DOCSLIB.ORG

Kosher Wine in Medieval Provence and Languedoc – Production and Commerce∗

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Pinchas ROTH Bar-IlanUniversity KOSHER WINE IN MEDIEVAL PROVENCE AND LANGUEDOC – PRODUCTION AND COMMERCE∗ ABSTRACT Responsa literature from southern France provides detailed information about the production of and commerce in kosher wine. Because the cases in medieval rabbinic sources were recorded for their legal significance rather than their economic impor- tance, they can shed light on aspects of medieval life that escape the reach of histo- rians working with notarial or municipal documents. For example, piquette (pressed grapes mixed with water) was considered a low quality beverage, and is not men- tioned in commercial records from the Middle Ages as much as wine is. However, Provençal rabbis devoted many discussions to the status of piquette in Jewish law. The responsa preserve detailed information about the ways in which kosher wine was produced on a commercial scale, and how it was marketed to kosher consumers in local and international markets. Read critically, these sources also demonstrate that the Jewish laity in medieval Provence and Languedoc were more conscientious in upholding the laws of kosher wine than is often assumed. RÉSUMÉ Les responsa du sud de la France fournissent des informations détaillées sur la production et le commerce de vin kašer. C’est pour leur intérêt juridique et non pour leur importance économique que les cas examinés ont été consignés dans les sources rabbiniques et, pour cette raison, ils éclairent des aspects de la vie médiévale qui échappent aux historiens travaillant sur des documents d’archives notariaux ou municipaux. On pourrait citer, à titre d’exemple, le cas de la piquette, fabriquée à partir de raisins pressés mélangés à de l’eau, qui, considérée comme une boisson de qualité inférieure, n’est pas autant mentionnée que le vin dans les registres com- merciaux. En revanche, les rabbins provençaux, qui s’intéressaient à son statut dans ∗ An earlier version of this paper was delivered at a workshop titled “Les acteurs écono- miques juifs médiévaux face à la Halakha: autour du vin et de la viticulture”, in Paris on 16 November 2015. My thanks to Juliette Sibon and Claude Denjean for organizing the work- shop and for their comments, and to Judith Kogel, Simcha Emanuel and Menachem Butler for their help. Revuedesétudesjuives,178(1-2),janvier-juin2019,pp.59-78. doi:10.2143/REJ.178.1.3286067 60 KOSHERWINEINMEDIEVALPROVENCEANDLANGUEDOC le droit juif, lui ont consacré de nombreuses discussions. Des informations précises concernant la production de vin kašer à l’échelle commerciale et sa distribution sur les marchés locaux et internationaux pour les consommateurs qui mangeaient kašer, ont également été conservées dans les responsa. Une lecture critique de ces sources prouve aussi que les juifs du Languedoc et de la Provence, à l’époque médiévale, étaient plus soucieux de respecter les lois du vin kašer que ce qu’on suppose sou- vent. Rabbinic law imposes limitations on many aspects of food preparation and consumption. Medieval works devoted to those laws are replete with discus- sions regarding specific situations or circumstances, which threw the permis- sibility of certain food products into question. The laws pertaining to wine were particularly strict, due to wine’s multiple and significant roles as a staple of European diet, social lubricant and ritual instrument for both Juda- ism and Christianity. The wine of non-Jews was known as yennesekh, liba- tory wine, and was strictly forbidden. Even wine produced by and belonging to Jews could become forbidden if it was touched by a non-Jew.1 Like their co-religionists in the communities of Ashkenaz and northern France, the Jews of southern France lived mostly in wine-growing regions – the southern coast, from Roussillon to Marseilles, and the Rhône valley.2 But viticulture was only one of many agricultural pursuits in the Midi, and eco- nomically it was not especially significant.3 Almost every landowner owned a vineyard, and little need was felt to transport wine from one place to another because local wine was readily available. Export of wine was undeveloped, since most of the ports reached by ships from southern France were well sup- plied with local product.4 The Rhône, the major artery of river trade, flows 1. The laws of kosher wine can be found in Moses Maimonides’ MišnehTorah, Laws of Forbidden Foods, chapters 11-13, English translation in TheCodeofMaimonides–TheBook ofHoliness, trans. L. I. RABINOWITZ, P. GROSSMAN, New Haven 1965, p. 208-226. For a brief overview see S. ROSE, The Wine Trade in Medieval Europe 1000-1500, London 2011, p. 150-153. 2. H. SOLOVEITCHIK, CollectedEssays, vol. 1, Oxford 2013, p. 224-236. On the medieval Jewish communities of southern France, see I. TWERSKY, “Aspects of the Social and Cultural History of Provençal Jewry”, JournalofWorldHistory 11 (1968), p. 185-207 (reprinted in I. TWERSKY, StudiesinJewishLawandPhilosophy, New York 1982, p. 180-202); D. and C. IANCU, LesjuifsduMidi,unehistoiremillénaire, Avignon 1995; D. IANCU, Provincia Judaica. Dictionnaire de géographie historique des juifs en Provence médiévale, Leuven 2010. 