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ZIMBABWE Injustice and Political Reconciliation ZIMBABWE Injustice and Political Reconciliation Edited by Brian Raftopoulos and Tyrone Savage Published by The financial assistance of the Swiss Agency for Development and Co-operation is gratefully acknowledged Prelims 1 2/14/05, 1:42 PM ii Published by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation 46 Rouwkoop Road, Rondebosch 7700, Cape Town, South Africa www.ijr.org.za © 2004 Institute for Justice and Reconciliation All rights reserved. ISBN: 0-9584794-4-5 Produced by Compress www.compress.co.za Cover design by Chaz Maviyane-Davies Marketing and sales agent: Oneworldbooks www.oneworldbooks.com Distributed by BlueWeaver Orders to be placed with Blue Weaver PO Box 30370, Tokai 7966, Cape Town, South Africa Fax: +27 21 701 7302 E-mail: [email protected] Prelims 2 2/14/05, 1:42 PM iii CONTENTS Foreword v Acknowledgements vii Introduction Unreconciled differences: The limits of reconciliation politics in Zimbabwe Brian Raftopoulos viii Chapter 1 The promised land: From expropriation to reconciliation and Jambanja Lloyd M. Sachikonye 1 Chapter 2 Memories of underdevelopment: A personal interpretation of Zimbabwe’s economic decline Rob Davies 19 Chapter 3 ‘Gukurahundi’ The need for truth and reparation Shari Eppel 43 Chapter 4 Reintegration of ex-combatants into Zimbabwean society: A lost opportunity Paul Themba Nyathi 63 Chapter 5 Contextualising the military in Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2004 and beyond Martin R. Rupiya 79 Chapter 6 Whither judicial independence in Zimbabwe? Charles Goredema 99 Chapter 7 Liberating or limiting the public sphere? Media policy and the Zimbabwe transition, 1980–2004 Wallace Chuma 119 Prelims 3 2/14/05, 1:42 PM iv Chapter 8 Reconciliation, ethnicity and school history in Zimbabwe 1980–2002 Teresa Barnes 140 Chapter 9 Nation, race and history in Zimbabwean politics Brian Raftopoulos 160 Chapter 10 The worm and the hoe: Cultural politics and reconciliation after the Third Chimurenga Robert Muponde 176 Chapter 11 Orphans of the empire: An analysis of elements of white identity and ideology construction in Zimbabwe Karin Alexander 193 Chapter 12 ‘Zimbabwe for Zimbabweans’: Invisible subject minorities and the quest for justice and reconciliation in post-colonial Zimbabwe James Muzondidya 213 Chapter 13 Constitutional reform as social movement: A critical narrative of the constitution-making debate in Zimbabwe, 1997–2000 Brian Kagoro 236 Chapter 14 The church and reconciliation: A mission impossible? Deprose T. Muchena 257 Chapter 15 South African diplomacy and the crisis in Zimbabwe: Liberation solidarity in the 21st century Ian Phimister 271 Authors 292 Prelims 4 2/14/05, 1:42 PM Foreword Zimbabwe was a beacon of hope at the time of independence in 1980. It promised a move beyond the kind of coercive rule entrenched by colonialism and Ian Smith’s white minority regime. The promise was undergirded by political reform, the restructuring of education policy, and military integration. In time, however, reports surfaced of a reversion to violence as a means of resolving political conflict. These patterns of coercion and authoritarianism have since intensified to the point of crisis. Debate has been heated. Appeals have been made by some Zimbabweans that South Africa draw on its influence to instigate political change and force opponents to the negotiating table. South Africans have, in turn, frequently been accused of responding to the Zimbabwe crisis in terms of their own dilemmas and solutions. Pressure from the West to address violations of human rights and civil liberties in Zimbabwe has been heavily compromised by reminders of the role of Western nations, in particular Britain, in pillaging the country through imperial conquest, colonial rule and post-colonial manipulation. Amidst this debate, it is crucial that the insights, perspectives and proposals of Zimbabweans themselves be heard. The present volume does just this. It offers the views of an array of Zimbabwean commentators who chart patterns of historical injustice and ponder a range of options for what may, broadly understood, be termed a politics of political reconciliation for Zimbabwe. Justice and reconciliation need to be inextricably linked. It is unrealistic to ask victims and survivors of gross violations of human rights to reconcile in the absence of justice. It is at the same time necessary to broaden the understanding of justice to include realistic options for the building of civic trust, the promotion of a human rights culture and the pursuit of economic transformation. Realistic programmes of reconciliation suggest ways of getting there. They are about an inclusive, restorative understanding of justice. Understood as a political strategy, reconciliation is a beginning, involving a decision