Riches for the Geography of America and Spain':' Felipe Bauza and His Topographical Collections, 1789-1848

'RICHES FOR THE GEOGRAPHY OF AMERICA AND SPAIN':' FELIPE BAUZA AND HIS TOPOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS, 1789-1848

PETER BARBER

THE British Library's Department of Manuscripts possesses a wealth of material relating to the history and culture of Spain and its colonies.^ This includes one of the largest collections of maps and official papers on colonial Latin America outside the Iberian peninsula (now Add. MSS. 17556-676). Commonly known as the 'Bauza Collection', its story before December 1848, when it was acquired by the British Museum, throws light on some of the motives for map collecting and on the hazards to which collections of political and geographical papers were exposed in the last century. Central to an understanding of the nature of the collection is the person of Felipe Bauza y Canas, one-time head of the Spanish Hydrographic Office (Direccion de Hidrografia)^ (fig. i). Born in Palma, Majorca, on 17 February 1764,"^ of relatively humble parentage, he was educated in the nautical college at Cartagena, leaving, in 1779, as a qualified pilot. In tbe following years he found bimself actively involved in the great siege of Gibraltar (1779-82), the capture of Port Mahon on Minorca from the British, and a campaign against the Moors in 1783-4. From 1785 onwards he trained as a hydrographer under Vincente Tofifio, perhaps the most distinguished Spanish cartographer of the day. Tofino was engaged in the preparation of his Atlas Maritimo Espanol^ and Bauza assisted him in the charting of Spain's Mediterranean coastline. In January 1787 Bauza was created Professor of Fortification and Drawing at the Naval College (Academia de Guardia- marinas) of Cadiz. It was a sign of the esteem in which be was already held. This was also reflected in his steady promotion, first through the ranks of the pilots' corps and then—a particular honour for someone of his birtb—through the ranks of the navy, until in 1819 he was created capitdn de navio. In 1789 he received perhaps the most fiattering testimonial to his abilities. The Italian-born sailor and scientist, Alessandro Malaspina (1754-1810) insisted, in face of opposition, not least from Bauza himself, who was afraid of losing his position in Cadiz, on selecting him as director of charts, plans, and drawings for his expedition to the Americas, Oceania and Australasia. One of the principal objectives of the expedition, which was modelled on the great voyages of Cook and La Perouse, was to be the accurate mapping, for the first time, of Spanish America, the Philippines, and the islands of the Pacific. Bauza's contribution was, thus, central. During the course of the voyage which lasted from July 1789 to September 1794, Bauza assembled a corpus of material for charts of the coastline of South America, published in part

28 Fig. I. Felipe Bauza y Canas. Copied from a portrait by Lopez. From J. M. Bover de Rossello, R. Medel, Varones ilustres de Mallorca (Palma de Mallorca, 1847) between 1797 and 1807, which served as the basis for Spanish mapping of the region for the remainder of the nineteenth century. On the return journey ill health compelled him and another cartographer, Jose de Espinosa y Tello (1763-1815), to cross South America by land from Valparaiso to Buenos Aires in 1793 rather than endure the rigours of the passage of the Straits of Magellan. The result was the first relatively accurate map of the Andes and the Pampas in the Carta esferica de la parte interior de la America Meridional^ which was finally published in 1810.^ Malaspina fell into disgrace as the result of a court intrigue in 1795. Bauza was not implicated though he spent more than half a year as a prisoner in Gibraltar following the capture of his frigate by the British in October^ 1796. In August 1797 he was appointed deputy head of the newly founded Direccion de Hidrografia under Espinosa, whom he succeeded in 1815. Throughout this period he supervised the publication of the charts stemming from the Malaspina expedition, supplied Wellington and General Graham (later Lord Lyndenoch) with reliable maps of Spain during the Peninsular War,^ and twice (1808, 1812) saved the holdings of the Deposito Hidrografico from seizure by the French by transporting them in carts from Madrid to Seville and Cadiz. In these years his reputation as a cartographer led to official commissions for maps of the Franco-Spanish frontier (1808) and of Spain itself (i 820-1) and to him being consulted by the Spanish government on the measures necessary for the security of Paraguay and the Rio de la Plata. Foreign honours also came his way in the form of membership of several learned societies, including the Royal Society of London (1819), and the bestowal of the Russian Cross of St Vladimir (fourth class) in 1816. It was at the turn of the century that he began assembling maps and papers for his own purposes.^ From the start this was no dilettante collection, but one intended to provide Bauza with the information necessary to achieve what had become his principal ambition: the compilation of atlases containing definitive maps of Spain^ and of Latin America, which would sweep away the cartographic misconceptions and fables that had previously held sway (fig. 2). Indeed, as far as Spanish America was concerned, he felt this activity to be a patriotic duty. ^° As be explained in a paper on the geography of South America that was first presented in July 1814, toca a la Espana y a los Espanoles el manifestar a su nacion, a la Europa y al orbe entero el verdadero estado de la Geografia de America. La posesion de mas de tres siglos, las relaciones de familias con la Metropoli y la curiositad de conocer dilatadas regiones . . . y tantas y tan numerosas naciones tan distintas en color como en cosrumbres, todo les convida a ejecutarlo.

[It is up to Spain and the Spaniards to demonstrate the truth about the geography of America to their own nation, to Europe, and to the whole world. More than three centuries of ownership, family ties with the metropolis, curiosity about distant regions . . . and many numerous peoples so different in colour and customs, make it fitting to do so.]^^

Given tbis ambition it is not surprising that, far from leaving his maps in pristine condition, as a connoisseur collector might have done, Bauza extensively annotated many

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/''^'aau of them with calculations of latitude and longitude, in order to establish the true positions of the places shown (fig. 3). In the pursuit of his objectives he was well served by the drafts for the maps and charts that he had executed in the course of the Malaspina expedition and during his time with Tofino. His official position gave him access to an enormous amount of relevant material and a particular boon came in 1817 when Thaddaus Hanke left him a large part of his collections. ^2 Hanke, the official naturalist on the Malaspina expedition, had settled in Cochamba (now in Bolivia) in 1794 and over the following decades had produced some of the earliest accurate maps of that region." There had, however, been frustrations, particularly in the case of Brazil. Even the solicitations of his friend, Henry Vassal Fox, 3rd Baron Holland, who spent much of the Napoleonic period in Spain, had only limited success in persuading the Portuguese government to divulge any of the fruits of their mapping, which remained a closely guarded secret of state until well into the second decade of the nineteenth century. Bauza had, therefore, to rely almost entirely on a few inadequate written accounts for this vast area.^^ In 1822 Bauza was elected to the Cortes as a liberal, representing the area of his birth. In the following year Ferdinand VII, with the support of a French army, revoked the liberal constitution of 1820 and dissolved the Cortes. Bauza had to flee to England under sentence of death, abandonando este patria seducida por Ios que se llaman ministros del altar y por la mas negra perfidia de Ios potentados de Europa [abandoning this country, seduced by those who refer to themselves as ministers of the altar, and the blackest perfidy of the European powers].^^ His first thought was to send his collections to Holland House, Lord Holland's London home, for safekeeping, but events overtook him and he was compelled to deposit them with the British consul in Cadiz. There they were safe—unlike all his other possessions which, he complained, were sequestered even down to his wife and daughters' underwear. By the autumn Bauza had managed to escape to Gibraltar, where he persuaded the authorities to send the frigate Tribune to Cadiz to rescue his collections and his son Felipe (b. 1802)—leaving his wife and two daughters in Madrid. In order to achieve this rescue operation Bauza had to play on the importance of his papers. Impressed, his friends in Gibraltar wrote to John Barrow, the distinguished explorer who was Second Permanent Secretary to the Admiralty, suggesting that the Admiralty should purchase them. This was soon to cause trouble, but in the short term it facilitated matters. The ten chests, containing the bulk of the collections, were addressed to the Admiralty in order, as Bauza fervently hoped, to circumvent the British customs and the danger that the maps and papers would be disturbed and possibly dispersed should they be opened. On the evening of 17 November 1823 Bauza departed for England with his collections on board the man-of-war Falcon.^^ The welcome which he met with on arrival in Plymouth a few days later came as a severe shock. He found that his chests could not be disembarked without the Admiralty's

