DOCSLIB.ORG

The Effects of Secret Voting Procedures on Political Behavior

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Effects of Secret Voting Procedures on Political Behavior UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Voting Alone: The Effects of Secret Voting Procedures on Political Behavior A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Scott M. Guenther Committee in charge: Professor James Fowler, Chair Professor Samuel Kernell, Co-Chair Professor Julie Cullen Professor Seth Hill Professor Thad Kousser 2016 Copyright Scott M. Guenther, 2016 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Scott M. Guenther is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California, San Diego 2016 iii DEDICATION To my parents. iv EPIGRAPH Three may keep a secret, if two of them are dead. { Benjamin Franklin v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page................................... iii Dedication...................................... iv Epigraph......................................v Table of Contents.................................. vi List of Figures................................... viii List of Tables.................................... ix Acknowledgements.................................x Vita......................................... xiv Abstract of the Dissertation............................ xv Chapter 1 Introduction: Secrecy and Voting.................1 1.1 History of Secret Voting...................2 1.2 Conceptual Issues.......................5 1.2.1 Internal Secrecy....................6 1.2.2 External Secrecy...................7 1.3 Electoral Regimes.......................8 1.3.1 Citizen Participants..................9 1.3.2 Elected Participants................. 10 1.3.3 Delegated Participants................ 11 1.4 Influence............................ 13 1.5 Outline............................. 16 1.5.1 A Note about the Chapters............. 18 Chapter 2 Vote Transparency and Political Outcomes in Vermont Town Meetings............................... 20 2.1 Abstract............................ 20 2.2 Introduction.......................... 21 2.3 Institutional Structure of Political Behavior........ 23 2.4 Theory............................. 28 2.4.1 Monitoring and Public Goods............ 29 2.4.2 Hypotheses...................... 31 2.5 Vermont Town Meetings................... 33 2.5.1 Data.......................... 37 2.5.2 Method........................ 43 2.6 Results & Discussion..................... 43 vi 2.6.1 Per Pupil Spending.................. 46 2.6.2 Test Scores...................... 47 2.7 Discussion........................... 52 2.7.1 Conclusion....................... 55 Chapter 3 Committee Chair Elections and the Growth of Majority Party Agenda Setting........................... 66 3.1 Abstract............................ 66 3.2 Introduction.......................... 67 3.3 An Era of Congressional Reform............... 71 3.3.1 Committee Oversight and Agenda Setting Power.. 74 3.4 Theory and Hypotheses.................... 76 3.5 Data & Methodology..................... 80 3.6 Results............................. 82 3.6.1 Robustness Checks.................. 91 3.7 Discussion........................... 94 3.7.1 Future Directions................... 96 3.7.2 Conclusion....................... 97 Chapter 4 Ballot Reforms and Social Influence in Historical American Elec- tions................................. 107 4.1 Abstract............................ 107 4.2 Introduction.......................... 108 4.3 Previous research....................... 111 4.3.1 Consequences of Ballot Reform........... 112 4.3.2 Voter Sensitivity to Secrecy............. 116 4.3.3 Party Brokers..................... 118 4.4 Theory............................. 119 4.5 Data and Estimation..................... 125 4.5.1 Estimation....................... 126 4.6 Results............................. 128 4.7 Discussion........................... 132 Appendix A Vermont Town Clerk Survey.................... 139 Appendix B School Board Survey........................ 143 Appendix C Committee Chair Election Results and Analyses......... 148 Bibliography.................................... 151 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: Internal and External Secrecy of Voting.............. 13 Figure 2.1: Social Influence by Ballot Structure Across Increasing Uniformity 32 Figure 2.2: Map of Vermont Townships..................... 