3. L. STOUFF, RavitaillementetalimentationenProvenceaux XIVeet XVe siècles, Paris 1970, p. 86-96; F. BRAUDEL, TheIdentityofFrance, vol. 1, trans. S. REYNOLDS, London 1988, p. 45; N. PLACK,CommonLand,WineandtheFrenchRevolution:RuralSocietyandEcon- omyinSouthernFrance,c.1789-1820, Farnham (Surrey) 2009, p. 19-24. 4. R. DION, HistoiredelavigneetduvinenFrance, Paris 1990, p. 311-312; M. LACHIVER, Vins,vignesetvignerons.Histoireduvignoblefrançais, Paris 1988, p. 80-81; É. BARATIER, KOSHERWINEINMEDIEVALPROVENCEANDLANGUEDOC 61 from north to south, and although it was technically feasible to pull boats upstream, this was slow and difficult work.5 Land routes to the north were better suited to light, expensive goods and not to heavy barrels of wine.6 There is evidence that spiced wine from Montpellier reached royal courts in the north,7 but on the whole, the wine market was local and limited.8 According to rabbinic law, wine that was touched by a Gentile is forbid- den, out of concern that while touching it the Gentile performed a religious act that dedicated the wine to his pagan religion.9 Wine used for pagan worship is not only forbidden for consumption by Jews. A Jew is also for- bidden to derive any benefit from such wine – it may not be sold to Gen- tiles, since the Jew would then receive the benefit of the money he received for selling it. The economic pressures which bore down upon Jews in northern France and in Germany in their struggle to maintain the observance of ritual laws pertaining to wine, and which “deflected” Halakhah off its natural course (to use Soloveitchik’s term), did not exist to the same degree in southern “Production et exportation du vin du terroir de Marseille du XIIIe au XVIe siècle”, Bulletin philologiqueethistorique(jusqu’à1610) (1959), p. 239-249; E. LE ROY LADURIE, ThePeas- antsofLanguedoc, trans. J. DAY, Urbana 1974, p. 60-66. On a map of medieval wine export routes, southern France does not appear at all, T. UNWIN, WineandtheVine.AnHistorical GeographyofViticultureandtheWineTrade, London 1991, p. 183. 5. A certain amount of wine did travel in this direction, but it was only from the 14th cen- tury onwards that moving goods upriver became profitable. L. STOUFF, Latableprovençale. BoireetmangerenProvenceàlafinduMoyenÂge, Avignon 1996, p. 49-50; R.-H. BAUTIER, “La circulation fluviale dans la France médiévale”, in Recherches sur l’économie de la Francemédiévale.Actesdu112econgrèsnationaldessociétéssavantes(Lyon,1987),section d’histoire médiévale, Paris 1989, p. 32-33 (= id., Sur l’histoire économique de la France médiévale, Aldershot 1991, chapter V, p. 32-33). See also W. D. PADEN, TwoMedievalOccitan TollRegistersfromTarascon, Toronto 2016, p. 30-32. For the common trade routes of wine in western Europe, see P. SPUFFORD, PowerandProfit.TheMerchantinMedievalEurope, New York 2002, p. 294-295. 6. For a comparison of the costs of moving wine by land and by river during the 14th cen- tury, see H. DUBOIS, LesfoiresdeChalonetlecommercedanslavalléedelaSaôneàlafin duMoyenÂge(vers1280-vers1430), Paris 1976, p. 451-461. 7. See DION, Histoiredelavigne, p. 315; LACHIVER, Vins, p. 81-82; K. L. REYERSON, CommerceandSocietyinMontpellier:1250-1350, Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University 1974, p. 233: “These prestigious outlets for wine of the region of Montpellier prove the existence of an export trade in wine, the details of which escape analysis… The means of wine transport to Paris are… unknown.” 8. See also G. GALTIER, “Le vignoble et le vin dans le Languedoc oriental, de la fin du XIe siècle à la Guerre de cent ans”, in ÉtudesmédiévalesoffertesàAugustinFliche, Montpellier 1952, p. 101-122; W. PFEFFER, “Lifting a Glass”, in “Desensrassis”.Essaysinhonorof RupertT.Pickens, Amsterdam 2005, p. 529-542; ead., LeFestindutroubadour.Nourriture, sociétéetlittératureenOccitanie,1100-1500, Cahors 2016, p. 114-123. 9. Mishnah, Tractate Abhodah zarah 4; J. KARO, Šulhan arukh, Yoreh de῾ah, §§ 123-124. 62 KOSHERWINEINMEDIEVALPROVENCEANDLANGUEDOC France.10 Nevertheless, the legal doctrines and rulings of rabbis in southern France were inextricably tied to the circumstances in which they lived and worked.11 The halakhic sources from the twelfth century – that is, from the earliest period of written evidence about rabbinic legal activity in southern France – say very little about wine.12 Thus, in the edition of responsa by Rabbi Abraham ben Isaac of Narbonne (d. 1158) published by Joseph Kafih in 1962, there is not a single original comment on the topic. All that can be found are citations by Rabbi Abraham from other scholars.13 But in sources from later periods, particularly from the late thirteenth- and fourteenth-cen- turies, a great deal of information about kosher wine can be found. This information provides a vital addition to the data about kosher wine that can be gleaned from medieval Latin notarial and civic records, since it illumi- nates the practical aspects of kosher wine production and trade that usually went unmentioned by contemporary record-keepers whose concern was gen- erally financial.14 10.
Recommended publications
  • Doing Talmud: an Ethnographic Study in a Religious High School in Israel