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o permission, and in a brusque note Barrow informed Bauza that his collections were of no mterest to the Admiralty. The government would offer him no exemption from customs' inspection or duty.^'' When presented with a bill that was beyond his means to pay, Bauza was only with difficulty dissuaded from removing himself and his collections to the Channel Islands or even France. Instead the chests were sent to the customs in London. Hopes of more lenient treatment, however, were disappointed and Bauza was not only confronted with the same bill but also as good as accused of trying to smuggle into England material that properly belonged to the Spanish government. It was only in the following spring that Bauza finally regained possession of his papers, thanks to the pleadings of Lord Holland and his agents with the Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, the Foreign Secretary, George Canning, and a host of other ministers. ^^ No certain answer can be given to the question of whether Bauza himself countenanced the offer of his collections to the Admiralty. He claimed that he only discovered that such a suggestion had been made while he was on board ship for England and he denied ever having written a letter making such an offer. ^^ On the other hand, by March 1824 John Plummer, when pleading on his behalf with Lord Liverpool, did give the impression that Bauza had been prepared to sell the government his collections. On analysis of the wording, however, it is clear that Plummer was referring only to that portion relating to the Malaspina voyage. Most of this was the work of Bauza himself, had always been his property and—significantly—was largely irrelevant for his researches into the geography of Latin America, let alone of Spain.^^^ Indeed it does seem that only desperation about the fate of his collections as a whole had forced Bauza into contemplating even this limited cession. The balance of probability would indicate that he never wished to sell his collections, though under duress he was prepared to dispose—to the British government but never to a private individuaF^—of the part that was of the least research value to him.^^ As he wrote at the time, he could not, anyway, have sold all of his collections, because some of the papers did not belong to him and he intended to return them (a point that will be discussed later). ^^ He seems further to have accepted that because most of the (Malaspina.^) charts were out of date, they would not be of much appeal to the hydrographers of the British Admiralty.^'* When writing to Lord Holland in June 1823 he had, nevertheless, described his collections as forming una riqueza para la geografia tanto de america como de espana, siendo lo unico que adelante puede formar la subsistencia de mi familia en un pais como ese en que se aprecian ala par las ciencias y las artes [riches for the geography as much of America as of Spain, being the only means that henceforth can provide for the subsistence of my family in a country such as this (i.e. England) in which the arts and sciences are equally appreciated].^^ He was not being insincere or unduly mercenary. For it seems almost certain that he intended to continue using his collections as research material for his atlases of Spain and South America and as a source from which, if necessary, commercial maps and charts,

34 engraved by his nephew Jose Cardano, who was already in England, could be prepared for sale. As such the collections would, indeed, have formed the basis of his subsistence. As he stated to the British authorities in December 1823, he had brought it to England con el objecto de publicarlo en Londres como el unico recurso de poder subsistir con su hijo y atender tamhien a su mujer y dos hijas que he dejado en espana, [with the object of publishing it in London as the only means of being able to provide for himself and his son and attending to the needs of his wife and two daughters whom he has left in Spain]. Following this procedure would undoubtedly have brought Bauza a far greater return than if he had sold all his maps and papers on arrival in England. The remaining decade of Bauza's life was spent in London, first at 10 Everett St., near Russell Square, later (1829) at 48 Union St., and finally at 52 Johnson St., both in Somers Town.^*^ Despite his humble dwellings in a poor district crowded with Spanish refugees, Bauza was welcomed into polite society and enjoyed contacts with leading English and European explorers, scientists, and hydrographers. Prominent among the latter was Francis Beaufort, British Hydrographer to the Navy from 1829 to 1857, with whom Bauza had what he described as a 'very special' friendship.^^ Somewhat ironically, Bauza remained the head of the Direccion Hidrografico until 1826, when his death sentence was confirmed. Even afterwards, because of his friendship with his successor and former locum tenenSy Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, and the co-operation, through Lord Holland's good offices, of British diplomats,^^ he was able to secure charts and manuscripts from Spain as well as what remained of his library in Madrid. He thus became the contact between the Spanish and British hydrographic offices and a fount of information on geographical positions for the British Admiralty. Increasingly, after 1826, he was compelled to draft charts intended for sale to keep body and soul together, but he was still able to continue his own researches in some degree (fig. 4).^°Throughout his English exile his already enormous collections continued, as will be seen, to grow. At the end of 1833, Bauza received a royal pardon. He was in the process of preparing for his return to Spain later that month, when he died of a brain haemorrhage on 3 March 1834.^^ He was buried in the Catholic Chapel in Moorfields five days later.-*^ Earlier biographers recorded that on Bauza's death the British government made an effort to buy his papers. ^^ This is, at the very least, rather unlikely, for, as has been mentioned, in 1823 the Admiralty, which the government would surely have consulted before making any such step, had refused to purchase any part of Bauza's collection of charts because they were inferior to more recent English work.^Bauza's own later work and the information on geographical positions that be had compiled — from his own collections and on the basis of information received from foreign friends—was, however, in a different category: throughout his exile the British Hydrographic Office had willingly received and paid for geographical positions and single charts from him. The fact that two manuscript charts, of the west coast of Central America and of the Gulf of Mexico, by or revised by him, were presented to the Hydrographic Office on 3 April 1834 would suggest that at least some of Bauza's papers did pass to the British government following his death.^^

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Fig. 4. Plan of Vera Cruz, Mexico. Executed by Bauza in London in February 1826. Add. MS. 17650 p It would be as well at this point to examine the extent of Bauza's collections. Probably the largest single group consisted of maps, charts, and documents relating to the geography of Spain. Of the projected atlas, only one map, of the Pyrenees, had been completed before his flight from Spain, though he continued to work on it in London. In January 1834 he reported he had 1,230 maps and charts of Spain alone. Pascual Madoz, who used the collection after 1846, went further. In the prospectus for his Atlas Geogrdfico-Estudistico-Historico de Espana (1846) he wrote that 'esta importantisima coleccion' contained, in addition to 'un gran niimero' of printed works and unpublished memorials, all sorts of calculations, points of triangulation, astronomical and barometrical observations, and more than 3,000 plans, almost all of them interesting and containing topographical details of about half of the surface area of the Iberian peninsula. ^^ Bauza also had a few hundred drawings and charts from the Malaspina expedition, with many finished charts that had been transferred to the Deposito Hidrografico on the conclusion of the voyage. Lastly, there were about 350 maps and charts and 300 manuscripts relating to the exploration, administration, and physical and political geography of Spanish America. These had been used in the preparation of atlases that appeared in Madrid in 1828 and 1830, though at the time of his death Bauza was still engaged in calculating the geographical positions of places in South and Central America, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Antilles. ^"^ Quite separate from these collections, which remained in Bauza's hands at his death, were the Spanish derrota and numerous charts and lists of geographical positions that he had sent to the British Hydrographic Office during his lifetime, sometimes in return for payment, and which are now held by the Hydrographic Department in Taunton.-*^ The provenance of Bauza's collections is still not completely clear. It is certain that many, if not all, of the charts did stem from the Deposito Hidrografico and a few of them contain contemporary endorsements indicating that they were originally intended for it.^^ In addition, several volumes of text came from the same source: they are so identified in a list of manuscript books and bundles of papers belonging to Bauza compiled on 13 May 1823, shortly before his escape to England.'** At that time, however, and for nearly three years afterwards he was still the official head of the Direccion Hidrografico and thus of the Deposito. The interim director regarded part of the office's principal activities as having been transferred to England, as they had been under Espinosa during the Napoleonic Wars, and Bauza felt similarly. Under these circumstances he was quite justified in having Deposito material on which he was working for official purposes available to him in London. After 1826, of course, this was no longer the case, but there was the possibility of the pardon that eventually came, and Fernandez de Navarrete was too much of a gentleman to demand the return of items which his friend still needed for the ultimate benefit of the motherland.'*'^ These charts, drawings, and manuscript tomes, however, formed only a part of the total collection. With respect to the rest, it would be only just to let Bauza speak for himself. In the will he made in Gibraltar on 22 October 1823, he left all his possessions to his wife Teresa (nee Rivera) because, he stated, he had spent her entire dowry as well as his own

37 estate upon his work.'*^ i^ ^ statement made in March 1824, to counter accusations that his collection consisted entirely of official material belonging to tbe Spanish government, he was more specific. Distinguishing between charts and geographical maps, he expressly stated that he had purchased all but the most commonplace geographical maps out of his personal funds, since he had begun collecting them twenty-two years earlier. Further- more, he quoted the testimonial of the Comision del Territorio of the Cortes of 7 April 1821, m which he had been particularly thanked for his 'patriotismo y generositad ... en facilitar la coleccion de pianos, noticias y observaciones de su proprietad' when the Comision had been discussing the mapping of Spain.^^ Many of the maps and documents nevertheless originated from an official source. Some are copies, executed by the official archivist, Don Luis de Surville y Villerey, in the later eighteenth century, of maps sent from America to the Secretary of State's office or the Despacho Universal de las Indias.^ Some if not all of the plentiful transcripts made for J. B. Munoz from the records held in the Spanish national archives in Simancas and in the Archives of the Indies in Seville came from the Academia de Historia.^^ Again, many of the Spanish-American maps are originals executed by members of the Spanish Corps of Engineers for leading officials in Madrid (fig. 5).4*But, given the confused times in which Bauza lived, and the frequent failure throughout western Europe even then to distinguish between private and public papers, which led ministers to take state papers from their offices or the archives with them into retirement, it is reasonable to suppose that Bauza did purchase these items quite legally, either directly or through distinguished third parties. He was certainly friendly with leading Spanish and foreign families, as well as with his major foreign counterparts such as Humboldt and Beaufort, and his surviving correspondence with Lord Holland illustrates how he used these connections to enlarge his collections with copies of official material where possible and necessary.'^"' There is no doubt about his title to another group of material: his own notes on geographical positions, the charts he executed during his English exile or received from the young Latin American republics in the same period, and the letters that he received in London from English, Spanish, and South American friends and colleagues. The maps and papers left to him by Hanke also fall into this category.'^ Before his death, Bauza seems to have made it plain that he wished to bequeath his collections to the Spanish government under certain conditions and, on 28 May 1834,"^^ the Spanish minister of state sent his widow a letter stating that the Queen Regent had heard that Bauza had indeed done so. The widow or her representatives in London were requested to convey the material to tbe Spanish Minister in England. In return the Queen Regent undertook to recompense her. The collections were accordingly shipped back to Spain, this time in fifteen trunks instead of the ten in which they had first arrived. The Deposito Hidrografico seems to have taken the pick of the charts from the Malaspina expedition, 421 in all, but apart from that the collections remained untouched in the ministry of state for several years. In March 1841 the commission charged with producing a definitive map of Spain consulted the maps and papers, but this project came to nothing and once again the material was stored ^°