36 Figure 2.3: Use of Australian Ballot for School Budget (%).......... 38 Figure 2.4: School Tax Rate Variation Over Time............... 39 Figure 2.5: Average School Tax Rates By State Financing Programs..... 42 Figure 2.6: Marginal effect of Rule Change on Public Education Tax Rate.. 44 Figure 2.7: Impact of Secret Ballot Adoption on Standardized Test Scores.. 48 Figure 2.8: Visually Weighted Lowess Regression of Per Pupil Funding by Bal- lot Type over Student Population Share.............. 50 Figure 2.9: Marginal effect of Ballot Change over Student Population Share. 52 Figure 3.1: Probability Bills Reported out of Committee Pre and Post Reform (1947-2009).............................. 69 Figure 3.2: Change Point Detection of Author-Majority Median Distance (Ma- jority Party)............................. 84 Figure 3.3: Marginal Effect of Secret Chair Election on Minority Bills.... 85 Figure 3.4: Bootstrapped Lowess Regressions of Bill Success Pre-Post Secret Chair Election by Author's Distance from Chamber Median... 86 Figure 3.5: Likelihood Bill Reported Pre-Post Reform Across Distance from Chamber Median (Majority Party Members)............ 87 Figure 3.6: Likelihood Bill Passed Pre-Post Reform Across Distance from Cham- ber Median (Majority Party Members)............... 88 Figure 3.7: Likelihood Bill Enacted Pre-Post Reform Across Distance from Chamber Median (Majority Party Members)............ 89 Figure 3.8: Impact of Chair Behavioral Change on Re-Election........ 89 Figure 3.9: Changes in Bill Advancement by Seniority and Vote Share Follow- ing House Reform.......................... 92 Figure 3.10: Changes in Senate Reporting Following House Reform (Placebo Test)................................. 93 Figure 4.1: Pre-Post Ballot Reform Winning Vote Share (State House Election)126 Figure 4.2: Marginal Effects of Ballot Reform on State District Turnout by Margin of Victory.......................... 130 Figure 4.3: Pre-Post Ballot Reform Winning Voter Share (State House Election)131 Figure 4.4: Marginal Impact of Ballot Reform on Variation of Turnout within Congressional District........................ 132 Figure C.1: Bootstrapped Lowess Regressions of Bill Success by Committee.. 150 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Internal and External Secrecy by Voting Rules........... 19 Table 2.1: Summary Statistics of Regression Variables............. 58 Table 2.2: Impact of Secret Ballot Adoption on Education Tax Rates.... 59 Table 2.3: Impact of Secret Ballot Adoption on Education Tax Rates.... 60 Table 2.4: Effect of Voting Rule Switch Across Time.............. 61 Table 2.5: Robustness Checks.......................... 62 Table 2.6: Impact of Secret Ballot Adoption on Per Pupil Spending..... 63 Table 2.7: Impact of Secret Ballot Adoption on Standardized Test Scores.. 64 Table 2.8: Joint Influence of Ballot Secrecy and Student Share of Population 65 Table 3.1: Descriptive Statistics......................... 99 Table 3.2: Congress-to-Congress Changes in Distribution of Reported Bills (Majority Party)............................ 100 Table 3.3: Likelihood Minority Bill Reported From Committee........ 101 Table 3.4: Likelihood of House Bill Advance (Majority Party)......... 102 Table 3.5: Likelihood of House Passage and Enactment (Majority Party).. 103 Table 3.6: Likelihood of House Bill Advance (Majority Party 1947-2011)... 104 Table 3.7: Influence of post-reform change in Mean Author Ideology on Sup- port for Committee Chairs...................... 105 Table 3.8: Placebo Test: Changes Reporting in Senate Committees (Majority Party)................................. 106 Table 4.1: Electoral Law Changes By State................... 135 Table 4.2: Impact of Ballot Adoption on State District Turnout....... 136 Table 4.3: Impact of Ballot Adoption on State District Margin of Victory.. 137 Table 4.4: Variation of State District Turnout and Australian Ballot Adoption 138 Table C.1: Vote Totals for 93rd and 94th Congress Chair Elections...... 