Chiweshe M – Analysis of Land-Related Corruption in Zimbabwe

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chiweshe M – Analysis of Land-Related Corruption in Zimbabwe Land related corrupon in BackgroundZimbabwe Manase Kudzai Chiweshe Chinhoyi University of Technology Land remains an emo1ve and polarising feature of the Zimbabwean socio-poli1cal landscape Corrup1on is broadly defined in this study as the inten1onal misperformance or neglect of a recognized duty or the unwarranted exercise of power with the mo1ve of gaining some advantage more or less directly personal. Zimbabwe Emphasis on power by the micro physics element of power which makes corrup1on the property of relaonships Different types - peEy, poli1cal - patronage, grand, nepo1sm Difficult to research and provide factual figures on the extent of corrup1on Corrupon Opportuni1es Communal Land • Abuse of power by village heads, chiefs and Rural District Councils through their explicit and tacit par1cipaon in illegal land sales – ILLEGAL because communal land cannot be transacted with. There are no 1tles changing hands. • Lack of set standards for transparent and accountable applicaon in land allocaon • Increase in land sales especially in areas close to urban centres (Domboshava for instance) with contested results within families; changing landscape of peri urban areas e.g Seke, speculave purposes that Harare will expand into those areas • Illegal land sales resul1ng in loss of grazing land and conflicts over land boundaries • RDC corrup1on in the sale of business stands and encroaching in communal land Corrup1on Opportuni1es in early land reform processes • Cases of land related corrup1on noted by various scholars but s1ll problemac is the extend of corrup1on given the secre1ve nature of these deals • Between 1980 and 1987 the government repossessed about 400,000 hectares of state land forredistribu1on (Moyo 1995:262). • The main concern was the secre1ve nature in which the leases were allocated and the lack of transparent adver1sing to the public on the availability of these farms (Moyo 1995). • This represented visible and real aempts by the government to restructure the exis1ng poli1cal and agrarian space to pave way for the allocaon of land to members of the governing elites (Marongwe 2008:113). • Although introducing the reforms as a means of empowering the poor, ‘the ruling elite have made liEle more than token reseElement of the landless peasant farmers on acquired land‘ (Makumbe 1999:14). • Makumbe (1999:15) goes on to note that ‘the elites have made effec1ve use of the Land Acquisi1on Act 1992 to feather their own nests‘. • Various cri1cs (Goebel 2005; Makumbe 1999; Moyo 1996) argue that redistribu1on of land lacked transparency, and was marked by regional, ethnic and class biases that favoured elite blacks from the regions and ethnic groups that dominated the ruling ZANU-PF party. • A report in the Guardian Weekly (30 june 1996:4) highlighted: ‗In 1992 the Zimbabwean parliament passed the Land Acquisi1on Act, authorising the government to buy land compulsorily. • Two years later it was revealed that the first farms compulsorily purchased had been allocated to cabinet ministers, top civil servants and army generals‘. • Similarly, the Zimbabwean Herald (1 july 1996:10) noted: A proper commission of inquiry should be appointed to look into, and establish the veracity of allegaons made at the weekend that senior government officials in Masvingo have taken over a farm earmarked for reseEling peasants, and that they are helping themselves to the farm.‘ Corrup1on Opportuni1es under Fast Track Land Reform Programme • There are contestaons when it comes to this process and two major schools of thought around who benefiEed from the programme • Marongwe (2008) in Goromonzi concludes that the poli1cal and social processes governing land allocaon created par1cular classes of beneficiaries whose qualifying characteris1cs‘ were divorced from agriculture in terms of farming experience, and commitment and skills possessed. • Sadomba (2008:168) reveals that war veterans presented a corrup1on document at a Mashonaland West Provincial Stakeholder Dialogue mee1ng in 2004, accusing ZANU-PF officials of ‘changing farms willy–nilly‘, ‘leasing farms to former white farmers‘, and ‘deliberately ignoring the mandatory twenty percent allocaons for war veterans‘. Excerpt from the Herald 16 May 2015 Government will take land from those with mul1ple farms, while those with large farms exceeding 1 000 hectares will have them subdivided and parcelled out to landless families, Ac1ng President Emmerson Mnangagwa has said. Responding to ques1ons raised by members of the public during a Cons1tu1on outreach programme in Mutare yesterday, Ac1ng President Mnangagwa, who is also the Minister of jus1ce, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, said the ongoing land audit would expose those who had mul1ple farms. “We know that some of us senior Government officials got more than one farm, while some parcelled (out) farms to family members, relaves and girlfriends at the expense of other