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Ontario History

Blacks in 1880s The Search for Equality Colin McFarquhar

Forging Freedom: In Honour of the Bicentenary of the British Article abstract Abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade By the 1880s Toronto had a well established black community. While Africans Volume 99, Number 1, Spring 2007 in Ontario’s largest city had achieved a certain amount of political equality, social and economic equality remained elusive. Using a number of examples URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1065797ar this article attempts to show how blacks strived for full rights. Albert Jackson’s DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1065797ar struggles to become a mailman, the attempts of the Fisk Jubilee Singers to be admitted to hotels, and the efforts to prevent Adam Morse from being extradited to the United States were issues that drew attention in Toronto in See table of contents the 1880s. Blacks ultimately succeeded in these cases both because it was politically expedient and because leaders in the white community wanted the city to have a good reputation and avoid civic embarrassment. Publisher(s) The Ontario Historical Society

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Cite this article McFarquhar, C. (2007). Blacks in 1880s Toronto: The Search for Equality. Ontario History, 99(1), 64–76. https://doi.org/10.7202/1065797ar

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by Colin McFarquhar

y the 1880s, Canada’s role as a Canada had been headquartered there, haven for fugitive slaves had long and George Brown, the founder of the since passed, as the American Globe, had been a staunch abolitionist. BCivil War had been over for fifteen years. Some Blacks had achieved at least some Toronto had developed a somewhat fa- prosperity, and signs of obvious discrimi- vorable reputation in the pre-Civil War nation, such as forced segregated schools, era, both as a good place for Blacks to set- did not exist in Toronto as they did in so tle and as a city with strong anti-slavery many other parts of what had become sentiments. The Anti-Slavery Society of Ontario.1 By the 1880s, however, Blacks

1 See Adrienne Shadd, Afua Cooper, and Karolyn Smardz Frost, The Underground Railroad: Next Stop, Toronto (Toronto, 2002) for a discussion of some early prominent Blacks in Toronto. Ontario History / Volume XCIX, Number 1 / Spring 2007 Abstract 65 By the 1880s Toronto had a well established black community. While Africans in Ontario’s largest city had achieved a certain amount of political equality, social and economic equality remained elusive. Using a number of examples this article attempts to show how blacks strived for full rights. Albert Jackson’s struggles to become a mailman, the attempts of the Fisk Jubilee Singers to be admitted to hotels, and the efforts to prevent Adam Morse from being extradited to the United States were issues that drew attention in Toronto in the 1880s. Blacks ultimately succeeded in these cases both because it was politically expedient and because leaders in the white community wanted the city to have a good reputation and avoid civic embarrassment. Résumé: La communauté noire de Toronto était déjà bien établie dans les années 1880. Cependant, bien que les Africains vivant dans la plus grande ville ontarienne connaissent un certain degré de parité politique, leur égalité d’un point de vue social ou économique demeurait conjecturale. Cet arti- cle, se basant sur plusieurs exemples, cherche à démontrer la lutte des Noirs pour jouir pleinement de leurs droits. Les difficultés que connut Albert Jackson à devenir facteur, les tentatives du groupe Fisk Jubilee Singers à être admis dans des hôtels, ainsi que les efforts s’opposant à l’expatriation d’Adam Morse vers les États-Unis, sont autant d’incidents qui attirèrent les regards sur Toronto dans les années 1880. Dans ces cas particuliers, les Noirs obtinrent éventuellement gain de cause : cela était plus pratique d’un point de vue politique et les dirigeants de la communauté blanche cherchaient à conserver la bonne réputation de la ville ainsi qu’à éviter tout embarras d’ordre administratif. had still not achieved full civil rights in and the Black population in the province Toronto. This paper will demonstrate as a whole, according to census data, fell that while Blacks had achieved a certain from 17,053 in 1861 to 12,097 in 1881. amount of political equality, social and The number of Blacks in the City of To- economic equality remained elusive. ronto also decreased from 987 in 1861 to Scholars, whose work has been quite 593 in 1881.3 Still, by the early 1880s the prolific regarding the experience of Black community had become relatively well fugitives in mid-nineteenth century established. In fact, only nineteen of the Canada West, have paid less attention to Africans listed in the 1881 census for To- Black-White relations in Ontario dur- ronto had come to Canada in the years ing the late 1800s.2 Indeed, some of On- after 1865.4 tario’s Black inhabitants returned to the Blacks in 1880s Toronto strived for United States following the Civil War, full equality. The degree to which they