Throughout this period, however, Bauza's widow had received no compensation and hnally, acting unilaterally but seemingly without any opposition, she took all that was left ot the collections back into her own custody. ^^ In October 1844 she sold a portion largely relating to Spanish America to a visiting Venezuelan, Francisco de Michelena y Rojas, for 1,500 duros, or, in contemporary English money, £600. ^^ g^^jy j^ the following year he may have bought a further 800 maps of Spain. He certainly boasted of having them during negotiations with the British Museum, in June 1845, and the Bauza collection would seem the likely source, for Senora Bauza bad been trying to sell a portion of the papers relating to Spain in January of that year." At all events, in 1846 Bauza's Spanish collection was purchased for 50,000 reales by the military commission working on the authoritative atlas of Spain under Francisco Coello y Quesada (1822-98), head of the Direccion General de Ingenieros. Most of the material came directly from the Bauza family, but it is possible that Michelena's Spanish maps—if he ever really owned them—were also acquired at the same ti^ On two occasions between 1844 and 1848 Michelena y Rojas sold maps and papers from Bauza's collection, relating to Venezuela and its neighbours (i.e. the former Viceroyalty of New Granada), to the Venezuelan government. Their present location is apparently unknown, but the contents of the second group can be reconstructed from Michelena's own manuscript catalogue of 1845 which survives in the British Library. This list is printed in Appendix A (below, pp. 48-51). The catalogue's entries for the few other items which never came into the Museum's possession are given in Appendix B (below, pp. 51-2). The remaining maps, drawings, and water-colours from the Malaspina expedition remained in the hands of Bauza's descendants until 1953 when his granddaughter's husband, Guillermo Gallego y Amar de la Torre, sold those relating to Chile and Argentina to Bonifacio del Carril and the rest to Carlos Sanz Lopez. Carril retained the drawings and water-colours of Argentina, together with the handsome portrait of Bauza by Lopez from which was taken the woodcut portrait utilized by Bover in his biographical note of 1847. Carril passed the drawings and water-colours of Chile to his friend Armando Braun Menendez who, in his turn, donated them to the Biblioteca Central of the University of Santiago de Chile. In 1961 Sanz Lopez gave 172 maps, drawings, and views to the Museo de America in Madrid, while the remaining drawings that were his share are now owned by the University of California and by the Mitchell Library, Sydney, Australia. ^^

Michelena y Rojas, a tireless traveller, had published a book on scientific journeys of the previous two decades in 1843. In 1867 he was to publish a further weighty geographical tome on journeys of exploration undertaken between 1855 and 1859 on the rivers of South America. ^^ His interest in the Bauza papers seems, however, to have been primarily pecuniary. He could barely have had time to list the material before selling a small portion, containing maps and papers relating to Venezuela, to the Venezuelan government for 3^400 at the beginning of 1845.^^ He then travelled to London by way of Paris, where

40 he put out tentative feelers for a possible sale of the rest of the Spanish American collection. On Monday 24 February 1845 he visited Sir Henry Ellis, the Principal Librarian of the British Museum, who promptly introduced him to the Keeper of Manuscripts, Sir Frederic Madden. Michelena handed him a catalogue of the material on offer and Madden 'at once saw the value of the collection' and arranged to call at Ibbotson's Hotel in Vere St., where Michelena was staying, to examine it in detail. Madden and John Holmes, then the departmental Assistant responsible for maps, spent the whole of the following Thursday examining the manuscripts and maps, which were in three 'good sized boxes' and arranged 'in the Provinces or Countries to which they belong'. Madden was impressed. 'A very important and valuable mass of materials', he confided to his diary, 'and I should be glad to see them secured for this country at a moderate price.' He was clearly not inclined to dispute Michelena's own estimation that the collection constituted 'the most interesting Archives Manuscript [sic] that now exist of the Ancient Spanish dominions . . . and .. . about the successive discoveries made by the first Spanish navigators in the Pacific Ocean'. The j£3,ooo that Michelena was asking was, however, in Sir Frederic's opinion, 'far beyond the mark'.^^ In order to get an opinion on the 'scientific' value of the collection. Madden was advised by W. R. Hamilton, one of the Museum Trustees and a founder-member of the Royal Geographical Society, to turn to Francis Beaufort (fig. 6). Sir Frederic was unaware of the latter's friendship with Bauza as, indeed, he was ignorant of most facts about Bauza's life. Meanwhile he received Michelena's written offer to the Trustees, 'accompanied by a present to myself of a copy of his Voyage round the World 8'^ 1843'.^^ Beaufort's report, of 5 March 1845, came as a surprise and a disappointment. As to the maps, the best he could say was that 'there are a few to which a useful reference might be made in a hydrographic point of view, as shewing the changes that time has made in the depths of some of the rivers and harbours', while others were 'valuable and indisputable evidence of the limits of several intendencias such as Buenos Ayres, Paraguay and Uruguay, Venezuela, Guyana and Brazil which have lately been the subject of some difference of opinion between those governments and ours, Louisiana, Texas, California etc.'. However, he felt that 'the great majority are purely topographic and not on such scales or executed with that precision and minuteness which could very materially add to the knowledge we already possess'.*^*^ A year earlier similar criteria had been applied to the Admiralty's own library, with the result that many of its choicest sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century charts and atlases had been transferred to the British Museum. "^^ Beaufort was much more encouraging about the manuscript texts which he considered 'by far the most interesting part of the collection. They make up for several deficiencies in the maps.' Presumably it was largely because of this that he concluded that it was 'upon the whole ... a collection of considerable importance and every way worthy of a place in the British Museum and, I may add, that it ought not to be allowed to go to either France or America'. As a postscript Beaufort suggested that Michelena 'should be obliged to shew his title to the collection and his right to dispose of it'.

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-d It was some time before Madden showed a similar unease about Michelena. But, as he noted in his diary, 'after this letter... the money value must be rated somewhat less than I had at first supposed. I should say that iooo£ would be a fair price.' When he wrote his report for the Trustees the next day, however. Sir Frederic contented himself with saying that he thought the price asked by Michelena was 'too much'. For the rest, he did what he could to persuade the Trustees to purchase the collection, which then consisted of 279 manuscript texts of various lengths in 180 volumes, and 315 maps. Echoing Michelena's opinions in his letter of 5 March (which was enclosed), formally offering the material. Madden stated that the manuscripts 'present the most extensive mass of information relative to this part of the globe ever put together', while the maps 'as a series appear to be of considerable value and interest'. Furthermore, he added that the famous French geographer Jomard, who was responsible for maps in the Bibliotheque du Roi, was 'pressing M. Michelena to make an offer of this collection to the French government'.^^ The Trustees, however, refused to rise to the bait and instead, heeding what Beaufort had written concerning the maps' political significance, decided to turn to the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Peel, to see whether the government did not wish to acquire the material since 'the Collection may possibly possess some importance from its bearing upon political questions'. ^^ Accordingly, three days later, Josiah Forshall, the Secretary of the Museum, forwarded Michelena's catalogue and the related papers to the Prime Minister with a note that since the government was 'the proper judge' of political matters, 'the Trustees have thought it right to bring the offer . . . under your immediate notice, without previous enquiry into the money value of the Collection or the propriety of endeavouring to purchase it'.*^ A four-week delay now ensued while Peel sought the views of the Foreign Office and the Admiralty.^^ Lord Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary, replied speedily that 'the documents do not appear ... to be of any direct political value to Great Britain, however useful and interesting they may be statistically and geographically'.^^ Lord Haddington, the First Lord of the Admiralty, was even more firm in his view that 'the maps & archives in question cannot be of any value to the Naval Department'.^^ It took some weeks, and reiteration from both departments, before Peel took a decision: he had wanted the Admiralty and the Foreign Office to consult the Museum, but they were laggardly in doing so. Haddington had, however, discussed the matter with Beaufort who believed that since, in his opinion, 'most if not all of these documents belonged to the "Direccion Hidrografica de Madrid" ... it would be an instance of national equity and magnanimity if the Government were now to purchase and return them to the Crown of Spain'."^^ Despite the First Lord's urgings. Peel refused to contemplate such a course of action, and on 9 April, he finally informed the Museum that he 'did not consider the Collections offered by M. Michelena of sufficient political importance to induce him to recommend their purchase by the Government'. At the same time Forshall was confidentially, if somewhat misleadingly, informed of the 'strong suspicion' that, in Haddington's words, the collection had been 'improperly abstracted from the public records of the Spanish Admiralty'. ^^