149 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The list of individuals who deserve recognition for bringing my dissertation into fruition is long and distinguished. I am particularly indebted to James Fowler and Samuel Kernell who served as co-chairs for my dissertation. I came to UC San Diego for my graduate education fresh from a stint working in Washington, DC and cocksure in my understanding of the art of politics, which served mostly as a mask for my lack of political science training. I appreciate their initial patience to see something different (and frankly better) than what I was presenting myself as. Among other things, which at the time was as comparative politics specialist. Their early guidance in my graduate career led to a fortuitous switch to American politics in my first year. As dissertation co-chairs their respective insights, wisdom, and candor com- plement one another nicely. Sam, in particular, has come serve as equal parts mentor, collaborator, and friend. In James I have a continual source of meticulous advice and trenchant comments unencumbered by the pretenses of sage wisdom, which it always is. I have been enriched by the communities they have developed over the years at UC San Diego. My graduate school experience would have been unambiguously worse without
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cokie Roberts Oral History Interview Final Edited Transcript
    Cokie Roberts Congressional Correspondent and Daughter of Representatives Hale and Lindy Boggs of Louisiana Oral History Interview Final Edited Transcript May 25, 2017 Office of the Historian U.S. House of Representatives Washington, D.C. “And so she [Lindy Boggs] was on the Banking Committee. They were marking up or writing a piece of legislation to end discrimination in lending. And the language said, ‘on the basis of race, national origin, or creed’—something like that. And as she told the story, she went into the back room and wrote in, in longhand, ‘or sex or marital status,’ and Xeroxed it, and brought it back into the committee, and said, ‘I’m sure this was just an omission on the part of my colleagues who are so distinguished.’ That’s how we got equal credit, ladies.” Cokie Roberts May 25, 2017 Table of Contents Interview Abstract i Interviewee Biography i Editing Practices ii Citation Information iii Interviewer Biographies iii Interview 1 Notes 29 Abstract On May 25, 2017, the Office of the House Historian participated in a live oral history event, “An Afternoon with Cokie Roberts,” hosted by the Capitol Visitor Center. Much of the interview focused on Cokie Roberts’ reflections of her mother Lindy Boggs whose half-century association with the House spanned her time as the spouse of Representative Hale Boggs and later as a Member of Congress for 18 years. Roberts discusses the successful partnership of her parents during Hale Boggs’ 14 terms in the House. She describes the significant role Lindy Boggs played in the daily operation of her husband’s congressional office as a political confidante and expert campaigner—a function that continued to grow and led to her overseeing much of the Louisiana district work when Hale Boggs won a spot in the Democratic House Leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert W. Edgar, General Secretary, National Council of Churches MR
    Robert W. Edgar, General Secretary, National Council of Churches MR. EDGAR: I'm pleased to be here, not only to say a word of focus and commitment to the legacy of Geno, but sitting side-by-9side with all of these colleagues, and especially Stu Eizenstat. Stu was the domestic policy adviser to President Carter, and I was a young congressperson elected by accident in the Watergate years, and had the chance and the opportunity for the four years of the Carter administration -- although I served for six terms -- to work with Stu on many domestic issues, especially water policy that became so controversial in those years. So it's great to reconnect with him, and it's great to be here with you. As the senator indicated, Rosa Parks died yesterday. I mark my entry into political life and the bridge between my faith life as a pastor in Philadelphia, an urban pastor, who founded the first shelter for homeless women in the city of Philadelphia, I mark my bridge from my faith tradition to politics, based on the life and work of Dr. Martin Luther King. And the civil rights movement had an impact, not just on the black community but on the white community, as well. I grew up in a white suburb of Philadelphia. I grew up in a blue-collar working-class family. But I 20didn't really see poverty until I was about a senior in high school. And the United Methodist Church had what they called "come see" tours, where they literally put young people on buses and took them into the city of Philadelphia, and into the city of Chester, to see with their own eyes the impact of policies on the poor.