2 See for example Alexander Lovell Murray, “Canada and the Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Move- ment: A Study in International Philanthropy” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1960); William and Jane Pease, Black Utopia: Negro Communal; Experiments in America (Madison, 1963); Jason Silver- man, Unwelcome Guests: The White Canadian Response to American Fugitive Slaves, 1830-1865 (New York, 1985); and Donald Simpson, “Negroes in Ontario From Early Times to 1870” (Ph.D. diss., Univer- sity of Western Ontario, 1971). 3 Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Report of the Census of 1881, vol. 1 (Ottawa, 1882), 296, and Michael Wayne, “The Black Population of Canada West on the Even of the American Civil War,”Social History, 28:56 (November, 1995), 467. This article notes that, although the published reports for the 1861 census listed only 11,223 Blacks living in Canada West that year, a study of the manuscript census rolls reveals a total of 17,053. The manuscript census also recorded 987 Blacks for the City of Toronto, substantially higher than the published figure. 4 Extrapolated from Ontario Archives, Microfilm of the 1881 Census Rolls, Toronto. 66 ONTARIO HISTORY

succeeded largely depended on but only one clerk was African whether the issue was seen Canadian. There were no as a political, economic, Black agents, accountants, or social concern. The bookkeepers, physicians, following examples il- or surgeons.5 lustrate the pattern of Blacks did not work Black-White relations in certain occupations in Ontario’s largest because White work- city, and the difficul- ers often did not want ties Blacks faced. to work with them, or In an economic accept them as social sense Blacks in Toron- equals. This became to in the 1880s were very clear when Albert clearly confined to cer- Jackson (left) was ap- tain occupations. Many pointed to be a letter Black men worked in carrier by the federal gov- low-skill occupations ernment in May of 1882. such as laboring or white- Jackson was one of the sons washing, or in service-ori- of Ann Maria Jackson, a fugi-

ented jobs such as waiting on Toronto Reference tive slave who had fled to Canada tables at restaurants. Blacks in more Library from Delaware in 1858. Ann Maria skilled occupations tended to work as bar- Jackson escaped to Canada with seven of bers, although some Black men worked her children after her husband had passed as shoemakers, carpenters, plasterers, away. Her husband had died grief-strick- or painters. African Canadian women, en after two of the Jackson’s children had on the other hand, were predominantly been sold away from the plantation on laundresses or servants. Black women in which they lived. Upon arriving in To- more skilled occupations tended to work ronto Jackson worked as a washerwoman as dressmakers, tailoresses, cooks, seam- and raised her family.6 stresses, or hairdressers. What is striking, There were no Black letter carriers in however, is the degree to which people of Toronto at the time of Albert Jackson’s African descent were excluded from pro- appointment. When Jackson arrived for fessional, highly skilled, and white-collar his first day of work each letter carrier re- occupations. The City of Toronto had a fused to train him. Since no one would total of 2,363 commercial clerks in 1881 show him the rounds Jackson was given

5 Extrapolated from Ontario Archives, Microfilm of the 1881 Census Rolls, Toronto, and Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Report of the Census of 1881, vol. 2, 268-315. 6 William Still, The Underground Railroad (Philadelphia, 1872), 512-14; Shadd, Cooper, and Smardz Frost, The Underground Railroad, 75; Karolyn Smardz Frost, I’ve Got a Home in Glory Land: A Lost Tale of the Underground Railroad, 302. blacks in 1880s toronto 67

