple of years before we met. With her friends, Eser speaks a mixture of German and Turkish depending on the context. Despite the fact that her

German is flawless according to her grades, me, and my German transcriptionist, she is still not completely confident in her German language skills. This was true for all of my participants, which I found rather surprising. Eser, like all but one of the participants, has

German citizenship, but calls herself Turkish when asked. Like most of the other participants, she also did not make the choice of citizenship rather her parents discussed it with her and made the choice for her. She does not even remember the process as

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anything special really, and it was not a significant choice in her life at all. She describes the entire process rather nonchalantly, and thought the whole pomp and circumstance of it all was rather embarrassing. I shall discuss this further in another chapter.

Eser would probably be considered the most devout Muslim of all my participants, making time in her busy study schedule to go to Mosque when her colleagues usually do not. She is very vocal about her beliefs and wants to wear a hijab when she gets a little bit older. My beliefs also came up very often in conversation, and she was adamant that I really need to check out Islam as a religion. Of all the girls in the study, she is the most confident in her Arabic reading skills, and misses going to the

Mosque more often as she did when she was younger. Despite professing to only going to Mosque once a week now, she still goes when there are events such as movie nights or field trips with a group of girls from the mosque. She invited me to come to the Mosque several times with her, and was very happy talking about religious ideas with me.

When she does have free time, which at the time was rare because of her stress with the Abitur, she likes to watch television at home with her family. Eser prefers to watch Turkish shows, and even watches a few evening soap operas on occasion. Other than Turkish television, she is happy to watch American shows that have been dubbed in

German. She says that she has never seen a German television show, and really does not desire to do so. She is the same about her music: primarily Turkish and some American.

During our interviews, Eser always would react to my statements with the phrase

“voll schon” [totally] and she almost always clicked her tongue while sucking in a breath of air while thinking about the answer to a question. Her favorite place to meet for our interviews was in the rose garden of park near the train stop where I would arrive in

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Wedding. Eser always gives me a big hug when she sees me, though her smile is a shy one. She almost always turns her head down when she smiles as if trying to hide her teeth. Eser goes to MHW almost every afternoon to get help with her homework, and is one of the most serious students I met during my stay in Berlin. She wants to be a doctor when she grows up.

Halime

Upon first meeting Halime, one might want to say that she is shy, but would be very wrong. She is very quiet when I first met her, but very opinionated when I get to know her better. For example, if I get her talking about how the call to prayer is not allowed in Germany, she gets really agitated and will let me know exactly why she thinks the policy is ridiculous. She has long straight dark brown hair and dark brown eyes with very fair skin. She is quick to smile and throws her head back when she laughs. She is extremely witty and open, once you get to know her a bit and she trusts you. She loves sweets, especially waffles filled with ice cream and all sorts of different types of crushed up candy bars that we would get at a local waffle café in Wedding. She throws her hair over long hair over her shoulder and leans toward me when she is about to make an important point in a discussion, and I could always tell when she was holding back a good story to illustrate her point.

She is extremely intelligent and succeeding in school is very important to her.

She was in the tenth grade when we met and in the midst of studying for the MSA exam, which is essentially an exam to stay in Gymnasium on the college bound track. Halime was fifteen when we met, and already stressed out about school. She is a very goal- oriented person, and her goal at that point was to make sure she had a good enough

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grade-point-average and test scores to stay in Gymnasium. Halime confesses to having no German friends at all, though part of that has to do with her class composition which is completely made up of “foreigners” other than one girl whose mother is German. She says, “Es kommt so komisch vor dem Besitz in Deutschland in eine Deutsche Schule und wir haben nicht ein Deutsch in der Klasse. Das ist ein bisschen komisch.” [It’s really funny to be on German property in a German school and we don’t have one German in the class. That’s a little bit funny.]

She is the second of three sisters, ages twenty-one, fourteen, and six. Halime’s father was born in Turkey, but came to live in Kreuzberg with his family when he was only three or four months old. He grew up in Berlin and went only to German schools.

He met her mother in Ankara through relatives, married her, and brought her to Berlin when she was sixteen. As is Turkish tradition, Halime’s parents are cousins. They are not first cousins, though she is not sure how distant. One year after they married, their first daughter was born in Berlin. I asked Halime if she could imagine her life happening as her mother’s had.

Ich stelle mir das manchmal vor, aber keine Ahnung, manchmal meine Mutter spricht meine Schwester an und sagt, ja, in deinem alter hatte ich schon ein Kind so...ich wurde mich nie als so vorstellen koennen. Ah so, zur Zeit, gar nicht.

I imagine it sometimes, but no idea, sometimes my Mother talks to my sister and says, yes, by your age I had a child so…I could never imagine it. Ah so, for now, absolutely not.

Her father previously worked as a die caster, but has been unemployed for many years now because of an injury. Halime was somewhat vague about the whole story, and told me that he “does nothing” instead of saying that he is unemployed. He was in the middle of working on major renovations to their apartment at the time, and sometimes

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went to help at their cousin’s car dealership. Her mother stays at home and takes care of the household, though she does make occasional trips to Turkey alone to visit family when she gets really homesick. Halime also described her mother as “doing nothing,” but I certainly wrote this off as adolescent banter considering the fact that she has an entire household to take care of, including three children still living at home. I don’t think she was trying to be offensive regarding her parents when she described them to me during our first interview, rather that she really doesn’t know what they do all day. She could also have been angry at her parents because the year we met had been the first that they had not driven to Turkey for vacation in her entire life.

Language choice is an interesting topic to discuss with Halime. She always speaks Turkish with her mother and her younger sister. She describes her mother’s

German as funny, and says that she understands everything but speaks really comically.

With her father she primarily speaks Turkish with some German words thrown in when necessary. Most interestingly, she speaks a complete mixture of several languages with her older sister, with whom she has the closest relationship. Whichever language the words come to her in her head she can speak to her sister including Turkish, German,

English, and French. Her older sister is attending university now to become a doctor, and is very adept at languages as is Halime. Interestingly, she claims that she has difficulties communicating in Turkey. “Das meisten ist das wenn man ein Deutscher Satz ins

Turkisch uebersetz, kommt es anders rueber als was du meinst, deswegen kann man auch nicht so eherlich reden.” [Mostly it is if you translate a German sentence into Turkish, then it comes out different than you mean, that’s why you cannot speak so plainly.] She does not like to read in Turkish, but confesses to only using Turkish on Facebook.

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Halime loves to watch Turkish soap operas and listen to Turkish music. She loves pop culture and can discuss all the latest gossip about Turkish and American stars, though when it comes to German pop culture she is not as interested. When asked, she lists the most important things in her life as religion, family, friends, and school. She spends one to two full days at the Mosque per week in religious courses learning about Islam, how to read Arabic, and practicing different prayers.

After more than 20 years living in Berlin, her family still talks about moving back to Turkey whenever they can. They own an apartment in Ankara and are always discussing when the best time to move back will be. At the time I was in Berlin, her family was planning to move back to Ankara when Halime finishes her Abitur (two to three years after our time together). Halime was skeptical however, mostly because of her younger sister and her parents’ previous insistence that the girls’ education in

Germany would be much better. Her sister was only six at the time we spoke, which would mean that they would be waiting quite some time before all of their daughters were out of school. Halime has no desire to take the path of her parents, marrying at sixteen and having children right away. She says, “Schule fertig machen, dann mal kucken, erstmal mein Job, dann heiraten.” [Finish school, then we’ll see, first my job, then get married.] Halime and her older sister have German passports, and she plans to live in Germany for the foreseeable future.

Hanife

Hanife is a self-professed shop-a-holic who is always impeccably dressed in the latest style. Her make-up is always perfect and her flowing dark brown wavy hair is always perfectly coifed. She is average height but her beautiful face makes her stand out

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in a crowd. She speaks incredibly quickly and always has a story to tell. She fixed her hair absentmindedly while we chatted, and was consistently smiling, unlike many of her

German and Turkish-German counterparts. She has big plans for her future that for now only might include marriage and children. Her biggest plans involve finishing school and becoming a doctor, perhaps of plastic surgery. She uses the word “eben” as an American teenager might use “like” to interject while speaking, and it is endearing. She was fifteen when we met.

Hanife is one of two children from her parents’ marriage, though her father has 4 children from a previous marriage. Her parents met in a small village east of Ankara in

Turkey through relatives, and married soon thereafter. Hanife was born in Turkey, but came with her mother to Berlin when she was only 2 months old. She has a younger brother who was born in Berlin, and has spent her entire life in Berlin surrounded by her half-siblings and extended family. Because of the location of her birth, the process for

Hanife to get a German passport is different than the rest of the girls in the study and she has not applied to do so. Her experience in Berlin as a Turkish-German girl will be discussed in this dissertation not as someone with firsthand knowledge of the immigration process. Like the other girls, she does not have knowledge of the entire process of getting to Germany and receiving her permanent visa, therefore I will discuss her experience the same as the other girls. In my discussions with her and the other girls, her experience did not seem to be different at all because of the passport she possesses, and she even had more connection to German than some of the other girls. None of

Hanife’s older siblings went to Gymnasium, and they are not at all supportive of her academic endeavors. Much of her motivation comes from wanting to prove them wrong.

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She is extremely proud of and knowledgeable about Islam. She takes time to always go to Mosque and religious courses there, and lists religion as one of the most important parts of her life, along with family, school and friends. She plans to someday wear a head scarf, but is waiting for the right time to start. I did see her wear a hijab one day when she came to an interview directly from the Mosque, but she was quick to let me know that it was not yet a permanent fixture in her life.

She travels once a year to Turkey to visit family in the countryside, a four hour drive from Ankara. Her family owns an apartment building in a nearby city, so her father travels there more often to take care of their business affairs there. Their extended family lives in a rural area, and Hanife professes to loving the smell of the farm and mucking stalls in their barns. I found this rather surprising given her appearance as one of the more girly participants in my study, but she was rather proud of this fact. She loves to go back to Turkey, but still considers Berlin her home, as I will discuss in a later chapter.

When I asked her why she felt so at home in Berlin, she answered:

Ja, wegen meine Freunde, wegen alles, wegen mein Fernseher, wegen mein Laptop, ja wegen mein Schrank, eben deswegen, weil dort kuck ich nur Turksich, ah so ich mag Turkisch kucken, eben ich kucke mal…also Mittags bis 18 Uhr immer Deutsch, und nach 18 Uhr fangen immer die Turkische Serien an bis 10, und dann ist eben schlafen Zeit, und deswegen, da, war die ganze Zeit immer Turkisch Turkisch Turkisch her, und alle sind Turker alle reden Turkisch, nur ich und mein Brueder reden Deutsch, das das, das ist irgendwie so...das war nicht so schon da, nur Turkisch Turkisch Turkisch.

Yes, because of my friends, because everything because of my TV, because of my laptop, yes because of my closet, precisely because there I only watch Turkish, ah so I like to watch Turkish, just I watch at times…So noon to six o’clock always German, and after six o’clock always catch the Turkish series until 10, and then it’s sleeping time, and therefore, since all the time always Turkish Turkish Turkish here, and all are Turks, all speak Turkish, only me and my brother speak German, that wasn’t so nice there, only Turkish Turkish Turkish.

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Hanife’s mother spent four years taking German courses, but still does not feel comfortable enough to speak it at all. She has also taken a course on sewing, and does the sewing for a local Kindergarten. When she needs to go to the Job Center to find more work, she always takes her step-daughter with her as an interpreter. Partially because of her mother Hanife primarily speaks Turkish at home, except with her father with whom she speaks a mixture of German and Turkish. She learned German in the last year of

Kindergarten, as she didn’t have the opportunity to go at three like most German children because of an unfortunate set of circumstances with one of her older brothers who didn’t file the paperwork for her as he was asked. With her friends she speaks a mixture of

Turkish and German, though she is also learning French and English at school. She was never brave enough to speak English with me, despite having quite high marks in the course.

Aydan

Aydan is more outspoken about her views, and had only started wearing a hijab two months before I met her. She almost constantly pulled at the edges of the cloth around her face, and seemed to wear a different amount of make-up every time I met with her. When I asked her about the decision to start wearing a head scarf, she was very open with me about it.

“Ich wollte eigentlich schon seit einem Jahr, habe ich schon beschlossen das ich in diesem Sommerferien das anfangen moechte, und es war gar nicht schwer, weil ich auch hier in Berlin war, und dann war das so eine gute Gelegenheit.”

I wanted to do it for about a year, and then I finally decided that I wanted to start in this summer break, and it wasn’t hard at all, because I was here in Berlin, and it was a good chance.

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Defining her by the piece of material that she wears on her head would be a huge mistake. Aydan has a sweet disposition until made angry. Aydan doesn’t put up with unfairness, and speaks her mind very matter of fact. She is quick to explain to someone why they are wrong, and punctuates her seriousness with a bubbly personality full of giggles. She lists the most important things in her life as family, friends, school, and her religion.

She doesn’t have a favorite subject in school and doesn’t know what she wants to be when she grows up yet. She had her first (and only) boyfriend in elementary school, though she is quick to say that it was only a kid-relationship. Despite professing to being completely stressed about school exams, Aydan was the least specifically goal oriented of all my participants. This is not to say that she didn’t take school seriously, rather she also had a sense of humor about all of it that the other girls seemed to lack. She seemed to take all of the stress in stride better than the other girls, and took the longer perspective about making goals. She was also one of the more openly future family oriented of all the girls. I will discuss this further in the chapter on the future, but it is worth noting here that she always listed having a husband and children as one of her primary goals in her future life.

Aydan is very open about speaking about religion, and was really great at explaining the process of learning about Islam such as learning to read the Koran in the first and second grades. She explained that she started going to religious courses every day for several hours as soon as she started going to school. She didn’t find that stressful at all, since it was just a matter of fact in her life at that point. What I found most

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interesting is the fact that she was learning to speak, read, and write German (in the first grade) at the same time she was learning to read the Koran in Arabic.

She typically speaks a mixture of German and Turkish with her friends, and says that she primarily uses Turkish on Facebook. I asked her when she learned German.

Aydan: Ich habe eigentlich so in der Vorschule, eigentlich in der erste Klasse schon, eh so, ich war eigentlich gar nicht in der Kindergarten. Glaub ich, ich wollte nicht mehr gehen, dann bin ich nicht mehr gegangen, und dann habe ich halt in der Vorschule und da mitgeklappt, aber davor kannte ich ein paar Woerter. I learned in elementary school, really in the first grade, eh so, I really wasn’t in Kindergarten. I believe, I didn’t want to go anymore, then I didn’t go anymore, and then I was in elementary school and there it clicked, but I knew a few words before then. Hillary: War es schwierig dann? Was it difficult then? Aydan: Ich kann mich gar nicht mehr daran erinnern. I cannot remember anymore.

Aydan says that her father speaks German very well, and her mother took a German course and can get by when she needs to. (Her mother’s German course was one of the

German government’s integration courses where they teach not only the language, but also about German culture and laws.)

Aydan is the oldest and has one brother three years younger than she is. Her father came to Germany as a child and grew up in Wedding. He met her mother in

Turkey through some relatives while on vacation, married her, and brought her to

Germany when she was sixteen. Her father works in a chocolate factory and her mother is a tailor in a local boutique. Her mother also wears a head scarf (hijab), though Aydan would want me to write that she decided by herself to wear her hijab and wasn’t pressured into it at all by her parents or peers.

Teenagers:

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I think it is so important to remember that the girls in this study are teenagers. Their perspective comes from their life experience so far, and is so very interesting because of that. In many ways they are more similar to their peers in Germany than even they realize sometimes. They like to make funny movies with their cellular phones:

Hanife: Obwohl wir haben auch davor immer Filme in der Toilette gedreht. (Laughing) Hillary: WAS? Hanife: Ja wir sind, wir haben einfach eine lange weile, wir sind einfach in der Schule in der Toilette gegangen, haben einfach gespielt, ja die verschwundene, oder irgendwie so was wie Grueselfilme, so was gedreht.

Hanife: Although we previously always made films in the toilet. (Laughing) Hillary: WHAT? Hanife: Yes we do, we just have a long while, we just went to school in the toilet, just simplyplaying, yes the missing, or somehow something like scary films directed.

Despite the fact that they don’t plan to ever show these films to anyone other than their close friends and eventually their kids so that they can all laugh about it, this is one of the ways in which they are totally “normal” western teenagers. They dream about the future and what it will hold for them, making plans as much as they can for how they want their life to go.

Halime: ganzen Maedels ist es so allgemein. Wir haben immer ein Traumberuf was sie werden koennen, und was einigen von den auch werden. Um, und dann sagen die mal erst mein Job, erst will ich mein Job haben, und dann lerne ich ein Man ein bisschen kennen, und dHaann heirate ich, und nachher 2 Kinder, und dann werde ich ein Hausfrau. So standard Sachen eigentlich immer.

Halime: all the girls, it is so common. We always have a dream job what they can be, and what are they will become. Um, and then say first my job, I will just have my job, and I'm learning. You know one little bit, and then I will get married, and after 2 kids, and then I become a housewife. So standard stuff all the time.

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At the same time, they are intimately exposed to two cultures unlike many of their

German peers. Feride even expressed jealousy for the kids’ life in Turkey:

Feride: In der Turkei kann man soziales Leben. Ja, es gibt voll vielen eh...Cafes, ah so, da, da ist in die naehe einem Strand, zum Meer. Kann man ja viel ____ unternehmen und hier arbeitet man doch 6 ah so in der Woche 6 mal arbeitest du am Tag und dann einmal hast du frei darf und dann bist du zur Hause. Als Schulerin muss ich dann fuer die Schule lernen, habt dann ja kein Freizeit mehr muss ich 2 Stunden...da...was machst du wenn ich bin zur Hause. Aber in der Turkei ist man doch den ganzen Zeit so gechillter Hillary: Gechillter? Feride: Auf jeden fall ist es doch so Relax, und doch so entspannt so wir Hillary: Man arbeitet nicht so viel? Feride: Doch doch man arbeitet da schon, aber...um...zum Beispiel die Schuler jetzt, die gehen erst in der Schule und haben Schul schluss in dann gehen noch in einem Cafe und trinken was und rauchen Shisha oder essen was und dann gehen zur Hause. Zum Beispiel wenn wir jetzt ein Abitur mache hat man nicht mehr so viel Zeit. Nur am Wochenende, und die machen auch mitten der Woche solche Sachen.

Feride : In Turkey you can have a social life. Yes, there are many full eh .. cafes, ah so , there, there is in the nearby a beach , the sea. Yes you can do a lot ____ and here one works but 6 ah so a week do your work 6 times a day and then again you may freely and then you’re home. As a student I need to study for school, then yes you have no more free time I have two hours ... because ... what do you do when I'm the home. But in Turkey it is but the whole time so much more chill Hillary : more chill? Feride : In any case, it is so relaxing, yet as relaxed as we Hillary : One does not work so much? Feride : Oh yes you are working there already , but ... um ... for example, students now go only to the school and school -circuit go in then in a cafe and drink and smoke shisha or what to eat and what then go to home. For example, if we now do a high school diploma you do not have much time. Only on weekends, and also make the middle of the week sort of thing.

Conclusion

This chapter was an introduction to the location and participants in this study.

Beginning with an overview of Germany and its immigrant population supported by state statistics, I then moved on to discuss the city of Berlin with the largest immigrant

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population in all of Germany. Next I discussed the neighborhood where I ended up conducting research, especially as it compares to other more well-known so-called immigrant neighborhoods. This chapter ended with introductions to the six girls who participated in this study, briefly outlining their personalities, situations, and interests.

It is my hope that after reading this chapter the reader will not only be able to better situate this research within the cultural context it was conducted, but also that the six girls of the study will be seen for the whole people they are. These girls live their lives as minorities within Germany, but not as minorities within their neighborhood or schools. These girls have many traditional values, many stemming from their faith, but at the same time like to push back on tradition with respect to following in their parents’ footsteps. They are ambitious. They are smart. They are beautiful blossoming teenage girls dreaming of the future and living the stressful life of a student within the competitive German school system. These are their stories, and I feel infinitely privileged to be able to share them here.

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German Proverb: Heimat ist nicht da, wo man geboren ist, sondern da, wo man satt wird.

Insanin vatani dogdugu yer degil, doydugu yerdir.

Homeland is not there, where one is born, rather there, where one is satisfied

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Subjectivity and Bicultural Citizenship

This chapter explores the subjectivity of Turkish-German adolescent girls with regard to their bicultural citizenship. It seeks to answer the following questions: How do

Turkish-German girls see themselves with regard to citizenship and belonging? How do the girls process their experiences as foreigners in both Turkey and Germany such that they view themselves as bicultural citizens with legal German citizenship and cultural

Turkish citizenship? What types of experiences contribute to their individual subjectivity? This work draws on theories in psychological anthropology, specifically enculturation (LeVine 1999) and concepts of referential versus indexical selves (Gaines

1992a). Additionally, this research draw on Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco’s discussion of cultural dissonance in second generation immigrants (1995) and Weisner’s ecocultural model of development (1998).

Given that immigrant children must exist in multiple cultural spheres, identity development becomes particularly challenging during adolescence (Suarez-Orozco

2000). Both the culture of the sending country and the culture of the host country play a part in identity formation, both directing the individual toward specific social goals through cultural expectations (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco 1990). Building upon the concept of cultural citizenship, wherein citizenship encompasses legal status, rights, participation, and belonging (Bloemraad 2008), I am proposing a new bicultural citizenship. When presented with the prospect of being a foreigner and treated differently in both their Heimat (homeland) and Heim (home), these girls conceptualize parts of themselves in each place and create a completely separate and new bicultural citizenship.

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As other researchers have pointed out, Turkish-German girls are of particular interest as a population because they are seen as powerful symbols of cultural difference and of the failure of Turks to assimilate to life in Germany and within the boundaries of

German cultural norms (Ewing 2006). The scope of this chapter focuses on the individual subjective experiences of the girls and how those experiences contribute to the shaping of their identity.

Changes in German policy over the course of many years have constructed Turks first as guests and more recently as citizens by choice (Mandel 2008), but it remains unclear whether these policy changes have affected the experiences of these girls.

Racism, whether individual acts, institutional, or both, affects the cultural expectations perceived by the girls as has been shown in other populations (Thomas & Schwartzbaum

2006). Turkish-German adolescents as third generation immigrants have been studied in educational (Mannitz 2005) and socioliguistic contexts (Eksner 2007); however this research is distinctive in that it focuses on the subjective experience of these girls in an attempt to better conceptualize their cultural experience as called for by Biehl, Good, and

Kleinman (2007).

Subjectivity

Anthropological inquiry has often focused on the subjective experience and subjectivity of our participants. Subjectivity focuses on the malleable core of individual identity as it is shaped by the external environment, though it has a contested approach within the discipline of anthropology. The recent collection of essays put forth by Biehl,

Good, and Kleinman offers a peek into the diversity of studies looking at subjectivities around the world (2007). The editors also offer a very prescient discussion of the

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changing nature of looking at subjectivity through an anthropological lens, and how we can better navigate the challenges presented by these types of discussions. The conceptualization of subjectivity used in this article approaches it from an integrated perspective, utilizing both the modernist inside-out perspective and the post-modern outside-in theorization of subjectivity. That is to say that both the individual’s agency and construction of their environment and the relationship to the individual to the structures of powers in which they live are discussed.

More pertinent to my own research, several authors have looked at negotiating subjectivities in multicultural adolescent contexts. Anderson-Fye presents adolescent girls’ ethnopsychological protective factor of “Never Leave Yourself” in her research in

Belize (2003). VanVleet’s discussion of Bolivian adolescents’ navigation of multiple identities through externalities such as clothing is also incremental for understanding bicultural identity negation (2003). Most specifically and recently, Yoon discusses adolescent male immigrant self-positioning and identity negotiating for success, where the young men consciously alter their environment to achieve maximum success in a new foreign place (2012).

Collective subjectivity refers to the way that people define their group’s essence and represent it to others. Through my own ethnographic research, the Turkish-German example of bicultural citizenship could be conceptualized on a larger scale such as collective subjectivity. This chapter does not focus on the collective definition of the larger group of Turkish-German immigrants, rather on the individual conceptualization of belonging in multiple spheres9. This collective subjectivity is further emphasized through

9 See Mandel 2008 for a broader discussion of the collective subjectivity of Turkish-Germans in Berlin. 129

the marginalization of these girls in their “homeland” of Turkey. Marginality is the predicament of ambiguous belonging (Brodwin 2003), and is most certainly part of the experience of being a Turkish-German adolescent girl in Berlin. Through a Haitian diasporic example, Brodwin finds that marginality forces this group to focus on group identity in addition to accommodating “the ways they are interpellated” (2003: p383).

(While there are spaces where they certainly belong, such as the neighborhood where this study was conducted, which is filled with immigrants, belonging in the larger German society is ambiguous at best in their eyes. These girls experience the same ambiguous belonging when they are in Turkey as well, as will be discussed below. Thus, collective subjectivity and marginality both play roles in the making of bicultural citizenship.

Bicultural Citizenship

The process of self-making and being made in relation to nation-states and transnational processes is one definition of cultural citizenship (Ong, Wu, & Ying 1996).

Ong and colleagues view this as a globalizing process, and second and third generation immigrants are certainly easy examples of transnational and transcultural belonging

(ibid). An alternate definition of cultural citizenship is that it “refers to the right to be different and to belong in a participatory democratic sense” (Rosaldo 1994).

Koriouchkina also makes an argument for a framework of social citizenship as an interplay between state structures and the subjects of the state (2009). Previous German law founded German citizenship as defined by blood. If you had German parents, then you were German. Foreigners were always considered foreign under the law, no matter if they were born on German soil. As Miller has noted,

citizenship is no longer easily based on soil or blood. Rather, it is founded on some variant of those qualities in connection with culture and the

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capitalist labor market. And (sic) the state is no longer the sole frame of citizenship in the face of new nationalisms and cross-border affinities that no single government apparatus can contain (Miller 2003, pp4-5).

The German government redefined their citizenship laws in a landmark change in 2000, making the naturalization process simpler for anyone born in Germany, no matter their parents. This change allowed for children born on German soil to foreign parents with permanent residency permits to hold dual citizenship until the age of 23 when they must apply to keep their German citizenship and forfeit their Turkish citizenship. Five of the six girls in this study have German citizenship, and one of the five has dual citizenship.

Utilizing data collected from Chinese diaspora in Central America, Siu examines the ways in which cultural citizenship is a localized process of people actively participating in more than one cultural-political system (2001). This chapter will focus on much the same approach with these girls who are part of two very different cultures, thus enacting their cultural citizenship while enmeshed in a global context linked with geopolitics and interstate relations, in addition to cultural belonging.

As an alternative to traditional studies of citizenship, Berdahl proposes an ethnography not of the nation-state, rather one focused on performances and practices of national belonging and citizenship (2005). Flores also suggests a reframing of citizenship, based on research with immigrants in the United States; one that focuses not only on citizens working to gain full membership in a society and reshaping it at the same time (2003). As Neveu notes:

What then distinguishes an anthropological approach to citizenship from other more classical approaches is precisely the emphasis on the imperfect and unfinished, on the fluidity of boundaries, more than on the a priori delimitation of an enclosed definition from with (deviations from) the norm could be measured (2008: p299).

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Lest we be tempted to go the post-nationalist route in the European context,

Hansen reminds us that national citizenship need not necessarily be linked with citizen practice as discussed in the frame of protest politics (2009). Citizenship is only partially enacted through these so-called protest politics within the European Union, and must be looked at in conjunction with possession of a nation’s passport. This more notion of performative citizenship through passport and selectivity is iterated by my participants as well:

Hillary: Ich habe wieder so ne Passfrage. Du hast schon gesagt, dass es Vorteile gibt. Zum Beispiel, Uniplätze ist ein Vorteil. Gibt es weitere? Semra: Ja, zum Beispiel, meine Cousine, sie ist ja jetzt in der Türkei und sie ist hier geboren. Und jetzt kann sie nicht mehr wieder hierherkommen, weil sie keinen deutschen Pass hatte und jetzt in der Türkei lebt, kann sie keinen Eingang hier nach Deutschland machen. Und na ja, zum Beispiel wenn ich in die Türkei mal gehe und mich doch noch für Deutschland entscheide, dann kann ich ja wieder zurück, ist egal, ob ich in der Türkei lebe oder in Deutschland lebe. Das würde mir auch keine Probleme machen. Deswegen schon vorteilhaft. Hillary: Nicht nach Reisen, sondern arbeiten. Semra: Ja, zum Beispiel, kann ja sein. Ich bin der Meinung, dass ich nicht in der Türkei studiere oder nen Job finde, aber könnte ja sein, falls, dann hab ich auch die Möglichkeit wieder nach Deutschland zu kommen. Deswegen ist es besser.

Hillary: I have so a passport question again. You've already said that there are benefits. For example, university place is an advantage. Are there more? Semra: Yes, for example, my cousin, she is now in Turkey and she was born here. And now she can not come here again because she has no German passport and now lives in Turkey, she cannot enter Germany here. And well, for example when I go to Turkey sometimes and yet still decide for Germany, then I can back again, they do not care if I live in Turkey or live in Germany. That would also make no problems for me. That’s why it’s beneficial. Hillary: Not for travel, rather for work. Semra: Yes, for example, could be yes. I am of the opinion that I will not study in Turkey or find a job, but it could well be necessary, then I have the possibility to come back to Germany. That's why it is better.

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This conceptualization of citizenship practice and national belonging is especially prescient in the Turkish-German context given that minorities from less developed origins are disadvantaged in areas such as education, occupational achievement, and labor market access (Heath, Rothon, & Kilpi 2008). The construction of deservingness of immigrants with regards to citizenship benefits such as health care can have a major impact on health outcomes as well (Horton 2004). My participants bear witness to at least one reason for educational disadvantage:

Halime: In der Schule einige Sachen schon, habt es ein Nachteil wenn man nicht Deutsch...aus...ah so eine Deutsche ist. Habt schon einige Nachteilen.

Halime: In school some things sure, it has a disadvantage if one is not German…from..is not a German. It has some disadvantages.

Eser elaborates…

Eser: Also, in der Schule gibt es immer Ungerechtigkeit. Also, bei der Notengebung. Aber nicht nur das, auch, zum Beispiel, dass in anderen Ländern die Menschen so hart arbeiten aber nichts verdienen und es welche gibt, die gar nichts machen und Millionen kriegen. Hillary: Noten? Unterricht? Eser: Ja, bei der Notengebung. Hillary: Wieso? Eser: Es gibt manchmal welche, die sich richtig viel Mühe geben, aber der Lehrer mag die einfach nicht. Das ist unfair. Hillary: Ist das möglich? Eser: Ja, immer. Hillary: und warum mögen die Lehrer die nicht? Eser: Ich weiß nicht. Aber ich finds ungerecht. Also, mir passierts auch manchmal. Ich geb mir so viel Mühe, ich mach alles und krieg so eine Note, wie die anderen, die gar nichts machen. Dann denk ich mir, dann mach ich auch nichts.

Eser: So, at school, there is always injustice. So, when grading. But not only that, but also, for example, that in other countries people work so hard but earn nothing and there are those who do nothing and get millions. Hillary: Grades? Lessons? Eser: Yes, the grading. Hillary: Why? Eser: There is sometimes some who give themselves a whole lot of effort, but the teacher likes to make it not easy. This is unfair.

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Hillary: Is that possible? Eser: Yes, always. Hillary: and why do the teachers not like them? Eser: I do not know. But I find it unfair. Well, it happens sometimes. I'll work so hard, I'll do everything and get a grade, like the others, they do not do anything. Then I think to myself, then I will not do anything.

While it would be easy to write Eser’s comments off as mere adolescent whining, It is necessary to remind the reader that she attends a school that is primarily filled with

“foreign” students. In my observations, many of the self-professed “foreign” students had similar complaints. In some instances, the girls discussed more explicitly outright discrimination on the part of the teachers:

Hillary: Haben Lehrer Unrecht? Eser: Ja, wir haben voll oft, dass die Lehrer voll gemein sind. Zum Beispiel in Mathe. Wenn eine Person was nicht versteht, er ist voll gemein. Er sagt immer, du verstehst es nicht. Du hast gar nichts verstanden. Wieso machst du überhaupt noch dein Abitur? Ich hatte einen Lehrer in der 10. Klasse, er meinte, Abitur ist zu schwer für euch. Brecht lieber ab, ihr werdet das nicht schaffen. Hillary: Für euch? Wer ist euch? Eser: Für euch, die Klasse. Also, die Ausländer eigentlich. Ja, er meinte, ihr werdet immer nur heulen, weinen, weils zu schwer ist. Obwohl ich finde, letztes Jahr wars das leichteste Jahr was ich überhaupt hatte, seit der 7. Er hat voll übertrieben damit wir nur aufhören. Hillary: Du hörst ihm einfach nicht zu! Eser: Ja, aber ich finds voll gemein. Er ist ein Lehrer. Er muss uns motivieren. Hillary: Unterstützen. Eser: Unterstützen und ja, im Gegenteil.

Hillary: Are teachers injust? Eser: Yes, we have it very often that the teachers are just mean. For example in math. If someone doesn’t understand, he is totally mean. He always says, you don’t understand. You haven’t understood anything. Why are you even doing your Abitur? I had a teacher in the 10th grad, he was of the opinon, Abitur is difficult for you guys. Just quit, you will not accomplish it. Hillary: For you guys? Who are you guys? Eser: For you guys, the class. Ah so, the foreigners really. Yeah, he opined, you will only struggle, cry, because it si so difficult. Even though

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I find last year was the easiest year I have ever had since the 7th grade. He made a really big deal so that we would listen to him. Hillary: You just don’t listen to him then. Eser: Yeah, but I find it really mean. He’s a teacher. He has to motivate us. Hillary: Support you. Eser: Support, yeah, but on the contrary.

In a review of the literature, Silverstein finds that recent ethnographies of immigrants in Europe point to the ways they are able to cross racial boundaries and enact solidarity across culture and class divisions (2005). Stevenson has also argued that the

European context has too often been characterized in a postnational and postmodern conceptualization, while national culture remains a very strong construction of citizenship (1997).

Cultural citizenship can also be described as encompassing cultural belonging, legal rights, legal status, and participation (Bloemraad 2008). This definition is less of a process and more focused on the legal status and cultural belonging of the individual.

Taking both of these definitions, I propose bicultural citizenship as the most appropriate definition of both the process and belonging of these girls through their experiences.

These experiences have led them to a new definition of belonging in one place culturally and one place legally. This bicultural citizenship forms their subjective experience of home and homeland. And they are not alone. In his reflective and prescriptive book about the failure of German integration, Mehmet Daimogüler notes:

‘Heimat’ ist wie die Beziehung zwischen Menschen, die sich kennen, die sich lieben. Und ebenso wenig, wie ein Mensch Zehntausen andere Menschen lieben kann, ist es mir mӧglich, Zehntausend andere Orte in Deutschland zu lieben wie diesen einen, n dem ich das Licht der Welt erblicktei” (2008: p134).

‘Homeland’ is like a relationship between people, that know each other, who love each other. Nor, lik a person who can love ten thousand other

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people, it’s possible, to love ten thousand other places in German as this one, in which I first saw the light of day.

It is necessary to make clear the distinction between bicultural citizenship, as I have here laid out, and the concept of bicultural identity. Through my conversations and observations with these girls, it became very apparent that they do not consider themselves to have a bicultural identity. They do not view their place in the world as bicultural. Therefore, bicultural citizenship is a better way to describe the enactment of their biculturality on a practical and less psychological level. All but one of them describe themselves as being completely

Turkish, and identify that way despite their legal status as German citizens. It is also worth noting here that despite their protestations, they are indeed German in some very strong ways, beyond just punctuality as one girl mentions.

The biggest way that these girls represent their German-ness is through their goals for achievement. This is not to say that most Turkish women do not want to achieve academically and career-wise, but that is their primary goal as compared to the traditional Turkish model of a woman who gets married and stays home with their children. At the time of this research, all of the girls did also have goals of getting married and having children, but only one of the girls professed to that being her major goal in life. This is a switch from tradition and the stereo-types surrounding Turkish women in Germany. They identify as independently ambitious, sometimes without regard for what their families want for them, and these goals depart from the Turkish traditional identity of women and lean toward German ideals of independence and individuality.

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Always Foreign

As Turkish-German adolescents, these girls are always treated like they are foreigners everywhere they are. In both Turkey and Germany, the girls are marginalized and only partially belong. Halime and Aydan10 are best friends who always seem to travel together. Halime is quiet at first, but very opinionated when you get to know her better. She is extremely intelligent and succeeding in school is very important to her.

She is the second of three sisters and loves to watch Turkish soap operas. Aydan is more outspoken about her views, and had only started wearing a hijab a few weeks before I met her. She almost constantly pulled at the edges of the cloth around her face, and has a sweet disposition until made angry. Aydan doesn’t put up with unfairness, and speaks her mind very matter of fact. Halime and Aydan were the first of my participants to bring up the concept of always being foreign.

Halime: Wenn ich hier bin, sagen die alle das du Türkin bist, und wenn ich nach Türkei fahre, dann bin ich die Deutscher. Aydan: ja, ich auch. Halime: Egal wo ich hingehe, ich bin immer die Auslӓnder. Aydan: Überall so zu sagen. Halime: Also, zum Beispiel wenn ich hier komme, und keine Ahnung, wenn ich drausen sitze und mit ein Deutscher rede, sie sagt, ah du bist Türkin, und wenn ich nach Türkei fahre und mit meine Tante rede, da sind die Deutsche auch schwach. Hillary: Aber die akzeptieren dich? Aydan: Ja.

Halime: If I’m here they all say that you are a Turk, and when I drive to Turkey then I’m the German. Aydan: Yeah, me too. Halime: No matter where I go, I’m always a foreigner. Aydan: Everywhere so to speak. Halime: Well, for example if I come here, and no idea, if I sit outside and speak with a German, she says, ah you are a Turkish girl, and when I drive to Turkey and speak with my aunt, there the Germans are also weak.

10 All names have been changed to protect the participants. 137

Hillary: But they accept you? Aydan: Yeah.

The girls in my research articulated several ways that Turks in Turkey know that they are not from Turkey, and gave several examples of ways in which they were treated differently as a result. They are also quick to notice if another Turk is not from Turkey.

Hillary: Sie merken das aber sofort. Merkst du das auch, wenn du einen Türken aus Deutschland in der Türkei siehst? Semra: Ja, merk ich auch. An der Kleidung, dieses Stylen is immer gleich, sozusagen, in Deutschland und in der Türkei ist es viel anders. Aber, sonst so, durch die Sprache nicht so.

Hillary: They notice it right away. Do you notice that too, if you see a Turk from Germany in Turkey? Semra: Yes, I notice well. On the clothing, this styling is always the same, so to speak, in Germany and in Turkey it is much different. But, otherwise, by the language not so.

Hillary: die sind ganzen beobachtet in der Turkei Aydan: Nicht so beobachtet, sondern Halime: Sie kucken dich nur so an, als ahh sie kommen aus Deutschland. Aydan: Ja. Hillary: Wie wissen die das? Halime: Das wissen wir auch nicht. Aydan: Die merken das dort wo, die wissen das schon. Halime: Aber auch wenn du draussen auf der Strasse laeufst, ich glaub von dein Klamotten oder oder vom Reden Aydan: Ja Halime: Du hast sehr ein anderes Akzent, deswegen.

Hillary: You are completely observed in Turkey Aydan: Not observed, but Halime: They are watching you only in such a way as ahh they come from Germany. Aydan: Yes. Hillary: How do they know? Halime: We do not know. Aydan: The notice that there where, who know that already. Halime: But even if you're running out on the street, I think because of your clothes or or from your speech Aydan: Yes Halime: You have very a different accent, so.

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Hanife is a self-professed shop-a-holic, with whom I spent hours traveling on the subway to her favorite shopping locales such as Primark and H & M. There she would peruse the latest in trends and put them together to reflect her own style. She is extremely proud of and knowledgeable about Islam. She hopes to one day become a doctor, and to prove all her older siblings wrong with her success. She travels once a year to Turkey to visit family in the countryside, a four hour drive east from Ankara. Hanife knows exactly how people in Turkey figure out that she’s not from there, and was quick to give examples of how she was treated differently because of it.

Hanife: Die kennen gleich das ich eben von den Ausland komme, das ich eben nicht, eben das ich Turker bin, aber das ich eben von irgendwo anders kommt, eben von Daenemark. Ich weiss es auch nicht wie, aber die kenne es gleich von unsere Klammoten, Laufen, Reden, so wenn ich Turksich reden benutzt ich immer diese EHM, wenn ich ueberlege Ehm ehm ehm, und da die kennen das Wort, das Wort gibt's bei den nicht, und wissen die das wir irgendwie aus Ausland kommen, ja und zB meine Freunden haben das miterleben das Sie ehm so eben auf eine Bazaar da wo alles da verkauft wird, eine Freunde meint eben, ja ich was so da gekauft, sag ich mal sie hat eine Pullover, sag ich sie hat nur 10, zB in die Turkei gibt es diese Telle, gekostet. Sie ist dahin gegangen. Die haben geredet, und haben die irgendwie bemerkt, und dann mussten sie mehr bezahlen als 10. Ja, weil die kommen ja aus Ausland, man kann ja eben vielleicht verarschen, so, und dann.

Hanife: “They know right away that I’m from abroad, that I’m not, that I’m a Turk, but that I’m from somewhere else like Denmark. I don’t know how either, but they know it right away from our clothes, walk, talk. If I speak Turkish, I always use this “ehm” when I think about something ehm ehm ehm, and there they know this word. They don’t have that word, and they know somehow that I’m from abroad. Yes, and for example my friends also had the experience that they were in a Bazaar where you can buy anything. One girlfriend told me, “yeah, I bought this there,” say a sweater. Let’s say she paid only 10. She went there. They talked, and somehow they noticed, and then she had to pay more than 10. Yes, because she’s from abroad, yeah they can maybe muck you around.”

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I will explore language use in a separate chapter of this dissertation, but it should be noted here that this “ehm” is a specifically Turkish-German occurrence that separates these girls from their Turkish peers in Turkey, as noted here by Hanife.

Feride mentions the same type of issues: Feride: Ahh...in die Turkei sagen Sie so "die Deutschen, die die ist aus Deutschland gekommen." Die sagen das manchmal, aber meine Familie nicht, eher die Verwandtschaft, schon meine Onkels die sagen es so aber ja...manchmal meine andere Kousinne sind immer eifersuchtig, sie denken wenn man aus Deutschland kommen das man so was anderes ist. Hillary: Wie so anders? Feride Halt, liegt man ja Deutschland in Europa...und so, hat man hat man alles in Gesund, man kauft sich 3, 4 Sachen und so die denken das ich so ein bisschen eingebildet bin, nie kommt so rueber, weil es ist nicht so im wirklichkeit. Bei meine andere Kousinne ist es so, die denken gar nicht ueber mich. Die denken ein bisschen so...das ist doch eifersuchtig, sag ich doch kauf mich irgendwelche Klammotten, und das nimmt man bis es Halt nicht, und dann sind sie so ein bisschen eifersuchtig so und sagen, "Ohhh, das gibt es, ja, fuer wie viel hast du denn das gekauft. Da ist im viel presens, ah echt so denn." Und so denkst du es ist voll doof bei den. Sonst, war es manch- immer so, ja die sind aus Deutschland gekommen, wir haben Geld, und so... Hillary: Die alle glauben das ihr seid Reich? Feride: Ja ja, die denken immer so. Es ist ein bisschen doof, ah neh... Sagen, geh mal zu den Turken die _____ nehmen. Ueberall ist es so bestimmt. Krass huh?

Feride : Ahh ... in Turkey you say so, "the Germans, she, she comes from Germany." The say that sometimes, but my family, rather the relations, even my uncles put it that way but yes ... sometimes my other cousins are always jealous , they think if you come from Germany that one is something else. Hillary : How different? Feride stop , yes Germany is in Europe ... and so , one has one has everything in health, you can buy 3, 4 things and so they think that I 'm a bit so conceited, never comes across as such because it is not so in reality. With my other cousins it is so, do not even think about me . They think a bit ... so that's jealousy, I 'm saying buy me any clothes, and not one takes to stop it , and then they are a bit jealous so and say, "Ohhh, there is, yes, for how much did you buy for that. Since much of it is presents, ah really so because.” And so you think it is fully goofy. Otherwise, it was some- more so , indeed have come from Germany , we have money , and so ... Hillary : They all believe you are rich?

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Feride : Yes, yes, always think that way. It's a bit goofy, ah Neh ... Say, go to the Turks take the _____ . Everywhere it is so determined. crass huh ?

Hanife noted the same issue: Hanife: zB wenn ich in der Turkei gehe, dann sagen die mal oh kuck mal die Deutsche is gekommen, sag ich mal jetzt, Hillary: Ja? Hanife: Ja, von Deutschland eben, und dann, wenn ich da eben, das heisst immer so, oh kuck mal an die, die kennst sich nicht mit essen aus, kannst sie nicht. In diesen Sinn...ah so, ich bin immer einkauf einkauf einkauf aber nichts selber machen, alles so dies, ja keine Ahnung, zB in der Turkei denken der auch hier wir wir hier die hier leben sind richtig reich. So was von reich.