    Doing Talmud: an Ethnographic Study in a Religious High School in Israel

    Doing Talmud: An Ethnographic Study in a Religious High School in Israel Thesis submitted for the degree of “Doctor of Philosophy” by Aliza Segal Submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem May 2011 Iyyar 5771 This work was carried out under the supervision of: Prof. Marc Hirshman Dr. Zvi Bekerman Acknowledgements If an apt metaphor for the completion of a dissertation is the birthing of a child, then indeed it takes a village to write a dissertation. I am fortunate that my village is populated with insightful, supportive and sometimes even heroic people, who have made the experience not only possible but also enriching and enjoyable. My debt of gratitude to these villagers looms large, and I would like to offer a few small words of thanks. To my advisors, Dr. Zvi Bekerman and Professor Menachem (Marc) Hirshman, for their generosity with time, insight, expertise, and caring. I have been working with Zvi since my MA thesis, and he has shaped my world view not only as a researcher but also as an individual. His astute and lightening-speed comments on everything I have ever sent him to read have pushed me forwards at every stage of my work, and it is with great joy that I note that I have never left his office without something new to read. Menachem has brought his keen eye and sharp wit to the project, and from the beginning has been able to see the end. His attention to the relationship between structure and content has informed my work as both a writer and a reader.
  • Musical Instruments and Recorded Music As Part of Shabbat and Festival Worship