an inside job as a hall porter, to replace made it clear they were not satisfied with someone who was ailing, with the hope Jackson’s appointment as hall porter, a that this would solve the problem. What job they considered to be “menial.” The resulted instead was a furor, with the fact that the Black community wished Black community insisting that Jackson to pursue this matter with some degree be given his appointment, and many in of aggressiveness was evident when a the White community arguing that the resolution, stating that the letters writ- other letter carriers should not be forced ten by Johnson and Russell were “too to work with him. strong and liable to hurt the cause of the The issue seemed to come to a head colored people,” was defeated. Instead, when one of the Toronto newspapers, the meeting denounced the conduct of the Daily Telegram, discussed the epi- the letter carriers, and established a five- sode, and in its 17 May 1882 headline person committee to examine the matter. referred to Jackson as “the objectionable Those present at the meeting emphasized African.”7 Black community members re- that “we do not seek class legislation or sponded by writing letters in support of desire anything other than in common Jackson and in opposition to the White with other classes of her majesty’s sub- letter carriers. A.A. Russell wrote “it jects.” The people at the meeting also does not seem possible that a party of reached out to the surrounding White men could be so unmanly, so unjust, so community. They resolved “to call most unprincipled, so niggardly … to object to respectfully upon the christian commu- any gentleman working amongst them nity of Toronto and every right minded simply on account of colour.”8 Charles man to give us their sympathy and moral Johnson, a Methodist minister from support.”10 Hamilton who published a Black news- The committee appointed a man paper called The British Lion, described named G.W. Smith to investigate Jack- the postmen as “cowards” and as being son’s plight at the post office. Smith, a “unworthy the name of Britons” in a let- barber born in West Virginia, had by ter to the Globe.9 1871 established a shop in the Queen’s Black protest did not stop with a few Hotel that was patronized by many of letters to the newspapers. A mass meet- the city’s elite.11 One of Smith’s tactics ing of many of the city’s African com- was to point out the success Blacks had munity was held at a Richmond Street in a variety of occupations. In a letter to church on 29 May. Those at the meeting the Toronto World he observed that prior

7 Daily Telegram, 17 May 1882. 8 Daily Telegram, 20 May 1882. 9 Toronto Globe, 22 May 1882. 10 Toronto World, 30 May 1882. 11 Barrington Walker, “George Washington Smith,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 15 (To- ronto, 2005), 956. 68 ONTARIO HISTORY

Blacks in Toronto in the 1880s were often confined to low-skill occupations in service-oriented jobs such as this public washroom attendant. City of Toronto Archives, RG8 Series 14, vol. 1, item 90b.

to the Civil War there had been a Black came a highly charged issue in Toronto. surgeon in Ontario by the name of Dr. The matter was discussed prominently in Augusta, and that at that time in Toronto the Toronto newspapers for the next cou- there were Black “contractors for build- ple of weeks. Besides the contributions ing, cabinet makers, blacksmiths and of Black writers some White citizens dis- shoemakers.” He concluded his letter by cussed the matter as well. One point that noting that such evidence proved that was debated was whether Blacks were “we [Africans] are capable of performing inherently inferior to Whites. Scientific under the same circumstances that which racism was a popularly held theory in the any other race of people can perform, late nineteenth century. Many people be- and that our race is no more confined to lieved that certain “races” were naturally whitewashing than his is to the carrying inferior to other “races,” and that such of the hod [coal scuttle].”12 differences could be explained scientifi- The question of whether Jackson cally. One particularly popular area of should be allowed to be a mailman be- study was that of phrenology. This “sci-

12 Toronto World, 30 May 1882. blacks in 1880s toronto 69

ence” contended that the measurement the head and refinement of features in of people’s heads could determine their the human family is greatly attributed to intelligence. culture.” Jackson suggested that if North The question of whether Blacks were American Whites gave Blacks equal op- inferior and had a smaller brain was de- portunities they would eventually see bated in letters to the Toronto World. One Blacks possessing all the attributes that regular correspondent was a White citi- Whites claimed they did not have.16 zen named C. Pelham Mulvany. Mulvany The Jackson issue was so contentious was a Church of England clergyman who that some Black citizens were harassed by had been a curate at several Ontario par- Whites on the street, and the Globe ex- ishes. He moved to Toronto in 1878 and pressed concern that a race war might oc- became a writer. Besides his studies of the cur. In one case, a Black barber on Yonge histories of Peterborough, Brant County, Street was insulted in his own shop by a and Toronto he frequently wrote letters man who claimed to be an official in the to the newspapers.13 Mulvany wrote that post office, and therefore felt that he was scientific evidence had proved Black in- entitled, in the words of the Globe, “to feriority. He contended that the African state his opinion on the subject of the brain was much smaller than the Euro- appointment of colored men to Govern- pean, and that the “Negro facial angle is ment situations.” In another incident, ‘ape like.”14 In another letter Mulvany as- some White hoodlums verbally assaulted serted that he sympathized with the let- two Blacks described as “respectfully ter carriers and argued “the Negro race, dressed coloured folks.” Luckily, the vic- in its native continent, has never origi- tims chose to ignore their assailants and nated anything beyond the condition of nothing came of the incident.17 Another contented savagery in which it is found more serious incident occurred when a to-day. It has never given the world a Black man, walking along a downtown new idea, a type of architecture, a code street, was teased by a group of young of laws, a poem, a religion.”15 A Black boys and responded by striking one in the writer, John Jackson, another member of face, and then kicking him while he lay the committee appointed at the 29 May on the ground. An employee of a nearby meeting to investigate the Jackson mat- store intervened and prevented the situa- ter, refuted these arguments and replied tion from getting out of control.18 “brain weight as well as development of Newspapers used the opportunity