Hanife: for example when I go to Turkey, then they say, oh look here comes the German, I'd say now, Hillary: Yes? Hanife: Yes, from Germany precisely, and then, if I'm just, that is always the case, oh look at those who don’t know about food, she doesn’t know. But in this sense ... ah well, I'm always shopping shopping shopping not do it for yourself, everything is so so, no idea, for example, in Turkey they think here we are, we who live here really rich. Oh so rich.

Being treated differently because they are foreign is more common in Germany without the girls even needing to open their mouths. The way that they dress and their skin color are usually enough reason for them to be treated differently even in a diverse city such as Berlin. Depending on the neighborhood they are in, they can either feel completely at home and like all of the other people (fellow foreigners as they say) or can feel like completely unwanted outcasts. For example, this research was conducted in

Wedding, which is primarily populated by “foreigners” such as Turks, Arabs, and a variety of immigrants and refugees from all across Africa. Wedding is connected by a direct subway line to Kreuzberg which is a predominantly Turkish city center, despite the trends in gentrification there. The girls noted several neighborhoods of the city where they particularly feel foreign, such as Zehlendorf the former American center of the city

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when it was occupied and one of the current “rich” sections of town. Additionally they noted Charlottenburg as being a center of old Berlin money, filled with Germans, and no

“brown” faces.

Always Turkish:

Halime: Ich fuehle mich irgendwie immer Turkisch. Hillary: Wie... Halime: Keine Ahnung, ist irgendwie so. Ich weiss auch nicht. Ich lebe zwar hier aber, Hillary: Wenn du, wenn du in der Turkei bist, fuehlst du dich als du da zum Besuch bist oder Halime: Nein, da fuehl ich mich schon eher Turksich, da fuehlt ich mich sogar eigentlich Wohler, weill ich weiss nicht, es ist irgendwie, mein Land, Ich komme von hier irgendwie. Hillary: Du kommst von der Turkei? Halime: Na ja, ich bin hier geboren, aber ich weiss meine Eltern das meine Eltern von dort kommen Hillary: Ja Halime: Und irgendwie komme ich auch von dort, aber ich weiss nicht Hillary: Verwirrend oder? Halime: Mmm, ist schwer Hillary: Es ist wie...wurdest du auch so was sagen? Aydan: Uhm, al so, wenn ich in der Turkei bin fuehle ich mich so halt schon irgendwie anders al so auch so als Besucher bin ich schon da, weil ich fuehle mich schon irgendwie anders. Weil, da gibt niemand, da gibt auch man das Gefuehl das ich irgendwie so keine Ahnung, das ich so, so aus Deutschland komme. Ah so, es ist so halt irgendwie kommisch, aber halt nicht so als wie ich hier bin. Ich meine, das ist schon ein anderes Gefuehl. Hillary: Wohler da, hast du gesagt, du fuehlst dich Wohler in der Turkei... Halime: Na ja, eigentlich schon weil, ich weiss nicht...

Halime : I feel somehow always Turkish . Hillary : How ... Halime : No idea it’s kinda like that. I also do not know. Though I live here but , Hillary : If you, if you are in Turkey, you feel like you 're there to visit or Halime : No, because I feel even more Turkish because I feels even actually more well, because I do not know, it's kind of my countr , I 'm from here somehow . Hillary : You 're from Turkey ? Halime : Well, I was born here, but I know my parents are from there Hillary : Yes

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Halime : And somehow I come from there, but I do not know Hillary : Confusing is not it? Halime : Mmm , is difficult Hillary : It's like ... would you say that too? Aydan : Uhm , well when I 'm in Turkey I feel already somehow different as well as a visitor I 'm already there , because I feel somehow different. Because there is no one, since it gives the feeling that I somehow do not know, I so, so I'm from Germany. Ah so, it is just somehow funny, but I just don’t behave the same there. I mean, it's a different feeling . Hillary : Well as you said , you feel more well in Turkey ... Halime : Well, actually, if only because I do not know ...

One author, Betül Durmaz, also notes that no matter the process she has been through, she will always be a foreigner in Germany to many people there.

Ich bin in Istanbul geboren und in Deutschland aufgewachsen, habe ausschließlich deutsche Schulen besucht, an einer deutschen Universitӓt studiert, bin inzwischen verbeamtet, besitze einen deutschen Pass und mein Sohn ist Halbdeutscher. Bin ich durch all dies ein ‘richtige’ Deutsche? Ist Deutschland mein Heimatland? Ich wünschte, ich kӧnnte ‘Na klar, aber sicher doch!’ antworten. Aber so einfach ist das nicht. Um in Deutschland wirklich eine Deutsche zu sein, rei (p10)chen weder eine Verbeamtung noch ein deutscher Pass aus. Auch gut Deutsch zu sprechen und sogar Deutsch underrichten, genügt nicht. Solange ich so heiße, wie ich heiße, und so aussehe, wie ich aussehe, werde ich für viele Deutsche nie eine von ihnen sein—zumal ich keine Christin bin und auch nicht die Absicht habe, eine zu werden (2009: p9-10).

I was born in Istanbul and grew up in Germany, attended exclusively German schools, studied at a German University, am now tenured, possess a German passport and my son is half German. Through all of this am I a 'real' German? Is Germany, my home country? I wish I could reply 'Yeah, but surely!' But it's not that simple. To truly be a German in Germany, neither tenure nor a German passport is enough. Also to speak good German and even teach German, is not enough. As long as my name is my name, and I look how I look, I'll never for many Germans, be one of them- especially since I'm not a Christian and have no intention to become one. "

Semra echoes this sentiment: Semra: Ja, um Ausländer. Hat nicht hauptsächlich mit Türken zu tun. Aber, wenn man Ausländer sagt hier in Deutschland, es sind meisten die Türken. Hillary: Aber du bist doch kein Ausländer. Du bist hier geboren. Du hast einen deutschen Pass. Wieso bist du Ausländer?

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Semra: Ja, naja,...ich denke....warum bin ich Ausländer? Weil meine Eltern vielleicht nicht hier geboren sind, dann bin ich halt für die n Ausländer...juckt mich nicht. Hillary: Und werden deine Kinder auch Ausländer sein? Semra: Nein. Hillary: Nein? Auch wenn du einen Türken heiratest? Auch wenn sie hier geboren sind, die Deutschen würden sie als Deutsche annehmen? Semra: Achso, die Deutschen. Für die wären wir wieder Ausländer. Hillary: echt? Semra: Also, für mich zwar nicht, aber für die Deutschen bestimmt. Auch wären das Ausländer....sobald die Eltern, also man führt das ja immer weiter und... Hillary: Kann man jemand irgendwie Deutscher werden? Semra: Als Türkin? Weiß ich nicht. Ich glaub nicht. Hillary: Auch mit blonden Haare und Kontaktlinsen und blauen Augen? Semra: Also, zum Beispiel meine Oma, die is wie ne Deutsche. Also, ihr Benehmen, ihre Sprache, die is wirklich wie ne Deutsche. Also, da gibt es kein Unterschied. Sie ist ja auch blond, hat zwar braune Augen, aber wenn sie mir sagen würde, ich bin Deutsche, dann würd ich ihr das glauben. Aber trotzdem ist man halt Ausländer. Egal, ob man blond ist oder....meine Mutter ist auch Ich bin zwar braun, aber sie ist blond. Hillary: Helle Haut auch? Semra: Ja

Semra : Yes to foreigners. Primarily to do with Turks. But if one says foreigners here in Germany, it is mostly Turks. Hillary : But you're not a foreigner. You were born here. You have a German passport. Why are you a foreigner? Semra : Yeah, well ... I think .... why I am a foreigner? Because my parents are perhaps not born here, I 'm just for the foreigners ... it doesn’t bother me . Hillary : And your children will also be foreigners? Semra : no. Hillary : No? Even if you marry a Turk? Even if they are born here, the Germans would accept it as a German? Semra : Oh, and the Germans. For them we would be foreigners again. Hillary : really? Semra : Well, certainly for me not, but for the Germans. Well, foreigners would be .... as soon as the parents, so it goes on and on and ... Hillary : Can someone be German anyway? Semra : As a Turk ? I do not know. I do not think so . Hillary : Even with blonde hair and blue eyes and contact lenses ? Semra : So, for example, my grandmother, who is like ne German . So, their behavior , their language, which is really like ne German . So, since there is no difference. She is also blond , though has brown eyes , but when she would tell me I 'm German , then I'd believe her . But still you

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are just foreigners. Whether you're blonde or .... my mother is also I may be brown, but she's blonde . Hillary : Light skin , too? Semra : Yes

Definition of “foreigner”: Hillary: du hast mir gesagt das die sind alle Auslaender, was meinst du damit? Wie Auslaender? Die sind nicht Deu...ah so, was meinst du? Halime: Die Klasse. Hillary: Die Leute in deine Klasse, hast du alle Auslaender gesagt. Die sind ja alle Auslaender. H Ja. M1 Gar keine ist Deutsche.

Hillary: you have told me that they are all foreigners, what do you mean? How foreigners? They are not Ger... ah so what do you think? Halime: the class. Hillary: The people in your class, you said all foreigners. Halime: They're all foreigners. Hillary: Yes. Halime: Not one is German.

Being treated differently in Germany as a result of being “foreign” is not something that they take lightly. On the contrary, they all described being incensed at the prospect of being treated wrongly. They were not the only ones. All of the “foreign” adolescents at MHW were extremely aware of being treated differently, and I was often regaled with stories of confrontations on public transportation or in other locations.

Halime : Ehm , nun ja, wenn , wenn ich mich verhalten, so passiert es manchmal , dass ich zu Fuß die Straße oder zum Einkaufen , und dann stehe ich an der Kasse . Dann schauen sie dich an, wenn es sich um eine ältere Person. Sie schauen dich so , und sie haben so ein Gesicht , eh so uh uh Ausländer . Auch wenn sie nichts sagen, ahh Sie ein Ausländer. Sie merken, auf den ersten Blick, versuchen, etwas zu sagen , ja dann manchmal, wenn Sie etwas zu ihnen sagen, ach ja, ein türkisches Mädchen bist du dann . Hillary : Aber wissen Sie von sich selbst denken als Ausländer? Halime : Ich weiß, dass ich ein Ausländer bin , das ist, warum ich glaube, ich bin ein Ausländer . Hillary : Ja ? Haben Sie ein anderes Beispiel?

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Aydan : Ja, ehm , ich habe gehört, wie sie sagen, dass beim Einkaufen zum Beispiel. Es ist ja tatsächlich so, dass Sie anders als ein Deutscher wäre, behandelt werden. Hillary : Verschiedene wie? Aydan : Zum Beispiel sie sagen, hallo , guten Tag , oder schönes Wochenende , und dann, wenn ich dort bin , sagen sie 3,99 und fertig. Hillary : Und was tun Sie? Aydan : Nun, manchmal bekomme ich ein bisschen wütend, aber ich es vergessen . Ich sage ja, ich kann nichts dagegen tun , und ich einfach nur daran gewöhnen. Halime : Nun , es ist etwas für uns normal . Hillary : Weil es normal ist ? Menschen schreien dich an und ... Halime : Nein, ganz normal ist es , was soll ich ihnen sagen? Sie können nichts sagen. Hillary : Sie können nichts sagen. Halime : Erstens , weil du so jung, auch wenn Sie etwas sagen, dass sie nicht ernst nehmen Sie sind. Hillary : Weil Sie ein Ausländer sind? Halime : Ja, beide irgendwie . Hillary : Wie kann man ein Ausländer mit deutschem Pass sein? Halime : Nun ja, das ist , was ich frage mich auch , keine Ahnung.

Halime: Ehm, well, when, if I behave so, sometimes it happens that, I’m walking down the street or shopping and then I stand at the cashier. Then they look at you, if it is an older person. They look at you so, and they have such a face, eh so uh uh foreigner. Also when they say nothing, ahh you are a foreigner. They notice on first sight, try to say something, yes then sometimes, when you say something to them, ah yes, you are a Turkish girl then. Hillary : But do you think of yourself as a foreigner? Halime: I know that I am a foreigner, that’s why I think I’m a foreigner. Hillary : Yes? Do you have another example? Aydan: Yes, ehm, I’ve heard them say that when shopping for example. It’s yeah, actually so, that you are treated different than a German would be. Hillary : Different how? Aydan: For example they say hello, good day, or nice weekend, and then when I get there they say 3.99 and finished. Hillary : And what do you do? Aydan: Well, sometimes I get a little bit angry, but I forget about it. I say yes, I cannot do anything about it, and I just get used to it. Halime: Well, It is something normal for us. Hillary : Because it is normal? People yell at you and… Halime: No, it is totally normal, what should I say to them? You cannot say anything. Hillary : You cannot say anything.

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Halime: First because you are so young, also if you say something they don’t take you seriously. Hillary : Because you are a foreigner? Halime: Yeah, both somehow. Hillary : How can you be a foreigner with a German passport? Halime: Well yeah, that’s what I ask myself too, no idea.

Being treated differently is not the only issue for these girls; they also feel like they are under constant observation and criticism because of their foreigner status.

Incredulity is a near constant reaction when they feel like they are being treated different.

Hillary: Wie bist du anders angekuckt? Halime: Hier ist man als Auslӓnder so angekuckt, da auch. Ich weiss nicht, es ist kommisch, aber…man fühlt anders. Hillary: Fühlst du dich als ob du beobachtet bist, Ich meine hier in Deutschland. Aydan: Manchmal natürlich, aber in Türkei ist es extremer.

Hillary : How are you looked at differently? Halime: Here one is looked at as a foreigner so, there too. I don’t know, it’s funny, but…you feel different. Hillary : Do you feel like you are being observed as a foreigner, I mean here in Germany. Aydan: Sometimes of course, but in Turkey it is more extreme.

It is important to note here that from the German perspective, treating these girls differently is necessary and part of the norm. This is in part because of the adolescent criminality (perceived and/or real) perpetrated by their “foreigner” peers. The criminality of foreigners in Germany is an oft discussed topic in the media, and the common perception of foreigners as criminal is at least partly to blame for the way that these girls are treated differently from their German peers. This is not to excuse the differential treatment, for it is my belief that treating someone differently because of they are in some way different than you amounts to a type of racism and/or discrimination. I only find it necessary here to insert the German perspective in order to better understand the context in which these girls grow up and interact.

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One girl took great issue with the idea that they don’t belong anywhere:

Hillary: Und wenn du in der Türkei bist, bist du auch da türkisch? Eser: Doch? Also, ich find mich türkisch, aber die anderen sehen mich dann als Deutsch. Hillary: Ja? Eser: Ich glaub schon. Hillary: Als Deutsch? Nicht als Europäer? Oder? Eser: Manche sagen, in Deutschland werden wir als Türken bezeichnet und in der Türkei werden wir als Deutsche bezeichnet. Das ist dann auch immer ein bißchen gemein, als ob wir zu niemandem gehören. Hillary: Aber du gehörst zu? Eser: zur Türkei. Aber ich würd nur in Deutschland leben. Ich weiß nicht. Ich kann mich nicht entscheidne. Hillary: Musst du nicht. Aber dann hier wohnen für immer? Eser: Ja, für immer.

Hillary: And if you are in Turkey, you are Turkish there? Eser: But? So, I think of myself as Turkish, but the others will see me as a German. Hillary: Yes? Eser: I think so. Hillary: As a German? Not as European? Or? Eser: Some say in Germany, we are called Turks and Turkey we are called German. That is always a bit mean, as if we belong to noone. Hillary: But you belong to? Eser: Turkey. But I'd only live in Germany. I do not know. I can not decide. Hillary: You don’t have to. But then you’ll stay here forever? Eser: Yes, forever

The girls all described being observed in Turkey as being more extreme than in

Germany. Part of the extremity was explained away because of the Turkish cultural habit of constant surveillance and reporting back to the family how they have behave, but it is certainly a more pressing matter when you are not allowed to travel outside alone and never at night in Turkey as a young woman. They all perceived Turkey as a much more dangerous place to be as a woman and their heightened awareness of being observed most certainly feeds into this perception. In Turkey the girls are also mostly surrounded by extended family networks that reinforce the idea of them being foreign by sometimes

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making fun of their Turkish language skills, accent, and playfully teasing them about how rich they must be because they live in Germany.

Hillary: Aber in der Türkei nicht? Hast du selber gesagt? Du traust dich nicht, du fühlst dich... Hanife: Ja, ich trau mich wirklich nicht. Ich fühl mich nicht zu Hause. Ich fühl mich so verabschottet, Hillary: beobachtet Hanife: Ja, beobachtet. Gefällt mir gar nicht da. Obwohl ist schon eine schöne Stadt, ein schönes Land. Hab auch keine Freunde da. Lieber bin ich zu Hause. Deswegen möchte ich auch nie in die Türkei. Hillary: Nie? Nie wieder? Hanife: Zum Beispiel wir gehen jedes Jahr hin. Und jedes Jahr in die selbe Stadt. Dann sag ich auch, das war doch so viel Geld. Da können wir doch einfach hier leben, hier machts auch mehr Spaß. Ich kann auch wirklich, also ohne, alleine. Es macht sowas von Spaß irgendwo hinzugehen, alleine was zu essen. Ich mags wirklich. Alleine shoppen zu gehen. Mit Freunden shoppen zu gehen. Aber, auch alleine machts auch mir Spaß. Wenn ich alleine gehe, dann ist es immer so, dann bin ich viel früher zu Hause als noch mit meine Freunde, sie würden noch dahin gehen noch da und ich mach nur, was ich machen muss. Das macht mir mehr Spaß als mit anderen rumzulaufen.

Hillary : But not in Turkey? That’s what you said? You don’t trust yourself , you feel ... Hanife : Yes, I really do not trust myself. I do not feel at home. I feel so separated. Hillary : observed Hanife : Yes, observed. I do not like it there. Even though it is a beautiful city , a beautiful country. I have no friends there. I'd rather be at home. So I would never live in Turkey. Hillary : Never? Never again? Hanife : For example, we go every year. And every year in the same city. Then I say well, that was so much money. Since we can live here so easy, here makes it even more fun. I can also be really, well without, alone . It makes it more fun to go anywhere alone, to get something to eat. I really like it. To go shopping alone. To go shopping with friends. But even alone makes it fun too. If I go alone , it's always like that, then I get home much earlier than with my friends, they would still be there still go there and I only do what I have to do . That makes it more fun for me than walking around with others.

Further elaborating she mentions the fact that she cannot go out alone in Turkey:

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Hillary: Fuehlst du dich um, mehr wohl hier in Berlin zu sein oder wie bei in Chorum? Hanife: Ich fuehle mich eher hier wohl, als da, weil hier habe ich meine ganze Freunde. Ich kann jeden Tag rausgehen wenn ich will. Jeder Uhrzeit kann ich raus. Hillary: Am 3 Uhr darfst du raus? Hanife: Ehm, 3 Uhr Nachts? Hillary: Ja. Hanife: NEIN. Da will ich selber nicht raus gehen, auch wenn ich es durfte. Eben dort zB Morgans, gehe ich raus um 10 Uhr wohl ich kein Schule habe, eben shopping gehen, alleine zu sein macht Spass. Und da, kann ich mich nicht irgendwie alleine, auch wenn ich alleine gehe, man fuehlt sich schon unwohl, macht dich beobachtet von den anderen Leute. Hillary: Ja? Hanife: Ja, und ich mag es gar nicht. In die Turkei fuehle ich mich gar nicht wohl.

Hillary: Do you feel, um, more well to be here in Berlin, or like in Chorum? Hanife: I feel more comfortable here than there, because I have all my friends. I can go out every day if I want. I can get out at any hour. Hillary: At 3am you may go out? Hanife: Ehm, 3 clock at night? Hillary: Yes. Hanife: NO. Since I do not want to go out there myself, even if I could. It was there, for example, mornings, I go out by 10 clock when I have no school, just go shopping, to be alone is fun. And there, I can not somehow be alone, even if I go alone, you already feel uncomfortable, you’re being observed by the other people. Hillary: Yes? Hanife: Yes, and I do not like it. In Turkey I feel not well.

Noting in the same interview: Hillary: Und du darfst nicht drausen bleiben da? Du fuehlst dich einfach beobachtet? Hanife: Ja, ich fuehle mich unwohl, ich fuehle mich einfach nicht zuhause eben.

Hillary: And you aren’t allowed to stay outside? You feel like you are being observed? Hanife: Yes, I feel unwell, I feel like I’m not at home.

Despite the difficulties these girls face in Turkey, there are parts of life in this country that they idealize which further highlights the intense marginalization they face

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when at “home” in Berlin. The academic stress that they are under in Germany is significant, and the leisurely student life in Turkey is certainly idealized. Feride comes from a successful family. Her mother owns a shop where she sells formal-wear that she imports from Turkey, and her father works in a factory. She travels multiple times per year to Turkey, far more than any other girl I talked to in my research, and her family has a vacation home in a tourist-filled coastal town. She spoke with the most longing for

Turkey.

Feride:Ja...hier lebe ich auch eigentlich zufrieden, eh, ah so hier gibt es wirklich kein Problem, aber hier sind die Menschen, die Deutschen immer so, nicht alle Deutsche sind so, aber meisten von dem zb sind aber so, wenn du dir nach eine Addresse fragst, die antworten nicht wahr. Manche, manche kucken dich einfach so an. Manche ignorieren dich. Und in der Turkei ist es so, in den ganzen Regionen und Gebeten ist es immer so net so freundlich so hilflich, und hier ist es nicht so. Hier kann man auch nichts irgendwie so ___ unternehmen. Schule, HaG, Nach Hause gehen, Schule HaG, in der Turkei ist es so, ich war in Herbst ferien in der Turkei, die hatten Schule und wir hatten Ferien. Die hatten da irgendwie Schule und solche, die sind nach irgend solche dings so entlasst ah so, die haben nicht so viel Stress. Wir gehen hier in die Schule, und wenn ich jetzt ein Klausur schreibe, man ist unter Stress muss man viel lernen, und da sind die eher so freier so, eher nach der Schule gehen dem Freuend ins Cafe oder oder ans Meer und die sitzen da, und die gehen nicht Baden oder so, und man koent sich unternehmen.

Feride: Yeah, I live basically happy here [in Germany], ehm here there are really no problems, but here the people, the German are always so, not all Germans are so, but most of them for example are so, if you ask about an address, they don’t tell you the truth. Some, some just look at you so. Many ignore you. And in Turkey it is so, in all of the Regions and towns it is always so friendly and helpful, and here it is not so. Here one cannot take on stuff. School, homework, go to the house, school, homework. In Turkey it’s so, I was in Turkey during fall vacation. They had school and we had vacation. They had school and some, they were released, they didn’t have so much stress. We go to school here, and if I’m writing an exam, you are stressed, must study so much, and there they are freer so. After school they go with friends to a Café or to the sea and they sit there, and they don’t go swimming or something, and you can just do.

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Feride was having a very hard time academically and her schedule was stressful.

She wanted more time to just be with her friends, and the Turkish way of life was especially appealing in that situation. It should be noted that she is always on vacation there. Of all the girls in the study, she most identified with Turkey despite the dangers present there. Contradictorily, she professes to never wanting to live in Turkey. She is adamant that she only wants to live in Berlin and wants to be some sort of successful business-woman like her mother.

The idealization of Turkish life does not extend to all areas however, and all of the girls are very knowledgeable about the differences between life in Germany as a girl and life in Turkey. They all believe that they are much freer in Germany, and most cite the fact that they are allowed to attend university with a hijab as a major example of their freedom. All of the girls keep up on the news coming out of Turkey, and almost exclusively watch Turkish language television. Interestingly, none of the girls thought themselves proficient enough in reading the Turkish language to be able to read an entire book or even the newspaper in some cases.11

Being biculturally enculturated has resulted in feelings of inadequacy in both cultures at times. While the girls are more assertive in Germany, a notably German characteristic for women, they still notice being constantly treated differently regardless of their ability to understand and follow German cultural norms for behavior.12 At the same time, in Turkey they understand themselves to be a part of Turkish culture, but are hyper-aware of being treated differently and looked at as different. All of these speak

11 Language use will be explored in another chapter of this dissertation 12 It should also be noted here that there is a huge debate in Germany about why the Turks refuse to integrate, and what integration should look like. The debate mostly centers around integration versus assimilation and assumption of German Culture. 152

directly to Weisner’s ecocultural model of development (1998). In learning Turkish culture at home with their parents, German culture outside of the home, and how to be foreign both in their neighborhood and from their interactions in Germany and Turkey, these girls have developed a separate identity of being foreign and partial belonging in both places.

Hillary: Wo fuehlst du dich wohler in Deutschland oder in der Turkei? Deutschland glaube ich oder? Semra: Eigentlich beides Hillary: Ja? Semra: Ja, weil in der Turkei, aber das kann man eigentlich nicht vergleichen, weil in der Turkei ist man ja dann Gast, dann ist jeder zu dir hoefflich, da ist, man ist immer hier Wilkommen. Alltag ist, viele was anderes als wenn man ein Urlaub in der Turkei macht, deshalb. Hillary: Aber es ist nur Urlaub dahin ja? Semra: Ja, ja, es ist, ja, es ist nur Urlaub. Hillary: Und Besuch? Semra: Ja. Hillary: Und dann hier in Berlin, wenn du wieder hierher fliegst dann wie fuehlst du dich. Ja, jetzt bin ich wieder heim, oder? Semra: mmmm, ja. ah so, eigentlich, dieses Jahr war so, ich wollte unbedenkt wieder zuerueck kommen. Bei, keine Ahnung, diese 6 Wochen war viel zu viel fuer mich. Ah so, die ersten funf, vier Wochen, hat sehr Spass gemacht, aber dann die letzte 2 Wochen, dann wollte ich endlich wieder nach Deutschland. Ich hab' meine Freunde vermisst, ehh, dann davor war es so, dass ich nicht zurueckkehren wollte so, ich wollte mal auch in der Turkei leben Hillary: Ja? Semra: Ja, aber jetzt nicht mehr. Hillary: Ja, warum? Semra: ich weiss es auch nicht warum. Ah so...hier sind wir auch in 2 Kulturen aufgewachsen, da ist es anders so. Ich weiss nicht. Hillary: Nur ein Kultur da? Semra: Ja, ist es nur eine Kultur, hier gibt es auch mehrere und, na ja ja...

Hillary: Where do you feel more comfortable in Germany or in Turkey? Germany I think? Semra: Actually, both Hillary: Yes? Semra: Yes, because in Turkey , but you can not compare , because in Turkey it is so, you are a guest, then everyone is polite to you, there is,

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you are always welcome here actually . Everyday life is, really different than if you take a vacation in Turkey, that’s why. Hillary: But it's just a holiday then yes? Semra: Yes, yes it is, yes, it's just a holiday. Hillary: And visit? Semra: Yes. Hillary: And then here in Berlin, then again if you 're flying here how do you feel? Yes, now I 'm home again, right? Semra: mmmm, yes. Ah, this year was so, so actually, I wanted to absolutely come back again. No idea, these 6 weeks were too much for me. Ah so, the first five or four weeks, was very good fun, but then the last two weeks, I finally wanted to go back to Germany. I missed my friends, ehh, then before that it was that I did not want to return so I wanted to also live in Turkey Hillary: Yes? Semra: Yes, but not now. Hillary: Yes, why? Semra: I do not know either why. Ah ... so here we have grown up in two cultures, because it's different that way. I do not know. Hillary: Only one culture there? Semra: Yes, it's just one culture, there are also more and, well , yes ...

Though most of them do not define it as such, I would go so far as to articulate a separate identity as Turkish-German, which they partially reveal in their ideal future mates:

Turkish-German men which I will discuss in the chapter about their futures.

This cultural dissonance of not completely belonging in either culture is exactly what Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco have also observed in second generation immigrants in the United States (1995). These two competing ideals for behavior however, have here in these second and third generation immigrants, instead morphed into a completely separate identity, one which is highly localized and specific to their experience and that of their foreign peers. One could further interpret this differentialization as at least partially related to the competing ideals of referential and indexical selves, as proposed by Gaines (1992a). As an arguably southern European culture, referential self-perception is the norm for Turks who routinely discuss

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themselves in relation to their cultural peers, while they are simultaneously enculturated in an environment that compels them to think of themselves in an individualistic indexical self-perception. These differential self-ideals most certainly contribute to the cultural dissonance that they experience, and affect the way that they not only perceive the cultural expectations that they are supposed to enact, but also the way that they view themselves in the world they inhabit.

This bicultural citizenship could be viewed as particularly problematic from a

German standpoint. Some Germans view this separatism as a means of non-integration into the larger German society and culture. The conundrum is that this could be a chicken and the egg type of scenario. Which came first, German rejection of Turks or

Turkish rejection of German culture and norms? The role of religion and specifically

Muslim conservatism is especially important to note here, and will be explored in the next chapter in which I will expand on the girls’ ideas of identity.

Legal Status

Five of the six girls in this study have legal German citizenship, though none of them had any input into whether or not they would carry a German passport. The sixth girl had already applied for a German passport as well, though she was still waiting because she was only fifteen years old at the time we spoke:

Hillary: Aber hast du mal so einen Antrag gemacht, einen deutschen Pass zu kriegen. Hanife: Ja, das mach ich eben. Ich glaub, ich hab schon einen Antrag gestellt. Aber mit 16 oder 18 bekomm ich das erst. Aber das kost auch so 250€.

Hillary: But have you written an application to get a German passport. Hanife: Yes, I will do that just. I believe, I already sent an application, but with 16 or 18 I’ll get it first. But it also cost 250€.

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Surprisingly, the process of getting their final German passport was not at all something that made a great impression in their minds. For example, Eser spoke of the process as if it was something she did and then completely forgot about:

Eser: Ich glaube ich habe es zuhause mit meinem Vater gemacht…ehm, wir hab die Formen gefüllt und geschickt. Dann habe die uns gesagt am 16. Februar zu kommen, und wir sind da gegangen. I habe ein Zertifikat bekommen. Hillary: Und gab es auch ein Zeremonie? Eser: Jae in Zeremonie. Wir sind davorne geganen und habe es gekriegt. Meistens haben eine Rede gehabt? Hillary: Keine Ahnung. Worüber? Eser: Nein, die haben einfach ueber, ich glaube, was es ist jetzt so ein Pass zu haben. Ich weiss nicht, es ist ein bisschen…ehm, es war letzes Jahr glaube ich.

Eser: I think I did it at home with my father…ehm we filled out forms and sent them. Then they told us to come on February 16th, and we went. I got a certificate. Hillary: And was there a ceremony? Eser: Yes a ceremony. We went to the front and got it. Most held a talk? Hillary: No idea. What about? Eser: No, they simply talked about, I believe, what it is to now have such a passport. I don’t know, it’s a little…well it was last year I believe.

Eser may have been a bit forgetful because she was busy cramming her brain full of biology and mathematics for her graduation exams, but in general she was rather descriptive about her experiences. Eser would probably be considered the most devout

Muslim of all my participants, making time in her busy study schedule to go to Mosque when her colleagues usually do not. She is a very soft-spoken girl, beloved by her parents and unconditionally supported by them in her academic pursuits. Eser has been to Turkey a few times, but not as much as the others. Both of her parents were born in

Germany, and according to her she can “pass for German” if she wants to.

All of the girls in this study were extremely positive and highly motivated with regards to school. It is most necessary to note here that they could be considered

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exceptions from the norm. Many Turkish-Germans do not do so well as these girls at school, for a multitude of reasons that shall be explored in the next chapter. These girls could be considered exceptional for several reasons, one of which is their level of scholastic achievement. As mentioned at the outset, I am not suggesting that these 6 girls are specifically representative of the larger Turkish-German population of girls, rather that they give us a snapshot of the lives that some Turkish-German girls’ lives in Berlin.

Legal status was not an important thing to the girls in my study, and their parents all made the decision for them. Their parents know the rights that come with holding a

German passport, though some of the girls do as well. One girl told me that she was happy to have a German passport because it allowed her to freely travel between

Germany and Turkey or Germany and other countries more simply, and that it confers to her the right to never be trapped outside of her home like her cousin that had a Turkish passport. In this instance, as in others, she was referring to Germany as her home. I will explore this bifurcated conceptualization in the next section.

In my interviews with adult informants, the notion that legal status has nothing to do with belonging was also an important theme. Many of them sited incidences of racism and misunderstanding as the sources of feelings of exclusion. The girls in this study also discussed belonging in this way, as I address in a later chapter.

One of the video diaries that the girls were asked to make had questions specifically about the process of choosing citizenship and their thoughts on making the decision. Without comparison, these were the shortest of the videos. Initially, I had posited that legal status as a German citizen would have been a large decision that seriously impacted their lives. This was not the case at all. Legal citizenship was

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conceptualized by the girls as simply a means to an end or a decision that they were not a part of at all. Legal citizenship was only important in that they were able to stay in

Germany and travel easily, while participation in German society at large is mostly not a thought that they entertain. This could certainly be a product of their age, as several of my older Turkish-German key informants mention in their interviews the desire to give back to the country where they live for the education that they were allowed to achieve as a result of living there.

Homeland versus Home

Bicultural citizenship can be defined as belonging in two different ways to two different cultures at the same time. The Turkish-German adolescent girls in this study articulated their bicultural citizenship through the separation of the concepts of

“homeland” and “home” (Heimat and Heim in German). Through the internalization of always being treated as a foreigner and different, the girls construct an identity that is partially German and partially Turkish. When pushed, all but one of them will tell me that they are 50% Turkish and 50% German. The splitting of these two terms in the

German language is typically reserved for the larger land and the family home in which you live. These girls split the terms in their own way so as to better describe their subjective experience. This is not something I have encountered with any other Germans that I have interacted with. It is important to note here that this was a theme that specifically developed out of my interviews and participant observation. Conversations about traveling to Turkey were almost always phrased as returning to home, and this bifurcated definition of homeland vs. home was my own observation, not one that they knowingly articulated.

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One example is Eser:

Hillary: Würdest du das Heimat nennen? Also, Wedding ist deine Heimat, oder... Eser: Ja. Hillary: Oder ist die Türkei deine Heimat? Oh, kompliziert...tschuldigung. Eser: Ich weiß nicht. Was meinst du denn mit Heimat? Hillary: Wie übersetzt man das? Es gibt dieses zwei zu Hause, deine Heimat – woher ich komme, wo ich mich am wohlsten fühle. Eser: Ich fühl mich eigentlich überall. Also auch in der Türkei und hier auch.

Hillary: Would you name that Homeland? Well, Wedding is your homeland, or… Eser: Ja. Hillary Or is Turkey your homeland? Oh, complicated…excuse me. Eser: I don’t know. What do you mean by homeland? Hillary: How do you translate that. There are these two at home, your homeland—where I come from, where I feel the most comfortable (well). Eser: Really, I feel everywhere. Well also in Turkey and here too.

Aydan’s feelings were very similar: Hillary: welche, wie fuehlst du dann, welche ist dein Heimat? Beides? Ein mehr als die andere? Aydan: nee, ah so, Berlin ist anders, dort ist anders, aber ich mag beides wirklich sehr. Hillary: ja Aydan: uh huh.

Hillary: Which, how do you feel, which is your homeland? Both? One more than the other? Aydan: Nah, ah so, Berlin is different, there is different, but I like both really a lot. Hillary: ja. Aydan. Uh huh.

Here Feride comments further on feeling at home in neither place really, noting that she is a foreigner no matter where she is: Hillary: Aber wo bist du ein Ausländer? Feride: Hier. Eigentlich, hier fühl ich mich auch wie zu Hause zum Teil, zum Teil auch nicht. Hillary: 50-50? 30-70? Feride: Ja, hier würde ich mich niemals ganz wie zu Hause fühlen. Soll ich sagen, warum? Weil, als erstens, hier ist es so, hier hast du die Kultur der Deutschen. Zum Beispiel hier gibts nicht so viele Moscheen, oder? Hier hört man immer die Kirche, die Glocke leuten. Und zum Beispiel,

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wenn ich in der Türkei bin, da hört man immer die Moscheen, also da der Imam spricht ja immer, wenn zum Gebetszeiten, der sagt dann immer „“... Aber hier hört man immer die Glocken läuten und wenn ich in der Türkei bin, haste deine eigenen dings, deine eigenen Volksleute, Landsleute. Und hier schon, aber hier sind auch so Deutsch. Aber, is so, man fühlt sich nicht zu Hause, ich fühl mich schon...also ein Teil ja, und ein Teil nicht. 50-50. H: Wo ist dann dein zu Hause? Feride: Hälfte ist hier, Hälfte ist da.

Hillary: But where are you a foreigner? Feride: Here. Really, here I feel also like I’m one part at home, and another part not. Hillary: 50-50? 30-70? Feride: Yeah, I will never feel totally at home here. Should I say why? Because, first, here it’s so, here you have the culture of the Germans. For example there aren’t that many Mosques here or? Here you hear the churchs, the bells ringing. And for example, if I’m in Turkey, there you always hear the Mosques, well there the Imam is always speaking, when it’s prayer time, he always says it…But here you always here the bells rining and when I’m in Turkey, you have your own things, your own folks people, countrymen. And here too, but here there are also Germans. But it’s so, you don’t feel at home. I feel like well…a part yes and a part not. 50-50. Hillary: Where is your home? Feride: Half is here, and half is there.

Hanife echoes this sentiment, though she is reticent to admit to the German part of herself: Hillary: Bist du irgendwie ein deutsches Mädchen? In irgendeine ??? Hanife: Eigentlich, einerseits, Hillary: Weil du kannst perfekt Deutsch sprechen, du wohnst doch hier in Berlin. Bist du irgendein kleines Teil Deutsch? Hanife: Eigentlich schon, ich bin schon eben viel mehr Deutsch als...also mit mein Verhalten, meiner Religion, mit der Sicht, was ich tue, mit solchen Sachen, bin ich eine Türkin. Also, mehr als 50%. Und die andere Hälfte ist irgendwie auch so ein bißchen so Deutsch.

Hillary: Are you in any way a German girl? In any sort of??? Hanife: Really, on one side. Hillary: Because you can speak perfect German, you live here in Berlin. Are you someway a little part German? Hanife: Really yeah, I am just much more German than…well with my behavior, my religion, with my vision, what I do, with such things, am I a Turkish girl. Well, more than 50%. And the other half is also so a little so German.

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Semra is a beautiful girl who wants to someday open up her own daycare. She is extremely fashion conscious, though her two younger sisters are always stealing her clothes. She started to wear a hijab when she was only 12 years old, and is a very committed Muslim woman. She was also the first to express the split terms of homeland and home.

Semra: Na ja, es kommt darauf an, manchmal schon, es wird ja schon auf dein Kopf behalten, ja dein Eltern sind ja Turker, so, aber sonst nicht, weil ich bin hier geboren, das ist ja halt mein Land, mein Heim, mein Heimat zwar in der Turkei, aber hier bin ich aufgewachsen. Hillary: Wait, wo ist dein Heimat dan? Semra: Mein Heimat? Ach, hier, ja, meine Heimat ist in der Turkei. Ich fuehle mich hier wohl, abe meine Heimat ist in der Turkei. Hillary: Ja. Aber du wolltest zuruck kommen? Semra: Ja, das ist meine Heimat, wie soll ich das sagen, ich will hier leben, mein Land, Heimat ist es eher so meine Eltern sind... Hillary: Aber dein Vater ist nicht da aufgewachsen. Semra: Ich habe Turkische Wurzeln

Semra: Well, it depends, sometimes, it’s kept on your head, yeah your parents are Turks, so, but otherwise not, because I was born here. This is my land, my home, my homeland was in Turkey, but I grew up here. Hillary : Wait, where is your homeland? Semra: My homeland? Well, here yeah, my homeland is in Turkey. I feel well here, but my homeland is in Turkey. Hillary : Yes, but you wanted to come back after vacation? Semra: Yes, That is my homeland, how should I say it? I want to live here, my land, home is where my parents are. Hillary : But your father didn’t grow up there. Semra: I have Turkish roots.

The theme of having Turkish roots was especially common amongst my participants. There is no question in their minds where their heritage comes from, which makes sense especially in this context where their ambiguous belonging can be lessened through a strong relationship with one’s cultural heritage. They are also constantly

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reminded that they are not German through the aforementioned treatment as foreigners in

Germany.

Aydan: Weiss ich nicht. Unsere Herkunft ist in der Turkei, ah so ich weiss nicht, auch wenn wir hier geboren sind, auch wenn wir Deutschen Pass haben, weiss ich nicht, ah so, ich fuehle mich nicht als Deutscher. Ich glaub' ich will nicht fuehlen werden.

Aydan: I don’t know. Our heritage is in Turkey, ehm so I don’t know. Also if we’re born here, also if we have a German passport, I don’t know, ah so, I don’t feel like a German. I don’t think I’ll ever feel like that.

One could argue that the German concept of cultural belonging, as previously defined by the right of blood citizenship laws, is now being perfectly expressed through this bifurcated concept of home and homeland. It needs to also be noted here, that

Turkish law is still defined by jus sanguinis, and Turkish cultural heritage is thus transferred through blood and enculturation. Through the constant treatment as foreigners in Germany however, these girls have internalized the idea that they are not

German culturally. They will bluntly tell you that their culture comes from their parents, and that is the colloquial German idea as well. When speaking with German friends, it is common for them to ask the girls where their roots are from, as citizenship is no longer a marker of belonging in the country of Germany. Despite being born in Germany and growing up their entire lives there, their roots are not German at all. Bloodline is one of the only markers that they offer up as an indicator for cultural heritage. Whether this conception comes from the German or Turkish view of blood heritage is arguable however, and disentangling these ideals is proven more difficult when the girls themselves don’t view themselves as belonging to either culture exclusively. When pressed again, Semra answered with a soccer match metaphor.

Hillary: Wo ist dein zu Hause?

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Semra: Also, bei meinen Eltern. Also, hier in Deutschland. Hillary: Und wo ist deine Heimat? Semra: Oh, diese Frage wieder. Wo ist meine Heimat!? Das hatten wir mal diskutiert. Ich bin hier geboren, aber als Heimatland fühl ich mich eher für die Türkei. Also, zum Beispiel wenn wir jetzt ein WM haben, Fussballspiel, aber da spielt halt Türkei gegen Deutschland. Dann bin ich eher für Türkei. Hillary: Ja? Semra: Ich weiß auch nicht warum. Okay, ich bin hier geboren, natürlich will ich auch, dass Deutschland gewinnt. Aber wenn es gegenseitig gespielt wird, dann bin ich eher für Türkei. Hillary: Ja! Es ist eine ganz leichte Entscheidung, es ist Türkei? Semra: Ja, das ist Türkei. Hillary: Und fühlst du dich auch wohl da? Semra: Ja, schon, aber man is ja nur zu Besuch da. Aber wie es, wenn ich dort leben würde, wie es dann wäre, das weiß ich nicht. Weil ich leb ja nicht dort....da bin ich halt nur herzlich willkommen, sag ich mal. Aber, wenn ich dorthin gehe, dann sind alle freundlich, aber wenn ich dort leben würde, wie es da sein würde, das weiß ich nicht.

Hillary : Where is your home? Semra: Well, with my parents, ehm here in Germany. Hillary : And where is your homeland? Semra: Oh this question again. Where is my homeland!? We discussed this. I was born here, but for my homeland I feel more for Turkey. Well, for example if it was the World Cup now, Soccer game, but Turkey is playing Germany. Then I’d be for Turkey. Hillary : Yeah? Semra: I don’t know why either. Ok, I was born here, of course I also want Germany to win. But when they play against each other, then I’m for Turkey. Hillary : Yes? It is a really easy decision, it is Turkey? Semra: Yes, it is Turkey. Hillary : And do you also feel well there? Semra: Yes, of course, but you are just there for a visit. But it is how, if I would live there, as it was then, I don’t know. Because I don’t live there. I’m only heartily welcome, that’s what I say. But when I go there, then everyone is friendly, but if I would live there, how it would be there, that I don’t know.

Semra has no real interest in living in Turkey for the long term, and like her peers, does not express allegiance to the Turkish state beyond her feelings of being tied to it culturally and for the soccer team. She too articulated being treated as a foreigner there,

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and in particular, noted how her own confidence sets her apart from her Turkish peers in

Turkey. She was not the only one to express differences of opinion with Turkish cultural patterns. The most common complaint was that Turks in Turkey are never punctual.

The discussion of representation is also an interesting one to have with the girls.

When asked to tell me a symbol that best represented them, the girls unequivocally spoke of the Turkish-German flag. This flag was first seen around the time of the World Cup in

Germany in 2006. This flag is a German flag striped from top to bottom in black, red, and yellow with a crescent moon and star in the red center, thus making it a combination with the Turkish flag. It is wonderfully symbolic as well because the center of the flag is

Turkish which is then surrounded by German colors. This combination of the flags is the only way that the girls think of themselves as adequately represented.