    Musical Instruments and Recorded Music As Part of Shabbat and Festival Worship

    Musical Instruments and Recorded Music as Part of Shabbat and Festival Worship Rabbis Elie Kaplan Spitz and Elliot N. Dorff Voting Draft - 2010. She’alah: May we play musical instruments or use recorded music on Shabbat and hagim as part of synagogue worship? If yes, what are the limitations regarding the following: 1. Repairing a broken string or reed 2. Tuning string or wind instruments 3. Playing electrical instruments and using prerecorded music 4. Carrying the instrument 5. Blowing the shofar 6. Qualifications and pay of musicians I. Introduction The use of musical instruments as an accompaniment to services on Shabbat and sacred holidays (yom tov) is increasing among Conservative synagogues. During a recent United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism’s biennial conference, a Shabbat worship service included singing the traditional morning prayers with musician accompaniment on guitar and electronic keyboard.1 Previously, a United Synagogue magazine article profiled a synagogue as a model of success that used musical instruments to enliven its Shabbat services.2 The matter-of-fact presentation written by its spiritual leader did not suggest any tension between the use of musical instruments and halakhic norms. While as a movement we have approved the use of some instruments on Shabbat, such as the organ, we remain in need of guidelines to preserve the sanctity of the holy days. Until now, the CJLS (Committee of Jewish Law and Standards) has not analyzed halakhic questions that relate to string and wind instruments, such as 1 See “Synagogues Become Rock Venues: Congregations Using Music to Revitalize Membership Rolls,” by Rebecca Spence, Forward, January 4, 2008, A3.
  • Wrestling Demons

    Wrestling Demons

    WRESTLING WITH DEMONS A History of Rabbinic Attitudes to Demons Natan Slifkin Copyright © 2011 by Natan Slifkin Version 1.0 http://www.ZooTorah.com http://www.RationalistJudaism.com This monograph is adapted from an essay that was written as part of the course requirements for a Master’s degree in Jewish Studies at the Lander Institute (Jerusalem). This document may be purchased at www.rationalistjudaism.com Other monographs available in this series: Messianic Wonders and Skeptical Rationalists The Evolution of the Olive Shiluach HaKein: The Transformation of a Mitzvah The Question of the Kidney’s Counsel The Sun’s Path at Night Sod Hashem Liyreyav: The Expansion of a Useful Concept Cover Illustration: The Talmud describes how King Solomon spoke with demons. This illustration is from Jacobus de Teramo’s Das Buch Belial (Augsburg 1473). 2 WRESTLING WITH DEMONS Introduction From Scripture to Talmud and Midrash through medieval Jewish writings, we find mention of dangerous and evil beings. Scripture refers to them as Azazel and se’irim; later writings refer to them as sheidim, ruchot and mazikim. All these are different varieties (or different names) of demons. Belief in demons (and the associated belief in witches, magic and occult phenomena) was widespread in the ancient world, and the terror that it caused is unimaginable to us.1 But in the civilized world today there is virtually nobody who still believes in them. The transition from a global approach of belief to one of disbelief began with Aristotle, gained a little more traction in the early medieval period, and finally concretized in the eighteenth century.
  • Le-Tacen Olam (לתכן עולם): Establishing The

    Le-Tacen Olam (לתכן עולם): Establishing The

    :(לתכן עולם) Le-Tacen Olam Establishing the Correct Text in Aleinu :(עולם לתכן) Le-Tacen Olam Establishing the Correct Text in Aleinu[1] By Mitchell First ([email protected]) עולם תקון The Jewish obligation of (=improving the world) is widely referred to and it is traditionally assumed that the Aleinu prayer is one of the texts upon which this obligation is based. This article will show that a very strong case עולם לתכן can be made that the original version of Aleinu read (=to establish to=) עולם לתקן the world under God’s sovereignty), and not perfect/improve the world under God’s sovereignty[2]). has no connection to the עולם תקון If so, the concept of Aleinu prayer.[3] —– It is reasonable to assume that Aleinu was already included in the Amidah of Rosh ha-Shanah (=RH) by the time of Rav (early 3rd century C.E.).[4] But no text of Aleinu is included in the Talmud, nor is a text of Aleinu included in any of the classical midrashim.[5] Therefore, we must look to later sources for texts of Aleinu. When is לתכן we do, we find that the reading found in the text of the RH Amidah in the Siddur Rav Saadiah Gaon (d. 942),[6] and in the text of the RH Amidah in the Mishneh Torah of the Rambam (d. 1204).[7] Moreover, it is found in numerous prayer texts from the Cairo Genizah that include this line of Aleinu.[8] For example, it is found in: 1) a fragment of the RH Amidah first published by Jacob Mann in 1925;[9] 2) a fragment of the RH Amidah first published by Richard Gottheil and William H.
  • Making Every Day Count