43 In the intervening period, Michelena and Madden had grown increasingly anxious about the government's attitude. Madden was already coming to the conclusion, as he was later to express it, that Peel did not care 'one button for the Museum or its contents. He has the soul of a cotton spinner.'"'^ Michelena tried, at first, to force a decision by telling Forshall—who promptly conveyed the information to the government—that he had 'received a proposal from Venezuela for a further portion of the collection, and also something like an overture from France, and that the present moment, when the annexation of Texas and the question of the Oregon territory are matters of general interest is an opportunity for an advantageous disposal of his documents, such as may not occur again'."^^ Neither this, nor Michelena's warnings of his imminent departure from London, made any impression on Museum or government. Witbin hours of the government's decision becoming known, the Museum Trustees informed Michelena that they, too, were not prepared to purchase the maps and papers at the price asked. "^^ The next day, io April, Michelena called on Forshall. He rebutted the accusation that the material had been stolen, stating that 'the Collection was in the hands of Capt. Bauza when he died in London that it was taken possession of by the Spanish Minister, sent to Madrid and there given up by tbe Spanish Government to the representatives of Capt. Bauza upon their claiming it'. He also, in a clear weakening of nerve, offered the maps and papers for ;£i,ooo. Forshall gave him short shrift. Michelena was told plainly that 'the Trustees have shown no anxiety to make the acquisition and .. . would not be willing to give such a sum' and, while Forshall did transmit the revised offer to the Treasury, Peel showed no more enthusiasm. On being informed of this two days later, Michelena, who was on the point of leaving for Madrid, wrote to Forshall 'expressing his willingness to receive an offer for his collection'. "^^ The ball was firmly in the Museum's court once again and at their meeting of 26 April, the Trustees resolved to ask Madden for his valuation of the material. Forshall waited until 8 May before passing on this request. Sir Frederic promptly drafted a short note to say that he thought ^£800 a fair price: there was obviously no point in sticking to his previous personal estimate of ;£ 1,000 which the Trustees had already refused.'''^ Madden was summoned to the Trustees' meeting on 10 May and there he was told that Michelena now proposed to carry [his collection] to France, but the Trustees thought it possible he might accept 500/;. They therefore wished to know whether I could object to give that sum out of the ordinary grant, rather than lose them. I pressed my unwillingness to have them bought out of the ordinary fund more particularly as the calls on it had been so large, but on being informed that it was not at all likely Sir Rob. Peel would give any additional sum for this collection, I at length consented that the money should be taken from the annual grant, provided M. Michelena thought fit to accept the offer of 5oo£.

While Madden grumbled privately that 'Sir R. Peel is a frihful [sic] humbug', the Trustees 'without determining at present whether it was expedient to apply to the

44 Government for a special grant' authorized Forshall 'to purchase these papers if they could be acquired for a sum not exceeding ^500'.^^ On 20 May he made contact with Michelena through Messrs, McAndrews & Son, the latter's agents in London, with whom the papers had been left.''^ The offer proved sufficient to entice Michelena and by the middle of June he was back in London. Once arrived, he had a iong interview' with Forshall. His attempts to obtain a larger sum for his collection got nowhere, however, and at length he accepted the Trustees' offer of £500, promising to send the maps and papers to the Museum 'forthwith, accompanied by certain vouchers which prove how he acquired a title to them'."^"^ The matter was by no means settled, though. On 17 June he wrote to the Museum Secretary asking to defer his final answer until the following Friday (20 June), but the date passed without a further letter and Forshall and Madden soon concluded that Michelena had 'gone to Paris to endeavour to make a bargain for his maps etc. with the French government'.^^ Madden had already come to the conclusion that Michelena was 'somewhat of a charlatan, and not to be depended on' and the events of the following years were amply to confirm this judgement. "^^ The next that the Museum was to hear of Michelena and his collection was in the late summer of the following year—and from Caracas. In the course of 1845-6 he had travelled to Madrid, where he may have sold his share of Bauza's Spanish maps and papers, and from there to Venezuela. Meanwhile Peel's government had fallen and Michelena decided to try his luck with the new ministry under Lord John Russell. In July 1846 he contacted the British Charge d'Affaires in Caracas, Belford Wilson, offering the government his collection for j£ 1,000 and claiming that in the previous year he had been engaged in abortive negotiations with the British Museum for its sale at ;£ 1,500. Wilson promptly reported this offer to London, enclosing a copy of the catalogue, an order to McAndrew & Son authorizing the viewing of the material in the firm's custody, and a sworn statement by Michelena repeating his account of the previous negotiations. ^° The attempt was doomed to failure. The Foreign Office passed a copy of Belford Wilson's letter to the Treasury with the request that a 'competent person' investigate the matter and report back on the monetary value of the collection. At the end of August the Treasury turned to the British Museum and were informed that as far as the Trustees were concerned it was still worth only the £500 that had been offered Michelena in 1845.^^ Before penning this, however, Forshall had discussed the matter with Madden. The two men agreed 'that it would be unwise, after all that has passed, to advance our offer', but Sir Frederic made it clear that at ^£500 'the purchase . . . would be very desirable'. Accordingly Forshall added this rider to his letter to the Treasury on 10 September. ^^ Lord Palmerston, the new Foreign Secretary, subsequently offered Michelena £500 but was, this time, met with a firm refusal.^^ It was perhaps then—but certainly at some time during his stay in Caracas—that Michelena sold a further portion of maps and manuscripts, these relating to the lands immediately bordering on Venezuela to the Venezuelan government.^ It thus acquired the whole of the section of Bauza's collection concerning the former Viceroyahy of New Granada. It was a serious loss to the collection

45 as a whole, but was no more than Michelena had hinted to Forshall and the British Museum that he would do in case of refusal one and a half years earlier. ^^ In the closing days of September 1847 Michelena once again made contact with the Museum, this time through Sir Frederic Madden. Despite the twists that the negotiations had taken, and his own growing suspicions of Michelena's probity, Madden was still anxious to acquire the maps and papers. Accordingly, when Michelena called at the Museum to offer the collection 'in its integral state' for £700, or the maps alone for £300, Sir Frederic encouraged him to make formal contact with the Trustees. For, as the Keeper of Manuscripts noted: 'As I recommended the purchase in 1845 for 8oo£ provided it were paid by a special grant, I really hope the Government may now buy the collection.'^^ On 29 September Michelena accordingly wrote to Madden requesting him to put his offer to the Trustees. Evidently buoyed by Sir Frederic's enthusiasm, he now described the offer as an 'ultimatum' and increased the price for the maps alone to £400, though keeping the overall price at £700. With the letter he enclosed a revised copy of the catalogue. ^"^ He had not reckoned with Madden's thoroughness. For, as he did with all manuscripts and catalogues of manuscripts that came to his attention, Sir Frederic had made extensive abstracts from the catalogue that had been presented to him by the Venezuelan in March 1845. Now, on comparing the new catalogue with his abstracts he was 'surprised to find that notwithstanding his [Michelena's] assurances, a considerable portion . . . was missing'.^^ Madden immediately returned the lists, enclosing with them a stinging rebuke: I distinctly understood from you when I last had the pleasure of seeing you that your Collection of manuscripts and maps remained in the same integral and complete state as when they were inspected by me in the year 1845 and it was on this express understanding that I intimated to you my wish that you should renew your offer of them to the Trustees. On comparing however the lists now sent by you with my abstract of the former lists, I find that the portion of the MSS comprising Columbia, New Granada & Quito, nos. 55-80, are missing as are several others, so that the amount of the articles is now 221 instead of 279 as formerly. I also find in regard to the Maps that the division Santa Fe, N. Granada & Quito, nos. 1-43 are also missing. Under these circumstances it would be perfectly useless to make any proposals to the Trustees for the purchase of your Collection. 'Tbese foreigners', he noted in his diary, 'are such infernal scoundrels that there is no dealing with tbem for anything.'^^ Two days later, Michelena called on Madden again, in an attempt to excuse himself His 'lame explanation' that he had sold the missing items to the Venezuelan government got him nowhere and Madden 'declined having anything to do with the affair, as it is quite clear that he has attempted to deceive me. Every foreigner', be added damningly, 'is in money transactions a scoundrel.'^° Michelena made his way to France, where he tried to sell the collection to the French government under Guizot for £1,000. He later claimed he was on the point of success when the revolution of February 1848 led to the abdication and flight of King Louis 46 Philippe and the fall of Guizot's ministry.^^ The unsettled conditions prevailing in France and throughout most of western and central Europe in the following months left hardly a government or institution with the inclination or ability to purchase a collection relating to colonial Spanish America, and so Michelena again returned to England. On 22 September 1848 he once more visited Sir Frederic and timidly asked whether, if he offered his manuscripts to the Trustees for £500, there was 'any probability of them being accepted'. Madden was loath to pay this sum from his annual grant, but he was sufficiently encouraging for Michelena to have the collection, in two sealed chests and a case, transferred from Paris to London. ^^ On 13 October, however, the Trustees, displaying their by now customary lack of interest, decided it was not 'expedient' to make a special application to the Treasury for the money. They accordingly declined the offer. ^^ By now Michelena was clearly getting desperate to sell the maps and papers for his personal debts were mounting dangerously—a consequence, no doubt, of his inter- minable travels.^He replied to Forshall's letter containing the Trustees' decision with a final offer to sell the maps and papers for £400^ the same price that he had been asking for the maps alone in the previous autumn.^^ The Museum authorities took their time to respond and two weeks elapsed before Madden made arrangements with Bailliere, Michelena's new agent, to view the material at the Museum.^^ Once Bailliere, after some searching, had found the old catalogue of 1845, Madden began checking through the collection piece by piece prior to composing yet another report for the Trustees. On comparing the old and the new lists, he discovered that Michelena had 'sold a larger portion than he declared he had done on his honor. His honor! He has behaved throughout this business in a dirty dishonest manner & therefore cannot expect we should take anything for granted.'^"^ Accordingly he recommended that the collection should be purchased not for ^£400 but £350. Now, however, 'although ... it is a large sum', he was prepared to provide the money out of his departmental funds so long as the payment was staggered, with £250 being paid forthwith and ;£ioo in the following January. This finally overcame the Trustees' opposition and at their meeting of 25 November they agreed to purchase the collection on the terms recommended by Madden. ^^ There still remained uncertainty as to Michelena's attitude. Bailliere frankly told Madden that rather than accept anything less than ^^400 Michelena would 'order them to be sent to Paris or sell them in America'. The Keeper of Manuscripts was not to be intimidated. He 'replied cooly that after M. Michelena's conduct respecting these MSS, he might take them where he pleased, if he did not comply with our terms'. ^^ On 28 November Bailliere unexpectedly requested the return of the papers from Madden 'until a debt due to him from the owner of them had been satisfied' but still 'expressed his conviction that M. Michelena could not accept the offer of 350^^, but would send them to America'. ^^ Nevertheless, on 29 November Michelena wrote to Forshall from Paris that he was, after all, 'disposed to accept' the Museum's offer. ^^^ Madden was surprised to hear of the decision but, above all, relieved that 'this tedious affair' had 'at length' been brought to a successful conclusion. ^^^ The first payment was

