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Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA for Reviews of Islam Policy in Prewar and Wartime Japan

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Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA for Reviews of Islam Policy in Prewar and Wartime Japan Special Feature (Research Note)／特集（研究ノート） Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA For Reviews of Islam Policy in Prewar and Wartime Japan NUMATA Sayoko Ⅰ . Introduction Ⅱ . From the Far East to the USA Ⅲ . Current situation in San Francisco Bay Area Ⅳ . Future research issues 極東出身の在米タタール人に関する調査 戦前・戦中期日本における「回教政策」再評価のために 沼田 彩誉子 戦前・戦中期において、日本および日本占領下にあった満州・朝鮮半島に居住していたタター ル人の多くは、戦後アメリカやトルコへと渡った。両国では2012年現在も、彼らや彼ら の家族が暮らしている。本稿では、こうした極東出身のタタール人のうち、アメリカ合衆 国カリフォルニア州サンフランシスコ・ベイエリア（以下ベイエリア）へ移住した在米タター 127 Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA (Numata) 中東学会28-2.indb 127 2013/02/14 13:15:49 ル人に焦点をあてる。聞き取り調査を中心に、戦前・戦中期日本での生活、戦後の極東地 域からの移住、およびベイエリアにおける現況をまとめる。 従前「在日タタール人」と呼称される彼らは、戦前・戦中期における日本の「回教政策」 と深く関わる存在である。一例をあげれば、早稲田大学に保管される大日本回教協会寄託 資料には、彼らに関する文書・写真資料が所蔵されている。しかしながら「在日タタール人」 の多くが戦後、極東地域から移住したために、彼らの存在、あるいは彼らの所有する資料 は、日本では長らく忘却されてきた。アメリカやトルコに暮らす極東出身のタタール人や 彼らの家族への聞き取りにより、既存文書・写真の特定や新規資料発見が大いに期待され る。関係者の逝去・高齢化が進むなか、戦前・戦中期に関わる聞き取りおよび写真や書簡 など私文書の調査は、喫緊の課題である。 このとき、戦前・戦中期における「回教政策」が独善的なものであった事実を忘れては ならない。そのため、先行研究の多くは、「在日タタール人」を「回教政策」の対象や道具 として扱ってきた。しかしながら、戦前・戦中期の日本とイスラーム関係の新たな理解を 目指すとき、当時の「在日タタール人」と日本との関係が必ずしも良好だったわけではない にしても、彼らの視点から改めて日本の「回教政策」を評価することが求められる。その ためには第一に、現在の状況を正しく把握・理解し、インフォーマントとの関係を慎重に 構築することが不可欠である。本稿は、彼らの移住経験に着目しつつ、聞き取り・資料調 査を通じてその歴史を見直す作業への、第一歩として位置づけられる。 本稿で扱うデータは、2012年4月25日から5月7日にかけて筆者が行ったベイエリアで の調査に基づくものである。日本での生活や移住の経験、ベイエリアにおける在米タター ル人の状況について、合計9名の関係者への聞き取りを中心とする、フィールドワークを行った。 日本では、東京、名古屋、神戸、熊本がタタール人の主な居住地となり、組織や学校、 モスク、印刷所などが設立された。タタール人の流入が始まった1920年代当初、クルバ ンガリーがコミュニティ形成のイニシアチブをとった。しかし1933年にイスハキーが来日 すると多くのタタール人は彼のもとに集まり、東京ではクルバンガリー派とイスハキー派 の対立が起こるようになった。イスハキー、クルバンガリーがともに離日した後は、イブ ラヒムがコミュニティの指導者とされた。日本の戦局悪化に伴い、タタール人の多くは軽 井沢や有馬温泉へと疎開を強制された。 モスクや学校が空襲の被害を免れたため、タタール語による教育やタタール人の集まり は戦後も継続された。しかし 1953年のトルコ国籍付与に伴い、彼らの大部分はトルコや アメリカへと渡っていった。 極東からベイエリアへの最初の移住は、1923年までさかのぼることができる。日本で 羅紗の行商を行っていたタタール人の一部が、関東大震災で被災し、渡米したのである。 しかし、戦前のアメリカ移住は少数で、移民の数が増加したのは、戦後であった。 AJAMES no.28-2 2012 128 中東学会28-2.indb 128 2013/02/14 13:15:50 終戦後のアメリカへの移住は、大きく2つのパターンにわけることができる。すなわち、 極東からアメリカへ直接移住した場合と、トルコでの生活を経て、アメリカへと移住した 場合である。いずれの場合も、終戦後に始まった極東からの出移民は、1950年代から60 年代に集中している。 1917年のロシア革命を機とする避難民を第一世代とするなら、第二世代、すなわち日 本、満州、朝鮮半島を出生地とする彼らの子どもたちが、親や兄弟、結婚相手とともに、 あるいは単身でトルコやアメリカへと移住した。2012年現在、ベイエリアでは、移住経 験を持つ60～80歳代の第二世代、第三世代にあたる米生まれの30～50歳代の子どもたち、 第四世代にあたる20歳代以下の孫たちが暮らしている。 ベイエリアでは1960年に、在米タタール人の組織として「アメリカン・トルコ・タタール・ アソシエーション」（American Turko Tatar Association。以下ATTAと略）が設立された。 2012年5月現在、ATTA全体では会費納入者、シニア、子どもを合計して263名の極東 出身の在米タタール人とその家族がおり、このうち187名がベイエリアに居住している。 ATTAを設立し、集まりの場ではタタール語での会話がなされていた第二世代に比べると、 第三世代のタタール語習得率やタタールへの関心、集まりへの参加率には、差がみられる。 第二世代の高齢化による世代交代が進む今、タタールの言語や文化の保持は重要な課題と なっている。 カリフォルニア州コルマのサイプレス・ローン記念公園には、ATTAが購入、管理する 4か所のムスリム墓地がある。合計302の墓のうち、160は埋葬済み、142はすでに購入され、 使用者が決まった状態である。1962年に亡くなった人物が、この墓地へ最初に埋葬された。 在米タタール人に関する今後の課題は次の2点に集約される。(1)第二世代へのさらな る聞き取り調査、(2)個々人が所蔵する写真、書簡などの私文書資料の探索とそれら資料 に関する情報の収集である。 