One ultra-famous second generation Turkish-German soccer player has the opportunity to represent these biculturally defined adolescents. Mesut Ӧzil plays professionally for an English Premier League team, but also has chosen to play for the

German national team in international competition. Many view him as a hero for these further generations of Turks living in Germany showing them the possibility of success through integration and participation in the larger German society. Indeed, he participates in the most German of all enterprises: competitive soccer on the international stage. Despite his seemingly hero status among many Turkish-Germans, he has also been viewed as a divisive figure for those who view his playing for Germany as a treacherous act against his Turkish roots. Ӧzil regularly receives death threats from Turks both in

Germany and Turkey who view his playing for Germany as a betrayal. Ӧzil has millions of fans, but there is always an element that will treat him as a traitor to his heritage. His

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example speaks directly to the problematic nature of either choosing one side or holding bicultural citizenship. For Ӧzil, he has chosen his side, problematic or not.

Feride , the young lady who travels to Turkey multiple times per year, echoes

Semra’s separation of homeland and home:

Feride: Ja, Daluman, der Provinz im Norden. Dann bin ich zur meine Heimat geflogen, Izmir und Istanbul sind nur Urteilsproblemen spat und spat dis ding und dann... Hillary: Berlin ist nicht deine Heimat? Feride: Ja schon, hier ist auch meine Heimat. Ich lebe hier, ich spreche die Sprache. Ich gehe hier in die Schule. Hillary: Aber Turkei, lieber Turkei? Feride: Ja, lieber Turkei. Hillary: Ja, nee... Feride: Bei dir ist es auch schon oder, wenn du jetzt schon, du bist jetzt hier in Deutschland, aber vielleicht ein bisschen schon Amerika vermisst. Hillary: Ja, ich vermisse es, aber es ist auch wegen die Sprache, und so, alle die normale Sachen, wie unsere ganzen Familie, wir haben gar kein Familie hier Feride: Genau, ah so, mehrheit der Familie leben in der Turkei. Hier vielleicht lebt eine dritte, ja, voll viel leben in der Turkei. Hillary: Aber es ist nur ich, mein man, und meine kleine Kinder, das ist es Feride: Ja ja ja, verstehe ich. Hillary: Ja, und ah so, du nennt es immer noch deine Heimat. Feride: Ja jap. Hillary: Ich finde das ganz interresant. Fuhlst du dich nicht Heim hier? Feride: Doch hier schon, aber ich komme, Dings, mein Heimat ist der Pro, der Stadtteil wie Berlin in der Turkei, soo hier fuhle ich mich ganz zuhause, aber...der Turkei ist wie anders. Hillary: Einfach anders? Feride: Einfach anders.

Feride: Yes, Daluman, the Provinz in the North. Then I flew to my Homeland… Hillary : Berlin is not your homeland? Feride: Yeah sure, here is my home too. I live here. I speak the language. I go to school here. Hillary : But Turkey, preferably Turkey? Feride: Yes, preferably Turkey…most of the family lives in Turkey. Maybe a third live here, yeah, so many live in Turkey… Hillary : Yes, and well, you still name Turkey your homeland. Feride: Yes, yep. Hillary : I find that really interesting. Do you not feel at home here?

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Feride: Here sure, but I come, um, my homeland is the city section like Berlin in Turkey, so here I feel completely at home, but Turkey is somehow different. Hillary :Simply different? Feride: Simply different.

But Feride is different from the other girls because of her travels back and forth. The

German word for homesickness is Heimweh, which is literally “hurting for home.” She was the only girl to express homesickness for Turkey, while at the same time defining

Germany as home and never imagining a life for herself in Turkey.

Feride: Because we flew over Izmir in the airplane, and there I was, and I was looking at my homeland, then it is a little sad so, sometimes a little bit of tears come. Hillary : But how do you feel when you arrive back in Germany? Feride: When I’m here in Germany, then I see my aunt and uncle in the airport, than I feel, ok, a little, so really, so very, because it is so, then you just get used to it after two or three days. It is a little bit sad. Hillary : It’s a little bit sad to come to Germany again? Feride: Yes.

Contrast this with Eser’s discussion of homesickness: Hillary: Haste irgendwann Heimweh gekriegt? Eser: Wegen der Türkei? Hillary: Wie? Irgendwo. Eser: Wenn ich verreis, dann bin ich dort eigentlich glücklich. Dann will ich länger bleiben, weil da fängt dann die Schule an. Und manchmal vermiss ich meine Verwandten, also meine Tanten. Hillary: Die hier sind? Eser: Nein, die in der Türkei sind. Manchmal will man da sein, manchmal hier.

Hillary: Have you ever gotten homesick? Eser: Because of Turkey? Hillary: How? Anywhere. Eser: When I travel, then I am happy there. Then I want to stay longer, because there school starts. And sometimes I miss my family, well my aunts. Hillary: They are here? Eser: No, the ones that are in Turkey. Sometimes one wants to be, sometimes here.

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But Halime also feels Heimweh for Turkey: Hillary: Aber ein Heimgefuehl, oder ist es so was wie Heimweh wieder nach Turkei. Halime: Ja, ah so Heimweh habe ich eigentlich immer. Hillary: ja Halime: Ja schon immer Hillary: Heimweh nach der Turkei echt? Halime: Ja, ist schon. Hillary: Und wenn du da bist hast du kein Heimweh? Halime: Wie, wenn ich in der Turkei bist, eigentlich nicht. Hillary: Nein. Halime: Weil man ist da so abgelenkt so und, ah entlich wieder hier und mein Onkeln meine Tanten, dann raus gehen, ist man so abgelenkt dann denke ich eigentlich nicht so, hier was hier so passiert. Hillary: Aber es ist kein Urlaubgefuehl, ah so ist wirklich Urlaub wenn du da bist, aber du fuehlst dich trotzdem wohl, und du willst nicht zurueck nach Deutschland? Halime: Nein. Hillary: Ja? Halime: Ja. Hillary: Ok. Nee ich finde das nur ueberaschend, entschuldigung. Halime: Ja ist so. Hillary: Ganz verstanden. eh warum? Nur, ich weiss ich habe schon gefragt, schuldigung ich wiederhole warum? Ist es so die, wie koennte es hier in Deutschland besser sein? Nicht nur die Haeuser, nicht nur das Wetter, auch, wie benehmen die Menschen so anders. Halime: mm, ich weiss nicht. Ich kann das nicht irgendwie erklaeren, aber ist so irgendetwas was was die total besonders und anders macht. Aber ich weiss nicht, ich weiss eigentlich selber nicht was genau das ist, aber da ist irgenedetwas.

Hillary: But a feeling of home, or is it something like homesickness back to Turkey. Halime: Yes, ah so homesick I 'm actually always . Hillary: yes Halime: Yes always Hillary: homesick for Turkey really? Halime: Yes, it already is. Hillary: And when you're there you’re homesick ? Halime: What if I'm in Turkey , not really. Hillary: Yes. Halime: Because there I’m so distracted and so, ah my aunts, then we finally go back here my aunts and uncles and we go out, one is so distracted then I really do not think so, so here's what happened here . Hillary: But it's not a vacation feeling, ah so is it really vacation when you're there, but you still feel well, and you do not want back to Germany?

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Halime: no. Hillary: Yes? Halime: Yes. Hillary: Ok. Nah I think it's only about surprising, sorry . Halime: Yes is so. Hillary: Fully understood. eh why? Only, I know I've asked, excuse me repeating? It’s just that, as it could be better here in Germany ? Not only the houses, not just the weathe , even the way people behave so differently. Halime: mm, I do not know. I can not explain somehow, but so is anything that what makes them special and totally different. But I do not know, I do not actually know what exactly it is, but there is something .

And Aydan feels homesick for Germany: Aydan: Ich meine immer hin wohn ich hier, hier sind meine freunde, die Schule. Hillary: Aber du kriegst Heimweh nach Deutschland, wenn du in der Turkei bist. Aydan: Ja. Aber erst in den letzen Woche, war ich so. Erst wenn wir so kurz vor der Abreise sind. Hillary: Ja, Dann willst du zurueck? Aydan: Mmm

Aydan: I mean I always live here, my friends are here, school. Hillary: But you get homesick for Germany when you’re in Turkey. Aydan: Yeah, but first in the last week, so I was. First when we are so close to returning. Hillary: Yes, then you want to return. Aydan: Mmm.

Perhaps with time, these girls will come to define Heimat as one famous second generation Turkish-German Cem Gülay does, rather for Berlin, not Hamburg: Für mich definiert sich Heimat über ein Gefuhl. Wenn ich in Hamburg bin, spüre ich sofort: Das ist meine Heimat! Wenn ich an der Alster entlangfahre, kenne ich die Bӓume, die Straßen, die Cafes. Ich weiß, wo ich hinkomme, wenn ich rechts oder links abbiege, wie es dort aussieht, was es für Geschӓfte gibt. Das setzt Emotionenn bei mir frei, ich become regelrecht Endorphin-Ausstӧße. Genauso geht es mir, wenn ich mit anderen Hamburgern in ein Restaurant gehe, in dem nur Hamburger sind. Das ist etwas Besonderes, im Kreise von Menschen, die wissen: Das ist unsere Stadt! Wir alle sind von hier! Dieses Gefühl verbindet ungeheuer. Das ist für mich Heimat (2011, pp182).

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For me, home is defined by a feeling. When I am in Hamburg, I feel immediately: This is my home! If I'm going along on the Alster, I know the trees, the streets, the cafes. I know where I go when I turn the corner right or left, it looks like there, what are there for stores. The sets emotions free with me, I become downright endorphin full. The same happens to me when I go to other Hamburgers in a restaurant with only Hamburgers. This is something special, in the circle of people who know: This is our city! We are all from here! This feeling connects tremendously. This is home for me (2011, pp182).

Other grown second generation Turkish-Germans are not as optimistic about having a homeland. In one reflective essay, Semra Pelek remembers the way that her mother longed for her homeland when she was growing up.

Ich habe meine Mutter mehrfach gefragt, was dieses “Gurbet” eigentlich genau bedeutet. “Fern der Heimat zu sein”, sagte sie dann. Aber was war das—“Heimat”? Meine Mutter benutzte den begriff mal in Bezug auf den Ort, an dem sie aufgewachsen war, wieder ein anders Mal jenen, an dem ihre Familie lebte. Für mich selbst schloss ich daraus: Eine Heimat, wie meine Mutter sie beschrieb, hatte ich nicht und konnte deshalb wohl auch nicht begreifen, was “Gurbet” bedeutet (2011, pp193).

I asked my mother several times what this "Gurbet" actually means exactly. "Being far away from home," she said. But what was the "home"? My mother used the concept times in relation to the place where she had grown up, again at other times those at which her family lived. For myself, I concluded: a home, as my mother described it, I did not have and therefore could probably not understand what "Gurbet" means (2011, pp193).

Only time will tell whether or not the girls in this study will redefine their relationship with home and homeland, or whether their continually split terms will remain satisfactory upon further reflection.

Conclusion

This chapter has introduced the concept of bicultural citizenship, and explored the example of Turkish-German adolescent girls living in Berlin. Through the internalization of power structures that they regularly encounter in Germany and the constant state of

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being a foreigner no matter where they travel, the girls have developed a split sense of identity and allegiance. Their cultural allegiance is Turkish, while their citizenship and preferred location for the long term is in Berlin. The girls all say that they are split 50/50

Turkish and German, and define these separate lands as their homeland and home respectively.

Hillary: Dein Herz ist da, dein Kopf ist hier oder? Feride: Nein Nein, so auch nicht. uh uh...hier lebe ich, hier sprech' ich die Sprache, hier geh' ich in der Schule, hier verdienen mein Eltern wichtig Geld. Hier gibt es auch so ein Heimat. Haelfte ist hier und haelfte ist da, sag ich mal. So diese Deutsch, manchmal gibt es so, so eine Plackatte so ehhh, Dings, die Werbung es gibt da die Deutschland Flagge und einmal die Turkische Flagge, sozusagen, das ist bei mir genau so jetzt. Hier ist Deutschland, hier ist Turkei. Hillary: Genau neben einander13.

Hillary: Your heart is there, your head is here or? Feride: No no, not like that. Uh uh…I live here. I speak the language here. I go to school here. Here my parents earn real money. Here there is also so a Homeland. Half is here and half is there, is what I say. So this German, sometimes there is so, so a sign so ehh, things, the commercials, there is the German flag and once the Turkish flag so to say, that’s exactly like me now. Here is Germany, here is Tureky. Hillary: Exactly next to each other.

Bicultural citizenship is defined as simultaneously belonging in two separate countries in two different ways, and these girls express the perfect example of this concept. Their expression of blood-based heritage echoes the German citizenship laws prior to 2000; despite the fact that they are all German citizens, they do not feel German.

This also echoes their interactions with Germans who constantly discuss their foreignness in terms of their “roots.” Despite being second and third generation immigrants in Germany who possess German passports, they consider themselves foreigners and relate more to other foreigners than to their German peers. As

13 This is what she showed me with her hands, which you can’t see on the transcript. 170

adolescents, they continue to both shape their own identity and to be shaped by their cultural environment. It remains to be seen if they will continue to view themselves as foreign and if Germany and the people there will continue to treat them accordingly. One thing is certain though, for now they are perfectly happy to keep Turkish culture and traditions while simultaneously enjoying the benefits of living in Germany and utilizing all the benefits of possessing a German passport.

Beginning with a brief overview of subjectivity and bicultural citizenship through the anthropological lens, this chapter then explored the subjectivity of Turkish-German adolescent girls with regard to their bicultural citizenship in Germany. Through an exploration of the literature and an explication of interviews from six second and third generation Turkish-German girls, this chapter has discussed how they see themselves with regard to citizenship and belonging in addition to how they process their experiences as foreigners in both Turkey and Germany such that they view themselves as bicultural citizens with legal German citizenship and cultural Turkish citizenship? Highlighting some of the experiences that have contributed to their individual subjectivity, and specifically focusing from a hybrid outside-in and inside-out construction of subjectivity, this chapter has elucidated several key issues facing these girls including always being a

“foreigner” and the conceptualization of themselves as having a homeland and a home, despite all of them being born in Germany. Identity will be further explored in a later chapter.

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Turkish Proverb: Tavsan daga küsmüs, dagin haberi olmamis

Der Hase war dem Berg böse, der Berg merkte es nicht

The rabbit was mad at the mountain; the mountain didn’t notice.

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Chapter 6: Subjective Well-Being: Expectations and Problematic Encounters

Subjective well-being can be defined as “a broad category of phenomena that includes people’s emotional responses, domain satisfactions, and global judgments of life satisfaction” (Diener et al, 1999, p277). There are essentially two parts:

1. Affective—presence of positive affect & absence of negative affect a

2. Cognitive—Information based appraisal of one’s life for which peole judge the extent to which their life so far measures up to their expectations & resembles their ideal life (Diener 1994).

When looking at immigrant life satisfaction, a good perceived relationship between the home and the host country is positively associated & significant effected by immigrant life satisfaction, even more so for immigrants who’ve been in Germany longer and plan to stay there for life (Becchetti, Clear & Ricca 2011). Though Calcuttan slum dwellers did have slightly negative general life satisfaction, they also had some positive domains. Thus the authors conclude that we might “have overlooked a deep well of understanding that could be provided by the marginalized members of societies around the world” (Biswas-Diener & Diener 2001: p349). Wierzbicka argues for better happiness research through the use of a semantic metalanguage and cultural scripts for easier self- report measures (2004). There are several problems with this argument, the largest of which, in my opinion, is the assumption that such a semantic metalanguage exists that might account for and overcome cultural difference in understandings of happiness.

Many of the stresses of immigration are complicated by both the structural barriers that immigrants encounter and the reactions and responses of the “native” populations in their new homes as well (Suarez-Orozco 2000). The process of learning

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the new rules for cultural interaction, or acculturation, is often a major source of stress in immigrants. Immigrant children have the potential advantage of being able to relatively rapidly adapt to their new circumstances and the accompanying acculturative stress.

Religiosity and social support networks seem to play a positive role in this process, but experiences of discrimination and racism are reoccurring themes when children of immigrants are asked about the most difficult part of the immigration process (Suarez-

Orozco 2000, pp211). Structural and attitudinal prejudicial exclusion can be potent psycho-social stressors intruding on the immigrant’s daily lives and interfering with their mental and social adaptation and adjustment (pp204). Exclusion and inclusion criteria are basic psychological and social problems regarding group formation when developing a sense of social identity (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco 1990).

Policy-wise, it is important for industrialized countries to make sure the basic needs of all their residents are covered and then measure subjective well-being because

as material well-being in modern societies becomes increasingly common, people move beyond strictly economic concerns in what is important to their quality of life, and public policies ought to reflect this evolution (Biswas-Diener, Diener, & Tamir 2004: p25).

While I would argue against this evolutionary perspective of societies, I am tempted to agree with the idea of public policies that focus on the values and issues of importance to their constituents’ overall well-being and happiness. In this specific German situation, allowing a Muslim call to prayer might be one way of helping the well-being of some of its Muslim immigrants. For my participants specifically, religion is considered one of the most important parts of their lives

Hanife: Wichstigsten Teil meine Lebens...das ist Schule, Familie, und Freunde. Hillary: Ist Religion ein Teil davon?

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Hanife: Ja, den zaehl ich nicht mal mit, weil der das ist mein Herzt een, das tausche ich niemals nicht fuer die Schule, nicht mal fuer den Eltern, ja.

Hanife: the most important part of my life…that’s school, family, and friends. Hillary: Is religion a part of that? Hanife, Yes, I don’t count it with, because that is my heart. I would never trade that for school, ever for my parents, yes.

Elsewhere, Welzel & Inglehart argue for a culturally universal model of the evolutionary human development of well-being, concluding that greater emancipation leads to greater agency which in turn leads to greater life satisfaction (2010). As an anthropologist, I cannot in good faith allow for any model that might commit to a culturally universal and evolutionary argument for well-being.

Biswas-Diener, Vitterso, & Diener (2010) argue for cultural happiness factors, utilizing a Danish-U.S. comparison of low income respondents. They found that low income U.S. residents reported greater positive and negative affect while their Danish counterparts reported higher satisfaction and enjoyment levels. In a social survey analysis of the economics of happiness, Easterlin found that “most people could increase their happiness by devoting less time to making money, and more time to nonpecuniary goals such as family life and health” (2004: p32). Both these studies make evidence-based recommendations for policies that would affect economic security and sustainability for all residents of a country. This is not to argue for a complete restructuring of the economic system, rather that countries need to consider policies that would allow their residents to be able to think less about economic safety and security, which is directly related to pursuits of family and health in most cases. The good news, at least according to one study, is that happiness can be taught. In a course on learning happiness, Selig

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finds that pleasure is related to gratification which is in turn related to students’ attachment to something larger, concluding that students can be taught happiness and outlining the way that he does it (2004).

One Australian study of refugees found that despite facing high levels of discrimination, participants still reported positive well-being (Fozdar & Torezani 2008).

While this is indeed an interesting finding, I would argue that the plight of refugees in

Australia as compared to second and third generation immigrants in Germany is not at all the same. One could even go so far as to say that the refugee and immigrant comparison is not an apt one at all, given that immigrants chose to leave their home country for a variety of reasons while refugees are very often forced out of their home country or choose to leave for many different reasons not the least of which is safety concerns.

A study of well-being in a marginalized community in Peru found that happiness could be significantly predicted based on the reference group to which people compare themselves, status concerns, the pleasure of consuming, the expectation of escaping social marginalization, and providing household basics (Guillen-Royo 2008). Again, this harkens back to a policy discussion in that people who escape economic and social marginalization are happier overall. This study also brings to the fore, a key question to understanding happiness, namely to which standard are people comparing themselves in order to believe that they are fulfilling expectations for their own lives and therefore happy? This study, by examining the expectations of these second and third generation adolescent girls, seeks to at least in part answer this question. One such source of expectations was explored in Tonga by Moore, Leslie, and Lavis, who found that social

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and kin relationships contributed the most to overall well-being in their Tongan sample

(2005).

Turning to a European example, Pichler finds that the under twenty-nine crowd in

Europe, as represented through survey data, are the most influenced in their happiness by social embeddedness (2006). In Germany, Pohl finds that economic immigrants’ subjective well-being was only slightly positively impacted by income (2007).

Interestingly, a significantly lower life satisfaction was reported by those immigrants who were unemployed and/or welfare dependent (ibid).

Haller and Hadler argue that happiness and life satisfaction should not be considered the same thing, as they found that microsocial embedding and socio-cultural integration are relevant for happiness, while macrosocial factors such as the welfare state, economic wealth of a nation, and others were more relevant for life satisfaction (2006). In this dissertation, I began with a much different assumption. I do not argue with the point that happiness and life satisfaction are two separate ideas to be considered, however it is my view that both the microsocial and macrostructural factors are more intricately intertwined with the and experience and understanding of both life satisfaction and happiness. VanHoorn explicates the relationship between subjective well-being and policy:

1. Subjective well-being measures are meaningful in the sense that they are indeed able to provide valid and reliable information on how well people and societies as a whole are doing; 2. A broad range of factors are found to correlate with or be a causal factor in subjective well-being, both at the level of individuals and that of countries; 3. Subjective well-being data can be used to shape and appraise policy (2007, pp8).

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Moving to a discussion of the girls’ expectations and experiences, I here explore some of the most pressing topics of concern for them in their own words and through my observations.

It is important to note that none of the literature so far reviewed for immigrant subjective well-being has been done with immigrants of the third generation. While some have specifically looked at second generation immigrants, their research stops there (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco 1995;

Suarez-Orozco 2000). This is one of the ways that this research is singular in the immigrant literature. None of the girls in this study have first-hand immigrant experience though very much still consider themselves as “foreigners” in

Germany. The constant characterization as the “other” and the problematic encounters discussed in this chapter do have an effect on their well-being, as is evidenced by the passages from interviews that are included in this chapter.

You just get used to it.

Perceived injustices are a part of their daily lives in Berlin. Here Aydan explains why it is difficult to be a young Turkish girl in Berlin:

Hillary: Ist es ganz schwierig, ah so ein junge Turkin in Berlin zu sein? Aydan: uhh ja. Hillary: Ja Aydan: Ich weiss auch nicht so. Man gewoehnt sich daran. Hillary: Du sagst das immer... Aydan: Ja ist aber so. Halime: Es kommt uns jetzt eigentlich so normal vor Hillary: Was ist dein normal? Halime: eh so, zB ehm, umm...wenn ich jetzt zB sag ich jetzt in der Klasse gibt es ein Streit zw mir und eine Deutsche zB, wenn ich geh zu Lehrer und sagen ja, sie hat daran Schuld und denn Sie die Deutsche sagt nein sie hat daran Schuld, dann denk ich mal das die Deutsche Frau lieber glauben wurden. Weil, keine Ahnung. Ich weiss nicht. Vielleicht ist es nicht bei jeden so, aber den meisten ist es schon so, und dann ist, weil dann in dem

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Situation wurde ich mir auch schon denken koennen, na er wurde mich auch nicht sws glauben, brauch ich gar nicht weiter zu erzaehlen. Ja. Hillary: Und fuer dich. Aydan: Ja auch.

Hillary: Is it very difficult to ah so a young Turkish girl in Berlin? Aydan: uhh yes. Hillary: Yes / Aidan: I also do not like that. You get used to it. Hillary: You say that ever ... Aydan: Yes, but is so. Halime: It comes to us now actually so normal before Hillary: What is your normal? Halime: eh so, for example, um, umm ... if I do I say, for example, now in the class there is a dispute between me and a German, for example, if I go to a teacher and say yes, she is to blame and because the German says no she is to blame, then I think more times she would believe the German woman . Because, no idea. I do not know. Perhaps it is not in any way, but the most it's been so, then, is because then in the situation I was also already can think of, well, he was not even believe me sws, I need not to tell on. Yes. Hillary: And for you. Aydan: Yes also.

Aydan and Halime told me a different story before one of our recorded interviews that perfectly illustrates the injustice that they face on a regular basis. Though this story happened in a very irregular situation, it also illustrates a conflict of cultural values. The girls went on a class trip to France. The accomodations for the class were at a local church, and the ladies of the church cooked the class dinners every night. One night the ladies of the church prepared a special meal of local delicacies including pork, which these very devout Muslim girls do not eat. Upon seeing that the girls had not eaten their dinners, the teacher approached the girls. She told them that it was rude to not eat the dinner that was specially prepared for them, and that they should go sit down and eat what they had been served. The girls argued with the teacher and promptly threw their dinners in the trash after much protestation and posturing on the part of the teacher.

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While it is considered rude in German and Turkish culture to not eat what you are given as it is wasteful, eating any type of pork product is a sin in Islam.

Many Muslim children aren’t even allowed to go on class trips.

Beim Sexualunterricht und bei den Klassenfahrten sind die Vorbehalte am grӧßten, weil die Eltern meinen, hiermit würde vorehelichen sexuellen Erfahrungen Vorschub geleistet. Hier scheint der Informationsbedarf seher groß zu sein. Vor allem fӓllt auf, das die allermeisten Eltern den pӓdagogischen Auftrag der mehrtӓgigen Klassenfahrt nicht verstehen bzw nicht nach vollziehen kӧnnen.

Sex education and the school trips are the biggest reservations because the parents think, hereby premarital sexual experiences would be provided in advance. Here the need for information appears to be great. What especially stands out is that the vast majority of parents don’t understand the pedagogical task that nothing can take the place of a multi-day class trip (Toprak 2008, pp122).

These are just two of the stories of injustice of which I was told during my time in

Berlin. The girls almost all had the same reaction when I asked them what they thought about these perceived injustices that they encounter, whether they be the daily hassles or larger issues. They always said, “Man gewohnt sich daran,” which can be translated as

“you just get used to it.” As discussed in a different chapter, the girls in this study all detail ways in which they cope with these types of situations and where they turn for help when they encounter problems. I wish to reiterate here, before explicating the problematic encounters that were relayed to me, that religion, very supportive families, and close friends all play a role in mediating negative psychological effects of these issues that they face on a regular basis.

I bore witness to several incidences of Turkish-German girls being treated differently in the public sphere. While riding the subway with three adult informants on the way to a Mosque in a different part of the city, we all felt like we were stared at

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constantly. Noone would sit next to the girls, and some children even pointed at them without reprimand by their parents. It was a long walk from the subway to the Mosque, and a bus didn’t even stop for us though we were all standing at the busstop. Once we arrived at the mosque, the women noticeably relaxed. After the service we chatted about what had happened and how it made them feel. Their candor was refreshing, though I was sad to hear that these types of experiences are an everyday occurrence in their lives, especially when they leave Wedding. The women I was with are all extremely educated.

One of them is in a foreign language school, and happens to speak 7 languages fluently.

They are all ambitious and well-spoken, though the only place they felt safe to be outspoken was in the courtyard of the mosque where we drank tea afterward and walking back to the subway. Once we were on the subway, the only subject that they wanted to talk about was America and my political and religious opinions. I have to wonder if that was because they were sick of me asking them so many questions, or because it was a safer topic in a public place. My guess is that it was a little bit of both.

Expectations

This research seeks to address the perceived cultural, behavioral, and life course expectations that these girls have and how it may impact their subjective well-being. The concept driving this research is that subjective well-being in Turkish-German girls could potentially be correlated with incongruities between the girls’ developed identity and their perceived cultural expectations. Racism, whether individual acts, institutional, or both, is also posited to affect the cultural expectations perceived by the girls as has been shown in other populations (Thomas & Schwartzbaum 2006). This work will specifically focus in on the subjective well-being of the adolescent participants and their

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contextualized experiences in relation to their perceived cultural expectations, self- conceptualization and identity. By better understanding their subjective well-being and how it is affected by their context, this research contributes not only an adolescent perspective to the discussion about them but also has the potential to affect change for those individuals within this population that experience depression, unlike the girls in this study.

Part of the issue of asking the girls to compare Turkish versus German expectations is that most of them don’t actually know any Germans very well.

Nevertheless, they were able to articulate some of the ways in which expectations from

German and Turkish parents are different, based sometimes on what they know from the media. Eser articulated one difference in expectations about when you are to move out of the parental home:

Hillary: Wie benehmen sich anders, deutsche und türkische Mädels? Gibt es verschiedene Erwartungen von türkischen Eltern und deutschen Eltern? Eser: Also, was ich nur so weiß is, dass ja bei den Deutschen – ich weiß nicht, obs auch in Amerika so ist - dass man mit 18 auszieht immer. Hillary: Nicht immer Eser: Ja, also, öfters hör ich das immer nur. Oder seh ich das im Fernsehen. Aber bei den Türken ist das eigentlich gar nicht so. Also, wenn man heiratet dann geht man eigentlich. Aber ich finde, das kommt auch wieder auf die Person an. Weil es bei den Deutschen gibt, die zu Hause lieber bleiben und es auch türkische Mädchen gibt, die ausziehen wollen. Hillary: Was willst du dann machen? Aber du willst zu Hause bleiben? Eser: Ja, ich will immer zu Hause bleiben.

Hillary: How do they behave differently, German and Turkish girls? Are there different expectations of Turkish parents and German parents? Eser: So, what I know is the only way that even the Germans - I do not know, whether it is also in America - that one always moves out at 18. Hillary: Not always Eser: Yes, so often I hear the only. Or I see it on TV. But forTurks this is actually not the case. So if you get married then you go really. But I think

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it also comes back to the person. Because it is the Germans who remain at home rather, and there are also Turkish girls who want to move out. Hillary: What will you do then? But you want to stay at home? Eser: Yes, I always want to stay at home.

Unsurprisingly, Semra, the fashionista of the participants who always wore something namebrand, was quick to offer a clothing example.

Semra: Also, ähm, zum Beispiel jetzt bei der Bekleidung, ähm, sind türkische und arabische eher bisschen, sag ich mal, bedeckter und bei den Deutschen, ja, also, wie soll ich sagen, die passen mehr auf, dass die nicht die Reize zeigen. Und bei den Deutschen ist das ja so, die können sich mehr freizügiger anziehen. Also, offener, sag ich mal und ja das ist aber kein Problem für mich. And Semra: Die Deutschen? Also, es gibt aber auch voll viele, die auch nich so offen anziehen, die auch achten, dass man nicht so freizügig ist. Ja, hab ich auch gesehen. Hillary: Aber keine Meinung, auf dieser anderen Seite? Die können was sie machen wollen? Is aber egal?! Semra: Ja, es ist mir egal. Mir macht dis nichts aus, von mir aus können sie im Bikini rumlaufen. Also, das is deren Entscheidung, ich kann dazu nichts sagen. Jeder Mensch entscheidet sich halt für sich selber. Hillary: Ja, so wie du. Du hast dich selber entschieden. Semra: Ja.

Semra: So, um, for example, now in the apparel, um, are Turkish and Arabic rather little, I'd say, and covered than the Germans, yes, so how can I say that will fit more on that not show attractiveness. And the Germans it's so that can attract more liberally. So, more open, and I'd say yes, but that's not a problem for me. And… Semra: The Germans? So, there are also full many who also nich attract so openly that respect well, that one is not so freely. Yes, I've seen it too. Hillary: But no opinion on this other side? They can do what they want? Is but no matter! Semra: Yes, I do not care. I do not mind as I'm concerned they can run around in a bikini. So, that's their decision, I can not say anything. Everyone just chooses for themself. Hillary: Yes, as you decided for yourself. Semra: Yes.

Feride’s example for Turkish versus German examples is much more concrete.

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Feride: Ich bin stolz, dass ich ein Türke bin. Hillary: Echt? Feride: Ja. Also, is schon was dings. Hillary: Kannst du auch. Aber du würdest dich selber Türkin nennen? Feride: Ja, ich ... Hillary: Türkisch außen und ein kleines bißchen Deutscher innen? Feride: Eigentlich is man doch beides. Ich bin hier geboren, ich hab mich hier der Kultur hier angepasst. Zum Beispiel, ein Beispiel jetzt, in der Türkei ist das zum Beispiel so, hier ist das doch so, Aldi muss um 8 Uhr öffnen. Dann öffnen die auch pünktlich um 8 Uhr. Und in der Türkei muss ein Geschäft um 8 Uhr öffnen, aber die öffnen erst um 8.20, zum Beispiel. Und hier ist ja alles so pünktlich. Und zum Beispiel, wenn ich jetzt in der Türkei wäre. Also, so ein Fall, ist einmal passiert. Da standen so die Öffnungszeiten von 9 Uhr bis 12 Uhr, zum Beispiel. Und ich war da schon um 8.50 da, 10 Minuten vorher, damit ich nicht so lange warten muss und die Frau kam erst um 9.10 Uhr so angetanzt, das ignorierte sie gar nicht. Wiel hier die haben sich schon dran gewöhnt. Aber wenn wir von Deutschland aus von der Türkei fliegen...und das so erleben...das kommt uns so komisch vor, dass die sich auch nicht so entschuldigt und so. Und hier man hat sich schon der Kultur angepasst. Hillary: Pünktlichkeit ist eine Erwartung? Feride: Ja, Pünktlichkeit.

Feride: I am proud that I am a Turk . Hillary: Really? Feride: Yes. So already about things . Hillary: Can you also . But would you call yourself a Turk ? Feride: Yes, I... Hillary: Turkish outside and a little bit of German in? Feride: Actually, one is but both. I was born here, I am here, adapted to the culture here. For example, an example now, in Turkey is this for example, here it's so, Aldi has to open at 8 o’clock. They open punctually at 8 o’clock. And in Turkey a shop opens at 8 o’clock, but do not open until 8:20 , for example. And everything here is so punctual. And for example, if I were now in Turkey. So , a case is happened once. Since so were the opening times were from 9 until 12 o’clock, for example. And I was already there at 8:50, 10 minutes before, so I do not have to wait so long, and the woman came only at 9:10 o’clock punched so that they do not even. Because here they have already gotten used to it. But if we fly to Germany from Turkey ... and the experience so ... that seems to us so funny that is not so excused and so on. And here you have already adapted to the culture. Hillary : Punctuality is an expectation ? Feride : Yes, punctuality.

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This passage is especially interesting because at first Feride states that she is extremely proud to be a Turk. She then goes on to describe getting annoyed at the lack of punctuality in Turkish culture, and espouses a very German characteristic of being punctual. She views this as a way in which she’s adapted to German culture from having lived in Berlin her entire life. Though you cannot read her tone in these pages, you should know that she described the “late” Turks in a very perturbed tone, especially when articulating that they don’t even apologize for being late. To me, this signals an internalization of German cultural values that she then passes on in the form of expectations for Turkish shop keepers. I find Feride’s internalization of German values extremely interesting, as she is the one participant who has spent the most amount of time in Turkey and who travels there three to five times a year .

Hanife was the first, though not the only participant, to bring up the concept of honor with regards to Turkish girls in comparison to German girls.

Hanife: Also, ich fühl mich, ich bin hier in Deutschland wohl, ich bin eher für die Türken sag ich mal. Aber natürlich akzeptiere ich und toleriere auch die Deutschen. Aber zum Beispiel, also wenn ich jetzt ein türkisches Mädchen und ein deutsches Mädchen zum Beispiel sehe, dann seh ich mich auch wie das türkische Mädchen und nicht wie das deutsche Mädchen. Weil also, Deutsche sind ja also, wir müssen uns, wir dürfen nicht so auffällig sein. Also, Türken, es gibt natürlich auch schöne Türken, natürlich auch schöne Deutsche, aber aber man sollte nich so auffällig sein, man sollte eben nicht laut lachen, zum Beispiel, alle sitzen da und da sind auch Männer. Man sollte eben schon wissen, was man tut, eben nicht einfach so haha, so loslachen und alle gucken dich an. Man sollte wissen, wie man redet. Man sollte nicht...man sollte schon wissen, was man tut, was man machen soll. Ja man, sollte also, als Mädchen sollte meine eine Ehre, man hat die Ehre. Und diese Ehre sollte man nicht verlieren. Also, es können so schnelle Lügen entstehen und durch diese Lügen kann man, auch wenn es nicht wahr ist, kann man diese Ehre verlieren. Hillary: Man muss darauf achten. Hanife: Ja, man muss achten.

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Hanife : Well, I 'm feeling , I'm here in Germany well, I 'm more for the Turks I say at times. But of course I accept and tolerate the Germans. But, for example, so if I now see a Turkish girl and a German girl, for example, then I see myself also as a Turkish girl and not like the German girls. Since then, German are yes, then, we must , we must not be so conspicuous. So, Turks, there are also beautiful Turks, of course, beautiful Germans, but but you should be not so striking, you should not just laugh out loud , for example, all sitting there and there also are men. You should just have to know what you are doing, just not so easy haha, laugh out loud and so all look at you. One should know how to talk. One should not ... you should already know what one is doing, what to do. Yes you should, so as a girl one has this honor. And this honor should not be lost. So, it can be quick and lies created by the lies you can , even if it is not true , you can lose this honor. Hillary : You have to be careful . Hanife : Yes, you have to pay attention.

She went on to talk about specific ways that a girl can lose her honor without even trying, mentioning that once it is lost, there is no way to get it back. Her tone in this portion of the interview was such that I could read the disgust on her face. Hanife, in contrast to

Feride for example, is fixated on the concept of honor and making sure that she does nothing to besmirch her family in any way.

Though family Honor is a much spoken about concept within the Turkish cultural literature, Hanife was the only one to bring it up in any of my conversations with the girls. This is not to suggest that the other girls don’t think about it, rather that it was not on the tips of their tongues during our conversations. I certainly never saw them act in any way that would besmirch the family honor, and all the girls were extremely cognicent of the behavioral expectations of their parents. They all dressed conservatively and were never disobedient to their parents from what I could tell. During each time that I spent with the girls, they typically spoke to one or both of their parents at least once by phone or text. The closeness of these relationships suggests that honor and family are important to these girls, whether they articulate it or not.

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The Headscarf

Das Kopftuch ist das rote Tuch in der deutschen Islamdiskussion. Nichts ist umstrittener als das Stückchen Stoff namens Kopftuch. Für die einen ist es ein Symbol der Frauenunterdrückung im Islam, für die anderen nur ein Zeichen ihres Glaubens und der Identifikation (Akgün 2011 pp224).

The headscarf is the red towel in the German Islam discussion. Nothing is more controversial as this little piece of fabric called a headscarf. For one side it is a symbol of female oppression in Islam, for the other only a sign of their beliefs and identification.

For Ates, the headscarf has a political meaning beyond the religious that directly hinders integration.

Doch statt einer zunehmenden Emanzipation der muslimischen Fruaen in Deutschland, an der auch Erfolg einer Integrationspolitik abzulesen gewesen wӓre, finden sich heute in muslimischen Kreisen deutliche Tendenzen zu einer religiӧsen Rückbesinnung, die sich an den Verhӓltnissen des 7. Jahrhunderts orienteer, also jener Zeit, als der Prophet Mohammed lebte. Ein sightbares Signal hierfür ist das Kopftuch. Wӓhrend die meisten Türkinnen und Kurdinnen der ersten Generation ihre Kopftucher abgelegten, als sie nach Deutschland kamen, und zwar bewusst und demonstrative, verschleiern sich heute in der zweiten und dritten Generation wieder mehr und mehr Frauen (Ates 2008, pp47).

But instead of increasing emancipation of Muslim women in Germany, which could be read as the success of an integration policy also, it can be found today in Muslim circles clear tendencies to return to religion that appeal to the behaviors of 7th Century orientation, ie the time when the Prophet Muhammad lived. A sure signal of this is the headscarf. Though the Turks and the Kurds of the first generation stored their headscarves, when they came to Germany, and were conscious and demonstrative, today’s second and third generations disguise back more and more women (Ates 2008, pp47).

She goes on to quote the German constitution, laying out a legal argument against the headscarf because it goes against equality of the sexes. While the argument is problematic in that it completely ignores the cultural and religious reasoning for wearing a headscarf, many in Germany agree with her. She attempts to take the argument of a religious symbol and obligation away from the religious reasoning, and in so doing,

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creates an argument that is completely devoid of any teeth for the women who choose to wear a headscarf. Opinions about the headscarf are easy to find in the literature, but what

I find most interesting about her argument is that she herself is a Turkish-German. She also discusses the perceived increase in girls who wear a headscarf.

Lehre an Berliner Schulen beobachten eine eindeuttige Zunahme von KTern bei muslimischen Schülerinnen bereits in der Grundschule. Und sie berichten von sozialem Druck und Nachahmungsverhalten. So kommt es vor, dass selbst Mӓdchen aus eher liberalen islamischen Familien, von denen kein Zwang ausgehen und die auch kein entsprechendes Vorbild liefern, plӧtzlich ein KT tragen. Sie mӧchten in der Schule dazugehӧren ebenso wie westliche Kinder mit Markenklamotten dazugehӧren mӧchten. Eine tiefe Religiositӓt ist bei den moisten nicht zu finden (2008, pp130).

Teaching at Berlin schools observe a noticable increase of headscarves among Muslim pupils already in primary school. And they speak of social pressure and imitation behavior. So it happens that even girls of more liberal Islamic families, from whom no pressure and no compulsion and which also provide no corresponding model, suddent wear a headscarf. They would like to belong in school as well as western children would like to belong with designer clothes. A deep religiosity is not found in most of them.

Mandel has argued “that the headscarf crystallizes the ‘foreigner problem’ in that it symbolizes the essential intractability of the ‘other’ –Turkish/Muslim/Arab/outsider

(2008, pp294).”

Summarizing the issues from both the conservative and liberal perspectives inside

Germany, she expands the discussion noting:

In the prevailing discourse of the right, the headscarf represents proof of the fundamental ‘nonintegratablity’ of the Turks. The scarf is seen as ugly, backward, and most of all, threateningly un-German, but also something intransiegently innate to Turks and Turkish identity. This perception reflects a belief in an insurmountable, ontological difference between Turks and Germans. By contrast, in the discourse of the feminist left, the headscarf symbolizes innate Turkish practices of sexism, backward and primitive patriarchal domination of women and repression. For much of the left, the headscarf represents the barrier that must be removed before successful Turkish emancipation and integration into

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German society can be achieved. According to this logic, the act of removing a part of the body’s covering strips away just enough backwardness to allow Turkish women to join an ideal political community championing personal freedoms. To Turks reacting to these pressures, the headscarf has taken on an additional symbolic dimension, representing a sartorial form of resistance (Mandel 2008, pp305).

One Turkish-German author takes the argument one step further: Bei einigen Politikerinnen und Politikern, die das KT kritisieren, habe ich leise Zweifel, ob es ihnen wirklich um die Freiheit der Frau geht oder ob sie sich selbst an dem Anblick stӧren, weil er sei daran erinnert, wie viele Auslӓnder oder zumindest Muslime in Deutschland leben. Diese Streben nach vermeintlicher Ästhetik kann man aber natürlich nicht ohne Vorwürfe des Nazismus umsetzen, also versteckt man es meiner Meinung nach under dem Deckmantel der Frauenbewegung (Daimogüler 2008, pp187).

Some politicians who criticize the headscarf, I have slight doubts whether it really is about the freedom of the woman or whether it bothers them to see it because they are reminded of how many foreigners or at least Muslims live in Germany. This pursuit of alleged aesthetics but you can of course not be implemented without accusations of Nazism, so they hid it in my opinion under the guise of the women's movement.

I would not go so far as to accuse the headscarf debate of being a racist one, partially because those who wear one only categorize themselves as Muslim, and regularly differentiate between themselves. Yes, Turks in Germany are the largest minority population of which there are many women who wear headscarves, but it is going a bit far, especially in German culture, to mention Nazis in conjunction with this discussion. I do believe Daimogüler has a point, but the sensationalist way he makes it is inappropriate. To contextualize for an American audience, him throwing out the Nazi argument is comparable to someone throwing the “race card” in a debate. Yes, it is an important point that he makes about the aesthetics of German-ness, but any modern

German audience would roll their eyes and know that the debate had taken a mud- slinging turn.

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Of the participants in this study, two were currently wearing headscarves at the time of our interviews. All but one of the six participants confessed to wanting to wear a headscarf. Of the girls who who do not wear one currently but wished to eventually wear one, all were waiting for the right time to start. Aydan and Semra both wear headscarves, and both discussed being treated differently because of it.

Aydan: Ja, ich frage mich auch wenn ich das nicht so an wenn ich nicht so anders behandelt werde, zB als ich in den Strassenbahn gehen wollte, war ein alter man neben mir, und der hat mich so vorgelassen, und meint zu mir, ja geh rein, und ich weiss nicht, ich fand es voll suess, ah so, das ist, ich weiss es nicht, wenn ich freue mich auch ueber so was, zB an der Kasse wenn ich einkaufen bin, sagen sie zB die Deuschen ja, um Guten Tag, und ich freue mich, niemal mehr nur Hallo, so etwas, fuehl ich mich schon komisch, aber wenn ich genau so gleichbehandelt fuehle ich mich auch so komisch behandelt… zB, wenn ich gehe einkaufen, und ja man wird schon manchmal ausgegrenzt oder anders behandelt, aber die werden mich, aber wenn sie mir auch gleichbehandeln wie die Deutschen dann fuehle ich mich schlecht.