47 made on 2 December, and once the collection was retrieved from Bailliere it was speedily arranged and, eventually, catalogued. For the next century its history was one of relative neglect, though it was recatalogued by Pascual de Gayangos in the 1870s and became the object of some curiosity on the part of certain Spaniards and Latin Americans. ^^^ It is only in recent years that this has changed. Bauza's—and his wife's—attachment to a patriotic vision in face of political turmoil and near penury, and Madden's perspicacity and persistence when confronted by dishonesty and deception on the part of Michelena and apathy and miserliness on the part of the Museum Trustees and the British establishment, have been vindicated. A series of recent publications and exhibitions have testified to the value of the surviving portions of Bauza's collections in Spain and England. ^^ But of the maps and papers sold off by Michelena to the Venezuelan government, not a trace seems to remain.

APPENDIX A Manuscripts and maps sold to Venezuela, 1846 (Add. MS. 62904, fols. 7-9, 39-42)

(i) MANUSCRIPTS

Colombia New Granada 55. I Vol. Folio Universal statistics of New Granada, by D? Basilio Vicente de Oviedo 1761 56. I Pamphiett in folio True account of the Revolution which occurred in 1781. 57. I ditto Description of the Magdalena River, and other interesting information. 58. I ditto The Journal of Juan Colomo, Governor of Portovelo, made in his retreat; 1742. 59. I ditto Account of the Province of St? Martha & Rio Hacha, their produce, commerce etc. 60. I Pamphiett in folio Description of the Territory of the Viceroyship of S*^ Fee de Bogota, its produce. Mines etc. in 1737. 61. I Pamphiett in Quarto Description, Historical and Geographical, of the Province of Muzos & Coloma. 62. I Pamphiett in folio Journey from St? Fe de Bogota to the Mountains of the Andaquies & Missions of the Rivers Caqueta & Putumays, in 1783, by D? Sebastian Lopez Ruiz. 63. I ditto Account of Popayan. 64. I Pamphiett in Quarto Examination of the Northern Sea Coast. 65. I ditto Account of the number of Indians enlisted in the Jurisdiction of the City of Tunja between the years of 1635 & 1636. 66. I Pamphlett in Quarto Geographical information respecting the new Kingdom of Granada. 68. [sic] I ditto Account of the Province of S^^ Marta & Rio de Hacha; 1778. 69. I Ditto Account of the Province of Antioquia, 1776. 70. I Ditto Description of the Gulf & Isthmus of Darien with much other interesting information. 71. I Vol. Quarto Statistical Account given by his Excellency D? Pedro Mesias de la Cerda. 72. I Pamphlett, Quarto. Account of the Salt Mines of Cipaquira, by F. A. Humboldt 73. A loose sheet Journal from Casanare to Meta. 74. I Pamphlett in folio Upon the state of the Indians. 75. I ditto Account upon the Viceroyship of St?^ Fee in 1797. 76. 2 vols. Quarto, (small) Containing Geographical Accounts and also Scientific & Literary, upon the state of the Country. Colombia Equador (Quito) 77. I Vol. Quarto i^t Account of the Deplorable state of the Province of Quito, by the covetousness of the clergy. 2^^ Description of the Province of Quito. 3^.^ Representation of the Chancellor Navarro upon the fortification of the 3 provinces, Quijos, Maynas & Jaen etc. 78. I Pamplett. Folio Statistics of Guayaquil in 1820. 79. I ditto. Quarto. Account of the political and military state of Quito in 1754. 80. I ditto. Folio. Description of the Lands and Rivers of Guayaquil.

(ii) MAPS Santa f^ (or Nem Granada) ($' Quito 1. Map of the greater part of the Audiencia of Quito, & districts, confining, with the Viceroyship of Peru, with the rivers to the East of the Andes by Riquena, 1777, with an additional map joined to it, made by the observations and travels to the River Maranon by Monsf de la Condamine, in 1743, and by those which were made upon the River Orinoco 1756, by the Commissioners for the expedition of limits, in which is shown the actual state of the Portuguese possessions on the Rivers Marafion & River Neyro and the forts & towns they have upon them, and what they have advanced towards the West. 2. Map comprising Part of the Provinces of Costa Rica, Panama & course of the River Atratu, to the neighbourhood of that of St. Juan.

49 3- Plan of the interior of New Granada. 4. Plan of the course of the River Atratu, from the rivulet of Irachorra from where it rises to the sea. 5. Plan of the city of Panama & hill of Alcon. 6. Plan of the Castle of San Lorenzo de Chagre & its neighbourhood. 7. Map of the measured meridian in the Kingdom of Quito, for the knowledge of the Terrestial degrees & shape of the land, by D^ Jorge Juan & D. Antonio de UUoa, finished in 1744. 8. Plan & delineation of the Hill of Ancon in the City of Panama. 9. Plan of the course of the River Magdalena, & its tributaries. 10. Plan of the river Tuyra, principal one in the province of Darien. 11. Map showing the works begun for opening royal roads to communicate with the Town of Cartagena de Indias. 12. Map of the Province of Guayaquil. 13. Plan of the City of Guayaquil. 14. Plan of the Provinces of the Viceroyship of New Granada, where at present gold mines are worked. 15. Map of the Gov! & General Commandancy of Maynas in the Southern part of the Viceroyship of S^^ Fe, showing the extent of the Misiones comprised & the countries with which it confines, by DV Francisco Riquena. 16. Geographical plan of the coast of Tierra firme, from Bastimente to the river Chagres, with its islands, ports & rivers & roads. 17. Printed map by the Jesuits in 1751, upon the Kingdom of Quito (in Latin). 18. Plan of the Gulf of San Miguel in the South Sea, situated in the point of Gurachini. 19. Plan of the direction of the Coast & province of Cartagena de Indias, from St?- Marta to the River Sinut & Isla Tortuga. 20. Plan of the province of Darien from Bocachica to the mouth of the River Sucubi, 1788. 21. Map of the Province of Antioquia. 22. Map of the Corregimiento of Quito by Y)V Ignacio Riquena. 23. Map of the Corregimiento of Rio Bamba, by the same. 24. Map of the District of Ambato, by the same. 25. Map of the Corregimiento of Guaranda, by the same. 26. Map of the District of Alaney, and part of the Corregimientos of Rio Bamba, Guaranda etc. by the same. 27. Map of the Corregimiento of Tacunga. 28. Map of the Islands and banks of the River Guayaquil. 29. Map showing the course of the River of Guayaquil, its depth & actual situation of its islands and banks. 30. General Map of the Coast between Cartagena & Portohello, & Panama & Gulf of San Miguel.

