PEP: Dossier Kolesnikov Borys Viktorovych, Political Party

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

PEP: Dossier Kolesnikov Borys Viktorovych, Political Party Kolesnikov Borys Viktorovych Сategory Domestic Politically Exposed Person Date of birth Oct. 25, 1962 Place of birth Mariupol, Donetsk Oblast (Region) Last position Political Party "Opposition Bloc", Head 1 CONNECTIONS TO INDIVIDUALS Name Type of connection Period Kolesnikova Kateryna Borysivna daughter — Kolesnikova Svitlana Volodymyrivna wife — PrJSC "apk-invest" , Shareholder Kyi Serhii Viktorovych personal relationships — Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Ukrainian Parliament) , Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 7th Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada, the Party of Regions Chertkov Yurii Dmytrovych personal relationships — Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Ukrainian Parliament) , Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 7th Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada, the Party of Regions business relationships — Manafort Paul John Political Party "Opposition Bloc" , Надавач професійних послуг Akhmetov Ihor Leonidovych business relationships — Shopping Center Bilyi Lebid PJSC , Shareholder business relationships — Akhmetov Rinat Leonidovych є пов'язаними через ТОВ ПАТ "ДНІПРОВСЬКИЙ КОКСОХІМІЧНИЙ ЗАВОД" "ВОСТОК ПРОДЖЕКТ" , Beneficial owner CONNECTIONS TO LEGAL ENTITIES Name Type of connection Code PrJSC "apk-invest" Shareholder 34626750 Private Joint-Stock Company "Production Shareholder 25112243 Association "Konti" Vice-President 00169816 ФК "ШАХТАР" (ДОНЕЦЬК) ТОВ "ВОСТОК ПРОДЖЕКТ" Beneficial owner 35126925 Beneficial owner konti confectionary limited Private Joint-Stock Company "Production Beneficial owner 25112243 Association "Konti" Limited Liability Company "financial and Beneficial owner 32582570 industrial group" Altkom " "Ukrinvest" llc Beneficial owner 25102871 PrJSC "apk-invest" Beneficial owner 34626750 PrJSC "Artemivsk Winery" Beneficial owner 00412168 3 INCOME AND EXPENDITURES Family Expenses and other Declarant's Year Position income, transactions of the income, USD USD declarant, USD 2013 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 92 824 18 362 (Ukrainian Parliament), 032,79 366,95 Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 7th Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada 2012 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 34 575 — (Ukrainian Parliament), 786,18 Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 7th Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada 2011 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 20 763 446 (Ukrainian Parliament), 168,03 232,19 Member of Parliament of Ukraine of the 7th Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada MONETARY ASSETS: Declarant Family Year Asset type UAH USDEUROtherUAH USDEUROther 2013 Deposits 2 707 — — 81 394 — — 918,00 105,00 2012 Deposits — — — — — — 2011 Deposits 141 878 — — 52 308 — — 207,00 904,00 FINANCIAL LIABILITIES Year Declarant's total, Household (family) total, 2013 UAH — 2012 UAH — 2011 UAH — 5 GIFTS, PRIZES, WINNINGS: Year Declarant's total, USD Household (family) total, USD 2013 — 2012 — 2011 — REAL ESTATE: Residential Other real Year Land Apartments buildings estate 2013 52405.0 sq. m (4) 5895.0 sq. m (2) 227.3 sq. m (1) 2012 — — — 2011 52395.0 sq. m (4) 6002.0 sq. m (2) 227.3 sq. m (1) VEHICLES: Year Declarant Family 2013 • Mercedes-Benz S600L 5514 куб.см 2007 • Bentley Mulsanne 6752 куб.см 2013 • Bentley Mulsanne 6750 куб.см 2010 • Катер Sessa Marine С43 544 кВт, 13200см 2010 2012 — 2011 • Bentley Mulsanne 6750 см куб., 377 кВт 2010 • Bentley Continental Flying Spur 5968 см куб., 411 кВт 2009 • Mercedes-Benz S600L 5514 см куб., 269 кВт 2007 • Прогулянковий катер С-43 544 кВт 2010 7 CAREER: Period Position May 27, 2016 — Political Party "Opposition Bloc", Head Dec. 12, 2012 — till Nov. 27, 2014 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Ukrainian Parliament), Secretary of the Presidium of the Party of Regions, Member of Parliament of Ukraine, former Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine and former Minister of Infrastructure of Ukraine — PARTY of REGIONS, Secretary of the Presidium of the Political Council DOCUMENTS Extracts from Business Register • ВОСТОК ПРОДЖЕКТ Єдрпоу Media publications • shakhtar.com_uk-ua_club_management Other documents • Конті • Укрінвест • АПК-ІНВЕСТ • АРТЕМІВСЬК ВАЙНЕРІ This website highlights information obtained as part of the NGO Anti-corruption Action Centre's right on access to the public information and information from open sources which already has been published. The above information does not fall under the definition of the one "with limited access" and does not contain personal data within the meaning of the Paragraph 2 of Article 5 of the Law of Ukraine On Personal Data Protection. © Anti-corruption Action Centre, 2015-2019 Design - DEMCH.CO Development - WHITE COLLAR HUNDRED 9.