I. Introduction Many source materials concerning Japanese Islam Policy in prewar and wartime Japan have been found recently, including Deposited Materials by the DNKK (Dai- Nippon Kaikyo Kyokai, Greater Japan Muslim League) of Waseda University. This work had been cataloged and its photographic source materials scanned into a digital database [ROAS 2005; 2006]. Similar materials must also be searched, not only in Japan but on a global scale as well, as the policy they detail involved many foreign Muslims. 129 Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA (Numata) 中東学会28-2.indb 129 2013/02/14 13:15:50 Approximately 200 Tatar migrants live in the San Francisco Bay Area currently, including the “Zainichi Tatarjin” (Tatars in Japan) who were associated with Japanese Islam Policy and who played an important role in the recognition given Islam in prewar and wartime Japan. Most Tatar migrants who lived in the Far East (i.e., Japan and the Japanese occupied countries) before and during World War II migrated to the USA or Turkey after the war.(1) They and their families are still living in these countries. Pictures and documents concerning the Tatar migrants can be found in source materials such as Tokyo Kaikyo Gakkou [1937], Misawa [2012], and ROAS [2005; 2006]. However, their existence and their private collections have been largely forgotten as most of them emigrated from the Far East after the war ended. By interviewing Tatar migrants living in the USA or Turkey today, it is possible to identify the people in the pictures and discover new facts or materials about them and their migration. This research must be done quickly, however, because the second generation who witnessed Japanese Islam Policy is at an advanced age. It should be noted that Japanese Islam Policy was self-serving in that it tried to put Tatar migrants to use for its own activities. Because of this, many previous studies have treated Tatar migrants as subject to or a means of furthering this policy [e.g., Ikei and Sakamoto, eds. 1999; Esenbel and Inaba, eds. 2003; Matsunaga 2009 and so on]. However, Japanese Islam Policy must be assessed from the viewpoint of the Tatar if a new understanding of the relationship between Japan and Islam is to be achieved. With this goal in mind, it is necessary to understand the Tatars’ current situation correctly and to build a good relationship with them. This paper is only a first step towards reassessing Tatar migrant history by regarding “Zainichi Tatarjin” as Tatar migrants from the Far East. We will achieve this by focusing our attention on the experiences of migrants through interviews and collected materials. We will also discuss the lives of Tatars in prewar and wartime Japan, the migration processes, and the current situation of migrants living in the San Francisco Bay Area (Bay Area)(2) in light of the fact that they witnessed firsthand Japanese Islam Policy. The main sources for this paper are derived from my fieldwork in the Bay Area from April 25 to May 7, 2012. It was during this time that I stayed in Burlingame with a Tatar family,(3) second-generation Tatar migrants born in Japan. The purpose of my work in the Bay Area was to uncover the experiences of each migrant and the AJAMES no.28-2 2012 130 中東学会28-2.indb 130 2013/02/14 13:15:50 overall situation of the Tatar migrants in the Bay Area. As many Tatar migrants are living in Burlingame, in or around the house in which I stayed, they can easily visit each