Aydan: Yeah, I also wonder if I did not so in if I am not treated so differently, for example, when I wanted to go to the tram, was an old one next to me, and who has admitted me so, and says to me, yes go inside, and I do not know, I found it totally sweet, ah so, that is, I do not know if I'm happy about something, for example at the checkout when I'm shopping, they say, for example, to the German yes um good day, and I am pleased, never more just Hello, such a thing, I feel funny, but when I am treated the same exact way I feel treated like weird ... for example when I go shopping, and yes it is already sometimes excluded or treated differently, but they are to me, but if they treat me the same as the Germans then I feel bad.

Through interviews with Turkish-Germans of varying ages, Toprak attempts to move the discussion to the motives not of the girls to wear a headscarf, but of their families

Eine Frage aber, die die deutsche Ӧffentlichkeit interessiert, ist offengeblieben, nӓmlich aus welchem Motiv die Kinder ein Kopftuch tragen. Hier ist das Tableau nicht so differenziert wie bei den Erwachsenen. Aus den Interviews geht hervor, dass die Mӓdchen zum Tragen des Kopftuches entweder animiert bzw sozialisiert oder aber gezwungen warden. Wehren sich die Mӓdchen im Einzelfall dagegen wird entweder subtiler Druck ausgeübt oder aber Gewalt angewendet. Es ibt

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Anzeichen dafür, dass in einigen Familien und Milieus die Mӓdchen sehr früh an das KT herangeführt warden, um sie vor ӓußeren Einflüssen, wie zB frühe Partnerschaft, Sexualitӓt, zu schützen. Denn diese Eltern legen großen Wert darauf, dass ihre Tӧchter sich nicht wiesen warden, dass ein von Vorurteilen und Stereotypen geprӓgtes Wissen nicht nur von Seiten der Mehrheitsgesellschaft über die Muslime weit verbreitet ist, sondern auch umgekehrt (Toprak 2010, pp36).

One question , however, for those interested in the German public is left open , namely from what motive the children wear a headscarf. Here the panel is not as sophisticated as with the adults. The interviews show that the girls were either encouraged, rather socialized, or forced to wear a headscarf. The girls in individual cases, who fought against it however, exerted either subtle pressure or applied force. There are signs that in some families and the environment girls were moved very early to the KT in order to protect them from outside influences, such as early partnership, sexuality . Because these parents take great care that their daughters were not shown that a shaping of prejudices and stereotypes knowledge not only from the majority society about the Muslims is widespread, but also vice versa. "

While Toprak’s conclusions are extremely interesting, he misses the mark with regards to motives. The issue should not be discussed from the family perspective, rather from the girls’ perspectives as to why they chose or were prodded to wear a headscarf. Yes, family is extremely important in Turkish culture, and I am not denying the power of influence on the part of them. Especially for girls of the second and third generation in

Germany, individual choice and the motives to make that choice are part of navigating a complicated set of expectations not just on the part of their families but also from outside sources such as the broader culture in which they are enmeshed and their friends. What also needs to be discussed is the diversity of girls who do choose to wear a headscarf.

Hanife: Ich finde auch, die die Kopftuch tragen und eben es gibt voll so viele Kopftuchleute, die haben bis Hals hier so offen und dann dieses eine, dieses große Ding da, was sie oben raufhaben. Zum Beispiel solche Leute sind voll auffällig. Die kommen hier so mit Glitzerkopftuch. Die kommen so rein, in die UBahn, die kommen so rein und die ganzen Augen sind darauf gerichtet. Und soll ein Mädchen nicht sein, nicht auffällig. Und das ist noch auffälliger. Man sollte eben ein Kopftuch tragen, damit man nicht

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auffällig wird. Damit man, sag ich mal, die lockigen Haare nicht in Vorschein kommen, damit das eben nicht so auffällig wird und zum Beispiel durch solche...oder die ziehen sich auch immer enge Hosen an, also enge Oberteile. Man sollte die Figur nicht betonen. Wenn die Figur betont ist, dann ist man wieder auffällig. Dann is so oh, was für ne schöne Figur, eben sowas. Oder was ich auch nicht so gut finde. Das Verhalten, das Verhalten von türkischen Mädchen, die ein Kopftuch tragen, zum Beispiel, die, die sagen alle Ausdrücke. Ich guck die so an, die beleidigen alle, die sind so unverschämt gegenüber Lehrern und dann haben auch die Deutschen einen schlechten Eindruck von uns. Dann sagen die „Okay, diese türkischen Mädchen sind doch immer so, die ein Kopftuch tragen sind doch immer so“. Die eben die beschimpfen, die sagen alle Ausdrücke, die schlagen jeden. Hillary: Was? Hanife: Ja, die wollen jeden eben verprügeln, haben voll diese Ghettomädchen. Hillary: Ghettomädchen? Aber mit Kopftuch? Hanife: Haben so eine Gang, sag ich mal.

Hanife : I also find that wearing the headscarf and even there are so many full headscarf people who have their neck here so open and then this one , this big thing because what they have up top . For example, such people are totally striking. They come here as with glitter scarf. They come so pure, in the subway, which are as pure and all eyes are directed. And a girl supposed to not be, not flashy. And this is even more striking. You should just wear a headscarf, so that no one is striking. This one, I'd say that curly hair does not come into the fore , so that just is not so noticeable and , for example, by such ... or the pull is always tight pants on so tight tops . One should not emphasize the figure. If the figure is emphasized, then you are striking back. Then so is oh, what a nice figure, just like that. Or what I do not think so good. Their behavior, the behavior of Turkish girls who wear a headscarf, for example , those who say to all terms. I just look at the way they offend those who are so outrageously against teachers and then the Germans have a bad impression of us . They say, "Okay, these Turkish girls are always so who are yet to wear a headscarf always so." They make fun of everybody, they say everything, they hit people. Hillary: What? Hanife: Yes, just like every beat , fully have this ghetto girl. Hillary: Ghetto girl? But with a headscarf ? Hanife: Have as a transition , I'd say .

The girls in this study were very judgmental when it came to other girls who choose to wear a headscarf. Some even suggested that you can tell the difference between girls who were forced to wear it and those that chose to wear it based on the way that it is

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worn. They opined that girls who wear it open enough to see their neck were forced to wear one, whereas the girls who wear it “properly” chose to wear it. Another way that other girls could wear it wrong is to puff up their hair so much in the back that they have a large lump at the crown of their head. The girls whom I spoke with were adamant that this was not the “right” way to wear it because it is a different way to bring unneccesary attention. Similarly, girls who wear sparkly or shimmery scarves are looked down on as being too flashy and demanding of attention. During my observations in Berlin, I saw all different ways to wear a headscarf, including all the “wrong” ways that these girls described. All of these judgements speak to the girls’ partial reasoning for wanting to wear a headscarf at all. Because they view it as a religious responsibility, they very much look to the letter of the Koran for guidance in how to do so in the correct way.

These girls are also very aware of being treated differently because of wearing a headscarf. Eser, who does not normally wear a headscarf unless going to the Mosque but plans to in the future, told me about how she is treated differently while wearing one.

Eser: Also, manchmal, in der U-Bahn gucken wirklich die alten Menschen jemanden schief an, obwohl man nichts macht. Hillary: Warum denn? Eser: Also, öfters, ist es mir passiert, wenn ich in die Moschee gegangen bin. Kopftuch. Hillary: Mit Kopftuch? Eser: Ja, weil wenn die da saßen vor uns und dann haben die uns angestarrt. Hillary: Mit deinder Freundin, die Kopftuch trägt? Oder wenn du? Eser: Egal wer, manchmal auf nach der Schule. Wenn meine Freundin nur Kopftuch trägt, dann merk ich das auch, dass SIE beobachtet wird. Hillary: Aber nur wegen dieses Kopftuchs. Eser: Ja.

Eser: So, sometimes, in the subway the old people really watch someone wrong, even though you do nothing. Hillary: Why then? Eser: So often, it happened to me when I went to the mosque. Headscarf.

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Hillary: with headscarf? Eser: Yes, because if the sat there in front of us and then stared at us. Hillary: With your girlfriend, wearing the headscarf? Or if you? Eser: No matter who, sometimes after school. If my girlfriend only wears a head scarf, I remember that too, that YOU are observed. Hillary: But only because of this headscarf. Eser: Yes.

Semra, who has worn a headscarf since she was eleven years old does not believe that wearing a headscarf does not mean that she is not integrated into German culture. Earlier in the conversation, she had defined integration as assimilation, and you will notice here in this quote that I followed her lead with that language.

Hillary: Also, es gibt bestimmte Leute – also ich nicht- aber es gibt bestimmte Leute, die sagen, dass Mädchen, die Kopftuch tragen, die sind Symbole von Leute die sich nicht anpassen können. Semra: Oh, krass. Hillary: Weißt du das? Semra: Ja, ich hab sowas gehört. Hillary: Was würdest du denen sagen? Semra: Ich denke, zu 100% haben die überhaupt kein Recht. Weil das hat nichts mit Anpassung zu tun. Weil zum Beispiel, wie soll ich das sagen. Es gibt Urlauber, zum Beispiel, die nach Türkei gehen, Türkei ist ja nicht gleich Kopftuch tragen. Wenn du in die Türkei kommst, dann trag doch auch ein Kopftuch. Dann heißt es ja auch, , dass die sich nicht an die Türkei anpassen oder nicht? Deswegen, es gibt Emos. Hillary: Emos? Semra: Ja, wie sagt man die nochmal? Die halt schwarz gekleidet sind. Wenn man die auf der Straße sieht, werden die toleriert. Hillary: Emos. Jetzt versteh ich. Entschuldigung. Semra: Die werden toleriert. Man sagt doch, „Ach, wir müssen die respektieren, das ist deren Meinung“. Aber wenn es um Kopftuch trägt, dann ist es religiöse Unterdrückung, sagen die. Also, dass wir halt unterdrückt werden und dass wir das Kopftuch tragen müssen. Und ich denke, Mensch ist Mensch und das zeigt nicht aus, was du bist, wer du bist. Das zeigt einfach nur deinen Respekt gegenüber deiner Religion und nichts anderes. Also, das hat nichts mit dir selber zu tun. Hillary: Ja. Semra: Deswegen haben die überhaupt kein Recht, denk ich. Die haben unrecht.

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Hillary: Well, there are certain people - so I do not - but there are certain people who say that girls who wear headscarves, which are symbols of people who can not adapt. Semra: Oh, crass. Hillary: Do you know? Semra: Yes, I heard something. Hillary: What would you say to them? Semra: I think 100% have no right. Because it has nothing to do with adaptation. Because, for example, how should I say this. There are tourists, for example, who go to Turke , Turkey is indeed not equal headscarves . If you come to Turkey, then also wear a headscarf. Then it is said, too, that do not conform to Turkey or not? Therefore, there are Emos. Hillary: Emos ? Semra: Yes , as they say the again? The are just dressed in black. If one looks on the street, they are tolerated. Hillary: Emos . Now I understand. Sorry. Semra: The will be tolerated. They say but, "Oh, we have to respect them, that's their opinion." But if it contributes to the headscarf, it's religious repression, say . So that we are just suppressed and that we must wear the headscarf. And I think that man is man and not show off what you are, who you are. This simply shows your respect for your religion and nothing else. So, this has nothing to do with yourself. Hillary: Yes . Semra: They have no right , I think. They 're wrong .

I love the examples that Semra uses when discussing tolerance. The emo example is especially apt. Emos do not dress in the “typical” way, yet they are not trotted out as examples of non-assimilation. This could be interpreted to say that it is only because those who wear headscarves are considered “foreigners” or people with a “migration background” that they are often seen as examples of non-integration/assimilation. Emos are typically ethnic Germans. From a feminist philosophy, emo is not a symbol of oppression; rather it is a fashion choice. I would argue, not that wearing a headscarf is not a fashion choice, but a religious choice deserving of that much more respect, especially as the decision to wear one is not one to be taken lightly.

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Semra’s early decision to wear a headscarf actually made her parents very nervous. They were against her choice in the beginning, but relinquished when they saw how serious she was about it. She sees her choice as one that has strengthened her.

Semra: Ja, das gibt ein Kraft, ah so, wenn man mit einem Religion gebunden ist, das staerkt einheit. Ja

Semra: Yes, it gives you strength, ah so, if one is bound with a religion, it strenghthens integrity. Yes.

She also takes her headscarf very seriously, and doesn’t appreciate those who do not do the same.

Semra: Es gibt ja auch menschen, eh so Maedchen sozusagen, die kt tragen mal nicht tragen die das absetzen, und ja, das uh, ich denke das KT ist kein spielzeug, und ja Hillary: Das ist eine grosse entscheidung. Semra: Ja genau, wenn man traegt dann fuer immer

Semra: There are also people, ah so girls so to say, that wear headscarves sometimes and sometimes they but it aside, and yeah, that uh, I think that a headscarf is not a toy, and yeah.

She has faced a certain amount of discrimination at school because of her headscarf in her opinion.

Semra: Nein, in mein, ahem, ich habe ja erst dieses Jahr meine Schule gewechselt, das war auch Gymnasium Hillary: Vorher war auch Gymnasium? Semra: Uh huh, das war halt in der 11. Klasse Hillary: der 11. Semra: Ja Hillary: Aber das war auch bestimmten Lehrere Semra: Ja, viele davon war so, die habt immer vorurteile. Die haben immer Deutscheschuler bevor...ich weiss nicht, aber es gab auch Lehrer die richtig ah so, uns respektiert haben, ganz eherlich, die auch uns motiviert haben, ja Hillary: Aber jetzt ist es... Semra: Jetzt ist es perfekt. Jetzt auf meiner neue Schule, die Lehrer, ahem diese Lehrer-Schuler Beziehung ist richtig gut...trotz meines KT... Hillary: Das ist nur ein Teil von dir... Semra: Ja

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Semra: No, in my, ahem, I've only changed my school this year, which was also high school Hillary: Previously was also high school? Semra: Uh huh, that was just in the 11th class Hillary: the 11th Semra: Yes Hillary: But there there were teachers… Semra: Yes, many of them were so that you always have prejudices. They always put German students before ... I do not know, but there were also teachers who really ah so, have respected us very seriously who motivate us yes Hillary: But now it's ... Semra: Now it's perfect. Now at my new school, the teachers, ahem, these teachers-student relationships are really good ... despite my headscarf... Hillary: That's just a part of you ... Semra: Yes

Switching schools has made all the difference, but I couldn’t help wondering if all the school switching had caused her any turmoil because of discontinuities in her studies.

She has attended 4 different schools in pursuit of her Abitur, once even falling down to a lower level so as not to be able to stay in the college bound track of study. Unlike many in the same situation, she was able to move back up to a Gymnasium. Her perserverance is especially admirable in the face of a system where upward mobility between school tracks is extremely difficult.

Eser, arguably the most religious of my participants, most definitely wants to wear a headscarf someday, but has some fears about when the right point is.

Hillary: Aber, du hast auch darüber nachgedacht. Eser: Ja. Hillary: Fängst später an? Eser: Ja. Hillary: Und willst du dann vorher anfangen, mit Kopftuch zu tragen? Eser: Ich weiß nicht. Hillary: Man sucht immer den richtigen Punkt. Eser: Ich wollte eigentlich immer, vielleicht hab ichs schon gesagt. Ich hab ja nächstes Jahr mein Abitur, dann wollten wir so ne Abifahrt

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machen, also mit den Mädchen und danach wollt ich eigentlich während ich warte, bis ich in irgendeine Uni aufgenommen werde, wollte ich eigentlich Mekka besuchen. Ich wollte unbedingt einmal dahin.

Hillary: But, you've also thought about it. Eser: Yes. Hillary: You'll start later? Eser: Yes. Hillary: And do you want to start earlier to wear a headscarf? Eser: I do not know. Hillary: You always look for the correct item. Eser: I always wanted, maybe I've already said. I'm so next year my high school, we wanted to do so a graduating class trip, so with the girls and after that I want to actually while I wait until I am accepted into any college, I really wanted to visit Mecca. I really wanted to go there again.

Despite all the possible drawbacks and problems, Eser wants to wear a headscarf, at least partially because it is a religious obligation that she believes will make her life better as prescribed in Islam.

Hillary: Du willst es trotzdem tragen? Warum? Eser: Also, im Islam ist es eigentlich ne Pflicht. Und diese ganzen Pflichten haben auch eigentlich immer etwas, was auch eigentlich für dich besser ist? Hillary: Und so ist es für dich besser? Eser: Ich glaub, ich würd mich auch damit hier wohler fühlen. Und ich glaub auch nich, wenn wir jetzt verhüllt wären, sag ich mal, der jetzt kommen würde und uns ansprechen würde. Hillary: Wenn du ein Kopftuch trägst? Echt? Eser: Vielleicht. Auch, wenn jetzt auf der Straße ein Kopftuchmädchen vorbeiläuft, dann belästigen die Jungs sie eigentlich auch nicht. Hillary: Warum? Weil die mehr Respekt haben? Eser: Ich glaub schon.

Hillary: You want to wear it anyway? Why? Eser: So, in Islam it is actually a duty. And this all obligations have actually always something that is actually better for you? Hillary: And so it is better for you? Eser: I think I'd also feel more comfortable with it here. And I think also know, if we were now veiled, I'd say that would come now and would appeal to us. Hillary: If you wear a headscarf? Really? Eser: Maybe. Also, if now on the road passes a headscarf girls, then the guys did not really bother them.

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Hillary: Why? Because the have more respect? Eser: I think so.

On the other side of the coin is Feride, who has never thought about wearing a headscarf for a variety of reasons, one of which is the requirement for an entirely new wardrobe.

Hillary: Dann hast du irgendwann gedacht ein Kopftuch zu tragen? Feride: Nein. Hillary: Kein Bock darauf. Feride: Ah, nein. Ich hab ja gegen die auch nichts. Zum Beispiel ist das so, ich bin ja auch Moslem. Aber das ist zum Beispiel auch, wenn du jetzt Kopftuch trägst, dann darfst du dich auch nicht mehr so anziehen wie früher. Dann musste ja auf alles aufpassen. Zum Beispiel, dann darfste nicht so an Strand, dann darfste dich auch nicht mehr sonnen, darfst keinen Bikini mehr... Hillary: Und du liebst den Strand? Feride: Ja. Ich liebe ihn. Das ist so halt. Und, ja, ist natürlich was schönes, eigentlich muss man ja auch Kopftuch tragen. Aber, ich mags, ich möchte es halt nicht. Vielleicht wenn ich mal alt bin, so Oma. (lacht) Dann hat eigentlich auch keinen Sinn. Aber, ja, jetzt habe ich. Jetz bin ich in der Schule bin ich jetzt auch so und wenn ich jetzt auf einmal Kopftuch trage, dann ist ja auch ganz anders. Man ist eine Gewöhnungsache. Hätt ich das vielleicht seit meiner Kindheit an getragen, dann wärs ja ganz anders, halt. Aber, meine Mutter trägt auch kein Kopftuch. Hillary: Mit ihrer Arbeit das wird sehr schwierig. Feride: Ja, sie trägt auch nicht. Keine Ahnung. Nur meine Omi.

Hillary: Then you have at some point thought to wear a headscarf? Feride: no. Hillary: No desire for it. Feride: Ah, no. I 'm not against anything. For example, this is so, I 'm also a Muslim. But this is, for example, if you now wear a headscarf, then you may you no longer attract the same again. Then you had to take care of everything yes. For example, then you’re not allowed at the beach, then you're no longer allowed to sun, may not wear a Bikini anymore... Hillary: And you love the beach ? Feride: Yes . I love it. This is so. And, yes, of course, is something nice, actually you have to wear headscarves, too. But, I like it, I would not stop there. Maybe when I'm old, so grandma. ( laughs) Then actually makes no sense. But, yes, now I have. Now I am in school I am now so and now when I wear my headscarf at once, then yes is also quite different. It is a matter of habit. Had I perhaps worn it since my childhood, if it were quite different. But, my mother also does not wear a headscarf . Hillary : With her work, that would be very difficult. Feride: Yes, she also does not. I do not know. Only my grandma.

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Feride understands very well the expectations of a girl who wears a headscarf, and has decided for herself that she will not conform to them. She notes that she would be treated differently if she all of the sudden started wearing one. Her situation is also different than the other girls. Of all the participants, her mother is the only who doesn’t wear a headscarf. Her mother was also born in Germany, though so was Eser’s. Feride has experienced life without a headscarf and does not want to go the other direction with the expectations that would then be placed upon her. Remember, Feride is also the least religious of all the participants in this study. She does not regularly pray or attend

Mosque, and half-heartedly fasted during the month of Ramadan. I do not wish to imply here that she is a bad Muslim, rather that she views being a Muslim as an inherited property that she has.

Regarding the relationship between the headscarf and politics, Semra is very adamant that any proposed restriction on wearing one would be one of the only things to get her interested in politics.

Hillary: Willst du auch wählen? Semra: Wählen? Ich halte mich etwas zurück, weil ich kann nicht irgendwas wählen, was ich nicht weiß. Also, wo ich mir nicht sicher bin. Und deswegen, bis jetzt bin ich zufrieden mit den Wahlen – obwohl ich keine Ahnung habe. Hillary: Und wenn die machen, die sagen „Du darfst nicht mehr Kopftuch tragen in der Schule“ Semra: Ah, na klar. Hillary: Dann kommst du auf die Straße? Semra: Ja, sowas würd ich mir auch nicht gefallen lassen. Wenn sowas passieren würde.

Hillary: Do you also want to vote? Semra: Vote? I consider myself something back because I can not choose anything I do not know. So, where I'm not sure. And that is why, until now, I am satisfied with the elections - although I have no idea. Hillary: And if the make that say "You can not wear headscarf in school"

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Semra: Ah, sure. Hillary: Then you go to the streets? Semra: Yes, that’s something I'd not put up with. If something would happen.

Problematic Encounters

As noted previously in this chapter, issues of discrimination and lack of acceptance can have serious effects on the mental well-being of immigrants. While these girls are all considered to be second and third generation immigrants in Germany, they still encounter some very discriminatory and sometimes anti-Turkish attitudes. While I knew that I would hear these kinds of stories before setting out to do my fieldwork, the amount and regularity with which they discussed them was not expected. These are a few examples of the stories that I collected during my interviews.

Semra: Aber, zum Beispiel, als wir neu eingezogen sind, in unsere Wohnung. Da war meine Schwester noch 2 Jahre alt und wir hatten n Babywagen. Und wir haben das halt unten abgestellt, immer, da wo die Tür ist, und so ne alte Dame ist rausgekommen. Sie hat uns richtig angeschrien, da meinte sie so, dieses Kinderwagen muss weg. Warum stellen sie das hier ab und so...und am nächsten Tag hat das eine deutsche Frau gemacht und sie hat nix gesagt. Hillary: Was? Semra: Ja, also wir Türken dürfen dis ... sozusagen nicht, aber die Deutschen schon oder wie? Also, da hab ich mich auch gewundert. Mein Vater hat mit ihr gesprochen und er hat es immer wieder dort abgestellt. Hillary: Der hat dis immer wieder Semra: Ja, wenn die Anderen das dürfen, warum sollten wir das nicht machen....und deshalb dann hat er das immer wieder gemacht. Hillary: und dein Papa is ein starker Mann? Semra: Ja, er kann sich durchsetzen. Hillary: Aber solange hier in Deutschland, deswegen Semra: Ja, deswegen. Glaub ich mal auch. Hillary: Deine Mama? Semra: Nein, also sowas kann sie auch, reden und sich verteidigen. Sie bleibt nicht so ruhig. Aber manchmal kann sie sich nicht so ausdrücken und das schadet dann einen wirklich.

Semra: But , for example, when we moved into our apartment. My sister was two years old at the time and we had a baby carriage. And we have

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just turned down, always there where the door is, and so an old lady came out. She yelled at us properly because they said so, this stroller has to go. Why do they put that here and so ... and the next day a German woman did the same thing and she said nothing. Hillary: What? Semra: Yes , so we Turks should... it were not, but the Germans already or what? So, there I also wondered. My father spoke with her and he left it there again and again. Hillary: The dis has repeated Semra: Yes, if the others may that's why we should not do that .... and why he did it again and again. Hillary: and your dad is a strong man? Semra: Yes, he can prevail. Hillary: But as long as he’s been here in Germany , so Semra: Yes, that's why. I believe times also . Hillary: Your Mama? Semra: No, so something she can also speak and defend himself. You will not be so quiet. But sometimes they can not be expressed as the harms and then one really.

Semra’s mother was born in Turkey and came to Germany as an imported bride.

Her language skills sometimes fail her, as Semra notes here. This somewhat passive type of discrimination was the most common form that I was told about during the course of my interviews. Occasionally, hate was mentioned during our interviews:

Hanife: ich war bis zur 4. Klasse auf eine Grundschule, und bin, wir sind umgezogen, wollten eigentlich nicht, aber wir mussten umziehen. Hillary: Fuer ein neue Wohnung oder? Hanife: Weil der Vermieter hat uns irgendwie gehasst. Der Vermieter, keine Ahnung, es war irgendwie an die Anzeigen angestellt, wir sind umgezogen, und wir leben hier seit 5 Jahren in meine neue Wohnung, und ehm, gehen schon seit 4 Jahren auf die Oberschule Diesterweg. Ich habe nicht eine Stufe...ich habe nicht was wiederholt. Ich bin nie sitzen geblieben zum Glueck.

Hanife: I was up to the 4th Class at a primary school, and we moved, did not really want to, but we had to move. Hillary: For a new apartment or? Hanife: Because the landlord has somehow hated us. The landlord, no idea it was somehow made displays, we had to move, and we’ve been living here for 5 years in my new apartment, and ehm, for 4 years already go to

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secondary school Diesterweg. I do not have a stage ... I did not repeat what. I'm still never repeat a grade luckily.

Hanife notes here that she is lucky to never have been held back in school because of this type of disruption and transferring schools. While I am prone to agree with her, I also think it is important to note here how hard she works at school and how lofty her goals are for her own academic achievement.

Semra told me a very fresh story in her mind of a way in which she and a friend had been treated differently because they are Turkish, again bringing up the word hate.

Hillary: Gibt es einen Unterschied zwischen Türken in Deutschland und Türken in der Türkei? Semra: Eigentlich nicht. Nur, in der Türkei ist es ja viel besser, weil da is man ja nur unter Türken. Und da gibt halt diese Konflikte nicht, also diese Deutsch-Türkische Konflikt. Hillary: was für einen Konflikt meinst du? Semra: Ahh, wie soll ich das sagen....es gibt rassistische Menschen und die wollen ja sozusagen keine Ausländer in Deutschland haben und ja, dann entstehen halt Konflikte. Hillary: Aber, das kommt nicht oft vor, oder? Semra: Doch, sehr oft. Heute hat mich meine Freundin zur Schule hingefahren, mit dem Auto Hillary: dem neue Auto Semra: Und sie hat neu ihren Führerschein bekommen und die Ampel war rot und sie musste sofort bremsen. Und es war ein Stück weiter vorne, also wo der Fußgängerweg is, und ein deutscher Mann, also „immer ihr Ausländer, könnt ihr nicht fahren. Wo liegt n dein Auto“ Hat uns blöd angemacht, sozusagen. Warum Ausländer, Deutsche können doch auch Fehler machen. Wir haben ...das is doch nichts...hat nichts mit Ausländer zu tun. Weil sie hat ja ihren Führerschein neu und es ist doch klar, dass sie mal n paar Fehler macht. Und ich fand das auch nich gut. Also, solche Konflikte zum Beispiel. Hillary: Aber es geht ja um Ausländer. Semra: Ja, um Ausländer. Hat nicht hauptsächlich mit Türken zu tun. Aber, wenn man Ausländer sagt hier in Deutschland, es sind meisten die Türken.

Hillary: Is there a difference between Turks in Germany and Turks in Turkey?

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Semra: Not really. Only, in Turkey it is so much better because there is indeed only one among Turks. And there are just these conflicts do not happen, so this German - Turkish conflict. Hillary: what kind of conflict do you mean ? Semra: Ahh , how should I say .... there are racist people and want so to speak, have no foreigners in Germany and yes, then conflicts arise . Hillary: But that is not often , right? Semra: Yes, very often. Today I have gone there my friend to school by car Hillary: the new car Semra: And she's got her new driver's license and the traffic light was red and she had to brake immediately. And it was a little further forward, so where is the pedestrian walkway, and a German man, so "whatever you foreigners , you can not drive. Where is your car” has been making fun of us, so to speak. Why foreigners, Germans can still make mistakes. We have...this is nothing... has nothing to do with foreigners. Because she has her license again and it is clear that it makes few mistakes sometimes. And I found it not good. So, such conflicts, for example. Hillary: But it's all about foreigners. Semra: Yes to foreigners. Primarily to do with Turks. But if one says foreigners here in Germany, there are most of the Turks.

I am especially curious when the idea that they are “foreign” began, but as Halime told me:

Hillary: Um, wann war die erste mal das du hast die Gefuehl das du Auslaender bist? Weisst du? Hast du das noch in Kopf? Halime: Ich denke nicht mehr.

Hillary: Um, when was the first time you had a feeling that you are a foreigner? Do you still have it in your head. Halime: I don’t think anymore.

Halime is very conscious of when she is not taken seriously, though she is not entirely sure why all of the time, and is really insulted by it.

Hillary: beleidigt das dich wenn leute dich nicht ernst nimmt. Halime: Eigentlich schon, weil man fuehlt sich irgendwie so nicht ernst genommen. Na ja, du versuchst, du sagst dein eigene Meinung, und dann keine Ahnung, eigentlich schon, man fuehlt sich irgendwie so klein gemacht oder runter gemacht, wenn man nicht ernst genommen wird. Hillary: Ist es...glaubst du das es ist mehr ueber dein...ist es mehr das du 15 bist oder das du Turkin bist? Die die nicht Ernst nimmst. Halime: Eigentlich beides... Aydan: Ich habe die Frage nicht verstanden.

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Halime: Ah so, ist es ehm, kommt es ___explains it to her in Turkish. Aydan: ah so, beides, kommt auf die Situation an. Hillary: Ja. Halime: Und wenn man noch beides zusammen ist, dann noch mehr.

Hillary: Are you offended if people do not take you seriously. Halime: Actually, yes, because one feels somehow not taken seriously. Well, you try, you say your own opinion, and then no idea, already, one feels somehow made as small or down made if you will not be taken seriously. Hillary: Is it... do you think it's more about your... it's more that you're 15 or you're a Turkish girl? The do not take seriously. Halime: Both, actually... Aydan: I did not understand the question. Halime: Ah so, it's uh, it comes ___ Explains It to her in Turkish. Aydan: ah so, both, depends on the situation. Hillary: Yes. Halime: And if you two are still together, then even more.

There are occasions when the discrimination that they encounter is more blatant than other times. Semra told me this story about a party that her family had at their garden14.

Semra: Ja, das hatten wir mal so, eine Grillparty gemacht. Wir haben ja einen Garten und da sind nur Türken, sozusagen. Und unsere Hausmeister, sozusagen, er war Deutscher, er ist Deutscher. Und er hat uns richtig angeschrien, wo wir halt mit der ganzen Familie gegrillt haben. Man darf ja grillen, aber wir waren etwas zu laut und ja, der hat uns angeschrien, aber ich ...der ist grad nicht so freundlich, sag ich mal. Weil als wir, also, mein Cousin hat Fussball gespielt und das Ball ist auf deren Seite geflogen. Und dann hat der rumgeschrien, ja, „Passt doch auf und so“. Das sind doch nur Kinder, die spielen mit ein Ball und der hat die halt richtig angeschrien. Hillary: Aber, nur wegen die Pflege? und wie laut man. Das war kein kulturelles Missverständnis?! Semra: Ich weiß nicht, ich kann dazu nicht viel sagen. Aber es gibt sogar ne deutsche Familie, also im Garten da gibt es eine deutsche Familie. Und die feiern bis 12 Uhr, also mit Alkohol und besoffen und so, deren wird nix gesagt. Aber wenn wir mal ne Grillparty machen, ist das zu viel oder was?!

1414 I want to note here that the garden she is describing is a plot that her family rents outside of the city. These are very common in Berlin and other cities, and are typically gardening clubs that you have to pay a monthly fee to belong to. Each plot has a little house on it where tools are stored, and most have outdoor seating where the owners can come and enjoy a small bit of their own nature plot. Semra’s father is a gardener, and their garden is quite beautiful because of his green thumb. Her family regularly has their family day at their garden when the weather permits. 205

Hillary: Also, keinen Alkohol und nur bis... Semra: Nein, keinen Alkohol. Hillary: Nur bis 21 Uhr Semra: Ja, da werden wir angeschrien, ich weiß auch nicht warum. Hillary: Kommt das oft vor? Semra: Ja, meistens, schon. Hillary: Die schreien dich an und nicht die Deutsche, die neben dir, die dasselbe macht. Semra: Ja, leider. Hillary: Und sagst du was zurück. Semra: Ja, also zum Beispiel nicht ich, aber mein Vater die verteidigen sich. Hillary: Aber du nicht? Semra: Also, das wird ja nicht immer auf mich gezogen. Das is auf die ganze Familie. Und ich bin ja nicht immer diejenige, die rumschreit. Deshalb...

Semra: Yes, we did it this way, made a cookout. We have a garden and there are only Turks, so to speak. And our caretaker, so to speak, he was German, he is German. And he yelled at us right where we just grilled with the whole family. One must grilling yes, but we were a little too loud and yes , who yelled at us, but I ... the degree is not so kind , I'd say . Because when we, therefore, my cousin played football and the ball flew on their side. And then who shouted, yes, "Watch and so on yet." They're just kids playing with a ball and has the right stop yelling. Hillary: But, just because of the care? and how loud you . This was not a cultural misunderstanding? Semra: I do not know, I can not say too much. But there is even ne German family, so in the garden as there is a German family. And the celebrations to 12 o’clock, so with alcohol and drunk and so whose is said nothing. But if we make time ne barbecue, this is too much or what? Hillary: Well, no alcohol and only to... Semra: No, no alcohol. Hillary: Only to 21 o’clock Semra: Yes, we are yelled at, I do not know why . Hillary: Does that often? Semra: Yes, mostly, already. Hillary: The scream at you and not the German, the one that makes next to you the same thing. Semra: Yes, unfortunately. Hillary: And what do you say back . Semra: Yeah, so, for example, not me, but my Father who defend themselves. Hillary: But do not you? Semra: So, this is not always drawn to me. This is on the whole family. And I 'm not always the one running around screaming. So...

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Returning to an example from school, Aydan and Halime related this story:

Aydan: zB letzten Sportunterricht hat ____ ihr Sachen vergessen Hillary: Ah ja ok... Aydan: Ja, das war das, und sagt der Lehrer irgendwie sieh bitte irgendwie das Koran obwohl du gar nichts damit zutun hatte, ein bisschen einfache notige Sachen. Das ist einfach irgendwie ein Grund obwohl das eigentlich kein Grund ist sondern, die suchen einfach irgendwie solche Punkte die uns angreifen kann. Hillary: Die suchen es? Aydan: Ja, Die suchen Grunde Hillary: Wie, du meinst die wollen dich angreifen. Aydan: Ja. Hillary: Ja? Dich auch? Halime: Ja allgemein Hillary: Allgemein Halime: Allgemein Hillary: Die wollen die Turken angreifen? Halime: Na jetzt nicht nur die Turken, sondern auch... Hillary: Alle Auslaender? Aydan: Die Muslimen Hillary: Wieso angreifen? Aydan: Wissen wir auch nicht. Halime: Das ist ja der Grund, das wissen wir nicht. Keine Ahnung. Hillary: Ok, ok, aber wie machen die das? Aydan: Ah so halt mit Worten.

Aydan: eg last physical education ____ has forgotten her stuff Hillary: Ah yes ok... Aydan: Yes, that was it, and the teacher says the Koran somehow please look somehow even though you had nothing to do with it, a bit simple things relevant field. That's just kind of a reason though that's not really a reason but who are just looking somehow those points that can attack us. Hillary: The look for it? Aydan: Yes, the search basically Hillary: What, you mean the want to attack you. Aydan: Yes. Hillary: Yes? You too? Halime: Yes generally Hillary: General Halime: General Hillary: They want to attack the Turks? Halime: Well now not only the Turks but also... Hillary: All foreigners? Aydan: The Muslims

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Hillary: Why attack? Aydan: we do not know either. Halime: That's the reason we do not know. I do not know. Hillary: Ok, ok, but how do they do that? Aydan: Ah so stop with words.

In Germany, psychological attacks are not the only ones that so-called

“foreigners” have to deal with. Actual violence against them is a real concern, and the psychological effects are much more widespread than just to those who are physically harmed. I was able to attend a public discussion of the psychological effects of racism and discriminatory violence toward “migrants” at the Charite Clinic for Psychiatry and

Psychotherapy where experts from many different places came together to discuss this issue. Politicians from the Christian Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Party were among the discussants, as well as a journalist who had extensively covered one racist attack and representatives from the Jewish Council of Germany and the Turkish

Union of Germany. The highlight of the discussion was the two speeches given by two psychiatrists from Charite Hospital specifically working with the migrant population in

Berlin: Professor Doctor Andreas Heinz and Doctor Meryam Schouler-Ocak.

There were several points that I took away from this public forum. Firstly, all of the discussants believe that racism and discrimination against migrants has to stop, though they certainly disagree about how to make that happen. From the psychiatric perspective, it is expecially important to note that the consequences of this kind of violence reach far beyond those who have been directly injured. All members of minority and migrant communities have the potential to be psychologically effected by these events, as the psychiatrists pointed out that they have seen in their clinic.

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A large debate erupted after the discussants were finished speaking. At first, members of the audience relayed their own stories of violence and the psychological effects they had experienced because of it, always negative. The discussion then moved toward a solution based approach, with many in the crowd attacking the politicians in the room who, they believed, had not done enough to help resolve these issues, especially by not coordinating efforts with the minority councils present in the room. One large point made about Turks in Berlin, is that many of them rarely feel safe enough to leave the boundaries of the city, at least from the perspective of several audience members and some of the panelists. They view the city’s cosmopolitanism as somewhat protective, especially as many of instances of violence have recently happened in former East

German towns that surround Berlin.

The conclusion of the discussion was somewhat dissatisfying, as these public forums have a tendancy to be. There was no plan of action made. There was no accepted definition of which incidents should be defined as racist and which are actually just incidental. There was some public shaming of the politicians in the room, who seemed to want to minimize the issues as much as possible without taking any blame for their inaction. The German colleagues in the room seemed content with how the discussion had gone. The reception afterward was not populated by vitriolic discussions, rather polite conversations that mostly centered around the research being done in this area.

In my own observations, between the “foreigners” of the MHW, there was some tension and even racism that did occur. One girl told me that she hates Jews, while there was a Jewish Russian sitting next to her at a computer working. Other times, there was a noticeable distinctiveness that was accorded to the Palestinian children in the room, as if

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they were more special than the other Arab/Turkish/Muslim students. The students all knew exactly the culture of origin for every student in the room at all times, and every time I asked them how, they could not give me a good explanation. I found myself wondering how they separated themselves out between cultural groups, but interested in the fact that they also combined themselves into the group of “foreigners” vs. Germans. I was told more than once that there were no “whole Germans” that come to MHW, other than the teachers and Herr Weber the executive director.

Once, at MHW, I was treated unkindly by a student because I am an American woman. A boy recently moved from Afghanistan needed help with his English homework, so I was happy to oblige. He wasn’t so happy to be getting help from an

American. He refused to look me in the eye, and consistently made comments about how he didn’t understand why all these girls were there getting help with their homework. He opined that the girls should be home learning with their mothers, and not bothering with all this math and science. When I mentioned that I was in Berlin doing my dissertation research, he was confused, and even more confounded when he learned that I am married and have two children. I did not conform to his traditional views at all. He was extremely disrespectful to me, constantly questioning my knowledge of the English language, and I learned later that he requested to never work with me again.

Conclusion

Despite the marginalization and discrimination detailed here, the girls in this study are not for the most part psychologically distressed. They all professed to getting upset at the time of the incidents, but they all also have someone to talk to or their religion to lean on when times get tough for them. This chapter began with a discussion

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of the subjective well-being literature and focused in on immigrant experience. The continued discussion and perception of them as “foreigners” with a “migration background” makes their immigrant and citizenship status less important in the German context. This chapter also contains a brief discussion of arguably the biggest debate when it comes to Turkish-German girls: the headscarf. Utilizing extensive quotes from the girls, I explicated not only their motives for choosing to wear or not to wear a headscarf, but also their viewpoints about the debate.

Differential treatment, whether for wearing a headscarf or just for being a

“foreign” Turk in Berlin is one of the most difficult issues that these girls must contend with on a regular basis. While the debate rages around them, these girls are making life decisions based entirely on what they feel is right for them to do and what their religion says they should do. Though Ates tries, it is not possible to divorce the headscarf debate from the religious reasoning behind the wearing of it (2008). The girls all cite very personal reasons for why they have chosen to wear or not wear one yet or ever. 2 girls wear one currently, 3 plan to in the future, and one never wants to wear one. For all these girls, the headscarf debate in the public forums had very little to do with their feelings about honor or wearing one in the first place.

Honor was the mostly unspoken discussion, though family was always in the foreground of any planning for the future. As I discuss later, I believe that the close relationships that these girls had with their families was certainly protective for their well-being. It could also be that because some of their parents were born in Germany, honor was not such a topic of discussion, rather an unspoken rule. Honor killings were spoken of with disgust, and attributed to backwardsness.

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Navigating different sets of expectations is the norm for these girls. They are making decisions on a daily basis to not let the discrimination and hate that they face affect their outlook on life. They turn their anger outward, yet don’t always vocalize their issues at the time. “Man gewohnt sich daran (You get used to it).” I find this phrase to be the most telling, and the most sad in my opinion.

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Turkish Proverb: Misafir umdugunu degil, buldugunu yer

Die Gäste essen nicht, was sie erwarten, sondern was man ihnen vorsetzt

Guests don’t eat what they expect, rather what you put before them.

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Chapter 7: Citizenship Law, Counting and Integration

Fassin makes the theoretical argument that state policy and bureaucracy has a major effect on subjectivity and individual experience (2005). This chapter will explore some of those experiences from the perspective of the second and third generation

Turkish-German adolescent girls in this study. Beginning with a brief overview of theoretical approaches to immigration and boundaries of the “other,” I will then move forward with a brief discussion of adolescence in the policy context. A discussion of approaches to citizenship law and changes to the German immigration policy over the past two decades will be explored, in addition to the opinions of the study participants about it and their experiences with it and the bureaucracy that it entails. I will briefly outline other issues with these policy changes that were explored at a conference of statisticians, mainly who counts as an immigrant and how should they be counted.

Integration and multiculturalism policies and popular discourse in Germany will be explored with regards to the policies and decisions being made about these processes and ideals. This chapter is aimed at specifically addressing the question of whether or not policy affects belonging from the perspective of these girls.

Before delving into this particular situation, a bit more theoretical analysis will be helpful for situating this research. Bashkow proposes a neo-Boasian conceptualization of the boundaries of culture, arguing that the personal ideas of the foreign “other” demonstrate a more open-ended nature of cultural experience (2004). This theory could quite easily be applied to the Turkish-German situation in which the spatial boundaries of being born and growing up in Germany do not apply to the lived cultural experiences of second and third generation Turks, especially in Berlin. Esser proposes a model for

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better understanding intergenerational integration, building on the idea of unintended and situation-logic results of investments in ethnic capital (2004). This theory is built on the mutual relationship between group size, social and cultural differences, and the availability of social capital, suggesting that differential intergenerational integration can be constructed within a general mechanism of these three variables within each case

(Esser 2004

Turning back to the broader issues immigrants face as they have been addressed in the literature, attitudes about foreigners were found to directly affect the views on whether they deserve rights, according to one study of popular opinion in Germany and

Israel, where the authors found that the most important determinant of support for rights was the perception of threat (Raijman, Semyonov, & Schmidt 2003). Much of the common debate about “foreigners” in Germany centers on the dangerousness, most especially of Turks who perpetrate crime, and this perception of danger certainly impacts popular opinion, and thus immigration and integration policy. In a review of six papers discussing the reception of immigrants, Reitz finds that pre-existing race and ethnic relations, labor markets and related institutions, governmental policies for immigration and broad institutional regulation, and the changing nature of international boundaries under globalization are all important factors to look at (2002). In her exploration of anti- immigrant literature, Rustenbach found that national interpersonal trust, education level, foreign direct investment, and political variables are the key predictors of anti-immigrant attitudes (2010). Most specific to Germany, Soriӧnder finds that the consistent characterization of Turks as “foreign” rather than immigrants or citizens, points to the cosmopolitan double-standard most prevalent in Berlin (2009). This analysis relates

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directly to Germany’s immigration and integration policies, and shows directly why the policies currently in practice are not likely to work.