    Making Every Day Count

    4 Chayei Sarah Making Every Day Count Sarah’s Blueprint for Meaningful Living Dedicated in loving memory of Susan Moses on the occasion of her yahrtzeit, 16 Cheshvan לזכרון ולעילוי נשמת זמירה לאה בת צבי הלוי PARSHA OVERVIEW Chayei Sarah Sarah dies at age 127 and is buried in the Machpelah Cave in Hebron, which Abraham purchases from Ephron the Hittite for four hundred shekels of silver. Abraham’s servant Eliezer is sent, laden with gifts, to Charan, to find a wife for Isaac. At the village well, Eliezer asks G‑d for a sign: when the maidens come to the well, he will ask for some water to drink; the woman who will offer to give his camels to drink as well shall be the one destined for his master’s son. Rebecca, the daughter of Abraham’s nephew Bethuel, appears at the well and passes the “test.” Eliezer is invited to their home, where he repeats the story of the day’s events. Rebecca returns with Eliezer to the land of Canaan, where they encounter Isaac praying in the field. Isaac marries Rebecca, loves her, and is comforted over the loss of his mother. Abraham takes a new wife, Keturah (Hagar), and fathers six additional sons, but Isaac is designated as his only heir. Abraham dies at age 175 and is buried beside Sarah by his two eldest sons, Isaac and Ishmael. 62 Torah Studies Season One 5779 Isaac and Rebecca endure twenty childless years, until their prayers are answered and Rebecca conceives. She experiences a difficult pregnancy as the “children struggle inside her”; G‑d tells her that “there are two nations in your womb,” and that the younger will prevail over the elder.
  • 1 Hilkhot Teshuva 2:4 "Darkhei Ha-Teshuva"

    1 Hilkhot Teshuva 2:4 "Darkhei Ha-Teshuva"

    Hilkhot Teshuva 2:4 "Darkhei Ha-teshuva " By David Silverberg It is in accordance with the ways of repentance [mi-darkhei ha-teshuva ] for the penitent sinner to always cry before God with weeping and supplication, to perform charity according to his ability, to distance himself greatly from the matter regarding which he sinned, to change his name as if to say, "I am somebody else, and I am not that person who committed those acts," and to change all his actions favorably and to the proper path, and to leave his location into exile, for exile atones for sins as it causes one to be subdued and be humble and lowly of spirit. (Hilkhot Teshuva 2:4) Maimonides here lists five measures that are required "mi-darkhei ha-teshuva " – "in accordance with the ways of repentance" – as part of a sinner's process of spiritual recovery: 1) Frequent prayer 2) Charity 3) Change of conduct 4) Changing of one's name 5) Change of location Among these five measures, the first three are readily understandable and even intuitive. Heartfelt prayer, directly communicating one's thoughts and feelings to the Almighty, is self-evidently a critical step in repairing a strained relationship with one's Creator. Charity functions as a kind of "sacrifice" whereby one relinquishes some of his possessions as though offering a tribute with which to "appease" God, as it were. And clearly sincere teshuva requires an effort to avoid a recurrence of the sin, which entails changing one's lifestyle. As for the fourth and fifth measures – change of name and location – Maimonides sensed that these are less intuitive and therefore provided explanations for the purposes they are intended to serve.
  • Mishna Berura

    Mishna Berura

    THE CODIFICATION OF JEWISH LAW AND AN INTRODUCTION TO THE JURISPRUDENCE OF THE MISHNA BERURA THE CODIFICATION OF JEWISH LAW AND AN INTRODUCTION TO THE JURISPRUDENCE OF THE MISHNA BERURA Michael J. Broyde and Ira Bedzow Boston 2014 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data: A catalog record for this book as available from the Library of Congress. Copyright © 2014 Academic Studies Press All rights reserved Effective August 22, 2016, this book will be subject to a CC-BY-NC license. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/. Other than as provided by these licenses, no part of this book may be reproduced, transmitted, or displayed by any electronic or mechanical means without permission from the publisher or as permitted by law. Open Access publication is supported by OpenEmory. Cover design by Ivan Grave ISBN 978-1-61811-278-1 (hardback) ISBN 978-1-61811-279-8 (ebook) Published by Academic Studies Press in 2014 28 Montfern Avenue Brighton, MA 02135, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com ACKNOWLEDGMENTS any people have contributed in different ways to the writing of this book and we would like to thank them: M Thank you to the Center for the Study of Law and Religion, the Law School and the Tam Institute of Jewish studies, all at Emory University, who supported us in writing this work, and the editors at Hamline Law Review for reviewing and publishing an earlier version of portions of this book as an article. We particularly also want to thank Jerry and Chaya Weinberger, who supported our work in dedication to their son’s, Shmuel’s, bar mitzvah.
  • By Bruce Roth