families,” he said. “We are going to look at that and give those pieces of land to other people. “Anyone who is found with a farm that is bigger than the required size in a region that farm falls in will have his or her por1on of land downsized. So, I urge those with big farms not to invest beyond their farm sizes because those investments will be given to the person who is allocated the remaining part of the farm. • Erlich (2011:2), ci1ng studies by Moyo et al. (2009) and Scoones et al. (2010), concludes that contrary to popular belief land reform in Zimbabwe benefited ordinary Zimbabweans. • He denies the prevalent reports that claim that fast track land reform was a ‘land grab‘ by ‘cronies‘ bringing about a more unequal distribu1on of land than what had preceded it. • Problemac issues over elite ques1on - Moyo, Scoones, Matondi all show varied beneficiaries of land but this does not mean there were no mul1ple ownerships, poli1cal consideraons, corrupt tendencies etc. • Redistribu1on of redistributed land - ZANU PF splits and fights and problems facing Didymus Mutasa and Themba Mliswa • Newspaper reports on report backs on community outreach for the Land Commission Bill – people complaining in Masvingo, Mutare, Mash provinces of corrupt chiefs Corrup1on Opportuni1es in emerging large scale land investments • In Zimbabwe large scale land deals have for now concentrated on bio fuel produc1on. Ques1ons of displacement – loss of livelihoods and access to resources such as water: • Mujere and Dombo note that in Zimbabwe investors in land projects have largely been controversial businessmen with close 1es with ZANU PF ruling elite • 1. The investment companies are fractured into different units, which appear unrelated on the surface yet they belong to same investors. This makes difficult to understand who owns what and how much money came from where. The cri1cal ques1on is how all the three companies are linked to Billy Rautenbach. • 2. There are mul1ple agreements with government en11es that seem unrelated but all facilitate the profit making agenda of foreign companies. Macdom and Rang have a separate agreement with Arda whilst Green Fuels has a lease with Chipinge Rural District Council for the land. • Though they claim the deals were done according to the law there are many ques1ons. The most per1nent issue is that Green Fuels, which stands to make money from selling biofuel, is not part of the BOT thus there is no benefit to government or local communi1es in terms of profit sharing. • The agreement notes that ARDA will receive 8% of annual proceeds. What is not clear is which proceeds exactly: Is it from the sale of sugarcane from Macdom to Green Fuels or from the sale of ethanol by Green Fuels? Responses • New Land Commission – may be a star1ng point • An1 Corrup1on Commission - poli1cal interference • Poli1cal statements and rhetoric on the need to fight corrupon • Arrest of low level corrupt officials but the cases seem to somehow disappear • Hopelessly ineffec1ve an1 corrup1on body with some of its commissioners fired for allegaons of being corrupt • Unhelpful police without much power to in • In urban land scams some of the swindled cooperave members note that some of the people land barons use comedian Baba Tencen’s words to show they are above the law. They say: Munga.dini? Hapana Zvamunombo.ita!!! (What can you do to us? There is nothing you can do) .
Recommended publications
  • Download File
    Detailed timeline: Zimbabwe Rick de Satgé This timeline provides additional information to the Land Portal profile on Zimbabwe Year Event Context Land Portal Profile Tags Precolonial Zimbabwe was originally populated by A trading regime is developed between Shona polities and #Precolonial history history groups of San hunter gatherers. the Portuguese on the coast of Mozambique in the mid- The first Bantu speakers migrated into 1500s. the territory between 200-400 A.D. Shona speaking people settled on the Zimbabwean plateau around a thousand A.D. 1840’s An Nguni group, the Ndebele were Relations between Ndebele and various Shona polities in the #Precolonial history displaced during a period of social precolonial period combined periods of conflict, coexistence upheaval in South Africa known as the and assimilation. The Shona term describing the Ndebele as mfecane, first migrating from Zululand madzviti – ‘those who do not belong’1 provides an indicator up into the Transvaal, before settling in of the potential for future conflict and division. the south of modern-day Zimbabwe. 1881 Colonial concession seekers expand into The Ndebele leader Lobengula signs the Rudd Concession #Colonial encroachment present day Botswana and Zimbabwe in valid for 25 years, authorising “the complete and exclusive search of gold and minerals. charge over all metals and minerals situated and contained in my kingdoms, principalities, and dominions, together with full power to do all things that they may deem necessary to 1 (Ndlovu 2017: 117) 1 Year Event Context Land Portal Profile Tags win and procure the same, and to hold, collect, and enjoy the profits and revenues”.