Schiller, Caglar, and Guldbransen caution against discounting the role of city size in shaping migrant pathways of transnational connection and settlement (2006), and this argument is one that could easily be made in the Berlin context. As the largest city in

Germany, more than twice the size of the next most populous city in Germany, and the center of the immigration debate with the largest Turkish population in Germany, Berlin is ideally situated for the study of the Turkish-German context. What I wish to note here, is that Berlin is not the only city where Turks live in Germany. Turkish immigrants of varying generations live all over the country of Germany, and the role of the city and the intertwined connections between families and fellow Turks in Berlin cannot be emphasized enough. This is part of why the integration issue is at the fore in Berlin. In

Berlin it is wholly possible to live a life with only ever speaking Turkish, while in other places in Germany that might not be the case. Knowing this, it should be noted that I do not mean to suggest that the immigrant experience in Berlin is the same as it would be in

Hamburg or Bremen.

Through 55 interviews with second generation Turks in Hannover, Gestring,

Janßen, Polat, and Siebel examined the processes of exclusion and integration by looking at both subjective and objective influences especially with regard to housing, labor, and social networks (2004). This group specifically focused on segregation as a factor for exclusion, and found that the complicated German educational system is partially to blame for the work exclusion of second generation Turks. They note:

Im Hinblick auf die Chancen türkischer Migranten auf dem Arbeitsmarkt steht das Bildungssystem auf dem Prüfstand. In der—mittlerweile

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abebbenden—politischen Diskussion über das Schulsystem nach dem ‘Pisa-Schock’ werden Migrantenkinder hӓufig als Problem identifiziert. Übersehen wird dabei, dass ein Schulsystem das wie kein anderse soziale Ungleichheit reproduziert, grundlegend reformiert werden und z.B. interkulturelle Schulkonzepte berücksichtigen muss.

With regard to the chances of Turkish migrants in the labor market, the education system is under scrutiny. In the meantime-ebbing-political discussion about the school system after the 'PISA shock' migrant children are identified as a large problem. Overlooked here is that a school system reproduces social inequality like none other, to be fundamentally reformed and for example must take into account intercultural education concepts.

Adolescence in the policy context

Adolescence, as explored in an earlier chapter, is a period of extensive development and change. Schlegel argues that the social function of adolescence can also be framed as “a time of further preparation for adult occupational careers in those societies in which training beyond childhood is necessary” (1995: p29). That is certainly the case for the participants in this study. Turning specifically to the link between research on adolescence and policy, Korbin & Anderson-Fye argue for a more focused research conceptualization such that research results and processes can better inform policy making when it comes to adolescence (2011). From the outset, that has been the goal of this research project.

In the same volume of Ethos, Worthman makes the argument that developing life course cultural models as a framework can help shape better policy by looking not only at individual to societal benefits but also vice versa (2011). At the onset of this study, a modified Bronfenbrenner model was sketched out to look directly at not only the effects of policy at the individual level, but also at the individual’s effects on policy and the context in which these both interact. Adolescence is a moment of individual and cultural change in the form of the re-creation of generational norms and practices (LeVine 2011).

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This process is certainly changed as the norms are defined and redefined by policy and practice, and the adolescents affected by and enacting these changes in their daily lives are discussed here in this chapter.

The question of adolescent agency is certainly a prescient one with regards to the effects of policy at the individual level. Bucholz frames an anthropology of youth that focuses on the agency of adolescents, looking at the whole of youth cultural practice and how identities emerge to recombine and perform elements of the global in their local context (2002). The girls in this study specifically enact a bicultural practice partially because of the immigration and integration policies that they have encountered in their lives. These German policies have had an effect on the way that these girls not only act within their cultural frames, but also on the ways in which they envision their own identities as I will demonstrate through quotes briefly. This directly relates to de Berry’s argument that adolescents must be given the opportunities to enable them to navigate their particular local situations through expression of their agency (2011).

When discussing policy with regards to adolescents, Miles suggests that it is extremely important to distinguish between the imagined world of success as envisioned by policy makers versus the real world of urban poverty (2000). Miles’ research was focused on rural-to-urban adolescent migrants in Equador, who must navigate competing gender models within a rigid class system, but relates to the Turkish-German situation in more ways than one (Miles 2000). Even though the girl in this study do not live in absolute poverty, such as that which Miles describes in Equador, they are still relatively disadvantaged because of the neighborhood in which they live and the schools that they attend. Not only are their schools filled with mostly immigrants, but they also have a

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very high drop-out rate. The entire city of Berlin has a dropout rate over 10%, and 46.5% of those drop-outs have a migration background (Institut für Schulqualitӓt der Lӓnder

Berlin und Brandenburg 2010, p126).

As Weisner and colleagues found in their New Hope study, ethnographic evidence can elucidate the policy and practice implications of programmatic impacts

(2011). That is certainly one of the goals of this research. Specifically in the New Hope case, policy evaluation efforts were shown to have the potential to change future policy creation in terms of poverty reduction strategies (Wilcox & Deutsch 2011). While this study is not specifically about poverty or poverty reduction, it is about navigating goals for the girls of this study, and policy absolutely plays a role in their daily navigation of and longing for goal attainment.

Immigration

Looking at immigrant naturalization in the United States, Coutin found a paradoxical relationship between the naturalization ceremonies’ rhetoric of inclusion and the experience of exclusion connecting transnationalism and naturalization (2003). This same paradox of legal inclusion versus experiences of exclusion could easily be said of

Turks in Germany, even for later generations. Immigration standing does not make a difference when it comes to feelings of exclusion in school for example, as Halime explains:

Halime: In der Schule einige Sachen schon, habt es ein Nachteil wenn man nicht Deutsch...aus...ah so eine Deutsche ist. Habt schon einige Nachteilen.

Halime: In school, some things already, there’s a disadvantage if you are not German ... from ... ah is a German. Have quite a few disadvantages.

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Aydan also discusses differential treatment not only because she is a Turkish girl, but also as it is exacerbated by the fact that she wears a headscarf.

Aidan: Yeah, I also wonder if I did not so in if I am not treated so differently, for example, when I wanted to go to the tram, there was an old man next to me, and he let me so, and says to me, yes go inside, and I do not know, I found it full of sweet, ah so, that is, I do not know if I'm happy about something, for example at the checkout when I'm shopping, they say, for example, to the German yes, um good day, and I am pleased never to only hear Hello, such a thing, Do I feel funny, but when I treated the same exact way I feel even more treats me so funny.

More formally, Boro explicates the reasoning behind differential treatment and what might be done to overcome it (2008).

Aber es ist ja nicht so, dass in diesem Land nur Menschen menschenwürdig behandelt werden, die Deutsche sind. Oder in diesem Land nur Menschen ‘einander nӓherkommen’ kӧnnen, die deutsche Staatsbürger sind. Für ein friedliches, freundliches und respektvolles Miteinander reicht es vollkommen aus, wenn die beiden erstgenannten Bedingungen erfüll sind. Die Erfüllung der dritten Bedingung wӓre hӧchstens das Sahnehӓubchen obendrauf, aber bekanntlich essen ja nicht alle Menschen ihren Kuchen mit Sahne (Boro 2008, p77).

But it's not like that in this country the only people who are treated humanely, are German. Or in this country only people can 'get closer to each other' who are German citizens. For a peaceful, friendly and respectful coexistence, it is quite sufficient if the first two conditions are satisfied. The fulfillment of the third condition would be the cream on the cake, but yes, not all people like to eat their cake with cream (Boro 2008, p77).

Looking more broadly at the European Union, the adoption of wider EU immigration policies is more greatly affected by the left-right preferences of EU

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legislators, rather than the economic interests, and the political and economic preferences of national parties’ constituents (Hix 2007). Thus, EU immigration law is less about the economy, and more about political leanings within the member states’ representatives to the EU parliament. German politics play a key role in shaping EU policies then, and directly related to German political leanings is the economy. As I will explain, German citizenship policy has had a major shift over the past 15 years that was a long time in the making, not only because of economic concerns, but also because of major population shifts that could not be ignored by policy makers.

German Citizenship Law

Because this is a study of second and third generation Turkish-German girls, I will not here analyze German immigration law. Instead, I will here take a specific look at

German citizenship law, and how it has changed recently. The original German citizenship law was established in 1913, with the most recent changes being made 100 years later in 2013. Originally, the letter of the law was such that only residents with

“enough” German heritage, as determined by blood, could be citizens of Germany. In

1999, a major policy shift happened such that children born within Germany to foreign parents would be given German citizenship with the option to keep it should the renounce the “foreign” citizenship by the time they are 23 years of age. The most recent change to the law was a redefinition of the term German within the structure of the law which now reads: Deutscher im Sinne dieses Gesetzes ist, wer die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit besitzt (Translation: A person is German in the essence of this law, when they possess

German citizenship.) This is a major shift in political thinking, specifically because the previous definition did not include all who had German citizenship.

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Here are two articles of the law that are most relevant to this research15:

Staatsangehӧrigkeitsgesetz in der im Bundesgsetzblatt Teil III, Gliederungsnummer 102-1, verӧffentlichten bereinigten Fassung, das zuletzt durch Artikel 1 des Gesetzes vom 28. August 2013 (BGBI. I S. 3458) geӓndert worden ist.” §4 (1) Durch die Geburt erwirbt ein Kind die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit, wenn ein Elternteil die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit besitzt. Ist bei der Geburt des Kindes nur der Vater deutscher Staatsangehӧriger und ist der Begründung der Abstammung nach den deutschen Gesetzen die Anerkennung oder Feststellung der Vaterschaft erforderlich, so bedarf es zur Geltenmachung des Erwerbs einer nach den deutschen Gesetzen wirksamen Anerkennung oder Feststellung der Vaterschaft; die Anerkennungserklӓrund muß abgegeben oder das Feststellungsverfahren muß eingeleitet sein, bevor das Kind das 23. Lebensjahr vollendet hat. (2) Ein Kind, das im Inland aufgefunden wird (Findelkind), gilt bis zum Beweis des Gegenteils als Kind eines Deutschen. (3) Durch die Geburt im Inland erwirbt ein Kind auslӓndischer Eltern die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit, wenn ein Elternteil a. seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig seinen gewӧhnlichen Aufenthalt im Inland hat und b. ein unbefristetes Aufenthaltsrecht oder als Staatsangehӧriger der Schweiz oder dessen Familienangehӧriger eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis auf Grund des Abkommnes vom 21. Juni 1999 zwischen der Europӓischen Gemeinschaft und ihren MItgliedstaaten einerseits und der Schweizerischen eidgenossenschaft andererseits über die Freizügigkeit (BGBI 2001 II S. 810) besitzt. … §10 (1) Ein Auslӓnder, der seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig seinen gewӧhnlichen Aufenthalt im Inland hat und handlungsfӓhig nach Maßgabe des §80 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes oder gesetzlich vertreten ist, ist auf Antrag einzubürgern wenn er 1. Sich zur freiheitlichen demokratischen Grundordung des Grundgesetzes für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland bekennt und erklӓrt, dass er keinen Bestrebungen verfolgt oder unterstützt oder verfolgt oder unterstützt hat, die a. Gegen die freiheitliche demokratische Grundordnung, den Bestand oder die Sicherheit des Bundes oder einese Landes gerichtet sind oder b. Eine ungesetzliche Beeintrӓchtung der Amtsführung der Verfassungsorgane des Bundes oder eines Landes oder ihrer Mitglieder zum Ziele haben oder

1515 The entire Citizenship law in German and English can be found in Appendix A if the reader is interested. 222

c. durch Anwendung von Gewalt oder darauf gerichtete Vorbereitungshandlungen auswӓrtige Belange der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gefӓhrden, oder glaubhaft macht, dass er sich von der früheren Verfolgung oder Unterstützung derartiger Bestrebungen abgewandt hat, 2. ein unbefristetes Auftenthaltrecht oder als Staatsangehӧriger der Schweiz oder dessen Familienangehӧriger eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis auf Grund des Abkommens von 21. Juni 1999 zwischen der Europӓischen Gemeinschaft und ihren Mitgliedstaaten einerseits und der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschat andere seits über die Freizügigkeit, eine Blaue Karte EU oder eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis für andere als die in den §§16, 17, 20, 22, 23 Abs. 1 §§ 23a, 24, und 25 Abs. 3 bis 5 des Aufendhaltsgesetzes aufgeführten Aufenthaltszwecke besitzt, 3. den Lebensunterhalt für sich und seine unterhaltsberechtigen Familienangehӧrigen ohne Inanspruchnahme von Leisungen nach dem Zweiten oder Zwӧlften Buch Socialgesetzbuh bestreiten kann oder deren Inanspruchnahme nicht zu vertreten hat, 4. seine bisherige Staatsangehӧrigkeit aufgibt oder verliert, 5. weder wegen einer Rechstwidrigen Tat zu einer Strafe verurteilt noch gegen ihn auf Grund siener Schuldunfӓhigkeit eine Maßregel der Besserung und Sicherung angeordnet worden ist, 6. über ausreichende Kenntnisse der deutschen Sprache verfügt und 7. über Kenntnisse der Rechts- und Gesellschaftsordnung und der Lebensverhӓltnisse in Deutschland verfügt. Die Voraussetzung nach Satz 1 Nr. 1 und 7 müssen Auslӓnder nicht erfüllen, die nicht handlungsfӓhig nach Maßgabe des § 80 Abs. 1 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes sind. (2) Der Ehegatte und die minderjӓhrigen Kinder des Auslӓnders kӧnnen nach Maßgabe des Absatzes 1 mit eingebürgert werden, auch wenn sie sich noch nicht seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig im Inland aufhalten. (3) Weist ein Auslӓnder durch die Bescheinigung des Bundesamtes für Migration und Flüchtlinge die erfolgreiche Teilnahme an einem Integrationskurs nach, wird die Frist nach Absatz 1 auf sieben Jahre verkürzt. Bei Vorliegen besondere Integrationsleistungen, insbesondere beim Nachweis von Sprachkenntnissen, die die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 übersteigen, kann sie auf sechs Jahre verkürzt werden. (4) Die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr 6 liegen vor, wenn der Auslӓnder die Anforderungen der Sprachprüfung zum Zertifikat Deutsch (B1 des Gemeinsamen Europӓischen Referenzrahmens für Sprachen) in mündlicher und schriftlicher Form erfüllt. Bei einem minderjӓhrigen Kind, das im Zeitpunkt der Einbürgerung das 16. Lebensjahr noch nicht vollendet hat, sind die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 bei einer altersgemӓßen Sprachentwicklung erfüllt. (5) Die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Nr. 7 sind in der Regel durch einen erfolgreichen Einbürgerungstest nachgeweisen. Zure Vorbereitung

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darauf werden Einbürgerungskurse angeboten; die Teilnahme daran ist nicht verpflichtend. (6) Von den Voraussetzunge des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 und 7 wird abgesehen, wenn der Auslӓnder sie wegen einer kӧrperlichen, geistigen oder seelischen Krankheit oder Behinderung oder altersbedingt nicht erfüllen kann. (7) Das Bundesministerium des Innern wird ermӓchtigt, die Prüfungs- und Nachweismodalitӓten des Einbürgerungstests sowie die Grundstruktur und die Lerninhalt des Einbürgerungskurses nach Absatz 5 auf der Basis der Themen des Orientierungskurses nach § 43 Abs. 3 Satz 1 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes durch Rechtsverordnung, die nicht der Zustimmung des Bundesrates bedarf, zu regeln.

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b . Having an unlawful detraction the official leadership of the constitutional organs of the Federation or of a country or its members to goals or c . to compromise by use of force, ensure or preparatory acts external interests of the Federal Republic of Germany , or proves that he has turned away from an earlier pursuit or support of such efforts , 2 a permanent right of residence or as citizen of Switzerland or its family residents a residence permit on the basis of the Agreement of 21 June 1999 between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part , and the Swiss Confederacy other § hand on freedom of movement , for an EU Blue Card or a residence other than those in § § 16 , 17, 20 , 22, 23 , Section 1 of § 23a , 24, and 25 , paragraph 3 of the 5 listed to stay residency purposes has , 3 can deny the livelihood for himself and his dependents without recourse to entitle family members efforts after the second or twelfth book social law book or their use is not responsible , 4 gives up or loses his previous Citizenship, 5 neither convicted of illegal act to any penalty or against him on the basis of Sienese absence of criminal responsibility, a measure of reform and prevention has been arranged , 6 has sufficient knowledge of the German language and 7 has knowledge of the legal and social order and the living conditions in Germany . The condition referred to in sentence 1 number 1 and 7 do not have to meet that are not capable of acting in accordance with § 80 Section 1 of the Residence Act for Foreigner . ( 2) The spouse and children of the minor Foreigners can with paragraph 1, be naturalized , even if they are not staying for eight years legally domestically. (3 ) If a Foreigner period shall be reduced by the certificate of the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees successful participation in an integration course after , is referred to in paragraph 1 to seven years. If there are special integration services, especially in the detection of language skills that exceed the requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 , it can be reduced to six years . ( 4) The requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 number 6 are present if the Foreigner meets the requirements of the German language examination for certificate ( B1 of the Common European Framework for Languages ) in oral and written form . In a minor child that the 16 at the time of naturalization Age has not yet been completed, the requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 are met at an age appropriate language development. ( 5) The provisions of paragraph 1, No. 7, and demonstrating normally through a successful naturalization test . In preparation for it offered naturalization rates; participation in it is not mandatory.

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(6 ) Of the Requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 and 7 will be waived if the Foreigner they cannot meet because of a physical or mental illness or disability , or old age . (7 ) The Federal Ministry of the Interior is empowered , the Audit and verification modalities the naturalization test as well as the basic structure and the learning content of the naturalization course in accordance with paragraph 5 on the basis of the themes of the orientation course according to § 43 paragraph 3 sentence 1 of the Residence Act by ordinance that are not requires the consent of the Bundesrat, regulate .

Of the girls in this study, all but one have their German passport and German citizenship. The sixth is in the process of acquiring it at the time of this writing. Only one of the girls continues to possess her Turkish passport. She is now eighteen, and will either have to give up one before she turns twenty-three or apply for an exception to keep both. These girls were grandfathered into German citizenship because of the changes to the law that happened in 1999. These changes moved German citizenship policy away from the previous “right to blood” jus sanguinis model to a somewhat “right of land” jus soli policy. These girls are part of the first generation of Turks in Germany to not be required to go through the naturalization process in order to become German citizens with all the rights and responsibilities that go along with it.

As noted previously, the possession of a German passport does not however, alter their sense of cultural belonging. I explore these issues in the chapter on subjectivity and bicultural citizenship, but wish to reiterate here that the girls have a split conceptualization of home and homeland particular to their situation. The relationship with policy and opinion is extremely interesting to talk about with the girls. For example, one participant so eloquently explained her opinion of German immigration politics:

Hillary: Hast du eine Meinung zur Einwanderungspolitik? Feride: Nö. Hillary: Nee, alle die hierher wollen, sollten einfach hierher können?

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Feride: Nein, ich weiß nicht. Eigentlich geb ich hier manchen auch recht, wenn jetzt so viel nach Deutschland kommen, ist ja auch nicht mehr Deutschland. Ist ja dann ein Ausland. Ist auch nicht so, sag ich mal. Aber ohne die Ausländer wäre Deutschland auch nicht so erfolgreich gewesen, sag ich mal jetzt. Hillary: Die haben’s wieder aufgebaut. Feride: Ist aber so. Die Ausländer haben...Deswegen versteh ich manchmal die Politik nicht von den Deutschen.

Hillary: Do you have an opinion on immigration policy? Feride: Nope. Hillary: No, those who want to be here, just should be able to get here? Feride: No, I do not know. Actually, I would give here some also right when so much now come to Germany, is would indeed no longer be Germany. Is yes then a foreign country. Is not that, I'd say. But without the foreigners Germany would not have been so successful, I'd say now. Hillary: They built it again. Feride: But is that way. The foreigners have ... That's why I sometimes do not understand the policy of the Germans.

Redefining the boundaries of German-ness has led new issues with regards to who counts as German in other ways, and how to keep statistics about “foreigners” for discussion. I had the opportunity to attend a statistical symposium about this exact issue, and found that working definitions are not easily defined especially because of the changes in citizenship law that have happened in the last few years.

The current definition of Migrationshintergrund (translation: Migration background) is: alle nach 1949 auf das heutige Gebiet der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Zugewanderten, sowie alle in Deutschland geborenen Ausländer und alle in Deutschland als Deutsche Geborenen mit zumindest einem nach 1949 zugewanderten oder als Ausländer in Deutschland geborenen Elternteil (Statistisches Bundesamt 2005).

all after 1949 to the present territory of the Federal Republic of Germany immigrants, as well as all foreigners born in Germany and all in Germany as a German-born with at least one post-1949 immigrant or born as a foreigner in Germany parent.

Migration background is the current word being used to describe non-ethnically

German citizens and legal aliens within the borders of Germany. But there is a problem

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with counting them. Because of changes to the citizenship law it is much more difficult.

For example, when I was pulling statistics from the official German Statistical Office website, non-citizens are pieced out by country of origin, but citizens are only pieced out by generation in country. This made it very difficult to get a statistical picture of second and third generations of only Turks in Germany. At the statistical symposium I attended, put on by the Statistisches Bundesamt of Berlin with presentations by some of the leading statisticians and scientists working on immigrant issues in Germany, one of the solutions put forth was to try to get at ethnicity, utilizing a question of language in lieu of heritage.

From my research with these girls, heritage seems like it would be an applicable enough term to be able to piece out at least the Turks from the other immigrant groups in

Germany. I wish to briefly discuss 3 of the issues that were brought up in the day-long symposium.

Günter Riening spoke specifically about collecting data on educational and vocational achievement for immigrants in Germany (2012). He found generational differences, in that the third generation of immigrants has better results in the German school system than the total immigrant population. One issue facing immigrants in

Germany is that many have an occupational degrees from another country that is not recognized in Germany. He also noted that it is important for statisticians and others to interpret the data as they are shaped by the definitions defined politically. He gave the example of family language, as one way to get a better picture of the immigrants’ own educational situations. He cautioned that this issue is only going to get more complicated because of the issue of the European-wide census and definitions

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Ulrike Rockman, president of the Statistik Berlin Bund, concentrated on education as well (2012). She sites three risk factors for the difficult chances in school for immigrants: financial status, parents, and acquisition involvement

(Erwerbungsbeteiligung). There is plenty of data to be had with regards to citizenship, naturalization, foreign data, language, and option regulation, but the controversy is that they are not sure how to put it all together when the definitions keep changing. Because of these changing definitions, there are major holes between city, state, & country wide data. These holes are partially a result of the lack of a singular definition, which is desperately needed in order to have a total picture of the children of immigrants.

Rockman specifically mentioned the methodological problem of language development of children in Kindergarten16. In 2010, 19.3% of students in Kitas in all of Germany had a migration background. Rockman painted a methodological conundrum, especially concerning the language reports that Kita teachers are to fill out.

From my own experience of having a foreign child in Kita, I found out that the language evaluations that the teachers are to fill out daily are a significant burden on the teachers. Rockman noted that children with a migration background go to Kita later than

German children (2012). Almost half of the total children with a migration background are living with one of the above mentioned risk factors, with 70.3% of Turkish children having at least one. In the Mitte district of Berlin, where Wedding is located, 10-80% of children have language problems, and they have migration backgrounds from over 100 different countries. Rockman went on to discuss some other counting issues when it came to children with migration background and schooling, and I think it is important to

16 Kindergarten in Germany goes from the age of 3 until children enter the first grade. Kita for short. 229

note here that every overwhelming statistic she quoted about children with migration backgrounds always had an outlier of Turkish children.

Turning to a discussion of the health of immigrants, professor Oliver Razum noted three things that affect their health status besides socio-economic status: difficulties understanding, cultural differences, and facilities’ approaches (2012). Dr. Razum specifically noted that you cannot see health problems in statistics and cautioned the attendees against generalizing. Razum has been part of the children and youth health survey for the last 17 years, and has been able to learn much about the changing health situation of Germany’s immigrant youth. He made a special point to say that because of this longitudinal research, he can say with confidence that the data and situations of immigrant youth are looking up. They are getting better health-wise, and this makes him less pessimistic than he thought he would be.

Finally, related much more to this chapter, Dr. Ansgar Schmitz-Veltin discussed the changes to citizenship law and how it has affected changes in data and data collection

(2012). He noted three major problems from the statistical perspective. First, foreigners and migrants are becoming ever less comparable to each other. While I find the definition of these groups to be entirely problematic, the point is still not lost that comparing these groups is not necessarily comparing similar groups. Second, with the continued heteroization of the population and increased international bonds (speaking here about the European Union), the meaning of migration experience is becoming less prescient. I certainly take issue with that assumption, most especially because of the data collected for this project, but nonetheless that is what he said at the symposium. Third, by examining migrants as one group you lose the diversity of migrants that needs to be

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explored, and we need to avoid the forced unification of these distinctive groups.

Schmitz-Veltin spoke in support of the concept of “Kulturellen Wurzeln” (translation: cultural roots). While I think this might be a helpful term for better understanding experience, I am hesitant to project that concept onto the participants in my research, though they might adopt it for themselves. What Schmitz-Veltin did get absolutely right, is the fact that Germany should begin to accept the fact that the population is only going to get ever more heterogeneous.

These were not the only four speakers at this symposium, and others discussed such issues as immigrant fertility which seems to even out with further generations, the methodological problems with economic theory, and the separation of emotions and migration. They noted the problematic nature of using migration as an umbrella term, though there are similarities between the groups such as risk factors, generational differentiation, and specific context and research questions. I came away from the symposium with a better appreciation for the difficulties of counting and calculating difference within Germany, between citizens, and between migrant groups. The problematic nature of counting “immigrants” and “foreigners” is one that will continue to plague statisticians so long as the definitions keep changing.

Integration

In one historical review of ethnographies in Europe, Silverstein finds a persistent problematization of the immigrant as the object of national integration, especially as it relates to racialized policies (2005). However, this immigrant experience of integration policies has helped to enact solidarity between immigrants across racial, class, and cultural lines. The divergence between national and local level integration policy can be

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explained not only as unsuccessful transposition of broadly formulated policies, but also as a result of divergent logics at the institutional, political, and political theory levels

(Jorgensen 2012). Looking specifically at the situation of Turkish immigrants in Austria, where a thirty-year absence of integration policy action has resulted in educational deficits even among further generations of immigrants, Herzog-Punzenberger concludes that a lack of action on the part of the Austrian government and consistently difficult to navigate bureaucracies are partially to blame for the achievement gap there (2003).

Despite the greater German commitment to integration policies as of late, this article could very easily have been written about Turkish-Germans prior to the prioritization of integration efforts in Berlin and all of Germany. Germany attempted to address such an educational gap through expansion based on demographic changes, but this expansion sadly only led to barriers to further structural assimilation and a widening of the educational gap (Kalter & Granato 2002).

In their review of the literature Alba, Sloan, & Sperling found that children from low-status Turkish immigrant families in Germany lag behind native German children in schools, which could be a result of poor integration, which could also be a product of poor German language skills (2011). Synthesizing research from Germany, Italy,

Germany, and the United States, Cook and Furstenberg found that the German apprenticeship system is under considerable strain due to the increasing market-oriented labor policies of German business (2002). Looking at longitudinal achievement data in

Sweden, Bӧhlmark found that immigrant students have a great disadvantage educationally (2009). Though he is looking specifically at first generation migrants that came to Sweden at an older than ideal language learning age, the same result might be

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relative to Turkish-Germans who do not attend Kindergarten and only speak Turkish until

they enroll in the first grade in Germany.

Figure 2

Did not Graduated Graduated Qualification Still in Graduate grades 5-9 Secondary for advanced school school School technical college

Persons Without Migration Background

Foreigners with own migration experience

Germans with own migration experience

Foreigners without own migration experience

Germans with migration background without own migration experience

0 20 40 60 80 100% (Translated from the German, Statistisches Bundesamt 2012)

Semra: Ja, genau. Ich denke, wenn man nen deutschen Pass hat, wird man hier bevorzugt. Hillary : Bevorzugt? Was bedeutet das? Semra: Also, dass man immer Vorteile hat. Also, man ist im Vorteil. Weil, zum Beispiel, in Unis guckt man auch, also nicht alle Universitäten, aber die meisten gucken auch, welche Staatsangehörigkeit du bist und wenn man sieht dass du eine deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit hast, dann ist es immer viel leichter einen Platz zu bekommen. Hillary: Ja? Semra: Ja. Hillary: Und es hat gar nichts mit Namen zu tun? Semra: Nein. Ich weiß jetzt nicht ganz genau, wer mir das erzählt hatte, aber es gab 2 Schüler die hatten den gleichen Durchschnitt und die eine hatte türkische Nationalität und die andere hat ne deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit und beide waren Türken. Und die haben halt die mit den deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit angenommen, weil die auch begründet haben, dass sie deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit hat. Hillary: Traurig.

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Semra: ja.

Semra: Yes, exactly. I think if you have a German passport, you will be preferred here. Hillary: Preference? What does this mean? Semra: So that you always have advantages. So, one has the advantage. Because, for example, in universities can I watch too, so not all universities, but most look also what nationality you are and when you see that you have a German citizenship, then it is always much easier to get a seat. Hillary: Yes? Semra: Yes. Hillary: And it has nothing to do with the name? Semra: no. I do not now exactly who had told me that, but there were 2 students who had the same average and had a Turkish nationality and the other has ne German nationality and both were Turks. And who shut adopted by the German nationality, because they have also established that she has German nationality. Hillary: Sorry. Semra: yes.

One oft cited reason for the lack of child integration and well-being is parental involvement in school achievement schemas. Driessen, Smit and Smit found that only language and math were positively affected by parental involvement in social institutions, and not well-being (2007). Gonzalez-Ferrer found that the less education an immigrant man in Germany has the greater likelihood that he will import his partner from his country of origin (2006). This finding has major implications for immigration and integration policies, most especially for the educational attainment components of the laws. It should be noted that educational attainment is not always determined by an immigrant’s level of ethnic identity (Nekby, Rӧdin, and Ӧzcan 2009). This is great news for the girls of this study who all primarily identify themselves as Turkish, despite the fact that all but one of them have German passports, and the one exception has applied for hers as well.

Other correlates for educational achievement and integration have also been associated. Pohl found that second generation immigrants’ educational achievement can

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be directly correlated to the father’s education (2006). In addition to parental educational achievement, Von Below found a clear link between the factors of attitude and integration with regard to their under-representation in higher education and professional degrees, concluding that the lower educational chances of Turks cannot be explained by their parents’ qualifications (2007).

This is especially important when considering the likelihood of achievement for the girls in this study that all have seemingly high educational goals for themselves.

It is also important to note, that in some contexts second generation immigrants still must contend with employment exclusion despite educational expansion policies with feelings of discrimination being common (Silberman & Fournier 2008). While these authors contend that this does not hold true for Turkish immigrants in France, I am not sure that the same could be said for second generation Turks in Germany. Still looking at France, Simon found that second generation immigrants follow different mobility paths including reproducing the positions of the first generation, educational attainment to promote mobility, or mobility hindered by discrimination (2003). Despite all of the above evidence to the contrary, children of Turkish immigrants in Germany continue to be the most disadvantaged group among the second generation (Worbs 2003).

Bayram and colleagues found that Turks in Sweden also considered themselves to be Turkish culturally, while living in a “foreign” country (2009). They argue that this is evidence that the Turks in Sweden are not well integrated, preferring instead to stick to their segregated and bounded communities of Turks, despite all Swedish efforts to

“integrate” them. Their working definition of integration leaves much to the imagination, as media consumption and the acceptance of marriage and friendship with native Swedes

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are the major criteria. Of course, the operationalization and working definition of integration is not always the same across the board in measurement of integration, however it is not far off the mark when it comes to the non-defined integration goals of

Germany.

Looking at the integration situation of refugees in the Netherlands, de Vroom and colleagues found that economic participation is positively related to national self- identification, concluding that discrimination is not related to national self-identification thus not supporting the rejection-disidentification model (2011). They do, however, note that country of origin and “visibility” need to be further explored as factors as well. I might argue that refugees, who have been rejected by or chosen to reject their home country for a variety of reasons, might have a very different process of national identification that most likely is not comparable with immigrants, especially with further generations of immigrants born in country. Speaking about Denmark, Nannestad finds that the welfare state weakens integration incentives of immigrants, specifically because of the choice of non-ethnicization of the policies there (2004). Perhaps a more ethnically specific integration policy could help Germany better integrate their immigrants.

Diehl and Schnell scrutinize the assumption that Turkish immigrants compensate for their exclusion and disadvantaged status by holding tightly to Turkish identification and cultural habits, finding also a substantial difference between first and second generations of Turkish immigrants in Germany (2006). What I can say with some degree of certainty, is that teasing apart the origination of the girls’ holding onto Turkish-ness is difficult, given that deciding which came first is not really attainable at adolescence. Do they hold tightly to their Turkish-ness because they are excluded or are they excluded

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because they hold tight to it? I am unable to yet answer this question from my research experience. It should, however, be unsurprising that transmission of parental ties to the home country is greatly affected by socialization at home (Soehl & Waldinger 2012).

Dinesen and Hooghe found that regardless of integration policy, second generation immigrants in Europe tend to adapt to the level of trust of natives in their destination country (2010). Second generation immigrants are more likely to have higher expectations of political institutions, as well as similar political trust and satisfaction scores as native-origin individuals (Maxwell 2010).

Comparing how immigrants in Germany and the United States find their jobs when they change, Drever and Hoffmeister found that nearly half are most likely to find their new employment through social networks, especially the young and less educated, despite the fact that the jobs they found were less likely to lead to improved working conditions as those found through more formal means (2008). Long-settled immigrants are more likely to have similar outcomes to natives with regards to joblessness than recent newcomers (Kesler 2006). Joblessness is however directly related to the probability of return migration in Germany, in addition to having a spouse and children in the home country, while poor health is an indicator of increased likelihood of staying in country for male immigrants (Sander 2007).

Integration

With changes to citizenship law, and naturalization becoming a much more formalized process, integration of migrants has become the topic du jour of political debates. One Turkish-German journalist, Sinan Sat, places the lack of integration of the

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second generation in Germany squarely on the shoulders of the first generation and the policies that they had to contend with at the time of their arrival, noting that:

Die Menschen kamen mit dem Gedanken: Wir kehren eines Tages in die Heimat zurück. Als ihre Kinder geboren wurden und sie merkten, dass es wohl keine Rückkehr geben würde, war es für die erste Generation hӓufig schon zu spӓt, am gesellschaftlichen Leben teilzuhaben. Das ist in meinen Augen das grӧßte Versӓumnis der türkischen Community (Hunecke 2011, pp206).

The people came with the idea: We will return one day back home. When their children were born and they realized that it would probably be no return, it was already really too late for the first generation to participate in the society. This is in my eyes the biggest neglect of the Turkish community (Hunecke 2011, pp206).

Reitz and colleagues found that religiosity of ethnic minorities in Canada greatly affects social integration, as much as ethnic community attachments (2009). Safi and

Jocobs found that the integration of ethnic minorities in France can be better characterized by segmented rather than uniform convergence process models, dependent on the communities in question (2008). Germany faces its own integration challenges, and has been throwing millions of Euros at the problem in the form of language and integration courses for not only incoming immigrants, but also for long-settled immigrants.

Integration was a topic of much interest for the girls to speak about. Despite the fact that Semra’s own mother has attended several German language courses and still does not speak German well enough to work outside the home, Semra still had this to say about the integration of Turks into German life:

Semra: Was ich auch an den Türken schade finde, dass auch – jetzt nicht meine Generation, sondern die Generation davor – dass die nicht so gut die Sprache beherrschen. Weil, wie gesagt, die Sprache ist wirklich sehr wichtig. Weil du lebst in Deutschland und das ist deine Pflicht deutsche Sprache zu beherrschen.

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Semra: What a pity I also about the Turks, that - now not my generation but the generation before - that are not so good with a command of the language. Because, as I said, the language is really very important. Because you live in Germany and this is your duty to master German language.

Feride’s parents, one of whom was born in Turkey and immigrated at a young age and the other of whom was born in Germany, speak excellent German. She compared Turks living in Germany without German to Germans living in Turkey without Turkish language skills:

Feride: Nein, alle haben sich nicht integriert, nicht alle. Hillary: Nee, aber sollen. Feride: Die sollen mal sich integrieren, sollen mal die Sprache lernen. Weil wenn man hier lebt, dann muss man auch die Sprache beherrschen. Ist doch aber so, oder? Wenn du hier seit 10 Jahren lebst, und kannst immer noch nicht die deutsche Sprache, dann hats doch auch keinen Sinn. Es geht genauso, ein Deutsch, wenn er jetzt in die Türkei, wenn man jetzt in die Türkei lebt und seit 10 Jahren kann er immer noch nicht die Sprache, dann das will ich schon. Weil wenn die jetzt so Fragen stellen, dann können die sich gar nicht ausdrücken. Und wenn die schon seit 10 Jahren hier leben, dann müssen die anfangen die Sprache zu beherrschen. Die Sprache, weil ohne Sprache kann man sich nirgendswo kommunizieren, in einem anderen Land. Is voll doof, also ohne die Sprache.

Feride: No, all did not integrate, not all. Hillary: No, but should. Feride: The times are to integrate, to even learn the language. Because if you live here, then you must master the language. But it is yet, right? If you live here for 10 years, and can still not the German language, but also hats no sense. It's just, a German, if he were now in Turkey, if one is now living in Turkey and it can last 10 years still not the language, then I will easily. Because when the now so ask questions, then you can not express yourself the. And if have been living here for ten years, then must begin to master the language. The language because without language you can communicate nowhere, in another country. Is full of goofy, so without knowing the language.

When asked to define integration, Halime came up with this explanation:

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Hillary: Was ist Integration, zum Beispiel? Halime: Also, von seinem Heimatland zu einem anderen Staat zu gehen, heißt man integriert in ein anderes Land. Vielleicht nimmt man auch also, steht im Pass auch, du bist Deutscher. Oder man lebt hier, aber immernoch weiß jeder, dass du von irgendwo anders gekommen bist, dass du integriert bist.

Hillary: What is integration, for example? Halime: So to go from his home country to another country, ie to integrate in another country. Maybe you will too, so, in your passport and you're German. Or you live here, but still, everyone knows that you came from somewhere else that you are integrated.

For Feride, integration and assimilation are two sides of the same coin.

Feride: Nicht der Kultur anpassen, wie sie sich integrieren oder? Hillary: was meinst du? Feride: Ich meine jetzt, ein Beispiel, ich komme aus der Turkei, und lebe in Deutsland. Ich spreche die Sprache. Ich gehe hier in die Schule. Ah so, ich passe mich mit der Kultur an. ich kann dir auch dortseitiges Bespiel gibt. zB ehm, ah so ich hatte ein Mathe Lehrer, zB in der Turkei ist es so, du musst aller grossest ein Geschaeft und sagt du must von 9 bis 9 offnen sein. Dann ist er punklich um 9 Uhr da oder, weil die Kunstschaft da drausen warten. Aber in der Turkei, zB ist es immer so, wenn da 9 Uhr steht, dann machen die 9:30 oder 10 Uhr, aber die Menschen die da leben haben schon daran gewoehnt, und hier wenn man um 10 Uhr verspaetet ist, dann fragen die schon, wo waren die denn, die Offnenzeiten ist um 9 Uhr, dann kommen erstens um 10, was soll denn das, und so. Die moechern et. Und in die Turkei ist es eher so, die kommen dahin und wenn es ist verspaeten, aussen kommen die auch immer spaeter die Leute, aber nicht am punkt 9 da, die kommen erst 9:20… Hier passt uns die Kulture hier an, die Leute sind immer so punklich, die wollen extra kramm, und in der Turkei ist es nicht so. Wir gewoehnen uns, ah so, wir integrieren uns hier. Auch mit der Kultur und so... Hillary:Gibt es auch andere Missverständnisse? Also, mancher Deutsche glauben, die Türken sind so. Feride: Also, das gibts schon. Manche gibts auch voll viel, die sagen „Die Türken sind alle scheiße.“ Zum Beispiel, sag ich mal. Ich hab sowas noch nie erlebt. Es gibt viele Deutsche, die so denken, dass Türken nicht gut sind, es gibt auch viele Deutsche, die denken Türken sind gut. Die haben alle verschiedene Ideen. Es gibts ja so, die wollen ja keine Ausländer haben, manche Deutschen. Es gibt voll viele Deutsche, die wollen irgendwie keine Ausländer haben. Eigentlich geb ich denen auch Recht. Zum Beispiel, guck mal, in der Türkei, wenn jetzt voll viele Nationen aus anderen Ländern in der Türkei, würde ich die eigentlich auch nicht mehr in der Türkei haben wollen. Weil das Land ist dann nicht

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mehr Türkei, das ist dann so Mix, mit anderen Kulturen. Nein, Kulturen ist ja nicht, voll viele Nationen. Zum Beispiel, hier gibts ja voll viele Bulgaren, Zigeuner und so. Das gefällt doch keinem oder? Die bringen ihr Kulturen hierhin…Man muss schon der Kultur anpassen, das würde mich eigentlich auch stören.

Feride : adapt Not the culture as they integrate or ? Hillary : what do you mean ? Feride : I mean now , an example , I come from Turkey , and I live in Deut country. I speak the language. I go to school here. Ah so, I adapt to the culture. I can give you even there side provide examples. eg um, ah so I had a math teacher, for example, in Turkey it is so , you need all the grossest a business and says you must be open 9-9 . Then he is punklich by 9 o’clock as or because the art stem wait out side there. But in Turkey , for example, it is always the case when there is 9 o’clock , then make the 9:30 or 10 o’clock , but living as people have already used to it , and here if you are Delayed by 10 o’clock , then ask already , where were the because that is Offnenzeiten by 9 o’clock, then come, first at 10, what does that , and so on. The moechern etc... And in Turkey it 's more like the get there and if it's late, come outside the ever later the people, but not at the point 9 as coming only 9:20 ... Here we fit the culture here, the people are always so punklich who want an extra Kramm, and in Turkey it is not so. We get used, ah so , we integrate here . Even with the culture and so... Hillary: Are there any other misconceptions? So, many a German think the Turks are like that. Feride: So, that are in existence. Some also there full lot that say "The Turks are all shit." For example, I'd say. I've never experienced something like that. There are many German who think that Turks are not good, there are also many German who think Turks are good. The all have different ideas. It s gives so who want to have yes no foreigners, some Germans. There are many full German who want to somehow have no foreigners. Actually, I'll give them also right. For example, look, in Turkey, if now full many nations from other countries in Turkey, I would actually not want to have in Turkey. Because the country is no longer Turkey, which is then so mix with other cultures. No, cultures do not fully many nations. For example, here you get so full many Bulgarians, Gypsies and such. I like but not right? They bring their cultures here... You have to adapt to the culture that would bother me actually.

In a later interview, Feride explained the way that she thinks Germans want the Turks to assimilate:

Hillary: Ich meine nur, viele Deutsche und Politiker reden von türkischen Mädels als ein Symbol. Feride: Also ein Symbol? Was für ein Symbol? Hillary: ..., dass die Türken nicht anpassen können.

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Feride: Ja, die haben doch so. Die sind so doof. (lacht). Ich mein doch nur so, es gibt doch viel, du hast recht, manche tragen doch Kopftuch oder?! Und das ist bei denen Augen so, halt, die können sich nicht der Kultur anpassen. Bei den Politikern. Weil viele Mädels Kopftuch tragen. Aber würden sich jetzt alle so kurz anziehen, so hier so schick machen. Dann heißt es sofort, ah die haben sich ja total angepasst.

Hillary: I'm just saying a lot of German and Turkish politicians talk of girls as a symbol. Feride: So a symbol? What a symbol? Hillary: ... that the Turks can not adapt. Feride: Yes, who nevertheless. They are so stupid. (laughs). I mean really the only way, there are a lot, you're right, but some wear headscarves or? And that's where eyes so, wait, that can not adapt to the culture. When the politicians. Because many girls wear headscarves. But would now attract all so short, do so here so chic. Then it is immediate, ah who so totally adjusted.

Aydan and Halime echoed Feride’s sentiment about girls who wear headscarves: Aydan: Ja ist doch ist nicht integrieren, ist genau anpassen ja. Hillary: Aber die sagen das Maedchen die ein KT tragen, das ist ein Zeichnis das die die nie integriert sein wird. Halime: Das die nicht in Deutschland anpassen werden. Aydan: Allgemein da bin ich halt. Halime: Oder sind nicht ideal. Hillary: Was ist das? Aydan: So wie es jetzt ist. Hillary: Ja! Hast du eine Meinung dazu. Aydan: Ah so Ja. Hillary: Was wurdest du ihr dann sagen? Aydan: Ich wurd' die gern sagen, wenn sie, wenn sie uns nicht naeher kennnen, dann sollten sie nicht einfach irgendwas sagen was in dem Sinn kommt. Ich meine, die haben von uns sowas gar keine Ahnung. Ich trage mein KT nicht weil meine Eltern mir gesagt haben. Wirklich, sie glauben mich nicht, aber meine Eltern haben mich doch nie darauf angesprochen. zB Man sagte ja, ja wann wirdst du dein KT tragen, das wurde noch nie mein Vater ueberhaupt nicht meine Mutter. Ich war ueberhaupt nie so etwas gefragt. Ich meine die mussen sich selber das ich mich so was halt das ich soweit denken kann, dass ich mich selber nicht entscheiden kann, ob ich das tragen will, kann nicht. Und deshalb, meine Entscheidung mit die KT haben meine Eltern wirklich nichts gefragt, sondern ich habe mich einfach gesagt, ja ich mochte KT tragen, natuerlich haben sie sich gefreut. Aber ich trag es wegen meine Religion, weil ich daran glaube. Nicht weil ich sogar gezwungen war oder irgendwas. Und ich komme so mit meine KT irgendwo integriert..anpassen so. ja.