13 Gerald Killan, “Charles Pelham Mulvany,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 11 (Toronto, 1982), 627-28. 14 Toronto World, 31May 1882. 15 Toronto World, 25 May 1882. 16 Toronto World, 1 June 1882. 17 Toronto Globe, 23 May 1882. 18 Evening Telegram, 18 May 1882. 70 ONTARIO HISTORY

to write editorials on the Jackson case. private matters. The Toronto World ar- Despite the opposition of the letter car- gued that “in their social relations the riers, the editorials generally supported white man is free, if he chooses, to treat Jackson. Even the Daily Telegram, whose the colored man as it pleases him,”22 first article on this subject had been en- and the Daily Telegram declared that titled “The Objectionable African,” as- “[i]n private life men may choose their serted two days later “the objection to company, and if they do not like to mix the young man on account of his colour with people of another colour they need is indefensible. Coloured waiters serve not. In official life it is different.”23 Still, meals at hotels, and coloured porters at- despite the apparent support for Albert tend the Pullman cars. There is therefore Jackson in the press, the colour line stood no reason why coloured carriers should firm, and Jackson was still not allowed to not deliver letters.”19 In fact, as was not- deliver letters. ed, Africans were very much concen- Ultimately, it was politics that ena- trated in service-oriented occupations, bled Albert Jackson to become a letter and delivering mail as a service would carrier. The Evening Telegram noted in a have appeared a very appropriate occu- 30 May editorial that pation for people of African origin. The there is at least one time when the assurance Toronto World noted that “[a] black man is given that coloured people are just as good … makes a good citizen, and being a good as people who are white. This is at election citizen is as much entitled to a public of- time. A coloured man who has a vote is of a fice as a white man.”20 The Globe, a news- great deal more consequence when there is an election in view than a white man who paper that had generally taken a sup- 24 portive view towards Blacks, especially has no vote. championed Jackson’s cause. Its editorial A federal election campaign was under regretted that “in a community where way at this time, and the Prime Minister, professedly all enjoy equal rights before John A. Macdonald, was made aware of the law a body of otherwise intelligent the brewing controversy. T.C. Patterson, and respectable men should pursue such the Toronto Post Master and a close po- a contemptible course towards a fellow litical ally of Macdonald’s, wrote a letter official because his skin happens to be to the Prime Minister on 30 May where darker than theirs.”21 he outlined the situation. The riding of The newspapers were quick to point Toronto Centre, contested between the out the distinction between public and Conservative incumbent Robert Hay

19 Daily Telegram, 19 May 1882. 20 Toronto World, 25 May 1882. 21 Toronto Globe, 23 May 1882. 22 Toronto World, 25 May 1882. 23 Evening Telegram, 26 May 1882. 24 Evening Telegram, 30 May 1882. blacks in 1880s toronto 71 and the Liberal candidate J.D. Edgar, had Toronto he was greeted by a number about sixty African voters, and Patterson of citizens who insisted Jackson be put accused Edgar of exploiting this incident on the mail route. The Prime Minister, to gain votes. Patterson told Macdonald understanding the importance of the that he had done everything he could to Black vote in Hay’s riding, informed the prevent the “precipitation of a row here” deputation that Jackson would begin but told Macdonald that if he was met delivering mail immediately, an asser- with a deputation of African voters when tion that satisfied those present.26 On 2 he arrived in Toronto he should tell them June, Jackson was sent out with one of the carriers to learn his du- ties, and according to The Globe with “no objection being raised by any of the men.”27 Indeed, the Con- servative government used the Jackson episode during the 1882 campaign. The Conservative Hamilton Spectator noted that “Jack- son was appointed by the Government, and it was the Grit carriers, appoint- ed in Mackenzie’s reign, who refused to associate A Black and White road crew working together on the streets of with him.” In fact, Jackson Toronto. City of Toronto Archives RG8 Series 14, vol. 1, item 23. himself made an affidavit that “if there is any delay in giving Jack- on 10 June 1882 where he stated that he son a route it is simply owing to the ill- had been appointed by the Macdonald ness of the hall porter.” The controversy government and had “received the great- was not worth losing votes over, and Pat- est courtesy and consideration from the terson concluded his letter by informing Government and my official supervi- Macdonald “the nigger will be carrying sors.”28 Nor was Jackson’s tenure as a mail letters in a week.”25 carrier short lived. He was still listed as Indeed, when Macdonald, came to a mail carrier in the 1901 census,29 and