Recommended publications
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Local Elections, 25 October 2015
    ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE LOCAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE (25 October 2015) Report by Andrej PLENKOVIĆ, ChaIr of the Delegation Annexes: A - List of Participants B - EP Delegation press statement C - IEOM Preliminary Findings and Conclusions on 1st round and on 2nd round 1 IntroductIon On 10 September 2015, the Conference of Presidents authorised the sending of an Election Observation Delegation, composed of 7 members, to observe the local elections in Ukraine scheduled for 25 October 2015. The Election Observation Delegation was composed of Andrej Plenkovič (EPP, Croatia), Anna Maria Corazza Bildt (EPP, Sweden), Tonino Picula (S&D, Croatia), Clare Moody (S&D, United Kingdom), Jussi Halla-aho (ECR, Finland), Kaja Kallas (ALDE, Estonia) and Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE, Czech Republic). It conducted its activities in Ukraine between 23 and 26 October, and was integrated in the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) organised by ODIHR, together with the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities. On election-day, members were deployed in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa and Dnipropetrovsk. Programme of the DelegatIon In the framework of the International Election Observation Mission, the EP Delegation cooperated with the Delegation of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, headed by Ms Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (Austria), while the OSCE/ODIHR long-term Election Observation Mission headed by Tana de Zulueta (Italy). The cooperation with the OSCE/ODIHR and the Congress went as usual and a compromise on the joint statement was reached (see annex B). Due to the fact that only two parliamentary delegations were present to observe the local elections, and had rather different expectations as regards meetings to be organised, it was agreed between all parties to limit the joint programme to a briefing by the core team of the OSCE/ODIHR.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's 2006 Parliamentary And
    THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE ADVANCING DEMOCRACY WORLDWIDE UKRAINE PARLIAMENTARY AND LOCAL ELECTIONS MARCH 26, 2006 ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Ukraine Parliamentary and Local Elections March 26, 2006 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute IRIadvancing democracy worldwide The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20005 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 3 I. Introduction 5 II. Pre-Election Period 7 A. Political Situation in Ukraine 2004-2006 7 B. Leading Electoral Blocs and Parties in the 2006 Elections 8 C. Campaign Period 11 III. Election Period 15 A. Pre-Election Meetings 15 B. Election Day 16 IV. Post-Election Analysis 19 V. Findings and Recommendations 21 Appendix I. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Ukrainian Elections 25 Appendix II. Election Observation Delegation Members 29 Appendix III. IRI in Ukraine 31 2006 Ukraine Parliamentary and Local Elections 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Republican Institute (IRI) received funding from the National Endowment for Democracy to deploy a 26- member international delegation to observe the pre-election en- vironment, voting and tabulation process for the March 26, 2006 elections in Ukraine. The March elections were Ukraine’s fourth parliamentary elec- tions since the country declared independence in 1991, as well as the fi rst conducted by the government of President Viktor Yushchenko. The 2006 elections were a test for the Yushchenko administration to conduct a free and fair election. The interna- tional community and mass media were watching to see if the new government would make use of administrative resources and other fraudulent means to secure the victory for its political bloc in the election.
    [Show full text]
  • AS/Mon (2019) 02
    DECLASSIFIED1 AS/Mon(2019) 02 23 January 2019 amondoc02_2019 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by Ukraine Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Kyiv (19 to 21 November 2018) Co-rapporteurs: Ms Dzhema Grozdanova, Bulgaria, Group of the European People’s Party and Mr Alfred Heer, Switzerland, Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe This document is published on PACE extranet website (restricted area for PACE Members): http://assembly.coe.int/extranet. PACE IT Unit staff ([email protected]) remains at your disposal for any technical assistance. 1 Document declassified by the Monitoring Committee at its meeting on 23 January 2019. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon (2019) 02 1. Introduction 1. The main focus of this visit was the ongoing developments with regard to the fight against corruption, especially following adoption of the Law on the High Anti-Corruption Court, as well as the preparations for the upcoming election cycle in 2019, when both Presidential and Parliamentary elections will be organised in Ukraine. The rapporteurs for Ukraine have changed since the last visit. On 24 April 2018, Ms Dzhema Grozdanova (Bulgaria, EPP/CD) was appointed to replace Mr Axel Fischer, who had ceased to be a member of the Assembly in January 2018, and on 11 October 2018, Mr Alfred Heer (Switzerland, ALDE) was appointed to replace Mr Kross who had left the Assembly in the summer of 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
    RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it.