    By Bruce Roth

    TOWSON UNIVERSITY OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES ANALYSIS OF THE RABBINIC USAGE OF “BECAUSE OF THE WAYS OF PEACE” by Bruce Roth A Thesis Presented to the faculty of Towson University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Department of Jewish Studies Towson University Towson, Maryland 21252 December 2014 II Acknowledgements I would like to express gratitude and acknowledgement to my advisor Dr. Avram Reisner. Many people helped, but special mention is due to Zvi Leshem from the National Library of Israel for helping me with data searches, to Chava and Zach my children, and to my beloved wife Rachel for all their encouragement. III Abstract Rabbinic Literature highlights the pursuit of a peaceful and just society. This paper argues that contemporary modes of discourse have utility in understanding the social problems that the Rabbis sought to solve. By reading and interpreting a specific rabbinic decree justified as Mipnai Darchei Shalom “because of the ways of peace” (MDS), this paper demonstrates that the understanding of specific rabbinic laws can be enhanced by using contemporary terms such as “groups”, “power” and contemporary definitions such as “human, cultural and individual values”. The desire to minimize and resolve social conflict sheds light on the sages pursuing an ordered society, much as society aspires to do today. IV CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.………………………………………………………………………..1 CHAPTER ONE: Readings…..……………………………………………………………………….5 Mishnah…………………………………………………………………………....6 Tosefta……………………………………………………………………………13
  • Download File

    Download File

    Halevy, Halivni and The Oral Formation of the Babylonian Talmud Ari Bergmann Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ari Bergmann All rights reserved ABSTRACT Halevy, Halivni and The Oral Formation of the Babylonian Talmud Ari Bergmann This dissertation is dedicated to a detailed analysis and comparison of the theories on the process of the formation of the Babylonian Talmud by Yitzhak Isaac Halevy and David Weiss Halivni. These two scholars exhibited a similar mastery of the talmudic corpus and were able to combine the roles of historian and literary critic to provide a full construct of the formation of the Bavli with supporting internal evidence to support their claims. However, their historical construct and findings are diametrically opposed. Yitzhak Isaac Halevy presented a comprehensive theory of the process of the formation of the Talmud in his magnum opus Dorot Harishonim. The scope of his work was unprecedented and his construct on the formation of the Talmud encompassed the entire process of the formation of the Bavli, from the Amoraim in the 4th century to the end of the saboraic era (which he argued closed in the end of the 6th century). Halevy was the ultimate guardian of tradition and argued that the process of the formation of the Bavli took place entirely within the amoraic academy by a highly structured and coordinated process and was sealed by an international rabbinical assembly. While Halevy was primarily a historian, David Weiss Halivni is primarily a talmudist and commentator on the Talmud itself.
  • Between Ethics and Jewish Law: Torat Ha-Melekh and the Moral Problems of Contemporary Halakhic Discourse Bar Guzi Brandeis Unive

    Between Ethics and Jewish Law: Torat Ha-Melekh and the Moral Problems of Contemporary Halakhic Discourse Bar Guzi Brandeis Unive