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking History:Citizenship, Power, and the Recasting of Heroes and Villains
    REMAKING HISTORY:CITIZENSHIP, POWER, AND THE RECASTING OF HEROES AND VILLAINS BY DALE DORÉ In a reworked narrative on nationalism, veterans were cast as the heroic liberators of the land from whites, seen as unreconstructed racists, and a former colonial power which was, twenty years after independence, portrayed more fervently than ever as the obstacle to ‘real’ decolonisation. ~ Jocelyn Alexander1 SUMMARY Joseph Hanlon, Jeanette Manjengwa and Teresa Stewart’s book, Zimbabwe Takes Back the Land,2 gives fresh impetus to Scoones’ narrative on land.3 Their blurb on the back cover recognises the deprecations of the Mugabe government, but assures readers that “ordinary” Zimbabwean settlers took charge of their destinies, are improving their lives, and are becoming increasingly productive. Like Scoones, it is fundamentally a plea to the international community to support new farmers on contested land. The main thrust of their argument is that Zimbabweans justifiably and successfully took back their land from white Rhodesian colonialist farmers. In this paper I challenge their remaking of history that casts war veterans as heroes and white farmers as villains. I focus primarily on identity, citizenship, and belonging: what it means to be Zimbabwean. Contrary to this reworking of the nationalist narrative, I argue that the land invasions were primarily used as a means to crush the opposition and as a tool of patronage ahead of crucial elections. But more than this, land seizures follow a well-practiced pattern of widespread and systematic violence against civilians – from Gukurahundi and Murambatsvina, to premeditated political violence. Robert Mugabe’s single-minded purpose has been to maintain his imperious powers against the sovereign will of the people at any cost.
    [Show full text]
  • Divergent Perspectives on the Land Reform in Zimbabwe 91 Approaches with Varying Implications
    90 Kudzayi Savious DIVERGENT PERSPECTIVES ON Tarisayi THE LAND REFORM IN ZIMBABWE Postdoctoral Fellow, Geography Education, School of Education, Abstract Edgewood Campus, University of A variety of views on land reform in Zimbabwe have KwaZulu-Natal. emerged in recent years. The background to the Email: TarisayiK@ukzn. discussion on the perspectives on the land reform ac.za revealed the significant contribution of the outcome of the February 2000 referendum on the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe. This paper interrogates DOI: https://dx.doi. the various views on land reform in Zimbabwe under org/10.18820/24150509/ four dominant perspectives: the political perspective, JCH44.v1.5 livelihoods perspective, human rights perspective and ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) agricultural perspective. The paper shows that there are ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) divergent views within these dominant perspectives. Journal for Contemporary One view within the political perspective holds that the History government ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National 2019 44(1):90-106 Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), led by Robert Mugabe, manipulated demand for land to gain political mileage. © Creative Commons With Views within the political perspective further argue that Attribution (CC-BY) land reform was used as a weapon against white farmers for allegedly supporting the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition party. There was no consensus on what happened to the livelihoods of black farmers after the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. Whereas, within the livelihoods perspectives it was noted that the livelihoods of farmworkers declined. Keywords: land reform; political perspective; livelihoods perspective; agricultural productivity; human rights perspective; Zimbabwe Sleutelwoorde: grondhervorming; politieke perspektief; lewensbestaan perspektief; landbouproduksie; menseregte perspektief; Zimbabwe 1.