50 31. Plan comprizing part of the River Magdalena, its origin as far as Quito, & rivers entering into it on the East & West, with the roads & ridges of mountains. 32. Plan of part of the Viceroyship of St? Fee de Bogota. 33. Plan of the Province of Rio Hacha, confining with those of St? Marta, Valledupar & Maracaygo. 34. Map of the coast of the Province of Santa Marta, with the Bays, Rivers & Places, whose limits are from the River Magdalena to Cape Chichivacra. 35. Map of the Province of Quito printed in 4 Sheets by Maldonado, 1750. 36. Map of the Rio del Hacha, from Maracaybo to St? Marta & Valle du par. 37. Map of the Gulf & Isthmus of Darien. 38. General map of the Province of Hacha. 39. Map of the Kingdom of Tierra firme & Provinces of Portobello, Veragua, & Darien. 40. Great map of the New Kingdom of Granada, comprizing from 4° lat. to the coast of the North Sea, hy the Engineer Tallado y Rivera in 6 large sheets, 1808. 41. Map of part of North America, between the coasts of Peru & Brazil, from the Equator to 239 s. 42. Great geographic plan of the Viceroyship of St? Fe de Bogota, showing its territorial demarcation with the kingdoms of Lima, Mexico & establishments of the Portuguese, its confinants, 1772. 43. Map of the Province of Quito, with its Missions de Sucumbros of Franciscans, & of Maynas, of the Jesuits, on the shores of the Marafion, 1740.

APPENDIX B Manuscripts and maps found to be missing in 1848 (Add. MS. 62904, fols. 74, 75, 80, 81^, 84, 85, 93^)

(i) MANUSCRIPTS 169 (206). [i Vol. folio] Limits between Spain & Portugal in South America. r70 (207). I Pamphiett Folio Description of the Map of the limits between the Spanish & Portuguese Dominions in South America, by D? Francisco Lopez; and other accounts by Jesuits upon the same. 173 (217). I Pamphiett Folio Reflections upon South America by DV Jorge Juan. 174 (218). I Pamphiett Quarto. Brief description of the Audiencia of S^^ Domingo, Cuba, Porto Rico, Florida, Provinces of Venezuela, Cumana, Mar- garita Island, Audiencia of Mexico, Hascala, Mechoacan, Guadalajara, Yucatan, & Tabasco, Nueva Vjzcaya, Kingdom of Leon, New Mexico (Texas), California, Texas, Cinaloa, Culiacan, Chimata, Audencia of Guatemala, Soconusco, Chiapa, Verapa, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Veragua, Filipinas, & New Filipinas.

51 175 (219)- I ditto Commerce of America with Spain in 1794. 176 (220). I Pamphlett Quarto Paper upon the establishment of Intendendes in America. 177 (221). I ditto Description of the Western Coasts of South Ameriea, on the Northern part & way in which the foreign nations of the neighbouring colonies carry on smuggling. 178 (222). I ditto Political axioms upon America by Malaspina. 179 (223). I Pamphlett Folio Astronomical & agrimensory observations on Costafirme by Hidalgo. 181 (225). I Pamphlett Quarto Upon the geographical situations of Havanna, Vera Cruz, Puerto Rico & other Islands & Shallows of the sea of the Antillas. 182 (226). I ditto Astronomical observations in the Demarcation of limits with the Crown of Portugal which commenced in the year 1784. 183 (227). I Bundle of Papers Astronomical observations in America. 219 (274). [i Pamphlett Folio] Account of the Invincible Armarda sent by Philip the 2".^ which left Portugal in 1588 against Great Britain.

(ii) MAPS Mexico, Guatemala C^ Texas 19. Plan showing the examination made by order of the Gov! of Mexico, to know whether the lake of Nicaragua had or could have communication with the South Sea. 71. Plan of the River S^ Juan de Nicaragua, & proportions in which are placed the ancient castle of S"? Juan & new Fort of San Carlos. 96. Plan of the taking the level of the South Sea, with the Lake of Nicaragua, tomada en directo, from the former to the latter, with the space dividing the shores, 1781. Brazil 5. Geographical Map of the great River Amazon (or Maranon), with all its tributaries, 1769. 1 Letter of Felipe Bauzd to Lord Holland (hence- of Bover and Llabres Bernal's facts and more forth B. toH.), 20 June 1823 (translation) in Add. improbable statements. These accounts are MS. 51622. All references to the papers of Lord amplified by Laurio H. Destefani and Donald Holland are provisional and no folio numbers can Cutter, Tadeo Haenke y el final de una vieja yet be supplied. polemica (Historia Naval Argentina Serie B, I wish to thank Professor Donald Cutter, no. ro, Buenos Aires, 1966), pp. 63-88, 98-9; Lt.-Com. Andrew David, Dr Ursula Lamb, and Thomas Vaughan, E. A. P. Crownhart-Vaughan Dr Maria Luisa Martin-Meras Verdejo for their and Mercedes Palau de Iglesias, Voyages of assistance in the preparation of this paper. Enlightenment. Malaspina on the Northwest Coast ijgili7g2 (Portland, Oregon, 1977), pp- 5"^ and 2 Pascual de Gayangos, Catalogue of the Manu- Maria Luisa Martin-Meras Verdejo, 'La Carto- scripts in the Spanish Language in the British grafia en la Expedicion Malaspina', La Expedi- Museum (London, 1875-93). For acquisitions cidn Malaspina ij8g-ijg4. Viaje a America y since 1867 see the relevant Catalogues of Addi- Oceania de las corbetas 'Descubierta' y 'Atrevida' tions to the Manuscripts of the British Museum. (exhibition catalogue; Madrid, 1984), pp. liii-lx, Notable Spanish holdings are the state papers 167-8. once owned by the Altamira family (Add. MSS. 28262-4, 28334-503), the papers of Bernardo de 4 Bover and Medel, p. 149. Not 17 October as in Yriarte (Egerton MSS. 284-606), a part of the Pavia, p. 144. collections of Bauza's colleague and friend, 5 La Expedicion Malaspina, cat. no. 439. Repro- Martin Fernandez de Navarrete (Egerton MSS. duced in Bonifacio del Carril, La Expedicidn 1789-1817) and many single volumes from the Malaspina en los mares Americanos del Sur. La collections of Edward King, Viscount Kings- Coleccidn Bauzd iy8g-i7g4 (Buenos Aires, borough (1795-1837), and Charles Stuart, Baron 1961), facing p. 32. Stuart de Rothesay (1779-1845). Cesareo Fer- 6 Lamb, p. 320. William Laird Clowes, The Royal nandez Duro, Disquisiciones Nduticas, vol. iv: Los Navy: A History from the Earliest Times to the Ojos en el Cielo (Madrid, 1879), pp. 343-53, Present., 6 vols. (London, 1897-1903), vol. iv, drawing on Gayangos erroneously includes many p. 504. Not August as in Bover and Medel, p. 150 items from the Kingsborough, Yriarte, and Fer- and Pavia, p. 145. For a recent discussion of nandez de Navarrete collections in his listing of Malaspina's disgrace see Dario Manfredi, the 'Coleccion Bauza'. 'Arresto e Processo di Malaspina attraverso dieci 3 The following paragraphs are based on: Joaquin dispacci diplomatici dalla Spagna', Alessandro Maria Bover de Rosselld and Ramon Medel, Malaspina. Studi e Documenti per la Biografia del Varones ilustres de Mallorca (Palma de Mallorca, Navigatore, ed. G. CapelHni (Memorie della 1847), vol. i, pp. 148-61. This invaluable account, Accademia Lunigianese di Scienza, xli) (La largely based on information from Bauza's family, Spezia, 1985), pp. 65-80. was reprinted in condensed form and with errors 7 B. to H. 17 December 1823, 4 March 1824; by Francisco de Paula Pavia, Galeria Biogrdfica statement of 4 March 1824 (Add. MS. 51622). de los generates de la marina . . . desde jjoo d 1868 8 Statement, 17 December 1823 (Add. MS. (Madrid, 1873-4), vol. i, pp. 443-54, which was 51622). in its turn utilized, with additional material, by 9 e.g. 'he formado un plan para la perfeccion de un Duro, op. cit. (n. 2 above). Bauza's friend Martin mapa geografico de la espaiia' (B. to H. 28 April Fernandez de Navarrete left a useful memoir 1821). See also B. to H. 23 October 1809, published in his posthumous Coleccidn de 16 July 1821 (all in Add. MS. 61522) and Lamb, Optisculos (Madrid, 1848), vol. ii, pp. 109-14. P- 332- The most recent accounts are: Juan Llabres 10 F. Bauza, 'Discurso sobre el estado de la Geo- Bernal, Breve noticia de la labor cientifica del grafia de la America Meridional' [translated as Capitdn de navio don Felipe Bauzd y sus papeles 'Ueber den gcgenwartigen Zustand der Gco- sobre America 1J64-1834 (Palma de Mallorca, graphie von Siid-Amerika', by W. F. von Kar- 1934) and Ursula Lamb, 'The London Years of winsky], Denkschriften der koniglichen Akademie Felipe Bauza: Spanish Hydrographer in Exile, 1823-1834', The Journal of Navigation, xxxiv der Wissenschaften zu Munchenfur diejahre 1821 (1981), pp. 319-40, who also corrects several und 1822, vii (1824), pp. 87-124. 11 Ibid., p. 92; also B. to H. 28 April 1821 (Add.