    [Show full text]
  • How Do Ukrainians Want to End the Donbas War?
    How Do Ukrainians Want to End the Donbas War? PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 555 December 2018 Mikhail Alexseev1 San Diego State University Whereas it is hard to imagine the Donbas retuning fully to Ukraine’s control without Russia ending its multi-year military and economic backing of the separatist entities there, the question of the region’s reintegration is highly prevalent in Ukraine’s political and social life. The Donbas war has been the number one concern over the last three years among Ukrainians who now also see their government’s ability to end this war as a primary issue in the run-up to the 2019 presidential elections. Opinion surveys, focus groups, and interviews across Ukraine indicate that public support across regional divides is more likely for candidates and prospective leaders who can properly articulate, and have the integrity to pursue, a balanced, multi-pronged Donbas settlement strategy that combines military buildup, selective sanctioning of separatist entities, and political negotiations. Such candidates or leaders would be more likely to attract undecided voters than those who prioritize only one resolution path. Those who articulate credible, national, socioeconomic development policies that are clearly non-contingent on, yet not prohibitive of, Donbas reintegration, have good chances of gaining public support, which in turn would advance sensible progress ending the often-deadly discord. It’s a Big Issue The Donbas war has a death toll of over 10,500, mostly due to Russia’s lethal military assistance to its client entities the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR).
    [Show full text]
  • Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
    Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine December 13-27, 2018 Methodology • The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas) from December 13- 27, 2018, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. The distribution of population by regions and settlements is based on statistical data of the Central Election Commission from the 2014 parliamentary elections, and the distribution of population by age and gender is based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine from January 1, 2018. • A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and “last birthday” methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with populations of more than 1 million • Cities with populations of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with populations of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with populations of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with populations of up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected by the PPS method (probability proportional to size).
    [Show full text]
  • The Extreme Right in Ukraine
    INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Ukraine MRIDULA GHOSH October 2012 n The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elec- tions reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology. n The economic crises, unemployment and corruption have enabled Svoboda to add a socioeconomic dimension to its ultra-nationalist agenda as well as to expand its out- reach by communicating with the grassroots rather than via elite lobby politics. This has helped Svoboda to gain power in regional legislative bodies in Western Ukraine. n Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream po- litical parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception. n Civil society has provided some counter-strategies to the Svoboda party. However, in the absence of political consensus, these efforts have proved feeble and futile. To raise awareness of the inadmissibility of right-wing extremism in mainstream poli- tics, it is necessary to turn to the substantive socioeconomic elements of participa- tory governance. MRIDULA GHOSH | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN UKRAINE Contents 1. Introduction: Overview of the Extreme Right and Its Electoral Performance ......3 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Notes /Аналітичні Записки ЦПД Науоа/Аналитические Записки ЦПИ Науоа
    Research Notes /Аналітичні записки ЦПД НаУОА/Аналитические записки ЦПИ НаУОА Research Note #4, 2019 Political Developments in Kyiv Oblast Prior 2019 Presidential Elections Ivan Gomza Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Senior Fellow at the School for Policy Analysis National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Yuriy Matsiyevsky Series editor Center for Political Research Ostroh Academy National University Center for Political Research Ostroh Academy National University 2019 Research Notes /Аналітичні записки ЦПД НаУОА/Аналитические записки ЦПИ НаУОА At first glance Kyiv oblast, with its 1 754 949 inhabitants, barely impresses as a valuable prize in electoral campaign. After all, the oblast consists of 9 single-member districts that translate in 9 seats at the national parliament. When compared with 17 seats allocated to Dnipropetrovsk oblast, 13 – to Kharkiv, 12 to Donetsk, or Lviv oblast, and 11 to Odessa oblast, this does not look impressive. The power struggle in Kyiv oblast might seem of limited strategic importance. Such a conclusion is, however, erroneous as Kyiv oblast has several distinctive features, which makes it central in power competition and power distribution after each election. Firstly, the oblast is adjacent to the ultimate powerhouse of national politics, the city of Kyiv. The nine above-mentioned electoral districts comprise regional town areas which encircle the capital, set its administrative boundaries, contain its growth, limit the city’s capabilities to manage logistics and to provide infrastructural services. In fact, the lack of capacities forced the mayor of Kyiv to initiate the program to create a “Kyiv metropolitan area” which should bring closer housing, transportation, and administration across the city of Kyiv and the oblast emulating the Metropolis of Greater Paris.