    [Show full text]
  • ZANU-PF's Use of Ethnic Conflict As a Means of Maintaining Political
    S TRATEGY OF D OMINATION ZANU-PF’S USE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT AS A MEANS OF MAINTAINING POLITICAL CONTROL IN ZIMBABWE, 1982-2006 Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Thesis Submitted by Brian Eric Abrams 25 April 2006 © 2006 Brian Eric Abrams http://fletcher.tufts.edu Abstract Zimbabwe is currently a country in crisis politically and economically. President Robert Mugabe’s extreme policies against the opposition have led to Zimbabwe’s international isolation. Within Africa, however, Mugabe has largely been shielded from criticism. The framing of his campaign against the opposition within the rhetoric of anti- colonialism has created a veil of legitimacy behind which Mugabe has been free to act. This paper argues that Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party have habitually used ethnic conflict as a self-serving political weapon in Zimbabwe. It first develops a two- tiered theoretical framework within which the case of Zimbabwe can analyzed. It then analyzes three case studies in which Mugabe utilized ethnic conflict to neutralize political opposition: the campaign against the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (1982-1987); the legitimization of the seizure of white-owned farms by ex-combatants (1998-2005); and the repression of the Movement for Democratic Change (2000-2006). 2 3 Table of Contents I. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................5 II. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................9
    [Show full text]
  • Land Reform and Development Strategy in Zimbabwe: State Autonomy, Class and Agrarian Lobby
    Afrika Focus, Vol. 6, Nr. 3-4, 1990, pp 201-242 LAND REFORM AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY IN ZIMBABWE: STATE AUTONOMY, CLASS AND AGRARIAN LOBBY SamMOYO Tor SKALNESS Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies P.O.Box880 Harare, Zimbabwe INTRODUCTION Much of the literature on the political determinants of African economic policies that has been produced over the last decade seems to be motivated by the need to make some sense out of the following apparent fact. Even as the characteristic policies pursued by African governments have been shown to have severely adverse conse­ quences, sufficient internal forces are seldom mobilised to have them substituted for a more 'realistic' set of policies. Sustained external pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other international donors seems to be necessary for such policy reorientation to occur. In other words, writers searching for the political rationality behind the typical set of African economic policies seem to assume that these policies are economically 'irrational'. If that assumption is ac­ cepted as valid, explanations of policy outcomes in terms of the dominance over the policy process of a certain coalition of special interests (for instance, Bates, 1981) attain inherent plausibility. This is so because we tend to believe that in the absence of strong political pressure to the contrary, governments would choose policies that promote growth, a sustainable balance of payments, and generally increased economic well-being for the country as a whole. 201 Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 12:50:18PM via free access It is not our intention to challenge the assumption of the economic destructiveness of past African policies here.
    [Show full text]
  • ZIMBABWE Injustice and Political Reconciliation
    ZIMBABWE Injustice and Political Reconciliation Edited by Brian Raftopoulos and Tyrone Savage Published by The financial assistance of the Swiss Agency for Development and Co-operation is gratefully acknowledged Prelims 1 2/14/05, 1:42 PM ii Published by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation 46 Rouwkoop Road, Rondebosch 7700, Cape Town, South Africa www.ijr.org.za © 2004 Institute for Justice and Reconciliation All rights reserved. ISBN: 0-9584794-4-5 Produced by Compress www.compress.co.za Cover design by Chaz Maviyane-Davies Marketing and sales agent: Oneworldbooks www.oneworldbooks.com Distributed by BlueWeaver Orders to be placed with Blue Weaver PO Box 30370, Tokai 7966, Cape Town, South Africa Fax: +27 21 701 7302 E-mail: [email protected] Prelims 2 2/14/05, 1:42 PM iii CONTENTS Foreword v Acknowledgements vii Introduction Unreconciled differences: The limits of reconciliation politics in Zimbabwe Brian Raftopoulos viii Chapter 1 The promised land: From expropriation to reconciliation and Jambanja Lloyd M. Sachikonye 1 Chapter 2 Memories of underdevelopment: A personal interpretation of Zimbabwe’s economic decline Rob Davies 19 Chapter 3 ‘Gukurahundi’ The need for truth and reparation Shari Eppel 43 Chapter 4 Reintegration of ex-combatants into Zimbabwean society: A lost opportunity Paul Themba Nyathi 63 Chapter 5 Contextualising the military in Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2004 and beyond Martin R. Rupiya 79 Chapter 6 Whither judicial independence in Zimbabwe? Charles Goredema 99 Chapter 7 Liberating or limiting the public