25 NAC, Microfilm of John A. Macdonald Papers, vol. 384, part II, pp. 180836-180837 (microfilm reel C-1756) 26 Evening Telegram, 31 May 1882. 27 Toronto Globe, 3 June 1882. 28 The Spectator, 17 June 1882. 29 Ontario Archives, Microfilm of the 1901 Census Rolls, Toronto, Centre District. 72 ONTARIO HISTORY

apparently continued to deliver mail in Other leading citizens, such as Edward Toronto until about 1918.30 Blake, a leading federal Liberal politician, Prejudice against people of African did the same.33 With the ensuing public- descent also made itself apparent in regard ity the proprietor of the American Ho- to accommodation. Blacks in Toronto in tel, who had been out of town when the the 1880s often found it difficult to obtain singers requested accommodation, tele- access to higher quality hotels. The Fisk graphed a withdrawal of the refusal.34 The Jubilee Singers, a group of musicians from singers had found a place to stay. Nashville, performed throughout North It was not coincidental that it was America and around the world. However, the mayor and other political figures like when they came to Toronto in September Blake who had come to the Jubilee Sing- 1881 they were denied access at the better ers’ aid. Blacks had the vote and therefore hotels in the city. The Queen’s Hotel, the more political than social equality. But Walker House, the American Hotel, and who was to blame for the initial refusal? the Robinson House all refused to accom- Newspaper editorials discussed this issue modate the singers during their visit to and the hotel proprietors were criticized Toronto, while the Rossin House would for their actions. The Evening News ar- only accept them if they paid an exorbi- gued that “if our hotelkeepers are too nice tant price.31 These hotels had many Black to accept a coloured man’s money, why employees, as Africans often worked as not put over their doors the notice – ‘No waiters and laundresses, but did not wel- Africans accommodated!” The editorial come Black guests. This refusal came to continued “if a black man is good enough the attention of the city’s newspapers, and to wait upon a table and haul around seemed to produce some embarrassment. Caucasian victuals, he is good enough to When it became known that hotels would sit down at the table and eat them.”35 The not accept the singers many prominent Globe also criticized the hotelkeepers citizens offered their homes. The Mayor of “who deliberately made the colour of the Toronto, William McMurrich, who heard singers a ground for declining to accept about the denied accommodation while them as ordinary guests.”36TheGlobe fur- traveling to the funeral of the recently ther contended that the discourtesy to assassinated American President James which the Jubilee Singers were subjected Garfield, offered his home to the singers.32 was caused by nothing but “the narrow

30 Ontario Archives, Daniel Hill Black History Research Collection, Box 4, Toronto Notes (B). 31 Andrew Ward, Dark Midnight When I Rise: The Story of the Jubilee Singers Who Introduced the World to the Music of Black America (New York, 2000), 387, and Toronto Globe, 24 September 1881. 32 The Evening News, 26 September 1881. 33 Toronto World, 7 October 1881. 34 The Evening News, 26 September 1881. 35 The Evening News, 24 September 1881. 36 Toronto Globe, 26 September 1881. blacks in 1880s toronto 73