53 MS. 51622): 'me da verguenza que estemos tan maps of which only a very few (printed) are not atrazados en esta parte', ['I am ashamed that we his own composition & also printed bound and are so behind-hand in this respect', i.e. the unbound books with a theodolite.' J. Plummer to mapping of Spain]. Lord Liverpool, 11 February 1824 (Add. MS. 12 'Discurso' (op. cit., n. 10 above), p. 20 n. 51622). That the material was indeed his own 13 For Hanke's life and work see Destefani and property and not that of the Deposito seems Cutter, op. cit. (n. 3 above) and its bibliography. certain from the following note in a list of Bauza's 14 Bauza, 'Discurso\ p. 114; also B. to H. 12 March books and papers of 13 May 1823 formerly 1805: 'Bien creo que el mapa que VM vio del owned by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete; a folio Brazil seria diferente del de Cruz pues carezemos volume 'pergamino rotulado: Vistas de las Costas y creo careze todo el mundo (ecepto los portu- de America Asia y Mar Pacifico por F.B. y de su gueses) de noticias de aquellas regiones', ['I can pertenencia sacadas en los anos 1789, 90, 91, 92, well believe that the map of Brazil that Y.E. sent 93 y 94'. The hst is not by Bauza and the may be different from de Cruz's, since we—and I statement of ownership is not challenged where believe the whole world except for the Portu- others are. This reference was kindly supplied to guese—lack information about those parts'], and me by Dr Ursula Lamb. letter of 8 February 1805. (Both in Add. MS. 21 J. Plummer to Lord Liverpool 11 February 1824 S1622.) (Add. MS. 51622). 15 B. to H. 20 June 1823. (Add. MS. 51622). In 22 The recent discovery of a copy of a Spanish 1810, at another time of crisis, he had also derrota, or pilot's log, from the Malaspina voyage considered fleeing to England with his collec- in the archive of the Hydrographic Department tions. (Lord Mulgrave to H., 2 March 1810, in in Taunton (Misc. Papers vol. 58, pp. 717-885) genera] correspondence of 3rd Lord Holland, suggests that Bauza may in fact later have sold Add. MSS. 51821-44.) I am grateful to my some of this material to the Admiralty. colleague Dr C. J. Wright for this reference. 23 B. to H. 2 December 1823 (Add. MS. 51622) and 16 B- to H. 3 July, 16, 26 October, 4, 27 November, particularly, 'hay otros [papeles] que devo 2, 6, 17 December 1823 (Add. MS. 51622). Jose debolver'. Cardano to H. 21 September 1823 (Add. MS. 24 B. to H. 17 December 1823 (Add. MS. 51622). 51627). 25 B. to H. 20 June 1823 (Add. MS. 51622). 17 This provoked a coldness between the two men 26 Statement 17 December 1823; also B. to H. that lasted till Bauza's dying day. Lamb, p. 324. 6 December 1823 (Add. MS. 51622). 18 B. to H. 27 November, 2, 6, 17, 27 December 27 The following paragraphs are largely based on 1823, 15, 24 January, 4 March 1824; J. Plummer Lamb, art. cit. (n. 3 above). For Bauza's London to B. 14 January 1824 (Add. MS. 51622); J. addresses see B. to H. 7 July 1824, 14 October Plummer to Lord Liverpool 11 February 1824 1833 (Add. MS. 51622) and Hydrographic Dept. (Add. MS. 51833). archives. Misc. Papers vol. 49, p. 207 (of 1829). 19 B. to H. 2, 6, 17 December 1823 (Add. The streets are now known as Marchmont St. MS. 51622). The letters of 26 October and (southern end), Chalton St. (northern stretch by 4 November 1823—written before his depar- Cranleigh St.), and Cranleigh St. ture from Gibraltar—reveal great vagueness on 28 Lamb, p. 327. See also A. F. Friendly, Beaufort Bauza's part as to what his contacts Major of the Admiralty (London, 1977). Bristow and Captain Guyon had written to 29 B. to H. 7 July 1824 (Add. MS. 51622). Sir Barrow. William A Court (British Envoy in Spain) to H. 20 'Don Felipe Bauza . . . was ... led to expect. . . 8 August 1824 (Add. MS. 51627). that a valuable collection of MSS documents and 30 Lamb, pp. 327, 331-2. geographical drawings, which he had with great 31 Lamb, p. 321. B. to H. 10 December 1833 (Add. pains and ability during five years of travel in the MS. 51622). Americas personally composed, would be an 32 Lamb, p. 336 n. 8. acceptable acquisition to government to purchase 33 Bover and Medel, pp. 154, 157-8. Duro, p. 341. & with this expectation & little time to deliberate, Destefani and Cutter, p. 98. he has brought over to England with him a 34 B. to H. 17 December 1823 (Add. MS. 51622). considerable number of drawings & sketches of 35 Hydrographic Dept. Archives H900 on Ac i;

54 H900 on Ag I. This may, of course, merely have of Bourbon Reform IJ64-1815 (Glendale, Cali- been in completion of an agreement reached fornia, 1977), passim. before his death. 47 B. to H. April 1804-October i^zi, passim (Add. 36 Lamb, p. 340 n. 65. Bover and Medel, p. 158. MS. 51622). Bauza had another useful contact 37 e.g. Add. MSS. 17575, fol. 68; 17608, fol. 31; through his brother-in-law Fernando Rubin de 17634-7 passim. See also n. 30. For the atlases, Celis, a leading official in the Spanish ministry of see Vaughan, Crownhart-Vaughan and Palau de war and the marine (Destefani and Cutter, pp. Iglesias, op. cit. (n. 3 above), p. 6. 99-100). Boverand Medel, pp. 157,152, mention 38 Engraved and manuscript charts supplied by how during the Peninsular War Bauza cultivated Bauza: E97, E98 on Ac i (before 1826); E276 on links with the military 'para adquirir toda clase de Af 1, E862 on Ac 2 (1826); Gi on Af 3, G2 in pianos y reconocimentos' and that in Madrid, in South America folio 2 (1829); G50 on Ag 6, G54 1810, many official maps and plans were sold off in New Zealand folio i, G104 on Ac 2, G264 on very cheaply indeed ('precios estremadamente Ad 2 (1830); H350 on Af 3 (1832); L1376 infimos'). on Ac I. Geographical positions: Q12, Data book 48 e.g. Add. MSS. 17634-7, 17650 p, 17666 b, 125. Admiralty charts based on Bauza's surveys: 17591, 17671 cc. Charts 587 (Central America), 588 (Central 49 Destefani and Cutter, p. 100. Bover and Medel, America), 976 (Manila Bay), 1281 (New Zea- p. 154, give a date of 28 March (possibly a land). Other Bauza material (including letters): misreading), Pavia, op. cit. (n. 3 above), p. 150, Misc. Papers, vols. 47 (pp. 44-7), 48 (pp. 372-7), gives 28 November. 49 (pp. 29-44, 206-7), 50 (pp- 451-4), 51 (P- 50 Bover and Medel, pp. 154-5. Destefani and 1121), 58 (pp. 655-64, 717-858X 81 (pp. 335-40). Cutter, pp. 98-100. Duro, p. 342. Martin-Meras Letter Books i (pp. 42-4, 289), 3 (p. 191). Verdejo, op. cit. (n. 3 above), p. lx. B. Vallerino to Incoming letters: B911-5. I am grateful to Lt.- (?), 31 January 1845 (Madrid: Museo Naval MS. Com. David for supplying me with all of this 809). Add. MS. 40562, fol 53. information. 51 Bover and Medel, pp. 155, 158. 39 e.g. Add. MS. 17669 d, and see M. F. de 52 Bover and Medel, p. 155. B. Vallerino to (.''), Folgueras (Governor of the Philippines) to the 31 January 1845 (Madrid: Museo Naval MS. Secretary of State for the Marine, 9 April 1820 809) gives the price. (Add. MS. 17625, fol. 107). See also B. to H. 53 Diary of Sir F. Madden, 16 June 1845. B. 17 December 1823 and his statement of 4 March Vallerino to (?), 31 January 1845 (Madrid: 1824 (Add. MS. 51622). Museo Naval MS 809). I wish to thank the 40 'Lista de Ios libros manuscritos y legajos que Bodleian Library, Oxford, for allowing me partenecen y se remiten al S^"". Felipe Bauza; to study a photocopy of Madden's diary, the hecha en 13 de Mayo 1823', A copy was kindly original of which is in their possession. supplied to me by Dr Ursula Lamb. 54 Bover and Medel, pp. 155-8. Duro, op. cit. (n. 2 41 Lamb, pp. 320, 326-7. Baltasar Vallerino to (?), above), pp. 342-3. The wording of the 1846 pro- 31 January 1845 (Madrid: Museo Naval MS. spectus quoted by Bover and Medel, p. 158, does 809). I am grateful to Dr Lamb for bringing this not exclude the possibility that part of the Spanish letter to my attention. Right from the start of material came through Michelena y Rojas. his exile Bauza acknowledged that he had 55 Vaughan, Crownhart-Vaughan and Palau de Deposito material which he was under an Iglesias, p. 17. Carmen Sotos Serrano 'Los obligation to return. B. to H. 17 December 1823 Artistas de la Expedicion Malaspina', La and his statement of 4 March 1824 (Add. MS. Expedicion Maiaspina., op. cit. (n. 3 above), 51622). p. Ixviii. Bonifacio del Carril, op. cit. (n. 5 above), 42 Lamb, p. 320. reproduced twenty-five of his drawings and 43 Add. MS. 51622. See also Bover and Medel, pp. water-colours. Much of the material owned by 157, 160. the Museo de America has been reproduced in 44 e.g. Add. MSS. 17650 b, 17651 0 and p. exhibition catalogues (e.g. Vaughan, Crownhart- 45 'Lista de Ios libros manuscritos', see n. 40 above. Vaughan and Palau de Iglesias, op. cit.; M. Palau 46 Janet R. Fireman, The Spanish Royal Corps of de Iglesias, La Coronay las Expediciones Cientificas Engineers in the Western Borderlands. Instruments espanoles a America en el Siglo xviii (Cadiz, 1982))