    [Show full text]
  • How First-Term Members Enter the House Burdett
    Coming into the Country: How First-Term Members Enter the House Burdett Loomis University of Kansas and The Brookings Institution November 17, 2000 In mulling over how newly elected Members of Congress (henceforth MCs1) “enter” the U.S. House of Representatives, I have been drawn back to John McPhee’s classic book on Alaska, Coming into the Country. Without pushing the analogy too far, the Congress is a lot like Alaska, especially for a greenhorn. Congress is large, both in terms of numbers (435 members and 8000 or so staffers) and geographic scope (from Seattle to Palm Beach, Manhattan to El Paso). Even Capitol Hill is difficult to navigate, as it requires a good bit of exploration to get the lay of the land. The congressional wilderness is real, whether in unexplored regions of the Rayburn Building sub-basements or the distant corridors of the fifth floor of the Cannon Office Building, where a sturdy band of first-term MCs must establish their Washington outposts. Although both the state of Alaska and the House of Representatives are governed by laws and rules, many tricks of survival are learned informally -- in a hurried conversation at a reception or at the House gym, in the wake of a pick-up basketball game. In the end, there’s no single understanding of Alaska – it’s too big, too complex. Nor is there any single way to grasp the House. It’s partisan, but sometimes resistant to partisanship. It’s welcoming and alienating. It’s about Capitol Hill, but also about 435 distinct constituencies.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Overspeech
    ARTICLES CONGRESSIONAL OVERSPEECH Josh Chafetz* Political theater. Spectacle. Circus. Reality show. We are constantly told that, whatever good congressional oversight is, it certainly is not those things. Observers and participants across the ideological and partisan spectrums use those descriptions as pejorative attempts to delegitimize oversight conducted by their political opponents or as cautions to their own allies of what is to be avoided. Real oversight, on this consensus view, is about fact-finding, not about performing for an audience. As a result, when oversight is done right, it is both civil and consensus-building. While plenty of oversight activity does indeed involve bipartisan attempts to collect information and use that information to craft policy, this Article seeks to excavate and theorize a different way of using oversight tools, a way that focuses primarily on their use as a mechanism of public communication. I refer to such uses as congressional overspeech. After briefly describing the authority, tools and methods, and consensus understanding of oversight in Part I, this Article turns to an analysis of overspeech in Part II. The three central features of overspeech are its communicativity, its performativity, and its divisiveness, and each of these is analyzed in some detail. Finally, Part III offers two detailed case studies of overspeech: the Senate Munitions Inquiry of the mid-1930s and the McCarthy and Army-McCarthy Hearings of the early 1950s. These case studies not only demonstrate the dynamics of overspeech in action but also illustrate that overspeech is both continuous across and adaptive to different media environments. Moreover, the case studies illustrate that overspeech can be used in the service of normatively good, normatively bad, and * Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center.
    [Show full text]
  • Benjamin C. West Oral History Interviews Final Edited Transcripts
    Benjamin C. West Press Gallery, U.S. House of Representatives (1942–1968) Superintendent, Daily Press Gallery, U.S. House of Representatives (1969–1986) Oral History Interviews Final Edited Transcripts August 24, 2005 August 31, 2005 September 7, 2005 January 19, 2006 Office of the Historian U.S. House of Representatives Washington, D.C. Table of Contents Interview Abstract i Interviewee Biography i Editing Practices ii Citation Information ii Interviewer Biography iii Interview One 1 Interview Two 53 Interview Three 110 Interview Four 166 Notes 203 Index 204 Abstract Benjamin West joined the staff of the House Press Gallery in 1942 when he was 15 years old. His 44-year career spanned the pinnacle and the decline of the newspaper as Americans’ primary source of information and the ascendancy of electronic media. In this series of interviews, West discussed the evolution of the House Press Gallery, particularly as the press sought to explain federal actions and policies that had become increasingly important in Americans’ everyday lives. He described the structure of the gallery, related its early history, and detailed its daily operations under its second and third superintendents, William J. Donaldson, Jr., and Richard (Dick) Embly. West explained the role of the Standing Committee of Correspondents, mentioning many of its key members, and its dynamic relationship with the gallery. He recalled pioneering women reporters and African- American reporters in the 1940s and historic events such as the 1954 shooting in the House Chamber and the 1974 Nixon impeachment hearings, both of which he witnessed. West also provided insight into the complex role of the gallery staff—particularly the superintendent—in its efforts to serve “two masters”: the press and the Members and staff.