prejudices of the management” of those the hotel owner, noted in an interview hotels, and optimistically asserted that with the Toronto Mail that, in his defense, they “utterly misinterpreted the feelings he constantly employed about thirty Af- of the better classes of their guests.”37 The ricans at his hotel. McGaw never denied Toronto World took a somewhat differ- that his hotel did not permit Black guests, ent perspective. It argued that the criti- but he noted that anyone who required a cism directed against the hotelkeepers room and had the necessary money “need was misguided and that they were only not want, as there were dozen of other acting according to business concerns. hotels in the city that would be only too The newspaper noted that the hotels say glad to furnish it.”39 “– and they ought to know their business Johnson decided to take legal ac- best – that the Canadian hotel public ob- tion against the hotel and requested ject to stop in the same house with color- money from the community to support ed people.” The editorial suggested that it his cause. In fact, he asked the Hamil- was the public, not the hotelkeepers, who ton Spectator to start a subscription to were the chief offenders.38 It is difficult to aid him. The newspaper declined, and know whether the hotel owners refused seemed to believe that his action was a Black guests because they held preju- publicity stunt.40 Immediately after the diced feelings or whether they genuinely incident the newspaper noted that John- saw the admission of Black guests as a son had struck “a scheme which will not bad business practice. In any case, Blacks only give him the notoriety he loves, but, were denied access to quality hotels. possibly the money that does not come Despite the publicity generated by amiss to him.”41 How much money John- the Jubilee Singers, Blacks did not find son collected is unclear but at some point hotels accommodating in subsequent he decided not to press charges. TheSpec - years. In fact, when Charles Johnson, the tator noted in August 1889 that, after be- Black newspaper publisher, tried to gain ginning the lawsuit and collecting some access to the Queen’s Hotel in 1888 he money, Johnson backed out.42 was refused, and the subsequent com- Even though Blacks were not always ments of the hotel proprietor proved that accepted at hotels Canada still prided it- many believed that, while Africans were self on providing a safe haven for African acceptable as table waiters, they were not Americans. Prior to the American Civil acceptable as dinner guests. Mr. McGaw, War there had been several attempts by

37 Toronto Globe, 24 September 1881. 38 Toronto World, 28 September 1881. 39 Toronto Mail, 23 August 1888. 40 Hamilton Spectator, 6 September 1888. 41 Hamilton Daily Spectator, 23 August 1889. 42 Hamilton Spectator, 31 August, 1889. 74 ONTARIO HISTORY

American slaveholders to extradite runa- made to lynch Morse, he jumped bail and way slaves who had fled to Canada. Most went to Rochester. When police became of these attempts had failed. The most aware of his location, he left the United high profile had been the attempt to ex- States and came to Toronto. On 27 April tradite John Anderson in 1860-61. An- 1888, the Toronto police received a tel- derson had killed a slaveholder while suc- egram stating that there was a “warrant cessfully escaping from slavery, and after and requisition for Adam Morse, alias being discovered in Canada the American Spencer H. Haines, colored, aged 35.” government attempted to have him re- Morse was arrested, and a Savannah de- turned to the United States. Anderson re- tective came to Toronto with a warrant ceived considerable support from the Ca- charging Morse with attempted murder, nadian Black community and the press. an extraditable offense.44 Ultimately, the extradition attempt failed The case went to Judge Joseph Mc- and Anderson remained in Canada.43 Dougall, who ruled in June of 1888 that In the late 1800s many Ontarians Morse should be returned to the United still saw the province as a safe haven for States. The White media sympathized Blacks fleeing injustice in the United with Morse, and saw him as a victim States. In 1888, Adam Morse, a Black of racial discrimination in the United man from Georgia, fled to Toronto. States. The Toronto Evening Telegram Morse had been involved in an alterca- argued that “[h]is crime was that being tion with a train conductor in Georgia. black he dared to assert his manhood Morse’s son had been traveling by train by standing up for his own child against and had been hit on the arm three times one of the white sovereigns of Georgia.” with a ticket punch by a conductor be- The editorial argued that the Canadian cause he, apparently, was impudent and courts should provide the justice that refused to behave. When he got home, Morse “cannot hope for in that land of the boy told his parents what had hap- the free where the prejudices of the white pened. His father, after hearing the story, citizens are a law unto all on the wrong then went to the conductor’s house with side of the colour line.”45 Other newspa- the intent, according to his wife, of dis- pers echoed these sentiments. The Globe cussing the matter. An altercation ensued feared southern justice and referred to whereupon Morse hit the conductor sev- the “chain-gang and bloodhound treat- eral times with a stick. Morse was arrest- ment to which the fugitive will probably ed but released on bail. After threats were be submitted in Georgia.”46 Saturday