other on foot or by car (see Figures 1 and 2). In fact, during my stay, Sukiyaki and Peremech (a typical food of the Tatars) parties were held at the house and three to four Tatar migrants attended those parties as guests. In total, I interviewed nine Tatar migrants and their families, including the guests at the Sukiyaki and Peremech parties (see Table 1). Table 1: Attributions of the interviewees Sex Year of Birth Generation Place of Birth Abdullah Male 1934 2nd Japan Nuriye Female 1945 2nd Japan Fatima Female 1929 2nd Japan Ibrahim Male 1930 2nd Japan Hasan Male 1931 2nd Manchuria Ravil Male 1936 2nd Manchuria Huseyin Male 1928 2nd Japan Naile Female 1972 3rd USA Jack Male unknown unknown unknown (Note) (1) All names are assumed names. (2) As for Jack, he is an 80-year-old partner of non-Tatar who is married to a Tatar lady of the second generation. (Source) Made by the author based on the interviews. Figure 1: Map of the West Coast of the Figure 2: Map of San Francisco Bay Area United States of America 131 Fieldwork Note on Tatar Migrants from the Far East to the USA (Numata) 中東学会28-2.indb 131 2013/02/14 13:15:50 II. From the Far East to the USA 1. Lives in prewar and wartime Japan After the 1917 Russian Revolution, Tatars of the Volga-Ural region immigrated to Manchuria, Korea, and Japan. Those who went to Japan initially worked as wool peddlers active in Tokyo, Yokohama, and Kobe in the early 1920s. The number of peddlers and their families living in Tokyo and Yokohama decreased as they escaped to Kobe or the USA after the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, Tatar migrants soon appeared again in Tokyo seeking business opportunities in 1924 [Okubo 1924a; 1924b]. More than 1,000 Tatar migrants lived in prewar Japan, primarily in Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, or Kumamoto [Matsunaga 2003: 201]. Tokyo and Kobe were especially crowded with Tatar migrants. From the 1920s to 1933, the Tatar community in Tokyo was formed under the initiative of Kurbangali, who spearheaded the establishment of the Tokyo Muslim Association (Tokyo’da Mahallei-i İslamiye, Tokyo Kaikyo Dan) in 1925, the Muslim graveyards in 1926, the Tokyo Muslim School (Tokyo’da Mekteb-i İslamiye, Tokyo Kaikyo Gakkou) in 1927, and the Tokyo Muslim Printing House (Tokyo’da Matbaa-i İslamiye, Tokyo Kaikyo Insatsujo) in 1931 [Tokyo Kaikyo Dan n.d.; Dündar and Misawa, eds. 2010]. However, this community, which had been unified under Kurbangali’s leadership, was split into two groups after Ishaki appeared in 1933. In 1934, Ishaki opened branches of the Idil-Ural Turk Tatar Cultural Association in Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, and Kumamoto. Most Tatar migrants joined the association, but a struggle ensued between the followers of Ishaki and those of Kurbangali in Tokyo, where a Japanese-style house was used as both school and office by members of the association. Although Ishaki left Japan in 1936, the struggle did not end [Matsunaga 2009; Usmanova 2007]. In the meantime, a performance was held in Kobe to collect contributions to establish a mosque and welcome Ishaki at the small school of the Kobe Turko Tatar Association, which was renamed the Idil-Ural Turk Tatar Cultural Association in 1933. Kobe Mosque was built
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