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Aydan : Yes, but is not integrated , is precisely to adapt yes . Hillary : But who say the girl wearing a KT , which is a rectory that the will never be integrated. Halime : The are not adjust in Germany . Aydan : General because I'm just . Halime : Or are not ideal. Hillary : What is it? Aydan : Just as it is now. Hillary : Yes ! Do you have an opinion about it . Aydan : Ah so yes. Hillary : What you were you say? Aidan : I Wurd ' the like to say , if they if they kennnen us not closer , then they should not simply say anything that comes into his mind. I mean, who of us something no idea . I wear my KT not because my parents have told me . Really, they do not believe me , but my parents have never approached me to it. eg They said yes, so when you wear your wirdst KT , which has never been my father not my mother at all . I was at all never asked such a thing. I mean which must itself I am just so what I can as far as to think that I myself can not decide whether I want to wear this, can not. And therefore , my decision with the KT my parents have really asked nothing , but I have just said , yes , I liked wearing KT , of course, they were happy . But I wear it because of my religion, because I believe it. Not because I was even forced or something. And I 'm so somewhere integrated with my KT .. adjust that. Yes.

I will discuss issues with girls who wear headscarves further in the chapter titled

Expectations, Subjective Well-Being and Problematic encounters.

Does policy affect belonging?

In a challenge to the idea that possession of a nation’s passport does not equal citizenship, Hansen argues that post-nationalist arguments are wholly supported by national variables and thus are untenable (2009). As quoted previously, Semra would agree that a passport is just a passport, and a means to an end for mobility and goal attainment. Looking only at national data as explanatory in the post-nationalist context is not sufficient. I note this here to make the point that I am not suggesting that German variables and contexts are transferrable across boundaries, even within the European

Union.

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For Eser, a passport is just a document to be used and has no real meaning for her self:

Hillary: Und wieso wählst du dann einen deutschen Pass? Eser: Ich glaub, weil ich hier lebe und das hat immer so diese Vorteile. Ich glaube, wenn jetzt ein türkischer Pass mehr Vorteile hätte, dann würd ich einfach diesen Pass haben. Ist ja nur auf Papier, was ich auch letztens gesagt habe. Hillary: Und es gibt kein Teil von dir, der Deutsch ist? Eser: Ja, genau. Wenn zum Beispiel, der holländische Pass besser wär, dann würd ich so einen Pass machen.

Hillary: And why do you choose then a German passport? Eser: I think, because I live here and it has always these benefits. I believe that if now a Turkish passport would have more benefits, then I'd just have this pass. Is only on paper, what I have also said recently. Hillary: And there is no part of you which is German? Eser: Yes, exactly. For example, if the Dutch passport would be better, then I'd make such a pass.

Semra made a point not to ever conflate identity and nationality: Hillary: Sprachweise...dein Identitaet ist..Deutsch? Semra: Deutsch ja. Hillary: Und dann weitere...Weibliche? Semra: Ja, ich bin weiblich. (Laughs) Hillary: Ja, ich auch. Und was noch dazu, in diesem...ja Semra: Ich habe Turkische Nationalitaet Hillary: ja Semra: Um... Hillary: Hast du ein Turkisch Pass? Semra: Um nein, ich hab', hatte vor kurz mein Deutsch Pass bekommen Hillary: Muss man... Semra: ein Antrag stellen, und ja Hillary: Ok, und man darf nicht beides haben? Semra: Nein beides geht nicht, eh so, wenn man zB ab 18-25 entscheidet man sich ob man Deutsch oder Turkisch, ah so, und davor ist es immer so entweder hat man ein Turkish Pass oder ein Deutschen oder auch beides, muss man sich spaeter enscheiden darf. Hillary: Und wie weisst du das? Semra: Uh? Hillary: Du hast dich selber entschieden, oder? Semra: Ja

Hillary: Language wise... your identity is... German? Semra: German yes.

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Hillary: And then another ... Females? Semra: Yes, I'm female. (Laughs) Hillary: Yeah, me too. And what else to this ... yes Semra: I Turkish nationality Hillary: yes Semra: Um ... Hillary: Do you have a Turkish Passport? Semra: To no, I've had to get my passport briefly German Hillary: Do you ... Semra: make a request, and yes Hillary: Ok, and you can not have both? Semra: No two go not, anyway, so if you eg from 18-25 one decides whether German or Turkish, ah so, and before that it is always so either one has a Turkish passport or German, or both, one must may decide later. Hillary: And how do you know that? Semra: Uh? Hillary: You yourself decide, right? Semra: Yes

One Turkish-German author explains his perception of himself with regards to citizenship:

Fühlst du dich mehr als Deutscher oder als Türke? Diese Frage wurde mir oft von meinen deutschen Freunden gestellt. Nie wusste ich auf diese Frage eine kluge Antwort zu geben. Wie fühlt man sich dann als Deutscher oder Türke? Was soll das für ein Gefühl sein, Germane oder Osmane zu sein? Ich weiß es einfach nicht. Kann man eine Nationalitӓt überhaupt fühlen? Vielleicht wӓre es einfachter gewesen, wenn ich gefragt worden wӓre: Was bist du? Die Antwort wӓre: Bis 1992 war ich türkischer Staatsbürger. Danach wurde ich eingebürgert und war fortan Deutscher. Mir ist klar, dass der Pass in meiner Tasche keine Antwort auf die Frage ist, als was ich mich fühle. Der Fragende interessiert sich nicht für meine Staatsangehӧrigkeit. Es geht um mehr (Daimogüler 2011, p30)

Do you feel more than German or a Turk? This question has often been put to me by my German friends. I never knew how to give a clever answer to this question. How then do you feel as a German or Turkish? What's that kind of feeling to be germane or ottoman? I just do not know. Can you feel a Nationalitӓt at all? Maybe it wӓre been einfachter when I wӓre been asked: What are you? The answer wӓre: Until 1992 I was a Turkish citizen. After that I was naturalized and was henceforth German. I realize that the passport in my pocket is not an answer to the question, as what I feel. The questioner is not interested in my Staatsangehӧrigkeit. It's about more (Daimogüler 2011, p30).

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Looking specifically at integration policies, Ersanilli and Sawitri found that they do not affect ethnic identification, though inclusive policies do have a positive impact on identification with immigrant settlement countries (2011). Kastoryano discusses the difficulty in integration policy with regards to religion, specifically noting the difficulty of integrating the minority religion of Islam into the secular liberal European society while simultaneously preserving the principles and ideals of states (2004). While I agree that Germany is a fairly liberal society on many fronts, I believe the ideal of secularity in the German state is greatly misinformed. Germany is a majority Christian country, which makes the assertion that official secularity is preventing integration of Muslim minorities a more complicated issue than Kastoryano pictures. I would argue that established

Christianity within and through the state of Germany is most certainly part of the barrier to integration of the Muslim minority. While religious freedom is part of the German state philosophy and most practices, the state still has a vested interest in restrictions on religion within its boundaries. A couple of examples of this that could be cited are the ban on the call to prayer as requested by the Muslim minority and the only recently lifted ban on the entire church of Scientology. The German government regularly publishes information on what they consider cults and most always restricts their tax-free status.

Martinovic, van Tubergen, and Maas found that immigrants in Canada who arrived at a younger age, for economic reasons, and who lived in and traveled in more ethnically diverse circles are more likely to establish inter-ethnic friendships over time, citing economic, spatial, and cultural integration as factors (2011). Greater contact between immigrants and natives, in the form of friendships, leads to a decreased threat assumption mediating the effects of environment in contexts of higher immigration, such

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as in Germany (McLaren 2003). The ghetto-ization of Turkish-Germans, however it has come about, greatly hinders the formation of friendships between Turks and Germans.

As noted previously, the girls in this study have very few relationships with Germans, beyond their teachers, and this is for a variety of reasons. Not only ghetto-ization is to blame, but also differing cultural expectations, as I explore in the chapter about expectations and subjective well-being.

In the French context, Milewski and Hamel found that Turkish immigrants specifically were more likely to choose a Turkish partner than any other migrant group

(2010). This could be interpreted as a lack of integration and a greater social distance between Turks and the French, but what is the situation in Germany?

Table 7

Marriages between Germans and Foreigners

Marriages 2009 2010 2011 2012

Female German, Male Foreigner 19 167 19 103 18 708 19 337

Male German, Female Foreigner 25 119 24 695 24 803 24 838 Total: 44,286 43,798 43,511 44,175 (https://www.destatis.de/DE/ZahlenFakten/GesellschaftStaat/Bevoelkerung/Eheschliessu ngen/Tabellen/EheschliessungenDeutschAuslaender.html)

One study with Turks in the Netherlands found that greater structural discrimination and greater ethnic group identification can be directly related to less life satisfaction (Verykeyten 2008). As Ates explains:

Sie fühlen sich nicht als Teil dieser Gesellschaft, weil sie night als Teil dieser Gesellschaft angenommen warden und sich auch nicht so wahrnehmen. Damit wird deutlich, dass Integration, wie es so schӧn heißt, keine Einbahnstraße ist. Integration muss von beiden Seiten activ vorangetrieben warden. Beide Seiten müssen aufeinander zugehen, sonst bleibt derjenige, der sich abmüht, um sich zu integrieren, auf halber Strecke stehen. Die andere Hӓlfte des Weges muss der andere gehen. Schließlich will derjenige, der integriert werden soll, das Gefühl

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bekommen, dazuzugehӧren. Weder die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit noch die deutsche Sprache noch das Leben unter Deutschen kann die Integration garantieren, wenn die Mehrheitsgesellschaft nicht integrieren will (Ates 2008, p36).

You do not feel part of this society, because they warden night as part of this society accepted and not perceive so. This makes it clear that integration, as it is so schӧn, no one-way street. Integration must warden driven activ from both sides. Both sides must approach each other, otherwise it will remain the one who struggles to integrate, stand halfway. The other Hӓlfte the path must go the other. Finally, will the one who is to be integrated to get the feeling dazuzugehӧren. Neither the German nor the Staatsangehӧrigkeit German language still living among Germans can guarantee the integration, if the majority of society does not want to integrate (Ates 2008, p36).

Ates also emphasizes that there is no consensus what exactly is meant by integration in

Germany, and that is a situation that needs to be politically rectified. She is also skeptical of the political process of integration discussions noting that:

Wenn urdeutsche PolitikerInnen ‘Integration’ sagen, meinen viele von ihnen damit ‘Assimilation’. Ayșe in Deutschland lebend, will aber nicht Anja werden, den zu ihrer Persӧnlichkeit und Identitӓt gehӧren beide Kulturen (2008, pp37).

If old German politicians 'Integration' say many think of them so that 'assimilation'. Ayşe but living in Germany does not want to Anja, that their Persӧnlichkeit and Identitӓt gehӧren both cultures (2008, pp37).

Others note that it doesn’t matter what the process is actually named, it needs to happen, and happen as soon as possible.

Das kleinste Problem, das wir haben, scheint zu sein, welchen Namen wir diesem Prozess geben. Ob wir dieses ‘Einander-Nӓherkommen’ Integration, Assimilation oder wie auch immer nennen, ist vӧllig unerheblich. Wichtig ist nur, dass wir diesen Prozess endlich in Gang setzen und alles tun, um ihn erfolgreich abzuschließen. Wie weit die Menschen dabei gehen, wie nah sie sich kommen, hӓngt ja ohnehin von den einzelnen Individuen ab (Boro 2008, pp75).

The smallest problem we have seems to be what name we give to this process. Whether we this ‘come closer to each other' integration, assimilation or whatever name is vӧllig irrelevant. The important thing is

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that we finally put this process in motion and do anything to make him complete it successfully. How far do people in how close they come to hӓngt anyway by the individuals from (Boro 2008, PP75).

From the political perspective, Cem Ӧzdemir, arguably the most famous Turkish-German politician in the country, believes that essentialism in the face of the integration debate is an absolute mistake.

Diese Essentialisierung von Kultur aund Identitӓt und die Konstruktuion eines vermeintlich unverӓnderlichen Wesens habe mich in deregrtiodeate geradeauch vor e Hintegrund der deutschen Geschichte immer wieder irritiert. Es würde die ӧffentliche Debatteedenfalls voranbringen, wenn die Heterogenitӓt der türkischen oder muslimischen Bevӧlkerungsgruppe zumindes mitgedacht und lebensweltliche Realitӓten durch Pauschalisierung nicht immer wieder ignoriert werden würden (Ӧzdemir 2011, pp25).

This essentializing of culture aund Identitӓt and Konstruktuion a supposedly being unverӓnderlichen have irritated me in deregrtiodeate just before e Piped German history again and again. It would advance the debate ӧffentliche Eden Falls, when the Heterogenitӓt of Turkish or Muslim Bevӧlkerungsgruppe zumindes thought along and lifeworld Realitӓten would be ignored by generalization does not always (Ӧzdemir 2011, PP25).

Conclusion

This chapter has explored the theoretical discussions surrounding immigration and the boundaries of the “other” in cultural context. Policy with regards to adolescence and citizenship was also explored. I briefly outlined the current German citizenship law, and turned to the problematic nature of statistical representation of immigrants and people with a migration background in Germany. I’ve shared here some of the opinions of my research participants with regards to passport possession, citizenship and integration, as well as some older Turkish-German authors’ conceptualization of integration within the boundaries of Germany. I ended the chapter with a brief nod to multi-culturalism in Germany.

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I wish to share here a few concluding thoughts with regard to citizenship, counting and integration in Germany. German citizenship law has been significantly reformed in the last fifteen years, and the girls of this study are some of the first benefits of these reforms. Despite holding (or in the process of acquiring) a German passport and citizenship, these girls still do not think of themselves as part of Germany which I explore in the chapter on Identity and Representation. While counting immigrants and those with an immigrant background might currently seem extremely important to the group of statisticians at the symposium, I found myself wondering if the same type of conversation would have been possible in the American context. For example if educational achievement evens out by the third generation, is it really necessary to keep building out the data for those with a “migration background.” Similarly, the focus of the integration debate needs to be questioned as well, especially in the face of the increasing heterogeneity of the German population. The girls in this study, though not completely representative, still help elucidate one of the most precient points in these various arguments. Namely, a passport is just a document and it really has no bearing on feelings of belonging. An acceptable definition of integration needs to be found through consensus, lest assimilation become the default ideal. Finally, where do these girls, who by their own definition practice bicultural citizenship belonging politically to Germany but culturally to Turkey, fit into these various debates?

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German Quote: "Heimat ist kein Ort, Heimat ist ein Gefühl!" - Herbert Grönemeyer

Vatan bir yer degil, bir deygundur.

Homeland is not a place. Homeland is a feeling.

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Chapter 8: Identity & Representation

Introduction

This chapter will discuss the identity of the girls in this study as they conferred it during our time together, and the ways in which they represent themselves. Beginning with a brief overview of theories of identity and self, I will then delve into the contexualized identity of these girls as they view themselves. I will touch on theories of hybrid and performative identity which both were touched on by the girls’ approaches to themselves during our interviews and in participant observation. The idea of racialization will also be discussed with a view to other-ization that these girls experience in the place that they were born, and I will discuss possible protective factors that the girls in this study experience that others might not have in their lives of difference from the majority.

Finally, I will discuss practical and artistic representation with regard to how these girls view their projected internal selves. I will discuss a relevant art exhibition that I had the chance to visit while in Berlin, and how it relates to my observations and findings in this study. By the end of this chapter, the reader should have a better idea of how these girls think of their own identities and how they represent themselves.

Ewing proposes that we as ethnographers must attend to transference and countertransference, allusion and intertexuality, and linguistic phenomena such as pronoun shifts in order for our writing to be richer and a better explanatory device to demonstrate how cultural practices are enacted through and with the anthropologist

(2006). This has certainly been in my mind as an ethnographer during the entire process of my research project with these adolescent girls. Being able to untangle the

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complicated concept of identity from the interviews I was able to conduct was not always easy, though it certainly had its rewards, as I hope will be evidenced in this chapter.

Immigration, mental illness, and identity have been the focus of much inquiry.

Kathy Ewing has focused her work on identity development processes in Turkish immigrants in Germany (i.e. 2005). Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco have similarly looked at Mexican adolescent immigrants through the second generation in the United

States (2001). This focus on immigration reiterates the conceptualization that the greatest risk factor for mental illness is social disruption (Desjarlais 1995).

As discussed previously, identity negotiation is one of the most important issues for adolescents, so it is an easy fit to look at identity negotiation in an adolescent group that has gone or is undergoing a great amount of stress and change such as immigrant adolescents.

Theory

“Social practice theory insists that we somehow understand how social phenomena are simultaneously phenomena of the person and vice versa” and are also able to view “persons as sites of subjectivity and agency (Holland & Leander 2004,

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pp137). This interweaving of the individual and social is exactly what I attempt to explicate through this research. As noted previously, several of the girls discuss having separate selves in separate situations. Sokefield argues that in order to analyze situational identity negotiation, we need to start from the viewpoint that the self is capable of negotiating and managing multiple identities and endowed with reflexivity and agency

(1999). He also argues that a reconceptualization of identity under the conditions of intersectionality, multiplicity, and difference must follow from the approach of dual hermeneutics (2001).

In discussing mediteranean identities in a northern European setting, it would be remiss to not at least discuss the bounded versus unbounded self conceptualizations.

Spiro argues that Geertz’s Western/non-Western unbounded/bounded self- conceptualization is a false dichotomy and that Markus & Kitayama’s incorporation of others into the non-Western self-conceptualization is also false (1993). This raises a good point in that a more nuanced and multifarious interpretation of self-conceptualization could be more useful for interpretation. Elsewhere, I find Gaines theory of the indexical self versus referential self to be especially useful when considering the chasm between German and Turkish ideals and notions of self, though the reconciliation of both these types of selves seems to me what these girls are attempting in their bicultural environment (Gaines 1992a & 1992b).

Anderson finds that kids from bicultural familys have a hybrid identity (1999), while Schiff finds that Arab students navigating multiple identities in Jerusalem do not voice a single point of view through their identity narratives (2002). Social relationships are essential to understanding identity stories as they shape self-identifications in identity

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narratives. Lastly, Schiff argues that policy has the potential to shape identity through equalizing power relations (2002). As I discuss in the citizenship and integration chapter, policy is not always the great equalizer, especially in terms of identity.

Further identity theory has contructed a different and related picture of the concept. Some view identity as performative, as an activity rather than a state of being

(Astuti 1995). Others have discussed context-based identity as an extension of the community of practice (Bucholtz 1999). In all cultures people project multiple and inconsistent self-representations that are contextually dependent and rapidly shifting

(deVos & Suarez-Orozco 1990). But, as Ewing notes:

it is important to distinguish the analytical models we develop to explain how individuals manage and negotiate multiple identities from the specific images and metaphors they use to articulate their negotiations and experiences (1991, p266).

Responding to Ewing, Murray cautions that we remember that “western identity” is also a mutable concept (1993).

The Contextual self is created (read: performed) through language (Koven 1998).

Though contexualized language use was certainly an issue that we discussed, the use of

Turkish and/or German in a situation and the ease with which they moved between the languages on a daily basis, suggest to me a bicultural frame which they navigate and thus perform within.

Halime: Mit meine Mutter rede ich Turkisch, mein Vater eigentlich auch, einige Woerter sag ich schon Deutsch auf Deutsch, weil ich (laughs) ich weiss nicht. Keine Ahnung, es ist eigentlich automatisch. Einige Wӧrter weiss ich auch nicht wie die auf Turkisch heissen, und manchmal nicht...mit mein klein Schwester rede ich nur Deutsch. Mein klein Schwester redet irgendwie kein Turkisch. Uhh, mit mein grosse Schwester rede ich Aydan: Deukisch

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Halime: Gemischt. Mit ihr rede ich Deutch, Turkisch, manchmal Englisch, so gar einige Woerter kommen so auf Englisch, rede ich auch mit ihr manchmal Franzӧsich, keine Ahnung, immer so gemischt.

Halime: With my mother I speak Turkish, my father actually, some words I say even German in German, because I (laughs) I do not know. No idea, it's actually automatically. Some words I also do not like those that are on Turkish, and sometimes not ... with my little sister I speak only German. My little sister somehow persuaded not Turkish. Uhh, with my big sister I'm talking about Aydan: Deukisch Halime: Mixed. With it, I'm talking German (Deutsch), Turkish, sometimes English, so even some words are so in English, I talk with her sometimes Franzӧsich, no idea, always so mixed.

As we see in this quote from Halime and Aydan, situational and mixed language use is something that these girls do without even thinking about it. When I asked them to explain when and where they speak each language, all of the participants had to think about it before they answered and could not always explain why. Most of them were not cognizant of when they were switching languages, though could explain which language they spoke with whom. This performative aspect of their identity is automatic, which is not surprising. What is also not surprising is that they conceptualize themselves as projecting two separate identities depending on place, not on language.

Hillary: wo fuehlst du mehr Wohl? Gleich, eh so? Aydan: um, ich weiss nicht. Ich will auch eigentilich. Halime: Es ist ja so, wenn man dorthin eingeht, ist man eine anderes ich, und wenn ich hier bin, bin ich ein anderes ich. Hillary: Was meinst du damit? Aydan: Man ist dort ein andere Mensch und hier ein andere. Wir selber veraendern uns Halime: So, 2 verschiedene Welten kann man so sagen. Hillary: und du passt zu beide oder? Halime: Ja Hillary: Aber du hast gesagt, du aenderst dich Halime: Ja Hillary: Wie? Halime: Wie? Hillary: Du benimmst dich anders oder

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Aydan: Ja Halime: Nein Aydan: Doch schon Halime: Na ja, schon wirklich, aber hier habt man Freunde, in der Turkei habe ich zB keine Freunde ausser meine Kousinne oder Kousans. Ja, ah so, keine Ahnung, ich weiss auch nicht. Irgendwie anders, man kann das irgendwie nicht beschreiben. Hillary Du kannst es nicht beschreiben? Halime & Aydan: Nein.

Hillary: Where do you feel better? The same or? Aydan: Um, I don’t know. I also really. Halime: It’s yeah so, when you go there, one is a different I, and when I’m here, I am another I. Hillary: What do you mean by that? Aydan: One is a different person there and here another. We change ourselves. Halime: So, you could say two different worlds. Hillary: and you fit in both or? Halime: Yes. Hillary: But you said, you change yourself. Halime: Yes. Hillary: How? Halime: How? Hillary: You behave differently or? Aydan: Yes. Halime: No. Aydan: Ach, already. Halime: Na yes, really, but here you have friends, for example in Turkey I don’t know any friends outside of my cousins. Yeah, ah so, no idea, I don’t know either. Somehow different, you cannot describe it. Hillary: You cannot describe it? Halime & Aydan: No.

Race and ethnicity are two parts of identity that can be controversial and conflated as well. Racialization (the process of ascribing physical and cultural differences to individuals and groups) and the concept has changed from the initial meaning in the late

19th Century, emerging now in debates about racism despite being pushed to the periphery (Barot & Bird 2001). Racialization deserves more social science attention.

Turning to the immigrant context, Phinney & Flores explore the roles of ethnic retention

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and mainstream cultural involvement of first, second, and third generation immigrants on their traditional sex role attitudes, finding that education, language use, gender, and intra/inter-cultural friendships were not predictive across the board (2002). Exploring hegemony in Brazil, Tsuda finds that immigration does not necessarily subvert the hegemonic dominance of the nation-state over individual consciousness, through the example of Japanese-Brazilians who continue to feel exclusion both in Brazil and in

Japan (1999). This racialization of the other and distinguishment between ethnicities is apparent to them even in their daily lives. They recognize the “other” right away.

Semra: Doch, das fällt sofort auf, wer Araber ist, wer Türke ist.... aber weil wir zuviel Kontakt haben, bestimmt deswegen. Ich hab ja türkische, araber, deutsche Freunde, und da kann ich unterscheiden, ja.

Semra: Yes, it is immediately apparent who is Arab, who is a Turk .... but because we have too much contact, that’s absolutely why. I have plenty of Turkish, Arabian, German friends, and I can distinguish, yes.

Eser was quick to point out that she didn’t necessarily always get recognized as a Turkish girl. While speaking about problematic encounters, she noted:

Hillary: Paar schlechte, paar gute. Das ist normal. Aber keine Ras... Eser: Manche Schüler sagen zu manchen Lehrern, sie ist voll rassistisch. Aber ich weiß nicht, ich rede nicht in der Schule darüber. Hillary: Hast du sowas erlebt aber, dass jemand gegen dich ist, weil du Türken bist? Eser: Nein, weil niemand merkt immer, was ich bin. Hillary: Nee? Was sagen die denn? Haste mir gesagt, sag es nochmal. Eser: Die sagen manchmal Deutsche, manchmal Polin. Hillary: Jaaa? Ne, Polin seh ich nicht.

Hillary: Couple bad, some good. This is normal. But there was no rac... Eser: Some students say to some teachers, it is full racist. But I do not know I do not talk at school about it. Hillary: Have you experienced but something that someone is against you, because you are Turkish? Eser: No, because no one recognizes always what I am. Hillary: No? What say you? You told me, say it again. Ezer: The sometimes say German, sometimes Polish.

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Hillary: Yeah? No, I do not see Polish.

Later on, Eser articulated the separateness of her identities, one as official on paper and the other that feels in her heart:

Hillary: Was hat Staatsangehörigkeit mit Identität zu tun? Eser: Identität? Hillary: Ein Teil von dir? Eser: ich find eigentlich nicht, weil, das ist ja nur was, was auf Papier ist, finde ich. Hillary: Und Identität ist was? Eser: Was ich selbst bin. Ja, also, zum Beispiel, ich sag mal jetzt Türkin, aber mein Pass sagt, dass ich Deutsch bin. Und ich finde, dass es eigentlich nur auf Papier so ist. Ich weiß nicht, ich seh mich eigentlich nie als Deutsche. Obwohl ich hier lebe. Hillary: Aber dann bist du Türkin? Eser: Ja, mit deutschem Pass. Hillary: Aber, dann bist du eine echte Türkin? Eser: eine echte? Hillary: Sagen wir auf „are you a real turkish girl“ Eser: Ja, ich bin eigentlich nicht so eine, die so sagt „Ja, ich bin Türkin“. Also, es gibt ja solche, die so´ne Fanatiker sind, sag ich mal. Hillary: Fanatiker? Was für Fanatiker gibt es? Eser: Ja, es gibt doch so ne...also ich sag mal, stolze Türken. Weil ich finde, also, das hat jetzt auch wieder mit dem Islam zu tun, dass unser Prophet Mohammed gesagt hat, also, man soll nicht auf etwas stolz sein, was du selbst gar nicht entscheiden darfst. Also, ich könnte genauso eine Araberin sein oder eine Deutsche sein. Wieso soll ich dann stolz darauf sein? Ich hab doch gar nichts gemacht. Man ist ja auf eine Sache stolz, wenn man etwas gut macht. Da is man stolz zum Beispiel auf sich.

Hillary: What does nationality have to do with identity? Eser: Identity? Hillary: A part of you? Eser: I actually do not find, because that 's just what what is on paper , I think. Hillary: And what is identity? Eser: What I am myself. Yeah, so, for example, I'd say now Turkish woman, but my passport says I 'm German. And I find that it's actually only on paper is so. I do not know, I never really see myself as a German . Even though I live here. Hillary: But then you're a Turk? Eser: Yes, with a German passport . Hillary: But, you're a real Turk? Eser: a real?

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Hillary: Let's put on "are you a real turkish girl" Eser: Yes, I 'm actually not that one that says "Yes, I am a Turk." So, there are those that are such a fanatic, I'd say . Hillary: fanatic? What fanatics are there? Eser: Yes, there are so a... So I'd say, proud Turks. Because I think, therefore, that has now again to do with Islam that our Prophet Muhammad said, so one should not be proud of something, what you yourself do not have permission to decide. So, I might as well be an Arab or a German. Why should I be proud? I did not do anything yet. One is on one thing proud, when you do something good. Since man is proud, for example, to yourself .

Pride in a country is not at all part of identity for Eser, and she wholly rejects any choice to be proud of something that she hasn’t done or chosen for herself based on the teachings of Islam.

Feride’s opinion of the relationship between citizenship and identity was easy for her to explain: Feride: Ja, auch wenns nur Deutsch ist. Ich sehs ja voll viel. Die haben nur eine deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit aber sind immer noch für dings. Heißt ja nicht, dass man dann immer einfach Türkisch oder so ist. Da ist man doch immer dings. Heißt doch nicht, dass man Deutsch ist, man ist immernoch Türkisch. Hillary: Und ich wäre auch immer noch Amerikanisch. Feride: Ist doch aber so, wenn du jetzt einen türkischen Pass hättest, würdest du dich als Türke fühlen? Nee. Glaubs mir.

Feride: Yes, even if it is only German. I see it so full a lot. They only have a German nationality but are still for recently. Does not mean that one is then always easy Turkish or so. Since it's always however. It does not mean that one is German, one is still Turkish. Hillary: And I would also still be American. Feride: but but, it is now that if you had a Turkish passport, you would feel as a Turk? Nee. Believe me.

Turning to their identities, Hanife was hesitant to say that she was at all German, though she relinquished in the end.

Hillary: Bist du irgendwie ein deutsches Mädchen? In irgendeine ??? Hanife: Eigentlich, einerseits, Hillary: Weil du kannst perfekt Deutsch sprechen, du wohnst doch hier in Berlin. Bist du irgendein kleines Teil Deutsch?

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Hanife: Eigentlich schon, ich bin schon eben viel mehr Deutsch als...also mit mein Verhalten, meiner Religion, mit der Sicht, was ich tue, mit solchen Sachen, bin ich eine Türkin. Also, mehr als 50%. Und die andere Hälfte ist irgendwie auch so ein bißchen so Deutsch.

Hillary: Are you at all kind of a German girl? In any sort of…? Hanife: Actually, on the one hand, Hillary: Because you can speak perfect German, you live but here in Berlin. Do you have any little part German? Hanife: Actually, yes, I'm just a lot more German than ... So with my behavior, my religion, with the point of view, what I do with such things, I am a Turk. Thus, more than 50%. And the other half is somehow so a bit like German.

Possible protective factors

Despite the considerable daily struggles these girls face because they are Turkish

(as discussed in the chapter on problematic encounters), the girls in this study have some protective factors that surely help them to keep their heads on straight and keep moving in the direction of their goals. Each and every one of them had a quick answer when I asked them where they would turn for help if they needed it. These excerpts from my interviews show exactly what kind of support these girls have that might help prevent them from having conflicted identities, as has been suggestive of the relationship between identity conflict and depression. Religion, supportive families, community support access, and more all help these girls deal with the daily hassles of being a minority in

Berlin.

Hillary: Wen würdest du fragen? Wenn du Hilfe brauchst. Eser: Achso, meine Mutter, meine Schwester und meine beste Freundin.

Hillary: Who would you ask? If you needed help. Eser: Ah so, my mother, my sister and my best girlfriend.

Many of them turn to their religion when they needed help.

Hillary: Und ist Religion ein ganz großer Teil deines Lebens? Eser: Also, ist eigentlich für mich das Einzige, also das Größte.

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Hillary: And is religion a really big part of your life? Eser: Ah so, for me it is really the only, ah so the biggest.

And also Hanife: Hanife: Uhm... ah so mein Identitaet is das Islam, meine Religion, und ja vor allem eben mein Glauben, an dem Islam und auch am...das bin ich eben. Ich bin ein Muslimisiches Maedchen, was an Gott glaubt, ein Glauben hat und darum fest gebunden ist. Es ist fest jezt, ich laufe jetzt nicht los. Ja. Ah sonst, ja, das ist meine Identitaet. Hillary: Ja, und auch ah so, das ist ein Teil davon. Hanife: Ja ein Teil davon. Hillary: Das ist die wichtigste Teil meinst du. Hanife: Ja. Hillary: Ah so, was fuer andere Teile gibt es? Hanife: Es gibt noch das ich ebend, ah so, eine Turkin bin, das ist noch sehr wichtig. Hillary: Uh hmmm. Hanife: Turker zu sein, daran fest zu halten und nicht zu sagen ok ich lebe jetzt hier in Deutschland,

Hanife: Uhm ... ah so my identity is Islam, my religion, and yes, especially my belief in Islam and also am .. I am. I am a muslim girl who believes in God, has a faith, and is therefore tightly bound. It is to be grants, now I do not run off. Yes. Ah else, yes, that is my identity. Hillary: Yes, and ah so that's part of it. Hanife: Yes part of it. Hillary: This is the most important part do you mean Hanife: Yes. Hillary: Ah so, what for other parts are there? Hanife: There are I-loving, ah so, am a Turkish girl, which is still very important. Hillary: Uh hmmm. Hanife: to be Turk, because to hold and not to say ok I am now living here in Germany,

Semra also echoed the turn to religion for help, plus another approach.

Hillary: Ja, und wie, was machst du gegen den Stress? Semra: Gegen den Stress? Bei mir ist es so das ich zu viel nasche Suessigkeiten, zB den ____ da habe ich meinen Kaffee, dan viel zu naschen, ja mehr auch nicht. Hillary: Ja. Semra: Oder beten ist auch sehr wichtig fuer mich, weil durch das Beten habe ich mehr sebst vertrauen, und da fuehle ich mich wohler. Es gibt ja

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auch in Islam, einzelnde Suche sagt man das in Koran, die die auch Helfen so zu sagen, vor dem Proefung, von Zeit lesen, und ja

Hillary: Yes, and how, what do you do against stress? Semra: Against stress? For me, I eat too many sweets, for example the __name of a sweet__ there I have it with my coffee, then snack too much, nothing else. Hillary: Yes. Semra: Or praying is also very important for me, because through prayer I have more self understanding, and then I feel more well. In Islam there is also, certain searches it says in the Koran, that will help you also so to say, before an exam, from time reading, and yeah.

Halime most often turns to her Family where she feels safe, and friends like Aydan:

Hillary: Mit wem? Mit wem redest du dann? Halime: Ich denke meine Schwester. Na ja, einige Sachen erzaehle ich schon meinem Vater, ah so, was eh so, wenn etwas mit diese Auslaender irgendwie so was, das erzaehl ich schon meinem Vater so was, aber... Hillary: Ja, und was sagt er dazu? Halime: Nichts. Er weisst ja auch ganz nicht, weil ihm auch schon passiert im Alltag. Hillary: Ja. (the waiter comes to take everything...) Mit wem redest du denn, wenn du solche einige... Aydan: Wie jetzt, ueber Auslaender? Hillary: Ja. Aydan: Mit kein. Hillary: Mit keine Auch Freunden nicht? Aydan: Ah so, wenn es schon etwas Ernst ist, so das etwas mich beleidigt was werde, dann schon mit Freunden denk ich mal, aber sonst nehm ich mich gar nicht so im Ernst. Ah so, ist mir egal.

Hillary: With whom? With whom are you talking about then? Halime: I think my sister. Well, some things I already tell my father, ah so what anyway so if anything with these foreigners anyway so what, I'll tell my father already so what, but ... Hillary: Yes, and what he says? Halime: Nothing. He knowest not quite, because it also happened in everyday life. Hillary: Yes. (the waiter comes to take everything ...) With whom are you talking about, if you such, some ... Aydan: How now, about foreigners? Hillary: Yes. Aydan: With no. Hillary: Even With no friends not?

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Aydan: Ah so if there is something serious, so that something offended me what will, then with friends already I think sometimes, but otherwise I'll take myself not so seriously. Ah so, I do not care.

Feride’s family is always there for her:

Feride: Ich bin stolz, dass ich sehr gute Eltern hab. Hillary: Ja? Feride: Ja. Ohne deren Unterstützung und Liebe wäre ich auch nicht so.

Feride: I’m proud that I have very good parents. Hillary: Yes? Feride: Yes, without their support and love I would not be as I am now.

And Aydan prefers her friends:

Aydan: Al so, wenn ich ein Problem hat, dann rede ich eigentlich mit meine beste Freunde oder rede ich mit meine engen Freundenheit, oder auch manchmal mit meine Mutter.

Aydan: Ah, so if I have a problem, than I typically talk to my best friend or talk with my own friend, or also sometimes with my mother.

Representation

In her book about Turks in Germany, Mandel cautions that:

This vision of a monolithic Muslim group has prevented a more nuanced understanding of the heterogeneous constitution of these ‘outsiders’ and, indeed, of Islam in general (2008, pp13).

I directly asked the girls the ways in which they are falsely perceived from their perspective. Eser was articulates several misunderstandings of Islam and

Turkish-German girls in Berlin that she feels are important for understanding:

Hillary: Was glauben die Leute, was falsch ist? Eser: Ich finde zum Beispiel also öfters denkt man doch, dass die Frau gezwungen wird ein Kopftuch zu tragen. Obwohl auch im Koran steht, dass die Frau nicht dazu gezwungen werden darf. Obwohl, wenn sie es trägt, dann trägt sie es selbst. Es ist eine Pflicht, aber wenn sie es nicht tut, dann wird sie später halt dafür bestraft. Ja, oder auch...ich weiß nicht, allgemein. Ich hatte so ein Heft, da stand, dass die Frau eigentlich sehr wichtig im Islam ist. Und dass auch bei der Familie, dass die Frau auch das Sagen hat. Also, man stellt das ja immer so da, als ob der Mann

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immer über alles entscheidet. Ja, auch halt diese Zwangsheirat, dass eine Frau gezwungen wird. Gibts auch nicht. Hillary: Gibts gar nicht? Eser: Im Islam gar nicht. Nein, also in der türkischen Kultur gibt es ja, also früher. Aber das hat gar nichts mit dem Islam zu tun. Im Islam ist es auch so, dass die Frau selbst sagen muss, ja ich will diese Person heiraten.

Hillary: What do people believe that is wrong? Eser: I find, for example, so often you might think, however, that the woman is forced to wear a headscarf. Although the Qur'an is that the woman should not be forced to. Although, if she wears it, she wears it for herself. It is a duty, but if it does not, then it will stop later punished for it. Yes, but also ... I do not know in general. I had such an issue, as was clear that the woman is actually very important in Islam. And that even with the family that the woman has the final say. So, one is the always so because, as if the man always decides on everything. Yes, even just this forced marriage, a woman is forced. Does not. Hillary: Is there not? Eser: In Islam, not at all. No, that is in Turkish culture, there are so, so earlier. But that has nothing to do with Islam. In Islam, it is also true that the woman must tell yourself, yes I will marry that person.

She is also adamant that Turkish culture and Islam are not the same thing:

Hillary: vergleicht man immer Islam mit türkischer Kultur? Eser: Ja, immer, finde ich. Hillary: Also, das is ein Missverständnis. Eser: ja, ich find, dass ist das größte Missverständnis. Hillary: Das der Islam ein Teil türkischer Kultur ist? Eser: Ja, zum Beispiel, es gibt ja immer diese Ehrenmorde. Zum Beispiel, das gibt es vielleicht in dieser türkischen Kultur, aber das hat gar nichts mit dem Islam zu tun. Und wenn mal so was gemacht wird, dann sagt man immer gleich, das hat mit dem Islam zu tun. Obwohl im Islam darf man gar keinen Menschen umbringen – wenns halt jetzt nicht im Krieg ist.

Hillary: comparing Islam always with Turkish culture? Eser: Yes, always, I think. Hillary: So, this is a misunderstanding. Eser: yes, I find that is the biggest misconception. Hillary: The Islam is a part of Turkish culture? Eser: Yes, for example, there have always been these honor killings. For example, it is perhaps in this Turkish culture, but that has nothing to do with Islam. And if something like that is done, then they say always the same, that has to do with Islam. Although in Islam must be killed no people – when just now is not at war.

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Further misunderstandings of of the relationship between Islam and Turkish culture abounded.

One that stood out in my mind was the practice of Zwangsheiraten (forced marriages).

Eser: Also, öfters verbinden die auch immer diese Zwangsheiraten immer mit dem Islam. Aber es ist eigentlich gar nicht so im Islam. Ich weiß nicht, dann werd ich immer ein bißchen so traurig, weil die immer den Islam so falsch darstellen. Weil im Islam, ist auch eigentlich so, dass der Vater darf nicht mal die Frau zwingen. Also, im Islam stehts eigentlich so, dass die Frau selbst entscheiden darf, wen sie heiratet. Aber soll gläubig sein, also...

Eser: So, often also getting these forced marriages always associate with Islam. But it is actually not so in Islam. I do not know, I'll always be a little sad, because Islam always represent so wrong. Because in Islam, is actually so that the father can not even force the woman. So, in Islam it states actually so that the woman can decide for themselves whom she marries. But to be a believer, so ...

In her longitudinal ethnography of Turks in Germany, Mandel notes that

“ethnicization is a process in all instances, a mutually entailing, mimetic play of mirrors”

(2008, p21). Through this back and forth mirroring, identity can be reconstructed through the lens of the distorted reflection from the “other” mirror. This ethnicization of identity is certainly represented through these girls’ narratives of identity and construction of themselves. Their constitution of self is influenced by the way that Turks are perceived within Germany, and they are simultaneously able to reject these assumptions while constructing their own bicultural identity. What is particular to the

German situation, as Mandel notes “the labels, treatment, and concept of Auslӓnder and

‘Turk’ frequently are used synonymously and interchangeably (2008, p93). Mandel even compares dual identities with the American immigrant/minority experience:

They are experimenting with identities, a process that in other countries might not be particularly problematic. For example, in the United States, presumably they would be incorporated ideally, into the millions of what

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once were called ‘hyphenated’ Americans, their ‘ethnic’ identity accepted unquestionably in the inventory of admittedly taxonomically disparate groups such as Greek Americans, Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, Jewish Americans. But in Germany rather than being permitted an ostensibly equalizing symbolic hyphen, they all too often are seen as a separate nationality, outside the margins of social acceptability (2008, pp180).

Being so often described as foreign makes for a very difficult hyphenated ideal for these girls. Turkish-German is the way that they are most often described in the literature, but that is not a term that they apply to themselves.

Hillary: Aber würdest du dich selber türkisch-deutsch nennen? Eser: Nein. Hillary: Nur türkisch? Eser: Nur türkisch!

Hillary: But would you call yourself Turkish-German Eser: No. Hillary: Only Turkish? Eser: Only Turkish.

Aydan asserted that she never could describe herself as German:

Hillary: Und du fuehlst dich so als Turkin. Aydan: Ja Hillary: Ja? Du wurdest nie sagen echt Deutscher? Aydan: uh uh. Hillary: Warum? Aydan: Ich weiss nicht, al so... Wenn ich jetzt zB ein paar Deutschen so ansitze und mich mit andere Turken vergleichen, ich mein...Das ist diese Turksichen Welten deshalb, ich kann mich so nie als Deutschen halten

Hillary: And you feel as if Turkish girl. Aydan: Yes Hillary: Yes? You never wast say really German? Aydan: uh uh. Hillary: Why? Aidan: I do not know, so al ... If I, for example, a couple of Germans as residences and compare myself to other Turks, I that's why these Turkish worlds, I can never keep my ... I'm so than Germans

In a separate interview, she mentions the location specificity of her identity:

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Aydan: Uhm, al so, wenn ich in der Turkei bin fuehle ich mich so halt schon irgendwie anders al so auch so als Besucher bin ich schon da, weil ich fuehle mich schon irgendwie anders. Weil, da gibt niemand, da gibt auch man das Gefuehl das ich irgendwie so keine Ahnung, das ich so, so aus Deutschland komme. Ah so, es ist so halt irgendwie kommisch, aber halt nicht so als wie ich hier bin. Ich meine, das ist schon ein anderes Gefuehl. Hillary: Wohler da, hast du gesagt, du fuehlst dich Wohler in der Turkei... Halime: Na ja, eigentlich schon weil, ich weiss nicht...

Aydan: Uhm, al so when I'm in Turkey I feel so stop already somehow different al as well as a visitor I'm already there, because I feel somehow different. Because there is no one, since it gives the feeling that I somehow do not know, I so, so I'm from Germany. Ah so, it is just somehow kommisch, but I'm just not as as as shown below. I mean, that's a different feeling. Hillary: Well as you said, you feel Wohler in Turkey ... Halime: Well, actually, if only because I do not know ...