43 Shadd, Cooper, and Smardz Frost, The Underground Railroad, 55-56. 44 Toronto Public Library, Scrapbooks, Toronto Historical Series, vol. 1, 45, and To- ronto Globe, 16 June 1888. 45 Evening Telegram, 28 May 1888. 46 Toronto Globe, 8 June 1888. blacks in 1880s toronto 75

Night argued that it was “gratifying to was evident at the mass meeting held in know that he [Morse] will not be surren- celebration of his release at the Queen dered without a further struggle.”47 Oth- Street Baptist Church. The Evening ers in the White community supported Telegram reported that “two thirds of Morse. A letter in The Evening Telegram the crowd were white people” and that from the Women’s Christian Temperance “many prominent citizens were in the au- Union rhetorically asked: “Shall we let dience.”51 Resolutions were passed prais- the name of our one fair and godly city ing the publisher of the Telegram, John be stained by delivering Morse over to his Ross Robertson, for the support he had blood-thirsty persecutors.”48 The Black provided, and to the Globe’s editor, John community also gave full support to Cameron, for offering to pay any amount Morse. Blacks throughout the province in the event Morse got bail. The meeting became aware of the case, and the Rev. also commended Senator John MacDon- W.J. Butler, pastor of the African Meth- ald for offering money “towards starting odist Episcopal Church in Chatham, Mr. Morse to life again in this country.”52 stated that he hoped the case would be The White community found it very contested through the Canadian courts. easy to rally behind Morse because his Butler further noted that the Blacks of case reconfirmed that Canada was a safe Chatham, as well as many Whites, felt haven for Blacks wrongly treated in the very strongly on the subject.49 United States. Luckily for Morse’s supporters all was This incident does not suggest that not lost. Morse’s extradition was condi- Morse’s supporters favoured equality for tional upon the Savannah detective sign- Blacks. , who after ing some depositions, which he had left this incident hired Morse’s son as a Tel- Toronto without doing. Judge McDougall egram newsboy, held many racist stere- twice set dates for the detective to come to otypes concerning Blacks. He often va- Toronto to deal with this matter, but both cationed in the southern states and was times he failed to appear. After the second fond of jokes that were racially insensitive time, on 22 June 1888, McDougall freed towards Blacks. Robertson once used his Morse. The Evening Telegram cheered, influence to place a Black child in The “we are glad that the country that has Hospital for Sick Children, and after shielded so many of his race has been the the boy’s release the child’s grandmoth- secure retreat of Adam Morse.”50 er thanked him. Robertson responded The interracial support for Morse that they would soon “have him eating

47 Saturday Night, vol. 1, no. 28 (9 June 1888) 48 Evening Telegram, 26 June 1888. 49 Toronto Globe, 8 June 1888. 50 Evening Telegram, 22 June 1888. 51 Evening Telegram, 26 June 1888. 52 Toronto Globe, 26 June 1888. 76 ONTARIO HISTORY

The next generation of African Canadians in Toronto carried on the tradition of activ- ism. This Collingwood group is posing in front of the Toronto YWCA. Source: Rita Duval Cummings, Library and Archives Canada PA 211247.

ter carrier. The White press and leaders in the White commu- nity provided assist- ance when it served their interests, or chicken and watermelon.” The woman when this aid helped to alleviate person- responded that that was the most insult- al or civic embarrassment. Albert Jackson ing thing he could say to someone of Af- kept his position as mailman because it rican origin.53 was politically expedient for the govern- In conclusion, Blacks did not have ing Conservative party. The Fisk Jubilee full equality in 1880s Toronto. Blacks Singers found a place to stay because they were concentrated in certain occupa- were popular singers, and politicians and tions and were often denied access to an innkeeper provided accommodation hotels and restaurants. Africans were in order to avoid bad publicity. Adam very active in trying to achieve full civil Morse was not returned to Georgia be- rights. It was two members of the Black cause his experience reminded Toronto- community, for example, who had ap- nians of the plight of fugitives on the Un- proached John Ross Robertson and told derground Railroad who had found a safe him about Adam Morse, and requested haven in Canada. It was only, however, his assistance.54 It was the Black com- when these issues became political causes munity that had protested when Albert and garnered extensive media publicity Jackson was not allowed to become a let- that they were resolved favourably. s

53 Ron Poulton, The Paper Tyrant: John Ross Robertson of the Toronto Telegram (Toronto, 1971), 95-96. 54 Ibid.