    [Show full text]
  • Examining Zimbabwe's Protracted Social Conflict Through The
    Conflict in Perpetuity? Examining Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict through the lens of land reform Bryan M. Sims Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Pierre du Toit March 2015 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. 22 February 2015 Copyright © 2015 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved ! ii! Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Expressions of Southern African Nationalism(S): Convergences, Divergences, and Reconciliations in South Africa and Zimbabwe
    POPULAR EXPRESSIONS OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN NATIONALISM(S): CONVERGENCES, DIVERGENCES, AND RECONCILIATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA AND ZIMBABWE By Blessing Shingirirai Mavima A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of African American and African Studies – Doctor of Philosophy 2019 ABSTRACT POPULAR EXPRESSIONS OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN NATIONALISM(S): CONVERGENCES, DIVERGENCES, AND RECONCILIATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA AND ZIMBABWE By Blessing Shingirirai Mavima Popular Expressions of Pan-Africanism and Southern African Nationalism(s): Convergences, Divergences, and Reconciliations in South Africa and Zimbabwe is a dissertation study that traces the transformations, reveals the tensions, and critically analyzes diverging and converging trajectories of different manifestations of African nationalism, including ethnic nationalism, state nationalism, and Pan-Africanism using contemporary South Africa and Zimbabwe as sites of analyses. Focusing on the metropolitan provinces of Gauteng and Harare respectively, I use the study to interrogate how popular expressions of African nationalism have emerged and evolved in the neighboring nations during their anti-colonial/anti-apartheid struggles throughout the 20 th century, and how they exist today. Presenting a thesis that I call nationalisms from below, the research study reveals how these manifestations of nationalism are imagined, practiced, and represente d by the initiatives and actions of different members of the civil society including artists, activists, laborers, and migrants in the two countries’ contemporary politics and society. My findings lead to a nuanced determination of the factors that influence the intersections, divergences, and convergences of what I refer to in the study as Africa’s tripartite nationalist expressions and identities—ethnicism, African Nationalism, and Pan- Africanism.
    [Show full text]
  • Clifford Mabhena
    ‘Visible Hectares, Vanishing Livelihoods’: A case of the Fast Track Land Reform and Resettlement Programme in southern Matabeleland - Zimbabwe Clifford Mabhena Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Social Sciences (Development Studies) Faculty of Social Science and Humanities University of Fort Hare 2010 i Declaration This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any other degree. It is my work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. Signature Date ii Abstract: Land reform has been going on in Zimbabwe since the state attained independence from Britain in 1980 as a way of enhancing agrarian livelihoods for the formerly marginalized people. This study argues that, the Land Reform Programme in Southern Matabeleland rather than enhancing agrarian livelihoods, well established livelihoods have actually been drastically reduced. This has been exacerbated by the state programme of land re-distribution that prescribes a „one size fits all‟ model. Yet this is contrary to the thinking in development discourse that equitable land distribution increases rural livelihoods. As a way of gathering data this study utilized ethnography and case study methodologies. I spent two years interacting and interviewing purposively selected new resettles, communal residents, migrant workers and gold panners in this region. Results from this study confirm that, land reform has greatly reduced livelihoods, particularly agrarian livelihoods. Also, this research has found out that, the majority of residents now depend on off-farm livelihoods such as gold panning and migration to neighbouring South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Post Independence Land Reform in Zimbabwe POST-INDEPENDENCE LAND REFORM in ZIMBABWE