    [Show full text]
  • UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES Populist Volodymyr Zelensky Is Currently Leading in the Polls with 25% to 27%
    UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES Populist Volodymyr Zelensky is currently leading in the polls with 25% to 27%. Current Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko are tied for second with roughly 15% to 18%. Pro-Russian Yuriy Boyko is polling fourth with 9% to 13%. All other candidates are trailing in the polls. Polling data is based on a survey of recent poll results.1 Chart citations can be found on the ISW Research Blog. General Information Political Positions Likelihood of Advancing Russia’s Goals Petro Poroshenko POROSHENKO BLOC “SOLIDARITY” Running as Independent2 Poroshenko is unlikely given his history to make voluntary concessions to • Key supporter of Ukraine’s Russia. The Kremlin has likely already expended most of its existing leverage integration into the EU and on Poroshenko. NATO Russia would likely continue to intensify its military provocations and other • Incumbent President • Strong opponent of the forms of pressure on Ukraine in the event of a victory by Poroshenko. It • Founder of Roshen, the largest Kremlin in Ukraine would also likely attempt to limit his presidential powers through the election chocolate company in Ukraine3 • Suffers from negative public of favorable candidates in the Ukrainian Parliament. • Supported Euromaidan ratings due largely to failed Poroshenko stands to hold a diminished ability to shape policy even if he wins Revolution in 20144 anti-corruption reforms reelection. His popular support is slipping and he would likely win only by a slim margin. His bloc also stands to lose ground in the Ukrainian Parliament. Yulia Tymoshenko ALL-UKRAINIAN UNION “FATHERLAND” (Batkivshchyna)5 • Populist • Frames self as pro-Western Tymoshenko’s populist agenda will likely impede the economic and political and Ukrainian nationalist reforms necessary for Ukraine’s further integration with the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Poll Was Uploaded to Iri.Org on July 10, 2019 to Address Minor Inaccuracies Contained in the Version Published on July 9, 2019
    Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine June 13-23, 2019 *A corrected version of this poll was uploaded to iri.org on July 10, 2019 to address minor inaccuracies contained in the version published on July 9, 2019. Methodology • The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied Crimea and certain areas of Donbas) on June 13-23, 2019 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes • •The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. The distribution of population by regions and settlements is based on statistical data of the Central Election Commission from the 2019 presidential elections, and the distribution of population by age and gender is based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine from January 1, 2018. • A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and “last birthday” methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: the territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, except for the occupied Crimea and certain areas of the Donbas. • Stage Two: the territory of each region was split into village and city units. Settlements were split into types by the number of residents: • Cities with population over 1 million • Cities with population 500,000-999,000 • Cities with population 100,000-499,000 • Cities with population 50,000-99,000 • Cities with population up to 50,000 • Urban villages • Villages • Cities and villages were selected using the PPS method (probability proportional to size).
    [Show full text]
  • Before the Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine
    Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 149 | 15.10.2014 www.osw.waw.pl Before the parliamentary elections in Ukraine Tadeusz A. Olszański The parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine on 26 October will bring about deep chan- ges in the political composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament. It is very pro- bable that after the elections only one or two of the five parties which are represented in the parliament today will remain, and the leading positions will be taken by groupings who were still considered marginal a year ago. The Petro Poroshenko Bloc, a party which according to polls can count on victory, did not exist a year ago and today still remains in the construction phase. It is likely that around two-thirds of the newly elected deputies will be people with no parliamentary or even no political experience. On the one hand, this may be a strong impetus to revival; but on the other the lack of experience of most of the parliamentarians may be a problem. Another source of potential problems may be the process of consolidating the internally unstable political parties which have emerged during the electoral campaign. All of the parties which will count in the upcoming elections have a pro-European programme. It is probable that the numerous supporters of an anti-Western orientation (although not necessa- rily a pro-Russian orientation, as recent events have shown) will be represented by very few de- puties elected in single-mandate constituencies. On the one hand, this homogeneity within the Rada will facilitate the country’s reforms, including work on the new constitution, while on the other it might be a subject of permanent criticism by Moscow and its Ukrainian representatives.
    [Show full text]