to take the first steps towards the higher goal of sustainable peace. It is a process that is rarely linear. It is invariably Prelims 5 2/14/05, 1:42 PM vi uneven, requiring restraint, generosity of spirit, empathy and perseverance. It needs necessarily to be sustained and energised by concrete goals and a shared vision of what can and might yet be accomplished. In societies emerging from histories of violent division, this kind of reconciliation is not a utopian ideal – it is a necessity. It is often the only realistic alternative to a return to coercion and a re-escalation of violence. It creates a space within which to pursue economic, social and restorative justice. The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation has over the past eighteen months facilitated a debate among a group of Zimbabwean analysts, scholars and activists who have pondered a pragmatic yet principled way forward for their beleaguered country. We have decided to publish the contributions of this group, augmented by papers from other Zimbabweans – not as final comment but as work in progress. The intent is to stimulate further debate both before and after the proposed elections. There are no easy solutions to the Zimbabwean conflict. The steps required to move beyond the present impasse require careful thought. There will no doubt be conceptual and political compromises made in the process of any settlement of the crisis. Above all there will need to be deep listening, careful thought and courageous action. It is hoped that the Zimbabwean voices included in this volume will help stimulate this process. Charles Villa-Vicencio Executive Director Institute for Justice and Reconciliation Prelims 6 2/14/05, 1:42 PM Acknowledgements This book grows out of a process of consultation, extended debate and a strong commitment to dialogue on tough questions. As such, it has inevitably incurred a number of debts of gratitude. Each of the contributing authors has brought a unique and rigorously developed set of perspectives to the table. A number of people have further become integral to the dialogue, in particular Jennifer Chirega, Wellington Mbofana and Bella Matambanadzo. The ongoing exchange has come to exemplify, in practice, the reconciliatory spirit that is the heart of the book: co-operation amidst difference, intellectual openness, perseverance and generosity of spirit. Beyond the group itself, support came from a range of quarters. Compress have continually shown a steady commitment to delivery and excellence. Language editor, Andrew van der Spuy, followed by proofreader, Di Kilpert, have worked painstakingly with the text. Zimbabwean artist, Chaz Maviyane-Davies, generously provided the project artwork and cover design. Karin Alexander gave additional editorial support when it was most needed. Institute for Justice and Reconciliation Executive Director, Charles Villa-Vicencio, has provided unwavering critical support to the project from the outset. And throughout the process, the Institute has enjoyed the generous, substantial support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Co- operation. vii Prelims 7 2/14/05, 1:42 PM INTRODUCTION Unreconciled differences The limits of reconciliation politics in Zimbabwe Brian Raftopoulos In the 24 years since independence Zimbabwe has moved from being perceived as a model of racial reconciliation in a post-guerrilla-war context to receiving widespread condemnation as a result of the ruling party’s repudiation of this reconciliatory politics. This period has been characterised by different phases, which will be set out briefly in this Introduction. The various chapters in this book will discuss the central issue that the book aims to address, namely the problems and challenges that have confronted the Zimbabwean polity in attempting to build a politics of reconciliation in the context of gross inequalities inherited from settler colonial rule, and within the constraints of particular international pressures. Many of the chapters also attempt to plot a way forward from what has generally come to be known as the Zimbabwean crisis, a particular configuration of political and economic processes that has engulfed the country and concentrated the attention of the region since 2000. Against the background of the emergence of an authoritarian nationalist state confronted with increasing internal dissent, the ruling party has since 2000 carried out a series of political and economic interventions, marked by the widespread use of violence (Redress Trust 2004) but conducted through the tropes of anti-colonial redress and an anti-imperialist critique that have found widespread resonance in the region and on the African continent (Hammar et al. 2003; Phimister and Raftopoulos 2004). The outcome of this revived nationalist assault by the Zimbabwean
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