One Turkish-German author explains the conflicted identity that he only felt when people asked him whether he felt more German or Turkish:

Trotzdem leide ich unter Identitӓtskrisen. Nӓmlich unter dem künstlichen Identitӓtskrisen der anderen—denjenigen, die nur eine Identitӓt von mir wahrnehmen wollen; denjenigen, die mich reduzieren und die in mir ausschließlich einen Auslӓnder, einen Türken oder einen Moslem sehen wollen. Sie brauchen einen Stempel, den sie mir auf die Stirn drücken kӧnnen. Und nicht nur das, Sie verkünden dann auch gleich, was dieser Stempel bedeutet, und meistens ist das nichts Gutes (Daimogüler 2008, pp70).

Nevertheless, I am suffering from an identity crisis. Namely under the artificial identity crisis the other-those who want to take just a identity from me, those who reduce me and only want to see a foreigner, a Turk or a Muslim in me. You need a stamp that they can press me on the forehead. And not only that, you will also announce at once what this stamp means mostly and that's no good (Daimogüler 2008, PP70).

But the German conceptualization of these girls as “foreigners” is always in the mind of these girls, so much so that this is the way that they describe themselves despite having lived their entire lives in Germany.

Hillary: Aber du bist doch kein Ausländer. Du bist hier geboren. Du hast einen deutschen Pass. Wieso bist du Ausländer?

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Hillary: But you're not a foreigner. You were born here. You have a German passport. Why are you a foreigner? Semra: Yeah, well ... I think .... why I am a foreigner? Because my parents are perhaps not born here, I'm just for the n foreigners ... itches me. Hillary: And your children will also be a foreigner? Semra: no. Hillary: No? Even if you marry a Turk? Even if they are born here, the Germans would accept it as a German? Semra: Oh, and the Germans. For if we were aliens again. Hillary: real? Semra: Well, certainly for me not, but for the Germans. Also, the foreigner would be .... as soon as the parents, so it leads go on and on and ...

They have adopted the role of the foreigner so much so that they all articulate themselves and their Turkish friends as being “from Turkey” as Eser mentions here.

Eser: Ja, und im Ramadan da trifft man sich auch immer. Also, zum Essen jede Woche. Ja, also ich bin öfters mit meiner Familie. Hillary: Ja, und nicht mit deinen Freunden? Eser: Doch, mit meinen Freunden auch. Also, ich hab 2, 3 beste Freunde und wenn ich mich mit meiner Familie treffe, dann sind die auch manchmal dabei. Also, ich zähl die zu meiner Familie. Hillary: Oh, nett. Aber nur 2, 3. Eser: 2, 3, ja. Hillary: Und die kommen aus ... Eser: auch aus der Türkei? Hillary: Die kommen daher? Eser: Nein, die Eltern sind aus der Türkei.

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Eser: Yes, and in Ramadan because you can meet whatever. So, to eat every week. Yes, so I'm often with my family. Hillary: Yes, and not with your friends? Eser: Yes, with my friends also. So, I have 2, 3 best friends and if I meet up with my family, then sometimes the case. So, I count to my family. Hillary: Oh, nice. But only 2, 3 Eser: 2, 3, yes. Hillary: And the out come ... Eser: from Turkey? Hillary: The come along? Eser: No, the parents are from Turkey.

Greater identification with an ethnic group has been linked to lower positive affect in minority youth, with youth more focused on achieved identity showing greater positive affect and a significantly higher sense of community (Kenyan & Carter 2011).

Halime: Worauf sind wir stolz? Hillary: Ja. Halime: Auf unsere Turkische Flagge

Halime: What are we proud of? Hillary: Yes. Halime: Of our Turkish Flag.

Do these girls identify themselves as a part of Germany or even part German?

Hillary: Bist du ein Teil Deutscher dann? Eser: Also? Wie? Ob ich mich so fühle? Eigentlich nicht. Hillary: Nein? Eser: Also, ich würd niemals in der Türkei leben, aber ich glaub, ich würd auch nicht sagen, ich bin ein Teil Deutschlands. Hillary: Nein? Inwiefern? Eser: Also, ich selbst fühl mich nicht so Deutsch. Ja, aber ich mags in Deutschland. Also, ich würd nicht woanders gehen. Hillary: Nein? Eser: Nein.

Hillary: You're a part German then? Eser: So? How? Whether I feel like this? Actually, no. Hillary: No? Eser: Well, I'd never live in Turkey, but I think I'd also not say I'm a part of Germany. Hillary: No? In what way?

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Eser: Well, I myself do not feel so German. Yes, but I mags in Germany. So, I would not go elsewhere. Hillary: No? Eser: no.

Semra echoes the same opinion:

Hillary: Bist DU ein Teil von Deutschland? Semra: Ja klar bin ich. Ich hab das Recht darauf, find ich. Hillary: Auf diesen Pass. Semra: Ja. Hillary: Aber es ist nich nur ein Pass, aber. Gibt es andere deutsche Teile von dir? Semra: Deutsche Teile? Hillary: Deine Hände deutsch? Deine Nase? Semra: Nein. Hillary: Oder hast du deutsche Augen? Siehst du Leute anders? Semra: Ja, ich verstehe. Ich weiß es nicht. Ich denke, ich bin teils teils. 50- 50. Hillary: Ja? Aber dann bist du ein Teil der Türkei? Semra: Ja. Hillary: Bestimmt. So, Hälfte, Hälfte. Ein Fuß hier, ein Fuß da. Hier bin ich. Semra: Ja. Aber, ich denke mehr Deutschland. Also, wenn man so Türkei- Deutschland betrachtet, dann eher Deutschland. Wie gesagt, ich bin hier aufgewachsen, hier bin ich geboren und meine Umgebung ist hier. Meine Freunde. Deswegen...

Hillary: Are YOU a part of Germany? Semra: Of course I am. I have the right to it, I find. Hillary: In this pass. Semra: Yes. Hillary: But it's not gonna be just a pass, however. Are there other German parts from you? Semra: German parts? Hillary: Your hands German? Your nose? Semra: no. Hillary: Or you have German eyes? Do you see people differently? Semra: Yes, I understand. I do not know. I think I'm partly partly. 50-50. Hillary: Yes? But then you're a part of Turkey? Semra: Yes. Hillary: Definitely. So, half, half. One foot here, one foot there. Here I am. Semra: Yes. But, I think more Germany. So, if you like Turkey-Germany considered, rather then Germany. As I said, I grew up here, I was born here and my environment is here. My friends. That is why ...

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Aydan and Halime too:

Hillary: Fuehlt euch dann als ein Teil Deutschlands? Aydan: Nee. Hillary: Einfach Nee... Halime: Wie als ein Teil Deutschlands? Hillary: Sind sie Deutsche? Nein? Nee...shaking their heads. Halime: eigentlich ist es so, keine Ahnung...ein viertel von uns sind so Deutsch aber 3/4 sind Tuerkisch. Hillary: Und welche viertel ist Deutsch? Halime: Ein viertel. Hillary Ja welche aber, was ist drin? Halime: Ah so, das wir hier leben, das wir hier auf der Schule gehen, ehm, einkaufen hier, essen hier, alles machen halt. Aber, ich denk, wir haben noch keine Deutsche Kultur in uns. Aydan: Ich sag ich bin gar nicht Deutscher, auch wenn ich hier lebe und ein Pass habe. Hillary: Deutsch den ganzen Tag sprichst. Halime: Ja Aydan: Ich meine ja, sie sprechen ja auch immer Deutsch. Und sie sind hier... Hillary: Nicht immer aber... Aydan: Fuehlen sie sich als ein Deutscher? Hillary: Ahh, ich habe Deutscher Herrkunft, aber ich fuehle mich gar nicht wie ein Deutscher Aydan: Obwohl sie auch immer Deutsch redet, ah so meistens, und auch hier zur Zeit leben Hillary: umm, ah so, ich habe hier nur elf Monate gelebt, nicht 14 Jahre lang. Aydan: mmmm schon aber... Halime: Trotzdem irgendwie... Aydan: ah so ich fuehle gar nicht wie ein Deutscher.

Hillary: Do you feel then be part of Germany? Aydan: Nope. Hillary: Just Nee... Halime: How as a part of Germany? Hillary: Are you German? No? Nah...shaking Their Heads. Halime: actually it is so, no idea...a quarter of us are German but 3/4 are Turkish. Hillary: And what quarter is German? Halime: A quarterly. Hillary Yes but which, what's inside? Halime: Ah so that we live here, we go to school here, um, shop here, eat here, make everything stop. But, I think, we do not have any German culture in us.

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Aidan: I say I 'm not German, even though I live here and have a ball. Hillary: German speaking throughout the day. Halime: Yes Aidan: I mean yes, they speak also always German. And here they are... Hillary: Not always but... Aidan: Do you feel as a German? Hillary: Ahh, I have German gentleman coming, but I do not feel like a German Aydan: Although she always speaks German, ah so often, and live here at the time Hillary: umm, ah so, I have only been living here eleven months, not for 14 years. Aydan: mmmm already... Halime: Nevertheless, somehow ... Aydan: ah so I do not feel like a German .

As for a reconciliation between the two cultures that they navigate, they don’t view that as possible, in addition to not being a part of Germany.

Hillary: Die sagen, ah so, die zw Kulturen, die werden nie zusammen passen, aber sehe euch Beispiele wie sie zusammen passen koennen. Ganz eherlich. Ihr seid ein Teil von Deutschland und ein Teil Turkei, und die 2 Kulturen sind total vernunftig, und die glauben das nicht. Das ist meine Meinung, aber ich versuch eure Meinung. Aydan: Weil weil man hier in Deutschland nicht passt weil man nicht Deutche ist. Wenn man hier in Deutschland lebt, passiert das wann zu Deutsche, obwohl wir schon verwohnt hier in Deutchenkultur zukommen haben sie schon recht. Halime: Ja mann koennte ja irgendwie ja diese D-T Kultur vermisschen und eigentlich koennte man, aber es gibt einige Leute die denken: Oh Turken, wow die sind in unsere Land und machen dis und das, und ja die nehmen unsere Jobs weg und dis und dis die wollen sie nicht. Und wenn es so eine Menschen gibt, die kann man mit den nicht zusammen Kontakt, wenn sie nicht mal mit uns leben wollen. Nicht bei uns, diese teil die so unterhalten. Aydan: Rede ich doch ganz eherlich nicht wollen. Hillary: Ja Halime: Wurde Ich auch nicht. Aydan: So haben sich mit niemandem reden die nicht mit mir reden will, und dem die mich nicht sehen will. Der micht denn leiden kann. Hillary: Ja, verstanden, ok. Neh, entschuldigung, das ist kein entspannendes Thema. Es ist ein bisschen heftig. Halime: Alltag Hillary: Alltag?

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Halime: Alltag. Hillary: Ja? Redest du ueber solche Sachen jedes Tag. Halime: Neh, ich meine, das wir begegne...das kommt im Leben vor. So was normal. Hillary: Ja. Gibt es...ist es stressig? Halime: Na ja, stressig nicht Aydan: Man gewohnt sich daran. Halime: Manchmal nerft das auch.

Hillary: The say ah so that between cultures that are never fit together, but you can see examples of how they can fit together. Absolutely seriously, you are a part of Germany and part of Turkey, and the two cultures are totally reasonable, I and believe not. This is my opinion, but I want to know what you think. Aydan: Because because here in Germany we do not fit because we are not Geramn. If you live here in Germany, that happens also when to German, although we have already gotten used to here in German culture. Halime : Yes man could somehow yes one could mix this German-Turkish culture and actually, but there are some people who think, Oh Turks, wow who are in our country and make this and that, and yes take our jobs away and this and this they do not want . And if there were a people are so that you can together with the non- contact when they do not even want to live with us. Not with us, this part of the talk so. Aydan: I speak very seriously that this is not what I want. Hillary: Yes Halime: Me neither. Aidan : So have anyone will not talk to me , and do not want to see me . They might may suffer because . Hillary: Yes, understood , ok . Neh, excuse me, this is not a fun theme. It's a bit difficult. Halime: everyday Hillary: everyday life? Halime: everyday life. Hillary: Yes? Are you talking about that kind of stuff every day. Halime: Neh , I mean, we encounter ... that happens in life. So what is normal. Hillary: Yes . Is it ... is it stressful? Halime: Well, not stressful Aydan: You get used to it. Halime: Sometimes it’s annoying also .

They aren’t the only ones. They turned me on to some other comparisons.

Halime: Wir kucken eigentlich nur videos an so eh Turkisch-Deutscher gleich solche lustige Videos. Hillary: Lustige Videos? Was fuer luestige Videos?

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Aydan: zB Spielen Turken Deutschen vergleich. Halime: Die vergleichen die so Hillary: Wo denn, auf Youtube? Aydan & Halime: Ja viele

Halime: We really only watch videos on so eh Turkish-German comparison, funny videos. Hillary: Funny Videos? Which are the best funny videos? Aydan: Like games Turks Germans comparison. Halime: The compare the so- Hillary: Where, then, on Youtube? Aydan & Halime: Yes many

Reiterating the point that they are always foreign, as asserted in the chapter on subjectivity and bicultural citizenship, Eser talks about being foreign in Turkey.

Hillary: Und wenn du in der Türkei bist, bist du auch da türkisch? Eser: Doch? Also, ich find mich türkisch, aber die anderen sehen mich dann als Deutsch. Hillary: Ja? Eser: Ich glaub schon. Hillary: Als Deutsch? Nicht als Europäer? Oder? Eser: Manche sagen, in Deutschland werden wir als Türken bezeichnet und in der Türkei werden wir als Deutsche bezeichnet. Das ist dann auch immer ein bißchen gemein, als ob wir zu niemandem gehören. Hillary: Aber du gehörst zu? Eser: zur Türkei. Aber ich würd nur in Deutschlan dleben. Ich weiß nicht. Ich kann mich nicht entscheidne. Hillary: Musst du nicht. Aber dann hier wohnen für immer? Eser: Ja, für immer.

Hillary: And if you are in Turkey, you are Turkish there? Eser: But? So, I find myself Turkish, but the others will see me as a German. Hillary: Yes? Eser: I think so. Hillary: As a German? Not as Europeans? Or? Eser: Some say in Germany, we are called Turks and Turkey we are called German. That is always a bit in common, as if we belong to noone. Hillary: But you belong to? Eser: Turkey. But I'd only live in Germany. I do not know. I can not decide. Hillary: You don’t have to. But then stay here forever? Eser: Yes, forever.

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Later I asked her:

Hillary: Wo passt du denn? Eser: Ich find in der Mitte. Hillary: Mitte? Eser: Ja. Ich weiß auch nicht, wie sich jetzt genau die Deutschen und wie sich die Türken anziehen. Ich zieh mich einfach so an wie ich das will. Hillary: Where do you fit then? Eser: I find in the middle. Hillary: Middle? Eser: Yes, I don’t know either, how the Germans see the Turks now. I look at myself simply so as I want to.

I would like to end this chapter with a discussion of an art exhibition at the Jewish

Museum that I had the privilege of attending during my time in Berlin. In 2011, the

Jewish Museum in Berlin celebrated 10 years of being open with a special exhibition titled “Heimatkunde” which featured 30 different artists contemplating the idea of:

eine Momentaufnahme der Beziehungen von heute hier lebenden Menschen zu einem Deutschland, das sich nach der schmerzlichen Konfrontation mid den Verbrechen der Nationalsozialisten, der Vereinigung der beiden deutschen Staaten, den Einfluss durch die Europӓischen Union, die Globalisierung und Anerkennung der Zuwanderung dramatisch verӓndert hat. Wir zӧgern an diesere Stelle von nationaler Identitӓt zu sprechen, ein Begriff, der umgangssprachlich und beharrlich falsch für normative Zuschreibungen verwendet wird (Kugelmann 2011: pp5).

a snapshot of the relationships of people living here today to a Germany that has changed dramatically after the painful confrontation of the crimes of the Nazis, the unification of the two German states, the influence by the European Union, globalization and recognition of immigration. We zӧgern to this place to talk about national identity, a term that is used colloquially and persistently wrong for normative attributions (Kugelmann 2011: pp5).

Heimatkunde can be translated as local history, but I believe that this is not an adequate translation of the word. I would translate Heimat as homeland and kunde as the study of, to have the meaning interpreted as the study of the homeland. This is my own interpretation, which as the reader will later see, is also prescient to the discussion of

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these pieces. There were three specific pieces that are highly relevant to this research project that I would like to discuss here. All four are by artists from predominantly

Muslim countries, three were born in Turkey and one in Sarejevo. Additionally, I want to discuss an installation that was at the very end of the exhibition.

Azra Aksamija is originally from Sarejevo. She has Austrian citizenship, and currently resides in Boston. Her piece in this special exhibition caught my eye at because it seemed to be a simple German Dirdl (the traditional women’s garb of the Germanic people). On the wall next to it were thirty-nine pictures of the artist herself wearing and using the dirdl in a sequence of formations. Removing the overskirt of the dirdl and laying it on the floor, revealed that it could be also used as a Muslim prayer rug for three.

She also removed the shawl of the dirdl and repurposed it to be a headscarf. The procession of pictures showed the artist changing the purpose of the garment, praying in sequence, and then returning the dirdl to its original formation and purpose.

This piece moved me, and challenged the way that I thought about the intertwining of traditional roles and motivations. The piece speaks to the ways that representation can be deceiving, and how repurposing traditional thinking can help us see the ways that seemingly disparate ideas and traditions can be combined to form something entirely new. It also reminds the viewer that appearances can often be deceiving, especially when it comes to the way that garments can conceal personal identity within their folds.

Nevin Aladag was born in Turkey, but resides in Berlin now. Her contribution to the show “Voice Over” is a short film in three parts. The first part is a shot of a hand holding a harmonica out of the window of a moving car, listening to the sounds that it

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makes as the wind goes through it. The second section is of a Turkish youth singing a melancholy song of Turkish evergreens while completely shrouded in darkness and only his face lit up by the light of the camera. The final section shows a drum kit sitting outside while the rain beat a rhythm ever so lightly on it.

Aladag plays with the concepts of environment and the individual, nature and object (Lüdicke 2011: p18). Her piece eloquently displays the way that environment can shape the way that one is heard but at the same time not the essence of the thing being played. The wind and rain may play the instruments, but their essential function as instruments and their sound is not wholly different. Yes, a different sound comes out, but they remain a harmonica and a drum kit. This is echoed by the melancholy song which they sandwich. The young man is singing in the dark surrounded by other voices unaware and speaking German, but he sings on in Turkish. The essence remains, no matter the environmental impacts.

Ӧzlem Günyol was born in Ankara, Turkey and currently resides in Frankfurt am

Main. Her piece in this special exhibition is titled “On the Grapevine.” She wrote a text in Turkish and then translated it into German herself. She hands the text to the first interpreter and lets the camera roll while he translates it back into Turkish. The next interpreter takes that text and translates it back to German, and so on through seven different intepreters, displayed on seven different monitors with headphones to listen to them all separately in an artistic interpretation of the childhood game of telephone.

This is the text in German, then translated by me into English: Beim Erlernen einer Sprache geht es nicht nur um das Verstӓndnis der Satzstruktur oder um die Bedeutung der Wӧrter, sondern auch um die Organisation der Buchstaben. Des Weiteren ist für jede Sprache charakteristisch, dass die Person, die die Worte mit einem bestimmten Klang und Rhythmus ausspricht, den Gebrauch der Sprache für sich

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bestimmt. Gerade die Person, die eine neue Sprache lernt, nӓhert sich der Fremdsprache mit ihrer beziehungsweise seinder eigenen linguistischen Melodie und Rhythmus. Diese Phӓnomen führt bisweilen zu Missverstӓndnissen (Kampmeyer 2011, p68).

When learning a language, it's not just about the understanding of sentence structure or the importance of words, but also the organization of the letters. Furthermore, it is characteristic for each language that the person pronounces the words with a particular sound and rhythm, determines the use of the language for themselves. Especially the person who learns a new language, the foreign language brings them closer with their own linguistic melody and rhythm. This phenomenon sometimes leads to misunderstandings.

This piece was especially poignant for me and my research, and became a topic of conversation between myself and the girls of the study. This was not only about language translation, but also about the translation of cultural meanings and self- representation. All the interpreters spoke both German and Turkish, presumably one better than the other, but not necessarily. While each of them ostensibly has the same text, they each bring their own experiences with language and culture to the translation table. Relating this to the girls in the study, each one of them brought their own language experience and knowledge to the table. All of them spoke almost perfect German, and none of them were as confident in their Turkish language skills. Though they regularly used both languages, they all expressed being much more comfortable in German and easily switched between the two regularly. This artist’s rendering of what these girls participate in in their daily lives was perfect within a discussion of linguistic and cultural identity.

The final artists’ installation that I want to highlight comes from a pair of sisters who both grew up in Germany. One was born in Istanbul and the other in the small southwestern German town of Eberbach. Their piece “Unspeakable Home” show their

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childhood home through a mixture of a large mural-sized picture of their living room and a dining room table set with chairs in the foreground. This installation shows the mixture of their Turkish home and German home in one single view, and speaks to the millions of

Turkish migrants who had homes in both places. It is worth noting here as well, that the interview piece in the book about the special exhibition focused almost entirely on the identities of the artists themselves, whether they feel themselves Turkish or German, rather than on the piece. I find this interesting, though somewhat appropriate given the nature of the work and the exhibition.

Relating this piece directly to my own research, this piece harkons back to the girls’ split conceptualization and articulation of heimat and heim (homeland and home).

Their identity is split in two, and as Halime reminded me so often, she continues to be a part of both and cannot so easily explain it. She is a different I there in Turkey as she is in Germany, not a split personality so much as split identities and conforming to different expectations, as explored in a different chapter.

Finally, at the very end of this special exhibit, there was a collection of things in a twelve foot by twenty foot display case that caught my attention. There was no artist or title given, and pictures were not allowed. In this case was a collection of specifically

Turkish-German things that someone had collected during the time of the last World Cup when it was in Germany. During that time, the Turkish-German flag was especially popular. It looks like a German flag, only with the Turkish crescent moon and star in the red center stripe. This collection displayed flags, t-shirts, and all manner of bric-a-brac with the same common Turkish-German theme. It was overwhelming and fascinating at the same time. Again, relating it back to my own work, I found that the girls in my study

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did not see themselves like this at all. Most of the girls spoke of themselves as Turkish only, despite their passport status and in lue of a combined identity. This collection did not represent them or their views of themselves, and though it is simultaneously true of them. They are both Turkish and German in many senses, though through their subjective experiences, they feel themselves only Turkish and can never see themselves as German at all.

Semra was undecided about which flag represented her best:

Hillary: Hast du ein...hast du diese getürkte Deutschlandfahne gesehn? Semra: Ja, hab ich gesehn. Sogar mein Cousin hat das und er hat das auf seinem Balkon aufgehangen. Mit diese deutsche Flagge und in der Mitte ist ja rot und as wurde halt als Türkei dargestellt. Mit dem Mond Hillary: Ist das deine Fahne? Würdest du sagen? Semra: Könnte sein. Aber wenn ich zwischen zwei Fahnen entscheiden würde, würde ich eher die türkische Fahne. Hillary: Türkei gefällt dir mehr? Semra: Ja, also, ich weiß nicht. Ist anders. Hillary: Aber, wenn du in der Türkei bist... Semra: ...dann ist es Deutschland. Man ist immer dazwischen. Vielleicht ist diese Fahne wirklich am Besten, also mit der Türkei so drauf Hillary: Hälfte-Hälfte? Semra: Ja. Hälfte-Hälfte.

Hillary: Do you have a ... did you see this Turkified German flag? Semra: Yes, I've seen it. Even my cousin has this and he has hung on his balcony. With this German flag and in the middle is so red and as was just shown as Turkey. With the moon Hillary: Is that your flag? Would you say? Semra: Could be. But if I were to decide between two flags, I'd rather the Turkish flag. Hillary: Do you like Turkey more? Semra: Yes, well, I do not know. It’s different. Hillary: But if you're in Turkey... Semra: ... then there is Germany. One is always in between. Perhaps this flag is really the best, so with Turkey as it Hillary: half-half? Semra: Yes. Half-half.

A much more confident answer comes from Eser:

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Hillary: Hast du diese gesehen, diese „getürkte“ Deutschlandfahne? Eser: Ah, ja. In der Mitte. Hillary: Würdest du dann sagen, das gehört am besten zu dir? Eser: Nein. Das kommt einfach nicht so vom Inneren. Wenn ich ja sagen würde, dann wärs eigentlich gelogen. Hillary: Ja, nee. Deswegen frag ich. Wenn es ein Fussballspiel gab....? Eser: Ja, ich bin immer für die Türkei. Hillary: Auch wenn die Türkei gegen Deutschland spielt? Eser: Ja, ich bin immer für die Türkei. Also, beim Fussball

Hillary: Have you seen this Turkified German flag? Eser: Ah, yeah, in the middle. Hillary: Would you then say that this is the best one to belong to you? Eser. No. It comes from inside. If would say yes, than it would be a lie. Hillary: Yeah, nee. That’s why I’m asking. If there was a football game…? Eser: Yes, I am always for Turkey. Hillary: Also when Turkey plays against Germany? Eser: Yes. I’m always for Turkey, eh, for Football.

Finally, in keeping with the artistic theme of the end of this chapter and with the permission of Semra, I share here three collages that she made for an art class. The project was to make a collage of self-representation, a project that I had originally planned to do with the girls which never came to fruition. Knowing her, I must say that these collages do truly represent her life experience, personality, and future plans respectively. It was very kind of her to allow me to see these and to publish them here. I want to note that none of the pictures are actually of Semra. She took these all from her collection of photographs and from open sources on the internet.

Figure 3 is on the pages that follow.

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Representation: Success, Fashion, Family, Islam, Art

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Representing: Turkish-Deutsch, Friends, Germany, Turkey, and Headscarf

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Conclusion

This chapter began with a brief discussion of identity theory and theories of the self as they specifically relate to the Turkish-German situation. Hybrid and performative identities were discussed through the eyes of the girls. I briefly delve into the idea of the racialization of identity, and extensively quote the girls with regards to possible protective factors against this seeming barrage of ideals to which their identities should ostensibly conform. Finally, I discussed representation through the lens of artistic interpretations of the study of the homeland, and how they relate to this research.

These girls do not feel themselves a part of Germany, yet they are also not a part of Turkey. They say that they are from Turkey, but all of them have spent their lives in

Germany. They consistently perform language contextually, and yet most of them are only proud of being Turkish. Their passport does not define their belonging, and neither do their language skills. Despite these seemingly conflicted and competing identities that they have, religion, friends, and family help keep them grounded and out of the clutches of mental illness that so many of their compatriots have issues with. I explored their subjective well-being in a separate chapter, but it is worth noting here that these factors and supportive structures play a major role in helping keep these girls happy despite all that they face.

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German Quote: "Da ist unsere Heimat, diese Dinge, bleiben in den Tiefen unsrer Seele." - Carl Spitteler, Der verlorene Sohn

Burasi vatanimiz, kalbimizin en icinde.

There is our homeland, this things, stay in the depths of our souls.

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Chapter 9: Their Futures Exemplary Futures

As discussed at the outset of this dissertation, I arrived in Germany during the year of the fiftieth anniversary of the first Turks arriving in Germany. Throughout those fifty years, there have been a multitude of outstanding success stories of Turks in

Germany. Many books reflecting on Turks in Germany were published in 2011, but one stands out in my mind as the least cynical of the bunch. Mitten in Deutschland: Deutsch-

Türkische Erfolgsgeschichten (In the Middle of Germany: German-Turkish Success

Stories), edited by Cem Ӧzdemir and Wolfgang Schuster, explicates the stories of fifty successful Turkish-Germans in their own words. The essays contained in this volume come from all different types of success. Famous politicians, athletes, musicians, and doctors people the pages of this volume, and all have individual stories of how they reached their success.

This chapter will focus on the future of the participants in this study. How do they picture themselves in the future, and what does that say about the current state of affairs in Berlin? Who do they envision marrying and why? Do they think their children will be considered German? What kind of career goals do they have?

What The Girls Say

As noted in a previous chapter, inter-marriage is often used as an indicator of integration and assimilation. While these girls are not yet married and none have plans of doing so in the next few years, they do have very strong opinions about who they will want to marry in the future.

Hillary: Würdest du einen Mann aus der Türkei heiraten? Eser: Ich glaub nicht, nein. Hillary: Auch wenn er Deutsch sprechen könnte?

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Eser: Ich weiß nicht, is mir nicht passiert.

Hillary: Would you marry a man from Turkey? Eser: I don’t believe so, no. Hillary: Also when he could speak German? Eser: I don’t know, it never happened to me.

Eser had never met a man from Turkey who could also speak German, though they do certainly exist.

At the time of my interviews with the girls, only one of them had a boyfriend. In fact, only one other of them had ever had a boyfriend at all, and he lived in Turkey.

Semra had been together with her boyfriend for more than one year. He is also Turkish-

German, having been born in Berlin. He does not speak Turkish very well at all, and the only language they ever communicate in is German. He is in the same grade level as

Semra. Despite the fact that they had dated for over a year, he had not yet met her father, partly because her father believed their relationship to be unimportant. When I returned six months after my departure from the field, they were still together.

Hillary: Willst du ihm heiraten? Nee? Du denkst nicht daran oder? Semra: Na klar will ich ihm heiraten, wenn ich ihn nicht heiraten will, warum soll ich mit ihm eine Beziehung haben? Aber es ist, heiraten ist erst spaeter, nicht jetzt. Hillary Wie spaeter? Semra: Ich will, ich wollte immer mit 25 heiraten Hillary: So wie mich. Semra: Ja, ich weiss nicht, 25 ist man reifer, dann denkt man auch etwas anders als jetzt.

Hillary: Do you want to marry him? Nee? You don’t think about it or? Semra: Of course I want to marry him. If I didn’t want to marry him, why should I have a relationship with him. But it’s, marring is for later, not now. Hillary: How much later? Semra: I want, I always wanted to get married at 25. Hillary: Just like me. Semra: Yeah, I don’t know. At 25 one is more mature, then you think somewhat differently than now.

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I tried several times to ask her more probing questions about her boyfriend, but often she would just smile. The only question I ever asked her that she refused to answer was when I asked if she had ever kissed him. She told me flat out, “Nein Hillary, das darfst du mich nicht fragen” (translation: No Hillary, you’re not allowed to ask me that).

In a separate interview, I asked more about her marriage preferences.

Hillary: Würdest du auch einen Araber heiraten? Semra: Ich glaub nicht. Hillary: Nee? Warum nicht? Die gehen auch in die Moschee und besonders auch stark im Islam sein, dann willst du auch keinen heiraten. Semra: Türke ist besser, weil die Kultur ist immer gleich. Bei den Arabern die haben immer andere Vorstellungen. Ja, deswegen eher nen Türken, aber weiß nie, kann auch n Araber sein. Von mir kanns auch ein Deutscher sein. Also.... Hillary: Ja? aber kein Araber? Semra: Nein.

Hillary: Would you also marry an arab? Semra: I don’t believe so. Hillary: Nee? Why not? They go to the Mosque and are strong in Islam, then you still don’t want to marry one. Semra: A Turk is better, because the cultures are always the same. Arabs have different ideas. Yeah, that’s why better a Turk, but you never know, could also be an Arab. For me it could also be a German, ah so. Hillary: Yes? But no Arab? Semra: No.

For Semra, the most important thing she is looking for in a future partner is that he is also a Muslim.

Hillary: Ja? Auch wenn ein Araber oder ein Muslim wäre, dann würdest du ihn auch heiraten? Was würden deine Eltern sagen? Ich weiß, es ist wichtig, dass er Muslim ist. Semra: Ja, auf jeden Fall. Also, ja, wenn er Moslem ist, als Deutsche, würden die erlauben. Also, das ist das Wichtigste. Also, ja... aber davor muss man auch die Eltern kennen. Denn wenn die Eltern gegen mich wären und wenn die nicht wollen, dass der Sohn einen Moslem heiratet, dann würde ich das auch nicht wollen. Weil die Familie ist wirklich wichtig und ja.

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Hillary: Willst du lieber einen Türken aus Deutschland heiraten oder aus der Türkei? Semra: Aus Deutschland. Hillary: Wie? Semra: Also, ein Türke, der hier geboren ist, weil ich will hier leben, sozusagen, und meine Uni hier machen. Und es ist dann schwer, wenn ich hier...mitm Türken aus Türkei heirate. Weil ich würde niemals einen Jungen von der Türkei hierher bringen oder so oder selber dorthin gehen. Deswegen. Okay, wenn, vielleicht würde ich in die Türkei gehen. Aber, das ist so ne Notlösung. Aber sonst würd ich nicht. Hillary: Es gibt auch deutsche Gymnasien in der Türkei. Semra: Ja, ich weiß. Meine Cousine is auf so ner Schule. Die war ja auch hier und studiert jetzt halt dort. In der Türkei. Ja,aber trotzdem, hier ist es besser. Hillary: Weil sie sich hier so auskennen? Semra: Ja, mein Umfeld, ich hab hier meine Freunde und da ist es dann viel schwieriger.

Hillary: Yes? Even if he would be an Arab or a Muslim, you'd marry him? What would your parents say? I know it is important that he is a Muslim. Semra : Yes , definitely . So, yes, if he is Muslim, as a German, they would allow it. So, that's the most important thing . So, yes ... but before that you have to know the parents. Because if the parents were against me, and if they does not want the son marries a Muslim, then I would not want to . Because the family is really important and yes. Hillary: Would you rather marry a Turk in Germany or Turkey? Semra: From Germany. Hillary: Why? Semra: So, a Turk who was born here , because I want to live here, so to speak , and make my university here . And is it hard when I ... with Turks from Turkey to marry here . Because I would never bring a boy from Turkey here or something or myself go there. Why. Okay, if, maybe I would go to Turkey. But, that's so a stopgap. But otherwise I would not . Hillary: There are also German schools in Turkey. Semra: Yes , I know. My cousin is so nervous at school. She was also here and now studying there. In Turkey. Yes, but anyway, here it is better. Hillary: Because they are so familiar here? Semra: Yes, my environment , I have here my friends and since then it is much more difficult.

Semra has seen the difficulties that face imported spouses firsthand. Her mother was born in Turkey and has lived in Germany for almost twenty years. She still does not speak German at more than a daily functional level. I know that this first-hand

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knowledge is here shaping her opinion about marrying a Turk from Turkey. Her mother has struggled with learning the language, finding a job, and keeping her household running in a land that is foreign to her.

Hillary: Kannst dir mal vorstellen, einen Deutschen zu heiraten? Wenn er Moslem ist? Semra: Ich weiß nicht. Vielleicht, kann sein. Ich will jetzt nicht so groß reden, weil, wenn man so groß redet, dann passiert das immer. Man sagt NEIN und dann passiert das. Also, kann sein. Hillary: Wenns Schicksal dir ganz bestimmte Person schickt, dann darfst nicht Nein sagen. Semra: Ja, genau. Aber auf jeden Fall muss es Moslem sein. Hillary: Ja. Wieso ist das so wichtig. Semra: Na ja, in meiner Religion ist es ja so, dass die Frau einen Christen nicht heiraten darf. Also, nicht jetzt Christen, aber überhaupt andere Religionen. Aber der Mann eine christliche Frau heiraten darf, und das deshalb weil die Frau...also weil der Mann die Frau zum Islam, ihr zeigen kann. Hillary: Der Mann zeigt der Frau was vom Islam? Semra: Nein. Na ja, der Mann kann eine Frau mehr zum Islam bringen, als eine Frau einen Mann. Das ist leichter. Deswegen darf er auch eine Christin heiraten und die Frau halt nicht. Ja, weil ich denke, dann ensteht auch zwischendurch Konflikte. Weil wir essen ja kein Schweinefleisch und er will unbedingt Schwein essen und das würde mir dann nicht passen. Dann entstehen halt kleine Konflikte und das ist dann halt auch nicht gut, in einer Beziehung.

Hillary: Can imagine ever marrying a German ? If he is Muslim? Semra: I do not know. Perhaps , can be. I will not talk so big now, because when you talk so big, then that always happens. It says NO and then it will happen. So it can be. Hillary: If fate sends you special someone, then you’re not allowed to say no. Semra: Yes, exactly . But in any case it must be a Muslim. Hillary: Yes . Why is this so important. Semra: Well, in my religion , it is so that the woman may not marry a Christian. So, now not Christians, but at all other religions. But the man is allowed to marry a Christian woman, and therefore because the woman ... so because the man can show his wife to Islam. Hillary: The man shows the woman Islam ? Semra : no. Well, the man , a woman can bring more to Islam than a woman a man . This is easier. Therefore, he must also marry a Christian woman and the woman did not stop. Yes, because I think then takes form

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between by conflict. Because we eat no pork and he wants to eat pork and would not fit me. Then small conflicts arise and that is just not good in a relationship .

As seen here, Semra has very distinct views about the relationship between religion and gender that certainly shape her views about who she would think about marrying in the future. Hanife, whose mother was also born and imported as a bride from Turkey, also says that she doesn’t want to marry a man from Turkey.

Hanife: Ja, und so deshalb, ich kann ja nicht deren Gedanken lesen, wissen was sie so denken, was sie vorhaben. Deswegen sag ich lieber, Nein Danke. Lieber nicht von der Türkei. Lieber von hier. Vielleicht einer von meinen, von hier, wenn ich studiere, einer von meinem Studium. Sowas is viel schöner als mal hier von der Straße, vielleicht so war mal kurz in der Bar, hab da jemanden kennengelernt. Ist sowas, „Wo habt ihr euch kennengelernt?“ „In der Bar“. Ich will schon sagen „Ja, wir haben zusammen studiert, waren schon von Anfang an gute Freunde, wir haben uns immer gut verstanden!“

Hanife: Yes, and so therefore, I can not read their thoughts indeed, know what they are thinking so what they're up to. That's why I prefer to say, no thanks. Better not from Turkey. Better from here. Perhaps one of mine from here when I study, one of my studies. Something is more beautiful than to talk of the street, perhaps as was once briefly in the bar, have since met someone. Is something like, "Where did you meet?" "In the Bar". I want to say "Yes, we studied together, were good friends from the beginning, we have always got on well!"

Feride echoes that whoever she should marry, he has to be Muslim.

Hillary: Kannste dir auch vorstellen, einen Deutschen zu heiraten. Feride: Eigentlich warum nicht, ist doch e... jaaa, eigentlich ist doch unterschiedlich. Mal sehen. Hillary: Es hängt an der Person. Feride: Ja, an dem Personen. Der soll einen guten Charakter, soll auch gläubig, soll auch Moslem sein. Hillary: Muss Moslem sein. Feride: Sollte. Hillary: Wieso. Feride: Ja, ist doch immer seine eigene Religion ist doch besser. Sonst, ja, er sollte guten Charakter haben.

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Hillary: Can you also imagine marrying a German? Feride: Really, why now, is just, yeah it’s just different. We’ll see. Hillary: It depends on the person. Feride: Yes, on the person. He should have a good character, should also believe, should also be a Muslim. Hillary: Must be a Muslim. Feride: Should. Hillary: Why? Feride: Yeah, it’s always better if he has his own religion. Otherwise, yeah, he should have a good character.

What about their children?

As mentioned previously, these girls do not truly feel themselves to be German completely, despite their citizenship status, language skills, and relative success in the

German school system. When discussing their futures with them, this made me very curious as to how they thought their children would be perceived.

Hillary: Wenn du einen Deutschen heiratest, würden deine Kinder dann Deutsch sein? Hanife: Das würd ich nicht erlauben. Hillary: Die würden Türkisch sein? Hanife: Nee, also von der Religion her, möchte ich das sie Moslem sind. Hillary: Ja, sicher, Moslem. Das ist kein Thema. Aber wenn du einen deutschen Moslem kennst? und ihn heiratest? Dann würden deine Kinder dann jeweils Türkisch oder Deutsch sein? Hanife: Die Sprache? Hillary: Allgemein mein ich Hanife: Allgemein, auch so Hälfte, Hälfte. Weil ich bin auch so, ich will auch eben das sie gut Deutsch sprechen. Also, von der Sprache her, würde ich auch den Türkisch, aber auch Deutsch beibringen. Damit sie auch ihre Muttersprache, eben, was Türkisch ist, das auch beherrschen, aber auch das Deutsch. und dann eben auch, dass sie auch das Vorbild, was ich auch habe, eben die Deutschen, die etwas erreicht haben. Auch so ein Vorbild haben, eben so eine Person sind, wie ich. Eben dazu würd ich sorgen. Dass sie eben so sind wie ich.

Hillary: If you marry a German, your children would then be German ? Hanife: That I would not allow. Hillary: They would be Turkish? Hanife : Nah, that of religion here, I would like that they are Muslim.

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Hillary: Yeah, sure , Muslim. This is not an issue. But if you know a German Muslim? and marry him ? Then your children would then each be Turkish or German? Hanife: The language? Hillary: I mean in general. Hanife: General, even as half , half. Because I 'm so, I will also want them to speak good German . So, from the language, I would also teach Turkish but also German . They therefore have their native language, just what is Turkish, which also dominates, but also the German. And then also that they, well as the model of what I have , just the Germans who have achieved something Even so, have a role model , just as are a person like me. For this very purpose I'd worry. The fact that they just are like me.

Hanife has very specific plans for her children, especially concerning language development. This surely is influenced by her linguistic experience of beginning to learn

German in Kindergarten.

Halime and Aydan were much less inclined to try to look into the future with regards to their children.

Hillary: Ist das moeglich, wenn euch hier in Deutschland bleibt und Kinder hier kriegen und die hier bleiben und die denn ihr eigene Kinder kriegen, wuerden die irgendwann als Deutscher fuehlen? Aydan: Das koennen wir nicht sagen. Halime: Das koennen wir nicht voraussehen, aber mmmm....uhhhh.... Hillary: Dein Krystalball..hmmm Aydan: Aber die Zeit wird sich hier ja auch aendern. Es wird nicht alles sein wie es jetzt ist, daher koennen wir nicht...vielleicht fuehlen sie sie hier aber dazu kann man ja eigentlich nichts sagen. Halime: Wenn ich mal eigentlich von der Vergangenheit so so ankucke was meine Mutter in diesem alter so gemacht hat, und was wir machen, ein riesen Unterschied, und dann stand die Zukunft mir mal so, manchmal wenn ich danach denke, Hillary: Wird das irgendwann moeglich ein deutscher gefuel zu haben, eh so, fuer dich persoenlich? Halime: Meine Kinder? Hillary: Nee, fuer dich. Halime: Ah, fuer mich. Keine Ahnung. Hillary: Irgendwann Deutscher fuehlen? (shaking their heads) Nein? Halime: Nein, ich denke nicht. Hillary: Nee? Auch wenn man perfekt Deutsch sprechen koennten. Halime: Nicht darauf zu...

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Aydan: Es hat da jetzt nichts mit der Sprache zu tun, sondern halt das Gefuel ah so, ich weiss nicht...man ist nicht irgendwie ein Deutscher. Ah so, ich finde es auch wichtig mich zu fuelen. Halime: Ich glaube nicht.

Hillary: Is that possible if you stay here in Germany and have kids here and stay here and get for her own children, would be extended, feel eventually as German? Aydan: We cannot say. Halime: That we cannot foresee , but mmmm .... uhhhh .... Hillary: Your crystalball .. hmmm Aydan: But the time will indeed change here. It will not be anything like it is now, therefore we cannot ... maybe they feel it here but this one cannot really say anything. Halime : When I look forward from the past, what my mother was doing at this age- so , and what we do , a huge difference , and then the future was for me at times , sometimes when I think then Hillary: Will it be possible eventually have a German feeling , eh so , personally for you? Halime: My children? Hillary: No, for you. Halime: Ah, for me. I do not know. Hillary: Sometime German feeling? (shaking Their Heads ) No? Halime: No, I think not. Hillary: No ? Even if you speak perfect German. Halime: Not sure about ... Aidan: It's there now nothing to do with the language , but just the feeling ah well, I do not know ... it is not somehow a German . Ah well, I think it's also important for me to feel. Halime: I do not think so .

These two girls were the most pessimistic about the prospect of their children ever feeling like they are German or even a part of Germany. They wish to live the rest of their lives in Germany, to marry there, and to raise their families there. They want to marry Turks who were also born in Germany, so that they can understand each other better and that their spouses don’t always have to be dependent on them for doing everyday things.

Hillary: wenn eine von ihr ein Deutsche heiratet, wurde dein Kinder schon Deutscher sein? Ah so Eure Kinder...nicht zusammen. Die Frage ist Deutsche Muslime fand, und ihm heiratest, und dann Kinder kriegen. Halime: Mmm schon haelfte schon.

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Hillary: Die wuerden haelfte Deutsch und haelfte Turkisch sein? Halime: Wir haben auch so eine Freunde. Ihr Vater ist Turkisch und ihr Mutter Deutsche, und sie ist so halb halb. Hillary: Aber aber mit Turkische Mutter und Deutsche Vater, das geht auch? Aydan: Anders...ach so. Hillary: nah, dann wuerden die Kinder auch haelfte haelfte..uh huh...mit Deutsche Nachname? Oh, hast du nie daran gedacht? Halime: Nee. Hillary: Eherlich. Aydan: Nee. Hillary: Warum? Findest du Deutsche Maenner so hesslich. Halime: Nein, das hat nicht mit der Hesslichkeit zu tun, sondern Aydan: Die Turken sehen besser aus.