    Between Ethics and Jewish Law: Torat Ha-Melekh and the Moral Problems of Contemporary Halakhic Discourse Bar Guzi Brandeis University [email protected] Abstract This essay focuses on Rabbis Yitzhak Shapira and Yosef Elitzur’s Torat Ha-Melekh1 (2009). Through an examination of the book’s arguments and conclusions, I seek to show how a halakhic discourse which relies solely on Jewish sources, and disregards, even deliberately rejects, what it conceives as “external” sources, can lead to radical and ethically problematic halakhic rulings, which not only permit, among other things, the deliberate killing of little children and complete innocents, but also understand this act to be the fulfillment of a positive commandment. Furthermore, I seek to show the failure of the halakhic and meta-halakhic critiques of Torat Ha- Melekh and argue for the necessity of a much more comprehensive paradigm shift in contemporary halakhic discourse. In the first part of this essay, I provide basic background about the authors and the book. In the second part, I follow the book’s six chapters and summarize its main arguments and rulings. I believe it is important to do so for two main reasons: First, it provides the reader with the necessary background for better appreciating and understanding the critique to follow. 1 Yitzhak Shapira and Yosef Elitzur, Torat Ha-Melekh: Berure Halakha Be-Inyane Malkhut U-Milḥamot: Diney Nefashot Bein Yisrael La-'Amim, Second ed., vol. 1 (Lev ha-Shomron: Yeshivat Od Yosef Chai, 2009). Moral Law and Jewish Law Guzi Second, as far as I am aware, an English translation of Torat Ha-Melekh has yet to be published.
  • An Online Journal of Applied Jewish Thought Vol. IV: Issue 1–2 | Fall–Winter 2019–2020/ 5779–5780

    An Online Journal of Applied Jewish Thought Vol. IV: Issue 1–2 | Fall–Winter 2019–2020/ 5779–5780

    ISSN 2577–4921 Zeramim: An Online Journal of Applied Jewish Thought Vol. IV: Issue 1–2 | Fall–Winter 2019–2020/ 5779–5780 Zeramim: An Online Journal of Applied Jewish Thought Vol. IV: Issue 1–2 Fall–Winter 2019–2020 / 5779–5780 1 A LETTER FROM THE EDITORS Dear readers, We (the editors) like to read essays that raise interesting questions, and present for your consideration three such articles. Shai Cherry starts with a question raised by Abraham Joshua Heschel: how are we to understand the various Midrashic teachings that our prayers somehow strengthen or empower God? Analyzing a wide variety of texts, Shai Cherry suggests, in “The Camouflaged Ta’am (‘Motive’): Redemptive Implications of Rabbinic Theurgy,” that there is a critical messianic undercurrent to these teachings—and identifying that theme can perhaps help us to better contextualize their message. Another question: is there a common element in how we understand our own personal travails, and how we understand the travails of the People Israel generally? We often think of the Book of Job as addressed to the challenges we face as individuals. Nathan Moretto and Richard Claman, in “Reading Job (Iyyov) as a Stand-In for the People of Israel,” review, however, the curious history of how the Book of Job has been understood, by Martin Buber and others, as having a collective dimension. Lastly, the final of the Ten Commandments raises the curiosity of law that appears to try to regulate our inner thought-processes. Zachary James Silver, in “Mind Control? A Halachic and Meta- Halachic Investigation of Forbidden Thoughts” reviews how traditional commentators have struggled with this concept, and some approaches towards an answer.
  • The Development of a Waiting Period Between Meat and Dairy: 9Th – 14Th Centuries

    The Development of a Waiting Period Between Meat and Dairy: 9Th – 14Th Centuries

    Oqimta 4 (5776 [2016]) [1-87] The Development of a Waiting Period Between Meat and Dairy: 9th – 14th Centuries Steven H. Adams Introduction Unlike common practice in halakhic Judaism in modern times, waiting six hours between the consumption of meat and the consumption of dairy was not customary in early, post-Talmudic centuries. The Babylonian geonim merely rinsed their mouths after eating meat and transitioned to dairy right away. It was only in the eleventh century that halakhic authorities imposed a multi-hour waiting period after eating meat. A careful analysis reveals that these changes in rabbinic law parallel reverse developments in Karaite law, suggesting anti-sectarian intent formed the base for the amendments in halakha. No rinsing or waiting was required by the Talmud, geonim, or rishonim between the eating of poultry and dairy until Maimonides required it in his Mishneh Torah . At approximately the same time, Ashkenazi Jews began refraining from eating dairy after poultry in one meal. Possible local non-Jewish cultural influences, as well as anti-sectarianism, will be considered as potential motivations for these changes in the halakhic attitude towards poultry. This paper will argue that the waiting periods common today between meats and dairy are not of Talmudic origin, but rather evolved in the Middle Ages and continued to develop late into the 14 th century. These assertions will include a response to Aviad Stollman’s claim that waiting between meat and dairy was a common custom amongst the Babylonian Jews beginning in the sixth century. http://www.oqimta.org.il/oqimta/5776/adams4.pdf [2] Steven H.