55 and catalogued in M. Palau de Iglesias, Catdlogo items, now distributed among the general hold- de los Dibujos de la Expedicion Malaspina (Madrid, ings of the Map Library and Department of 1980). See also: Carmen Sotos Serrano, Los Printed Books, were probably also acquired at the Pintores de la Expedicidn de Alejandro Malaspina, same time. 2 vols. (Madrid, 1982). For the portrait, see 62 Madden diary 6 March 1845. Madden's report, BoverandMedel, pp. 148, 161 and Destefani and 7 March 1845 (BM, Officers' Reports, vol. 34). Cutter, p. 95. 63 BM, Standing Committee minutes (henceforth 56 Encicbpedia Universal Illustrada Europeo- SCM), 8 March 1845. Ameruana (Barcelona, 1929) contains a brief bio- 64 Forshall to Peel 11 March 1845 {copy) (BM, graphy. The books are: Viajes cientijicos en todo el Letterbooks). Mundo desde 1822 hasta 1842 (Madrid, 1843) and 65 Memoranda by Peel 13 March, 2 April 1845 Exphracion ojicial. .. desde el Norte de la America {copies). Add. MS. 40562, fols. 39, 46. del Sur siempre por Rios. . . hasta el Atldntico . . . 66 Aberdeen to Peel 18 March 1845. Add. MS. en los Aiios i8s5 hasta 1859 (Brussels, 1867). 40562, fols. 41-2. 57 Madden diary 27 February 1845. These maps 67 Haddington to Peel n.d., 7 April 1845. Add. MS. and those acquired later by the Venezuelan 40562, fols. 40, 47-8. government, seem to have served as the basis for 68 Add. MS. 40562, fols. 49-50. As is suggested further (printed) mapping. Duro, p. 342. above, Beaufort was probably wrong in attribut- 58 Madden diary 24, 27 February 1845. (The ing the bulk of the material to the Direccion catalogue, partly reproduced in the Appendix, is Hidrografica. now the first section of Add. MS. 62904.) 69 BM, SCM 26 April 1845 (quoting Peel's letter of Michelena y Rojas to Madden 5 March 1845, 9 April). Madden diary 9 April 1845. Forshall to British Museum Archives (henceforth BM), W. H. Stephenson 10 April 1845, Add. MS. Original Letters and Papers (henceforth OLP), 40562, fols. 50-3. Haddington to Peel 7 April, vol. 32. Quotations from these sources appear by n.d. 1845, Add. MS. 40562, fols. 47-8, 40. courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. 70 Michelena y Rojas to Forshall 31 March 1845, 59 Madden diary 24 February, i, 5 March 1845. Add. MS. 40562, fol. 45. Madden diary 9 April For William Richard Hamilton (1777-1859) 1845, I April 1846. see DNB and, for his links with Beaufort, 71 Forshall to Peel 31 March 1845, Add. MS. 40562, A. Friendly, op. cit. (n. 28 above), pp. 95, 182, fols. 43-4. 204-5, 288. Michelena y Rojas to Madden 72 BM, SCM 5, 26 April 1845. 5 March 1845 (BM, OLP, vol. 32). 73 Forshall to W. H. Stephenson 10 April 1845, 60 Beaufort's report of 5 March 1845 (BM, OLP, Add. MS. 40562, fols. 50-3. BM, SCM 26 April vol. 32). 1845- 61 Add. MSS. 15737-43, acquired by the British 74 BM, SCM 26 April 1845. Madden diary 8 May Museum 7 January 1844, but only received by 1845- the Department of Manuscripts March 1846 75 Madden diary 10 May 1845. BM, SCM 10 May (Dept. of MSS., Register of Add. MSS.). Add. 1845- MS. 15740, a survey of the Viceroyalty of Santa 76 BM, SCM 24 May 1845. Fe by Fr. Manuel Sobreviela (1796), contains 77 Madden diary 16 June 1845. maps that are identical or closely related to 78 BM, SCM 28 June t845. Madden diary 23 June some in the Bauza collection. In 1844, too, the 1845- Admiralty, on the advice of Beaufort and Sir 79 Madden diary 16 June 1845. John Barrow, donated most of George Ill's 80 H. E. J. Stanley to Sir C. E. Trevelyan 8 August collection of maritime charts, maps, and books 1846 {copy), BM, OLP, vol. 35. (now known as the King's Maritime Collection) 81 Sir C. E. Trevelyan to the Trustees enclosing to the Museum because the Admiralty had made H. E. J. Stanley to Sir C E. Trevelyan, 8 August 'no use whatever' of them; Helen Wallis, 1846, BM, OLP, vol. 35; BM, SCM 5 September 'The Map Collections of the British Museum 1846. Library', My Head is a Map. Essays and Memoirs 82 Forshall to Madden 8 September 1846, Dept. of in Honour ofR. V. Tooley, ed. H. Wallis and S. MSS., Minutes: acquisitions 1846-8, fol. 105. Tyacke (London, 1973), p. i5- Other printed Madden diary 8 September 1846. Madden to Forshall 8 September 1846 and Forshall to the 97 Madden diary 8, 9 November i! Treasury 10 September 1846, BM, OLP, vol. 35. 98 Madden's report, 9 November 1848, BM, 83 Madden diary 21 September 1846. Michelena to Officers' Reports, vol. 34. Madden 29 September 1847, Dept. of MSS., 99 Madden diary 11 November 1848. Minutes; acquisitions 1846-8, fol. 334, roo Madden diary 28 November 1848. 84 See Appendix A for a description of these, from ioi Michelena y Rojas to Forshall 29 November the 1845 catalogue. 85 See n. 71 above. 1848, BM, OLP, vol. 36. 86 Madden diary 30 September 1847. t02 Madden diary 30 November 1848. 87 Michelena y Rojas to Madden 29 September 103 e.g. Duro, op. cit. (n. 2 above). Carril, op. cit. (n. 1847, Dept. of MSS., Minutes: acquisitions 5 above), p. 23, noted in 1961 that Bauza's 1846-8, fol. 334- collections were an 'archivo inapreciado' despite 88 Madden diary 2 October 1847. being of 'primerisima importancia'. 89 Madden to Michelena y Rojas 2 October 1847 104 See, for example, the works by Carrii, Destefani (copy), Dept. of MSS., Minutes: acquisitions and Cutter, Fireman, Lamb, Palau de Iglesias, 1846-8, fol. 336. Madden diary 2 October 1847. Sotos Serrano, and Vaughan cited in nn. 3, 5, 90 Madden diary 4 October 1847. and 45 above. See also the introduction by 91 Madden diary 22 September 1848. Mercedes Palau de Iglesias to the exhibition 92 Madden diary 22 September 1848. Michelena catalogue La Expedicidn Malaspina, ij8g-!yg4, y Rojas to Madden 25, 26 September 1848, op. cit. (n. 3 above), pp. ix-x. To this should be Dept. of MSS., Minutes: acquisitions 1846-8, added the forthcoming catalogue, by Dolores fols. 476, 477. Michelena y Rojas to Madden ri Higueras, of the Bauza papers in the Museo October 1848, BM, OLP, vol. 36. Naval, Madrid. Maps from the Bauza collection 93 Minute, 14 October 1848, Dept. of MSS., in the British Library have recently been shown Minutes: acquisitions 1846-8, fol. 479. Madden in the exhibition 'The Spanish Mapping of the diary 17 October 1848. American Southwest' (Santa Fe, New Mexico, 94 Madden diary 28 November 1848. and Tucson, Arizona, November 1983-May 95 Michelena y Rojas to Forshall 22 October 1848, 1984) and have been reproduced in Max L. BM, OLP, vol. 36. Moorhead, The Presidio (Oklahoma, 1975) and 96 Madden diary 6, 7 November 1848. Bailliere to in an atlas of the Province of Sonora, Mexico, Madden 7 November 1848, Dept. of MSS., produced by the Department of Social Security Minutes: acquisitions 1846-8, fol. 480. of that province.