Hillary: if one of you marries a German, your child will already be German? Ah so your children ... not together. The question is German Muslims took place, and marry him, and then have children. Halime: Mmm already half already. Hillary: would be half German and half a Turkish? Halime: We also have as a friend. Her father is a Turk and her mother German, and she is so half and half Hillary: But but with Turkish mother and German father, that works too? Aydan: Different... oh that. Hillary: close, then the children would also be Half and Half .. uh huh ... with German last name? Oh, you've never thought of that? Halime: Nope. Hillary: Seriously? Aydan: Nope. Hillary: Why? Do you think German men are so ugly Halime: No, that has nothing to do with the ugliness, but Aydan: The Turks look better.

To me, this passage is very telling about how these girls see themselves in the German context. They are Turkish, and their children will receive Turkish ethnicity from them.

They are not German at all, though both of them possess German passports. They are not even attracted to Germans, though this could be because they haven’t met that many and even don’t watch German television at all.

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Goals

All six girls in this study have lofty and planned goals for their futures. Of the participant, Feride is the most adamant that she wants to study in Turkey after she finishes her Abitur. This is in part because in order to study her preferred concentration, she will not have to have as good of a grade point average to be accepted into a Turkish university’s program in psychology.

Feride: Ja, also meine Zukunftspläne sind so, ich hoffe die werden auch wahr. Also, nach mein Abi möchte ich gern in der Türkei studieren. Hillary: In der Türkei? Hast du gehört, es gibt eine türkische Uni hier in Berlin? Feride: Ja, genau. Und in Istanbul haben wir eins und hier eins, dann kooperieren die irgendwie so. Ich möchte auf jeden Fall, also eigentlich ist mein Traumberuf Psychologie. Wenn ichs schaffe. Psychologie, oder Wirtschaftsingenieurin oder Physiotherapeuten. Hillary: Cool. Feride: Ja, aber vor allem, hier brauch man einen sehr guten Durchschnitt für Psychologie. 1,2. Aber wenn ich hier mein Abi schaffe, kann ich dann an der Türkei Psychologie studieren. Hillary: Und dann darfst wieder hier nach Deutschland kommen und arbeiten? Feride: Ja, kann man. Zum Beispiel gibts jetzt hier so ein neues Gesetz. Das wird jetzt anerkannt, der Beruf hier. Seit Jahren, seit wieviel Jahren erst. Weil mein Vater hat in der Türkei was studiert. So, Ingenieur, glaub ich, und das wurde ja hier nicht anerkannt. Deswegen konnte er ja nicht hier als Ingenieur arbeiten. Deswegen musste er was anderes machen. Aber jetzt wirds anerkannt. Jetzt hats auch keinen Sinn mehr, nach wievielen Jahren...und deswegen möchte ich gerne in der Türkei studieren. Ich möchte eigentlich auch da leben.

Feride: Yes , those are my future plans, I hope to be true. So, after my graduation I would like to study in Turkey. Hillary: In Turkey? Did you hear, there is a Turkish university here in Berlin? Feride: Yes, exactly. And in Istanbul, we have one here and one, they cooperate somehow like that. I definitely want to, so really is my dream job psychology. When I think to make it. Psychology, or industrial engineering or physical therapist. Hillary: Cool .

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Feride: Yes, but most of all , here you need a very good grade point average for psychology. 1,2 . But if I write my final exams here, I can study psychology in Turkey. Hillary: And then allowed to come back here to Germany and work? Feride: Yes, you can. For example, now available here as a new law. This is now recognized , the profession here. For years, the number of years first because my father studied in Turkey. Thus , an engineer , I think, and this was of course not recognized here . That's why he could not work here as an engineer , yes. That's why he had to do something else . But now it gets recognized. Now it also no longer makes sense , after how many years ... and that's why I would like to study in Turkey. I want to actually live there.

Eser, the one participant who was in the midst of completing her Abitur at the time of our interviews, has very high aspirations when it comes to her studies.

Hillary: Woran denkst du denn beruflich, mein ich? In 5 Jahren. Nach Medizin. Eser: Ich wollte immer eigentlich Ärztin werden, so die Menschen hilft und die so Operationen – also, ich find das voll schön, wenn man das aufschneidet. ---- Eser: Ich will studieren. Ich wollte immer Medizin. Aber ist zu schwer, klappt nicht. Hillary: Wieso ist das zu schwer? Eser: Man braucht, also in jedem Fach musst du 1+ stehen. Wir hatten auch eine Berufsberaterin in der Schule und eigentlich, sie meinte, deutschlandweit kannst du bis 1.5 und es gibt halt Privatschulen. Aber ich würd nicht von meiner Familie weg wollen. Hillary: 1.5 deutschlandweit. Aber würdest du irgendwo anders studieren? Eser: Nein.

Hillary: What are you thinking for a living, I mean? In 5 years. After medicine. Eser: I always wanted to actually become a doctor, so that helps people and the operations so - so, I find that completely beautiful when you cut it. ---- Eser: I want to study. I always wanted to medicine. But is too difficult, does not work. Hillary: Why is that too diffifult? Eser: you need, so in every subject you need 1 + stand. We also had a career counselor at school and actually, she said that Germany far as you

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can to 1.5 and there is just private schools. But I'd not want to get away from my family. Hillary: 1.5 in Germany. But you would go to study anywhere else? Eser: no.

Semra dreams of a job with children.

Semra: Ich will Sozialpaedegogik studieren, und um, vielleicht um, mein eigen privat Kindergarten auch machen. Das war immer mein Traum so, ein Kindergarten zu besitzen, mit Kindern

Semra: I want to study social pedagogy, and um, maybe um, open my own private kindergarten. That was always my dream, to own a kindergarten, with kids.

Of all my participants, Hanife has the least supportive family when it came to her studies.

Hanife: Muss unbedingt, ich muss lernen, ich muss es eben schaffen. Ja und ich will es auch schaffen, unbedingt. Ja und wie ah so, zB ein paar Kousinne die sagen mir, warum sollten wir, die haben die haben keine Lust, sagen warum ist doch egal, warum muss ich HaG machen, diese Sachen die reden darum, und wenn man so eine Einstellung nicht haben will, denn schafft man das sws nicht. Man braucht dann irgendwie Einstellung, man muss, man braucht ja Wollen. Man muss es einfach, wenn man das will, dan schafft man das auch. Ja und ebend, und meine, und wenn ich jetzt MSA, dann brauch ich noch mein Abi, und dann muss ich noch das Abi schaffen, und wenn ich das auch gemacht habe, ich darf auch nicht sitzen bleiben sonst sind die auch, oh komme die hat es nicht geschafft, und zeig mal sie hat es sws nicht. Eher..die ganze Zeit, die ganze Zeit nicht zuhause diese ganze, die reden einfach nur um Hillary: Die glauben an dir nicht? Hanife: nein nein, die glaub keiner glaubt, diese diese ausser meine Vater.

Hanife : Must necessarily mean I have to learn , I have to do it. Yes and I also want to create, absolutely. Yes and like ah so, for example, a few of my cousins who tell me, why should we, who have no desire to say why does not matter, why do I have to do homework, these things are talking about, and if you so adjustment is not want to have , because you do not make them so to speak. One needs then somehow setting, you have to , you do indeed want . You just have to, if you want to, then you create that too. Yes and loving, and mean, and now when I pass the MSA, then I still need my final exams , and then I have to pass even the Abitur , and even though I have done that, I may not sit well otherwise remain are also, oh come which did not make it, and show us all she has not so to speak. Rather...all the time, all the time not at home this whole who speak simply about

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Hillary: Theu do not believe in you? Hanife: No no, I think no one believes , that is except my father.

She is highly motivated to succeed despite her family, and really wants to show them that she can do what none of them so far have been able to do.

Hillary: hast du ein Ziel, deine Ziele: MSA schaffen, Abi Schaffen, aber danach? Hanife: Danach studieren. Studieren. Hillary: Was denn? Hanife: Medizin studieren. Hmmm.

Hillary: Do you have a goal, your goal: to pass the MSA, to pass the Abitur, but afterwards? Hanife: Afterwards study, study. Hillary: What then? Hanife: To study medicine. Hmmm.

Feride was right at the precipice of beginning the Abitur phase of her schooling process.

Success in school is the only option she could see for her future.

Feride: Ja, das muss man machen um Erfolg zu haben muss mann die Studium, ah so, um dein Ziel zu folgen. Denn spaeter mal sag ich mehr, Ein oefferkoeffer werden moechtest, dann brauchst du auch kein Abi zu machen, aber wenn du was, ein Beruf machst, halt wo du auch geil verdienst, wo das dir auch Spass macht, denn muss halt, diese ganzen erleben sind, ich sag' nur sind ehe nur 2 Jahre sag ich noch, dieses Jahr und denn noch den 13 dann nichts, dann bin ich vertig Hillary: Ja, das schaffst du. Feride: Ja, ich hoffe mal.

Feride: Yes, you have to do it in order to succeed one must study, ah so to follow your goal. For later times I say more, A open suitcase to be desired, you also need to make no Abitur, but if you do what a professional, stop where you will get money and happy where that makes you even fun, because must stop this whole are experiencing, I'd just like before are just 2 years, I still say, this year, and because even the 13 then nothing, then I am finished. Hillary: Yes, you can do it. Feride: Yes, I just hope.

For her career, she doesn’t have any real concrete plans yet. She wants to make sure that she is in a position to be able to help people. I have no doubt that with the support of her

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family and plenty of hard work, Feride will be able to succeed at whatever she decides to put her mind to.

Halime is much less confident in her abilities than she really has need to be.

Halime: Ich will eigentlich gerne Polizistin werden, aber...ja ich denke nicht das ich das werden Hillary: Doch Halime: Ich hab zwar ein Traumberuf, aber ich weiss nicht. … Halime: So fuer Geheim Faelle irgendwie so was. Schon nicht so ganz unten, aber soll darueber Hillary: Ja Halime: Sowas will ich gerne werden. Ehm... Hillary: Detektiv oder so. Halime: Ja, genau sowas private Detektiv oder so was. Ich werden auch eigentlich gern ehm, ehm, oh nee ich habe es vergessen. Aydan: Was? Halime: Hostess Aydan: Ehm, in Flugzeug diese

Halime I would actually like to be a policewoman, but ... yeah, I do not think I will be the Hillary: But Halime: Although I have a dream job, but I do not know. ... Halime: So for covert cases somehow something. Even not so far down, but is about it Hillary: Yes Halime: Something I will like to be. Ehm ... Hillary: Detective or so. Halime: Yes, just something private detective or something. I also really like uh, um, oh nee I forgot about it. Aydan: What? Halime: Hostess Aydan: This Ehm, in plane.

I want to note here that Halime and Aydan both could only think of the Turkish word for a flight attendant. I found this really interesting, especially for Aydan who has spent some time flying back and forth to Turkey every other year for her entire life.

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A note about Aydan is certainly warranted here. Aydan was the only one of the participants who did not have a dream job or future academic or career plans. She also happens to be the youngest of the participants, and the least academically inclined. In her video diary that she made about the future, she mentions “only” wanting to have a family and stay home with her kids. The way she said it was not in a disappointing tone, rather, matter of fact like she’s been comparing her life to her friends for some time.

Conclusion

Ates notes that:

Bei den Angehӧrigen der zweiten Generation liegt ein großer Teil der Verantwortung dafür, ob ein friedliches Zusammenleben in unserer Gesellschaft gelingt oder nicht. Sie erziehen die dritte Generation und sind die Großeltern der vierten Generation. Sie sind also die Vorbilder , die die Kinder der Zukunft benӧtigen. Mit der zweiten Generation muss Tacheles geredet werden (2008, pp39-40).

In the second generation is a large part of the responsibility for determining whether a peaceful coexistence is possible in our society or not. They educate the third generation and are the grandparents of the fourth generation. So you are the role models that teach the children of the future. With the second generation plain talk should be spoken

The girls in this study are moving forward. Time is marching along, and so are their lives. Six months after I left the field, they were all very busy, but made time to meet with me to discuss how things had changed. I have since kept in contact with all of them, and wish to end this chapter with a follow-up of sorts.

Eser passed her Abitur with flying colors. She is now studying mathematics at the Free University in Berlin. She is having a really difficult time adjusting to university life, and is already considering changing her major. She still regularly attends the MHW to get help with her course work, but is having a harder time finding someone there who

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can help her with her. The last time we spoke, she was more down than I had ever heard this normally optimistic girl.

Semra is still very concentrated on her school work as she is now in the thirteenth grade and studying hard for her Abitur. She and her boyfriend are still together, though they rarely see each other as they are both studying hard for the Abitur. She is determined to graduate with high honors so that she can go to the university next year to study social pedagogy and eventually open her own Kindergarten. She still emails me her English homework to correct, and sends me weekly updates via text message. Her positive attitude has not changed in the least, and she continues to be the most open of all my participants.

Feride is also in the Abitur phase of her thirteenth year. When I went back after six months she was very busy and we almost didn’t get to see each other. She continues to travel to Turkey regularly for business trips with her mother and school vacations. Her goals for the future have not changed, and she is on course to achieve them at the moment.

Halime, Aydan, and Hanife all passed their MSA test, and will continue on in the college bound track of Gymnasium. Halime’s family keeps talking about moving back to

Turkey, though they want to wait until she finishes her Abitur in two to three years. She is still the quietest of all the participants, though her opinions always come through loud and clear. Her family is very supportive of all her academic pursuits, especially her older sister who is currently studying at the university with the hopes of becoming a doctor eventually.

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Aydan seemed a bit more jaded when I saw her six months after I left Berlin.

There was no explanation that she offered me at the time, and I am left wondering. Her demeanor had changed significantly to be more defiant and standoffish, though I cannot be sure why. As the youngest of my participants with the least concrete goals for the future, she is the one that I find myself worrying about now. She’d been having friend troubles at the time, having been in several fights with her best friend. Perhaps that was the reason for her pessimism at the time. Her communications with me have also waned as time has passed, though not for lack of trying on both of our parts.

Hanife was the only participant that I was not able to follow-up with during my two week follow-up stay in Berlin. She was very busy with school at the time though I was quite worried I had offended her. I have since learned that she is now hanging out with a different crowd at school, so perhaps that had something to do with her unavailability.

I am sure that all of these girls will succeed in their own way in the future.

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Alles ist einfacher, als Sie denken, und gleichzeitig komplexer, als man sich vorstellen kann. --Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

Her şey düşündüğünüzden daha kolay. Bi okadarda karmasik.

Everything is simpler than you think, and at the same time more complex than you can imagine.

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Chapter 10: Conclusion

This dissertation has focused on the subjective experiences of Turkish-German adolescent girls in Berlin. Beginning with an introduction into the background literature from the anthropology of Europe, adolescence, identity, and immigration, I moved forward with a chapter entirely focused on the design and methodology used in this project. The next chapter discussed the location of this research, situating it within data from the country of Germany, the city of Berlin, and the neighborhood of Wedding. The same chapter introduced the six girls who participated in this research study. Chapter five focused on the subjectivity of the girls in the study and introduced the concept of bicultural citizenship, which I will further explicate here. Chapter six discussed the subjective well-being of the girls, specifically by delving into their expectations several of the problematic encounters as they were relayed to me during the course of our time together. Chapter seven discussed the role of the changes in German Citizenship Law, integration, and the statistical consequences of these changing debates about integration and definitions of citizenship. In chapter eight I looked at the girls’ identity conceptualization for themselves and how they view themselves as being represented. I also briefly discussed an art exhibition titled Heimatkunde at the Jewish Museum of

Berlin. Finally, in chapter nine I briefly outlined the girls’ visions for their futures.

In this conclusion, I will attempt to tie all these themes together and discuss some of the “so what?” questions of interest with regards to this dissertation. By the end of the chapter, it should be clear to the reader the possible impacts of the findings from this research and what implications it might have for anthropological understanding. The reader should be able to understand how all these themes work together to help me come

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to these conclusions, and what exactly this study is contributing to the wider body of anthropological knowledge.

The first section of this concluding chapter will discuss why this research is different from other studies on immigrants and even on Turkish-Germans in general. The second section will focus on tying together all the discussions of the previous chapters, while focusing in on the contributions that this dissertation has made specifically to the field of anthropology. This chapter shall conclude with a discussion of the wider implications of this study, including a discussion of policy language. I do not wish here to make these implications prescriptive, rather to clarify the possible directions I see the information from this study taking.

Distinctive Nature of this Study

Though Turkish-German adolescents as second and third generation immigrants have been studied in educational (Mannitz 2005) and socioliguistic contexts (Eksner

2007), this research is distinctive in that it focuses on the subjective experience of these girls in an attempt to better conceptualize their cultural experience as called for by Biehl,

Good, and Kleinman (2007). This research builds upon previous scholarship with second generation immigrants, especially with concern for their navigation of multiple cultural spheres and of sometimes conflicting expectations (DeVos & Suarez-Orozco 1990;

Suarez-Orozco 1995; & Suarez-Orozco 2000).

Utilizing a modified Bronfenbrenner model, this research has attempted to look at all levels of interaction not to distinguish their influences on one another, rather to better understand the coalescing of these variables at multiple levels. The macro-system was measured through a short policy analysis, specifically by looking at German citizenship

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law. The exosystem in this model was measured through key informant interviews with people working directly with and for Turkish-Germans in Berlin. Participant observation and individual interviews with girls made up the measurements of the Microsystem, while the individual measurements were conducted through individual interviews, video diary entries produced by the girls, and the discussion of the Muslim installations of the

Heimatkunde exhibition. Through this distinctive lens, I have been able to better describe the entire subjective experience of Turkish-German adolescent girls in Berlin, especially focusing in on the psychological anthropology discussions of subjective well- being and identity, among other themes.

Study Themes & Contributions

This dissertation has explored several themes in depth, namely: subjectivity, bicultural citizenship, identity, subjective well-being, and German citizenship law. All these themes have been explored from the perspective of the Turkish-German adolescent girls who participated in this research project. With this section of the concluding chapter of this dissertation, I would like to tie some of these themes together and explore the interconnections and divergences between them. These are the conclusions that I have drawn from conducting this research for a year in Berlin, Germany with these generous girls.

First I would like to address the reasoning behind separately exploring the subjectivity and identity of these girls. My conceptualization of these comcepts is symbiotic in nature. Subjectivity, as explored in this project, is the relationship between a person and their cultural niche both from the outside in and vice versa. This suggests that not only environmental factors affect these girls, but also that the girls affect their

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environment. I have tried to capture this concept additionally in the chapter on citizenship law and counting, showing how their presence has changed policy and how policy has affected their lives.

Through the development of the concept of bicultural citizenship, I have attempted to show as well the internal ways in which the girls cope with externalized pressures and the internalization of where they belong. They belong to two different countries in two completely separate ways, such that they then feel themselves to have a split identity. While they feel themselves to be Turkish, with regards to ethnicity and culture for example, they also feel themselves to be German in some ways, such as language and where they want to live for the rest of their lives. This is the essence of bicultural citizenship in the Turkish-German experience, at least from the viewpoint of the second and third generation Turkish adolescent girls in this study.

Both subjectivity and identity are fluid and ever changing ideas both internally and externally. Because of the change in German citizenship law, the way that these girls are legally perceived is now different than previous generations. At the same time that these changes have legally occurred, the way that they view and project themselves has not significantly changed, according to them. While their civic identity is one of being a

German and identifying with many German ideals, their ethnic identity remains Turkish, even when they are perceived as “foreign” in both Turkey and Germany. This betwixt and between is especially pronounced in adolescence, as they are in the midst of discovering and deciding who they would like to be in the future. This all shapes their identity, which they describe as simultaneously Turkish and split half and half. To me, this signals both indecision in the face of categories that don’t exactly fit who they see

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themselves to be and the fact that the examples they have been exposed to are not compatible with how they see themselves.

These outside and inside influences certainly help shape the expectations that these girls must navigate. It was extremely hard to get at the exact expectations that these girls have for themselves and that others have for them. I found that by discussing problematic encounters with them, that it was easier to tease apart the expectations that they had for themselves and for others. The many examples used in the chapter on subjective well-being are only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the stories that I heard from both participants and participant observation time. What seems to be consistent differential treatment because they are “foreign” is a huge marker of tension in

Germany, in my opinion. This is not to suggest that this is a singular situation; rather that it is going to take some time for Germany to change in order to accommodate its newly established diversity.

I believe the intentions of the statisticians at the symposium were good, but their perspective is much different than mine coming from an American context. I understand the need to understand diverse peoples within a community, but differentiating by language is going to be a more difficult prospect as further generations of Turks and other immigrants remain in Germany and raise their children there. The diversity question within Germany is a heated debate, especially given the fairly recent changes to citizenship law to include non-ethnic Germans. In the context of the EU however, it will become even more important to better understand the implications of immigration statistically, economically, and otherwise.

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But the law is a living document that is constantly changing. The most recent changes to German citizenship law happened in 2013, and it will continue to evolve as needs and wants within the country change. Beyond the law, I think it is extremely important to consider ways that overall Germany can change to be more inclusive to their

“foreigners.” A good place to start might be to stop calling them “foreigners” for example, especially when it is just not true as in the cases of these girls. Diversity may now be written into German citizenship law, but it is not the goal of integration policy.

No matter the rhetoric that surrounds integration, it will always be seen by the

“foreigners” as a way to make them more German. Does learning the language and customs of Germany really “make” one a German? That is the case according to policy, but according to the problematic encounters as reported by these girls, no.

The subjective experiences of these girls cannot be denied. They do not feel like they are a part of Germany at all. They feel excluded. They feel marginalized. The same is true in Turkey, even when surrounded by family that accepts them, their family still thinks of them as German despite the fact that they don’t see themselves that way.

What I find the most fascinating about this research is the way that the girls cling to their Turkish-ness while wanting to live in Germany for the most part, despite the fact that they all feel excluded in both places. Additionally, most of them have traveled very little within Germany, and have spent the majority of their lives in Berlin surrounded in the “foreign” section of Wedding. Their subjective experiences of Germany and Turkey are very different than the average, and it would be extremely interesting to compare this group with a group of adolescents living in a less foreign-dense populace such as in a smaller city like Bremen, Kӧln, or Nuremberg. This naturally raises a multitude of

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questions such as: Would they feel more excluded or included in a smaller city with a smaller Turkish population? How might their relationships with Germans change if they had more contact with them, as in school for example? Would their split identities be different? Would the subjectivity of their experience differ if they weren’t surrounded by fellow foreigners where they live? Would they note more problematic encounters as they would most likely have more interactions with Germans on a regular basis? All these questions and more spring to mind when contemplating differential experience based on place, space, and population shifts that could affect outcomes.

As originally conceived, this research sought to look at identity development and subjective well-being in Turkish-German adolescent girls in Berlin. Ostensibly, these girls grow up in a bicultural environment, but that is not what I found to be the case completely. Because of segregation based on housing, these girls primarily interact with other foreigners, mostly Turks. Their classrooms are filled with children who also learned German as their first foreign language, despite having been born there. Language acquisition makes a huge difference in the development of a person’s sense of identity, and I hypothesize that in this case it has helped shape these girls senses of themselves.

While they may have grown up in a German city, their worlds were entirely Turkish until they went to school. Almost all the children in their school are also “foreign.” The main interaction that they have with Germans is with their teachers. Otherwise, they only interact with Germans when the leave their section of town to go shopping. Even when they do leave, they often travel to the conveniently located sections of town that are also filled with Turks and other Muslims such as Kreuzberg, Neukӧlln, and Schoneberg.

They rarely even have to change trains.

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After having conducted this research with these adolescent girls, I find myself asking more questions than I have answers. Of course, that is the nature of research, so it is not all that surprising. While I feel that at the end of this dissertation process, I do have a better idea of their perspectives, what I find the most confusing now is the German perspective. Many of the debates about Turks in Germany surround several misconceptions of them, such as how much they drain the support system within

Germany. With Germany’s leading role within the European Union, it is hard to completely understand the continued misconception of their country as an ethnically homogenous ideal. If second and third generation Turks do not feel that they are a part of

Germany, despite acquiring citizenship, speaking the language, and other such integration questions, then is integration into German civil society really possible? If integration is the goal, then are these new citizens not completely integrated?

While bicultural identity and subjectivity are completely understandable for many immigrants, are these girls truly immigrants? Immigrants choose to go to a different place for a variety of reasons. Their parents and grandparents primarily came to

Germany for two reasons: jobs and marriage. Through their success in school they will not have need for economic immigration, and through their ideal choice of mates neither will they have the need for nuptial immigration. They are not by definition immigrants, but at the same time they are. They immigrate every day between two worlds. There is the world of home and family and the outside world. Denying their Turkish “roots” as they called them, would be like denying their family. Denying their German parts is denying the culture that has forever rejected them through almost daily discrimination and other problematic encounters. From immigrant to one who has a “migration

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background,” the definition for these girls has changed significantly over the course of their lives. Despite these changes in definition, the nomenclature of “foreigner” is still applied while Turk is implied no matter what formal declarations are made.

I would also be remiss if I should not mention the wider discoursese in which these girls’ subjectivities occur. These girls are not only German citizens, but they are also citizens within the European Union. As the scope of the EU widens, and the further resistance to Turkey joining deepens, the subjective experience of being a Turk within the borders of the EU is certain to change. I speculate that some of these larger EU issues also affect the girls’ own perception of their “German-ness” though I did not ask them directly. What will be interesting to study in the future, is whether or not this might change with the inclusion of Turkey into the union. At this point, that seems like a dream deffered, at least for now.

Implications of this Research

There are several different levels of implications for this research that I would like to discuss. First, this research has already impacted the lives of the girls in this study. By asking the questions I did and focusing in on the subjects of inquiry in the interviews and video diaries, these girls have started to consider these topics in a new light. While they certainly had opinions about the subjects I questioned them about, many of them also confessed to never having really contemplated them in such detail as to actually explain them. They, like me, have been changed for having been a part of this research. While it is my hope that the questions and issues I discussed with them will not plague them, that is not a guarantee I can make. When I returned six months after my exit from the field, the girls were excited not only to see me, but also to talk about some of the same themes

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that we had explored previously. They all had new stories for me illustrating some of the same points that they had made, and I listened with new ears having already poured through my interviews in search of themes and conclusions.

The second implication for this research is specifically focused on the after-school program where I conducted many hours of participant observation and began my recruitment for this study. For most of the children there, I was the first American they had ever met. This interaction with me changed their view of Americans, and their inquisitions about my home country changed some of the previous assumptions that they had about the United States. Additionally, the organization was able to have free English tutoring for months from me, and many students seek out English tutelage there because of it.

I would like to say that this research has also changed the neighborhood of

Wedding. Word of the American doing a research study there spread quickly for sure, though the implications of that I’m not entirely sure. One way that Wedding could be impacted by this project however, is that a new non-ghetto picture will emerge. Wedding is a beautiful and vibrant neighborhood just north of the city center. There is much to be appreciated there, especially the diversity of the people, and I certainly hope that has been conveyed here in this dissertation.

As for Germany most broadly, this research has shown not the most beautiful side of this country which I so dearly love. Despite all the problematic encounters and discrimination that these girls face, they still plan to live in Germany, which I think says more about the country than they would even imagine. What I know to be sure is that

Germany, unlike some of their neighbors, is trying to solve these issues. German

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politicians and the German public are interested in issues of integration and inclusion.

What I find lacking in the German discussion is a change in the language of inclusion.

Instead of always characterizing non-ethnic Germans as “foreigners” or those with a

“migration background,” perhaps Germany could start working on a language of inclusion. By all counts, these girls are citizens (or soon will be) of Germany. They are a part of Germany, not despite their “migration background” rather because of it. Do they really have a “migration background” if they have spent their entire lives in Germany?

Specifically with regards to German citizenship policy, there needs to be a reconsideration of the details of this document need to be reworked. Why must people decide to be either exclusively German or exclusively something else? What does

Germany have against dual citizenship anyway? If these girls define themselves as having two different selves that they present, one in Germany and one in Turkey, what would be the problem with possessing two different passports to present as well?

German policy needs to reflect the population, and with the changing demographics of

Germany, this is going to continue to be a major issue for years to come.

Regarding German integration efforts and policy, I think that Germany is starting from a good place with helping their residents, alien and citizen alike, to learn the

German language and customs. It is a good thing to help citizens learn to integrate better into the larger society, if that is what they wish to do. This is one thing that the United

States could certainly learn from Germany. There are several problems with integration though. The assumption that someone is completely non-functional in Germany because they do not speak German is false. The assumption that becoming a German citizen means that you have to conform or at least understand German customs is also

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precarious. While the efforts are admirable, even if these people are “integrated” through better understanding of the German language and customs, they are still not going to be accepted as German by the wider society and thus will never consider themselves to be a part of Germany. Integration is not only about immigrants and refugees learning the local ideals, but also about the wider society accepting these people as part of their own whole. Germany has much history and precedence to overcome in this way.

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Appendix A: German Citizenship Law, German then English Translation

“Staatsangehӧrigkeitsgesetz in der im Bundesgsetzblatt Teil III, Gliederungsnummer 102-1, verӧffentlichten bereinigten Fassung, das zuletzt durch Artikel 1 des Gesetzes vom 28. August 2013 (BGBI. I S. 3458) geӓndert worden ist.” §4 (4) Durch die Geburt erwirbt ein Kind die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit, wenn ein Elternteil die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit besitzt. Ist bei der Geburt des Kindes nur der Vater deutscher Staatsangehӧriger und ist der Begründung der Abstammung nach den deutschen Gesetzen die Anerkennung oder Feststellung der Vaterschaft erforderlich, so bedarf es zur Geltenmachung des Erwerbs einer nach den deutschen Gesetzen wirksamen Anerkennung oder Feststellung der Vaterschaft; die Anerkennungserklӓrund muß abgegeben oder das Feststellungsverfahren muß eingeleitet sein, bevor das Kind das 23. Lebensjahr vollendet hat. (5) Ein Kind, das im Inland aufgefunden wird (Findelkind), gilt bis zum Beweis des Gegenteils als Kind eines Deutschen. (6) Durch die Geburt im Inland erwirbt ein Kind auslӓndischer Eltern die deutsche Staatsangehӧrigkeit, wenn ein Elternteil a. seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig seinen gewӧhnlichen Aufenthalt im Inland hat und b. ein unbefristetes Aufenthaltsrecht oder als Staatsangehӧriger der Schweiz oder dessen Familienangehӧriger eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis auf Grund des Abkommnes vom 21. Juni 1999 zwischen der Europӓischen Gemeinschaft und ihren MItgliedstaaten einerseits und der Schweizerischen eidgenossenschaft andererseits über die Freizügigkeit (BGBI 2001 II S. 810) besitzt. … §10 (8) Ein Auslӓnder, der seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig seinen gewӧhnlichen Aufenthalt im Inland hat und handlungsfӓhig nach Maßgabe des §80 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes oder gesetzlich vertreten ist, ist auf Antrag einzubürgern wenn er 8. Sich zur freiheitlichen demokratischen Grundordung des Grundgesetzes für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland bekennt und erklӓrt, dass er keinen Bestrebungen verfolgt oder unterstützt oder verfolgt oder unterstützt hat, die a. Gegen die freiheitliche demokratische Grundordnung, den Bestand oder die Sicherheit des Bundes oder einese Landes gerichtet sind oder b. Eine ungesetzliche Beeintrӓchtung der Amtsführung der Verfassungsorgane des Bundes oder eines Landes oder ihrer Mitglieder zum Ziele haben oder c. durch Anwendung von Gewalt oder darauf gerichtete Vorbereitungshandlungen auswӓrtige Belange der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gefӓhrden, oder glaubhaft macht, dass er sich von der früheren Verfolgung oder Unterstützung derartiger Bestrebungen abgewandt hat,

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9. ein unbefristetes Auftenthaltrecht oder als Staatsangehӧriger der Schweiz oder dessen Familienangehӧriger eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis auf Grund des Abkommens von 21. Juni 1999 zwischen der Europӓischen Gemeinschaft und ihren Mitgliedstaaten einerseits und der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschat andere seits über die Freizügigkeit, eine Blaue Karte EU oder eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis für andere als die in den §§16, 17, 20, 22, 23 Abs. 1 §§ 23a, 24, und 25 Abs. 3 bis 5 des Aufendhaltsgesetzes aufgeführten Aufenthaltszwecke besitzt, 10. den Lebensunterhalt für sich und seine unterhaltsberechtigen Familienangehӧrigen ohne Inanspruchnahme von Leisungen nach dem Zweiten oder Zwӧlften Buch Socialgesetzbuh bestreiten kann oder deren Inanspruchnahme nicht zu vertreten hat, 11. seine bisherige Staatsangehӧrigkeit aufgibt oder verliert, 12. weder wegen einer Rechstwidrigen Tat zu einer Strafe verurteilt noch gegen ihn auf Grund siener Schuldunfӓhigkeit eine Maßregel der Besserung und Sicherung angeordnet worden ist, 13. über ausreichende Kenntnisse der deutschen Sprache verfügt und 14. über Kenntnisse der Rechts- und Gesellschaftsordnung und der Lebensverhӓltnisse in Deutschland verfügt. Die Voraussetzung nach Satz 1 Nr. 1 und 7 müssen Auslӓnder nicht erfüllen, die nicht handlungsfӓhig nach Maßgabe des § 80 Abs. 1 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes sind. (9) Der Ehegatte und die minderjӓhrigen Kinder des Auslӓnders kӧnnen nach Maßgabe des Absatzes 1 mit eingebürgert werden, auch wenn sie sich noch nicht seit acht Jahren rechtmӓßig im Inland aufhalten. (10) Weist ein Auslӓnder durch die Bescheinigung des Bundesamtes für Migration und Flüchtlinge die erfolgreiche Teilnahme an einem Integrationskurs nach, wird die Frist nach Absatz 1 auf sieben Jahre verkürzt. Bei Vorliegen besondere Integrationsleistungen, insbesondere beim Nachweis von Sprachkenntnissen, die die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 übersteigen, kann sie auf sechs Jahre verkürzt werden. (11) Die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr 6 liegen vor, wenn der Auslӓnder die Anforderungen der Sprachprüfung zum Zertifikat Deutsch (B1 des Gemeinsamen Europӓischen Referenzrahmens für Sprachen) in mündlicher und schriftlicher Form erfüllt. Bei einem minderjӓhrigen Kind, das im Zeitpunkt der Einbürgerung das 16. Lebensjahr noch nicht vollendet hat, sind die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 bei einer altersgemӓßen Sprachentwicklung erfüllt. (12) Die Voraussetzungen des Absatzes 1 Nr. 7 sind in der Regel durch einen erfolgreichen Einbürgerungstest nachgeweisen. Zure Vorbereitung darauf werden Einbürgerungskurse angeboten; die Teilnahme daran ist nicht verpflichtend. (13) Von den Voraussetzunge des Absatzes 1 Satz 1 Nr. 6 und 7 wird abgesehen, wenn der Auslӓnder sie wegen einer kӧrperlichen, geistigen oder seelischen Krankheit oder Behinderung oder altersbedingt nicht erfüllen kann. (14) Das Bundesministerium des Innern wird ermӓchtigt, die Prüfungs- und Nachweismodalitӓten des Einbürgerungstests sowie die Grundstruktur und die Lerninhalt des Einbürgerungskurses nach Absatz 5 auf der Basis der Themen des

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Orientierungskurses nach § 43 Abs. 3 Satz 1 des Aufenthaltsgesetzes durch Rechtsverordnung, die nicht der Zustimmung des Bundesrates bedarf, zu regeln.

Translation: Citizenship law in Federal Law Gazette in Part III , section number 102-1 , published a streamlined version that the recently amended by Article 1 of Law 28 has been changed August 2013 ( Federal Law Gazette I p 3458 ) . " § 4 (1 ) The birth of a child acquires the German Citizenship when a parent has German Citizenship . If at the birth of the child the Father is a German citizen and the proof of descent under German law recognition or determination of paternity is required, it needs to enforcement the acquisition of a valid under German law recognition or determination of paternity and the Authentication statement must be submitted or the determination process has to be initiated before the child's 23rd years . ( 2) A child who is found in Germany (foundling) , until proven to the contrary as a child of a German . ( 3) Through birth in Germany a child of foreign parents may acquire German Citizenship , if a parent has been in Germany for eight years legally has its common stay at home and b . a permanent right of residence or as a citizen of Switzerland or its family a residence permit on the basis of descendence of 21 June 1999 between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part , and the Swiss confederation other, on the free movement of persons ( Federal Law Gazette 2001 II p 810) has . ... § 10 ( 1) A Foreigner , that legally has its common stay in Germany for eight years and is capable of acting in accordance with § 80 of the Residence Act or is legally represented , is able to apply to naturalize if he 1 Professes and explains that he has followed no aspirations or support or persecuted or support for liberal democratic the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany , that are directed against the free democratic basic order , the existence or security of the Federation or another country or b . Having an unlawful detraction the official leadership of the constitutional organs of the Federation or of a country or its members to goals or c . to compromise by use of force, ensure or preparatory acts external interests of the Federal Republic of Germany , or proves that he has turned away from an earlier pursuit or support of such efforts , 2 a permanent right of residence or as citizen of Switzerland or its family residents a residence permit on the basis of the Agreement of 21 June 1999 between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part , and the Swiss Confederacy other § hand on freedom of movement , for an EU Blue Card or a residence other than those in § § 16 , 17, 20 , 22, 23 , Section 1 of § 23a , 24, and 25 , paragraph 3 of the 5 listed to stay residency purposes has , 3 can deny the livelihood for himself and his dependents without recourse to entitle family members efforts after the second or twelfth book social law book or their use is not responsible , 4 gives up or loses his previous Citizenship,

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5 neither convicted of illegal act to any penalty or against him on the basis of Sienese absence of criminal responsibility, a measure of reform and prevention has been arranged , 6 has sufficient knowledge of the German language and 7 has knowledge of the legal and social order and the living conditions in Germany . The condition referred to in sentence 1 number 1 and 7 do not have to meet that are not capable of acting in accordance with § 80 Section 1 of the Residence Act for Foreigner . ( 2) The spouse and children of the minor Foreigners can with paragraph 1, be naturalized , even if they are not staying for eight years legally domestically. (3 ) If a Foreigner period shall be reduced by the certificate of the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees successful participation in an integration course after , is referred to in paragraph 1 to seven years. If there are special integration services, especially in the detection of language skills that exceed the requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 , it can be reduced to six years . ( 4) The requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 number 6 are present if the Foreigner meets the requirements of the German language examination for certificate ( B1 of the Common European Framework for Languages ) in oral and written form . In a minor child that the 16 at the time of naturalization Age has not yet been completed, the requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 are met at an age appropriate language development. ( 5) The provisions of paragraph 1, No. 7, and demonstrating normally through a successful naturalization test . In preparation for it offered naturalization rates; participation in it is not mandatory. (6 ) Of the Requirements of paragraph 1 sentence 1 No. 6 and 7 will be waived if the Foreigner they cannot meet because of a physical or mental illness or disability , or old age . (7 ) The Federal Ministry of the Interior is empowered , the Audit and verification modalities the naturalization test as well as the basic structure and the learning content of the naturalization course in accordance with paragraph 5 on the basis of the themes of the orientation course according to § 43 paragraph 3 sentence 1 of the Residence Act by ordinance that are not requires the consent of the Bundesrat, regulate .

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Appendix B

Interview Schedule

Interview 1: Personliche Geschichte & Familie (Personal History and Family)

Interview 2: Selbst Auffassung/Vorstellung & Identität (Self-Perception/Imagination and

Identity)

Interview 3: Schule, Kulturellen Erwartungen von Deutsch/Turken (School, Cultural expectations from Germans and Turks

Interview 4: Psychische Gesundheit, Einwanderungs Politik, & Zukunft (Psychological

Health, Immigration politics, & future)

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Appendix C

Video Diary Instructions

Anleitung Videotagebuch

1. Sie sind die einzige Person die aufgenommen werden soll. Bitte nehmen Sie keine Personen ausser sich selbst mit dieser Kamera auf. 2. Sie sind zuständig für Ihre Aufnahmen und Verantwortlich für die Rückgabe der Kamera und Aufnahmen an Hillary Melchiors. 3. Die Aufnahmen sollten alleine in einem privaten Umfeld erfolgen, so als wenn Sie ein Tagebuch schreiben würden. 4. Sie können während der Aufnahmen über all Ihre Gedanken reden. Jedoch beantworten Sie bitte ehrlich die Fragen und diskutieren Sie die Themen, welche Sie erhalten haben.

Diary 1: Ein Tag deines Lebens:

-Ein ganz normaler Tag: Bring mich durch einen normalen Tag für Sie. Wann stehst du auf? Wann fängt der Schule an? War heute ein normaler Tag? Was machst du in deiner Freizeit an einem typischen Tag? Welche Sprachen sprechen Sie jeden Tag und in welchen Situationen?

-Was ist der beste Teil des Tages und warum? Was ist der schwierigste Teil des Tages und warum?

-Besondere Tag: Lieblings Urlaub? Warum? Was wollen Sie in diesem Urlaub machen?

-Ort: Wo fühlen Sie sich am bequemsten und mit wem? Was denkst du über dein Kiez?

-Freunde & Beziehungen: Mit wem kannst du am besten reden? Wie viele Freude siehst du in ein normaler Tag? Wer versteht dich am besten?

Diary 2: Politik, Staatsangehörigkeit, und Sprache

Was weißt du über Deutschlands Ausländerpolitik? Was meinst du allgemein über Türken in Deutschland? Kommt politische Debatte in dein Leben irgendwann vor? Wann und wie?

Warst du schon beim Ausländerbehörde? Welche Staatsangehörigkeit hast du? Wie hast du über die 18 Jahrige Passfrage mit dein Eltern geredet? Welche Staatsangehörigkeit haben deine Eltern? Geschwistern? Was bedeutet diese entscheidung zu dir?

Gab es irgendwann fremde Leute die nett zu dir waren wegen ein Teil dein Identität? Gab es irgendwann Fremde die böse waren wegen dein Identität? Erzähl mir einer Geschichte.

Welche Sprache magst du am besten? Warum? Welche liest du gern? Warum? Welche Fernsehsendungen kuckst du am liebsten? Radio? Internet?

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Diary 3: Träumen von Zukunft

Wohnen: Wo willst du im Futur wohnen? Im welchem Land? Stadt? Wohnung/Haus? Wie weit sind deine Eltern von dein future Wohnsituation? Willst du auch ein bisschen reisen? Wohin und warum?

Wie sieht dein Familie im Futur aus? Bist du verheiratet? Woher kommt dein Partner? Hast du Kinder? Wie ist deine Beziehung mit dein eigene Eltern?

Was willst du im future für Arbeit machen? Warum? Kennst du jemand die dieses Job jetzt macht? Wie kommst du von jetzt bis zu diesem Ziel?

Wie sind deine future Pläne und Träume gleich und verschiedene als dein Leben jetzt? Warum?

Video Diary Instructions 1. You are the only person that should be recorded in this videotape. Please do not record anyone other than yourself with this video camera 2. You are in charge of what is recorded with this video camera and are responsible for returning the camera and recordings back to Hillary Melchiors. 3. You should record the video alone and in a private place, as you might write in a diary. 4. Please feel free to talk about what is on your mind, but also honestly answer the questions and discuss the topics that you were given.

Diary 1: One Day in your Life:

-One totally normal day: Take me through a normal day for you. When do you get up? When does school start? Was today a normal day? What do you do in your freetime on a typical day? Which languages do you speak in a typical day and in which situations?

-What is the best part of your day and why? What is the most difficult part of your day and why?

-Special days: Favorite vacation? Why? What do you want to do on your vacation?

-Place: Where do you feel the most comfortable and with whome? What do you think about your neighborhood?

-Friends and relationships: Who can you talk to the best? How much happiness do you have in a normal day? Who understands you the best?

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Diary 2: Politics, Citizenship, & Language

What do you know about Germany’s foreign policy? What do you think about Turks in Germany? Do you ever have political debates? When and how?

Have you ever been to the foreigner’s office? Which citizenship do you have? How did you talk to your parents about the 18 year passport question? Which citizenship do your parents have? Siblings? What does this decision mean to you?

Was there ever a time that strangers were nice to you because of a part of your identity? Was there ever a time that strangers were mean to you because of your identity? Tell me a story.

Which language do you like the best? Why? Which do you like to read? Why? Which tv programs do you like to watch? Radio? Internet?

Diary 3: Dreams of the Future

•Living: Where do you want to live in the future? In which country? City? Apartment/House? How far away are your parents in your future living situation? Do you also want to travel a bit? Where and why?

How does your future family look? Are you married? Where is your partner from? Doy you have children? How is your relationship with your own parents?

What type of work do you want to do in the future? Why? Do you know someone who does this job? How do you get from here now to this goal?

How are your future plans the same and different from your life now? Why?

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