    Post Independence Land Reform In Zimbabwe POST-INDEPENDENCE LAND REFORM IN ZIMBABWE: Controversies and Impact on the Economy Edited by Medicine Masiiwa Published by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, 2004 © This collection: Medicine Masiiwa, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe © Contribution: the author Cover design: Danes Design, Harare Printed by. G. M & S. Printers, Harare All rights reserved. No part of the publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or any means - electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise - without the express written permission of the publisher. ISBN: 0-7974-2786-4 Contents Page Contributors i Foreword iii Acknowledgements iv Introduction v Chapter One Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe: Disparity between Policy Design and Implementation; Medicine Masiiwa & Lovemore Chipungu 1 Chapter Two Socio-economic Conflicts of the Fast Track Resettlement Programme; Nelson Marongwe 25 Chapter Three The Impact of Land Redistribution on Commercial Farm Workers; Godfrey Magaramombe, 35 Chapter Four The Impact of Land Redistribution on Large Scale Commercial Agriculture; Maxwell Mudhara 57 Chapter Five The Impact of Land Redistribution on the Environment; Takawira Mubvami 71 Chapter Six Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP): Precursor to the Fast Track Resettlement?; Godfrey Kanyenze 90 Chapter Seven Law, Politics and the Land Reform Process in Zimbabwe; Lovemore Madhuku 124 Chapter Eight Land Reform and Gender in Zimbabwe; Abby Mgugu & Rindayi Chimonyo 147 Chapter One Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe: Disparity Between Policy Design and Implementation Medicine Masiiwa & Lovemore Chipungu Introduction Land is a natural resource that has always been hotly contested among groups of people living between the Zambezi and the Limpopo.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Land Reform in Zimbabwe
    IPA Workshop Report Democracy and Land Reform in Zimbabwe Executive Summary UN Millenium Plaza Hotel New York Some of the views expressed at the IPA meeting in New 25 February 2002 York on 25 February 2002 on “Democracy and Land Reform in Zimbabwe” included the following: International Peace Academy’s Africa ❏ Market-based land reform failed in Zimbabwe and Program gratefully acknowledges the support represents an obstacle to meaningful land redistribu- of the governments of Denmark, Germany, tion in both South Africa and Namibia. Ownership of the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom’s land in Zimbabwe remains a major source of conflict. New approaches are needed that can capitalize on the Department for International Development. opportunities of the market, while ensuring that the state is able to intervene in land and related markets ABOUT THE RAPPORTEURS to direct resources to the poor. Ms. Ruth Hall is a researcher in the Program for ❏ The violent methods being employed in Zimbabwe are Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) at the widely contested. But struggles over land in Southern University of the Western Cape (UWC) in South Africa are not restricted to President Robert Mugabe’s Africa and is also a doctoral candidate at regime and are likely to continue unless or until St. Antony’s College, Oxford University. substantial redistribution of land to the poor and landless is achieved. Specific proposals towards a future land reform program in Zimbabwe included Ms. Aida Mengistu is a Program Officer in the the following: Africa Program of the International Peace • Land reforms need to form part of agrarian Academy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wider Vision of Social Policy: an Analysis of the Transformative Role of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zvimba District (Zimbabwe)
    THE WIDER VISION OF SOCIAL POLICY: AN ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSFORMATIVE ROLE OF THE FAST TRACK LAND REFORM PROGRAMME IN ZVIMBA DISTRICT (ZIMBABWE) by TOM TOM Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY In the subject SOCIOLOGY At the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR JIMI O. ADESINA APRIL 2020 Declaration I declare that the thesis is my own work, based on original research, and has not been submitted elsewhere for another award. The secondary sources consulted have been acknowledged by way of references. The Government of Zimbabwe granted permission through the relevant ministries, to access and reside in Zvimba district for data collection. Signed: Date: 20/04/2020 Tom Tom This thesis was submitted for examination with my approval. Signed: Date: 20/04/2020 Supervisor: Professor Jimi Adesina ii Dedication Felistas Ngombe, my wife. Lestencia Nyasha, Taombekwa and Rukudzo Mazvitaishe, my daughters. i Acknowledgements I honour my supervisor/promoter Professor Jimi Adesina (DST/NRF SARChI Chair in Social Policy), for the intellectual and professional guidance throughout the phases of the doctoral studies. Without such principal and towering support, this contribution to knowledge would not have succeeded. I am also grateful for the financial support provided by the South African Research Chair Initiative (SARChI) - Chair in Social Policy. The project would not have been achieved without the SARChI funding. I also thank my colleagues of the Zimbabwe land reform cohort at the Chair: Clement Chipenda, Musavengana Winston Theodore Chibwana and Newman Tekwa for constructive criticism, encouragement and sharing of field experiences. I also acknowledge the intellectual support provided by other colleagues at the SARChI Chair – Ashley Sarimana, Kola Omomowo, Oluranti Samuel, Austin Omoruan, Marion Ouma, Kim Usher, Kafui Tsepko, Mitchell Peens, Affiz Lawal, Sivuyisiwe Wonci, Kehinde Omotosho and Christal Spel Babalwa.
    [Show full text]