    [Show full text]
  • An Empirical Examination of the Abortion Issue
    Yale Law & Policy Review Volume 1, Number 1, Fall 1982 ARTICLES Electoral Folklore: An Empirical Examination of the Abortion Issue Jeffrey W. Stempel* William D. Morris** For nearly a decade, the abortion issue has loomed large in American politics. City councilmen, state legislators, congressmen, presidents, and Supreme Court nominees are routinely asked their opinions on legalized abortion. Despite the controversy generated by pro-life and pro-choice' interest groups, little is known regarding the issue's impact upon voting behavior. This study seeks to enhance that knowledge by empirically examining congressional general elections in order to assess the impact of the abortion issue. We then review our finding that the abortion issue does not alter established voting patterns in these contests. I. The Abortion Issue.- A Pohtical War Without Casualty Figures During the past decade, abortion has been perhaps the most emo- tional and divisive issue in American politics. One national magazine, in its cover story devoted to the issue, described public division on the issue in Armageddon-like terms: * Law Clerk to Judge Raymond J. Broderick, Eastern District of Pennsylvania. B.A., University of Minnesota 1977; J.D., Yale Law School 1981. ** Chairman, Independent-Republican Party of Minnesota. B.A., Oakland University 1970; Ph.D., Carnegie-Mellon University 1975; Professor of Political Science, University of Minnesota, 1974-1981. 1. Semantics has comprised a major battle of the abortion controversy. Those opposing the Roe v. Wade, 340 U.S. 113 (1973), decision have termed themselves "pro-life", a designa- tion frowned upon by those favoring legalized abortion. Not surprisingly, this "pro-choice" group resents the implication that it opposes life.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerald Ford It’S Personal
    Gerald Ford It’s personal EPISODE TRANSCRIPT Listen to Presidential at http://wapo.st/presidential This transcript was run through an automated transcription service and then lightly edited for clarity. There may be typos or small discrepancies from the podcast audio. LILLIAN CUNNINGHAM: What's a memory from your dad's presidency that comes back to you often? One that, just for some reason, has stuck with you the most? STEVEN FORD: I have a funny story that's a great memory. It was the first time we had dinner in the White House. And you have to remember that we didn't get to move into the White House for seven days, because, when Nixon left, they weren't able to pack up all their belongings quick enough. Their daughter and son-in-law, I think, stayed and packed all their clothes. So, we had to go back to our little house in Alexandria, Virginia, and for the first seven days of dad's presidency, and I remember that first meal after Dad became president -- after he got sworn in that day, we're sitting around the dinner table, and my mother was cooking and my mother looked over at Dad. She was at the stove, and she goes, 'Jerry, something's wrong here. You just became president. And I'm still cooking.' And that was the memory that sticks out the most of what a strange time that was -- that, for seven days, we had to live in our little house in suburbia and Dad would commute to the Oval Office.
    [Show full text]
  • A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers, Daniel Ellsberg R
    WHAT IF DANIEL ELLSBERG HADN’T BOTHERED? HEIDI KITROSSER* INTRODUCTION In his book, Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers, Daniel Ellsberg recounts the aftermath of a 1969 New York Times story regarding Ellsberg and five of his colleagues at the RAND Corporation.1 The six had sent a letter to the Times calling for complete withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam. The result was a story headlined “six RAND experts support pullout: back unilateral step within one year in Vietnam.”2 The response within RAND to the letter’s signatories was almost entirely negative. In a series of inter-office memos, RAND employees lamented that the letter could jeopardize RAND’s longstanding “contractual and confidential relationship with the Defense Department.”3 One wrote to the signatories: “while you may feel strongly enough to lay your own jobs on the line, you do not have the right to lay mine there as well.”4 Another wrote that the signatories had “unleash[ed] a torpedo so unerringly as to strike at least glancing blows on your largest and most faithful clients, your employer, and your fellow researchers simultaneously.”5 While Ellsberg resigned from RAND before going on to leak the Pentagon Papers (“Pentagon Papers” or “Papers”), the other signatories had intended to stay on. However, due to blowback from the letter, one signatory was told to find another position while the others reportedly hung “‘on to [their] jobs by [their] fingernails.’”6 Of course, the professional and personal risks that the signatories took paled in comparison to those that Ellsberg went on to take in secretly photocopying and leaking—first to members of Congress and then to the New York Times and other members of the press—the Pentagon Papers, a classified history of the Vietnam War that the Defense Department had commissioned.
    [Show full text]
  • It Really Is Even Worse Than It Looks: the End of The
    %0.!((5%/!2!*3+./!0$*%0(++'/0$!!* +"0$! ,,.+,.%0%+*/,.+!///3!'*+3%0 ;R '>EER5:AG>K MA>LBLLN;FBMM>=MH&HAGL$HIDBGL1GBO>KLBMRBG<HG?HKFBMRPBMAMA>K>JNBK>F>GML?HK MA>=>@K>>H?):LM>KH?KMLBG#HO>KGF>GM :EMBFHK> ):KRE:G= ):R T'>EER5:AG>K EE.B@AML.>L>KO>= Abstract As evidenced by the government shutdown of 2013, the regular order of the appropriations process in the House of Representatives is diminished, threatening government oversight and resulting in the dereliction of constitutional duties given solely to Congress. This study uses institutional and statistical data beginning with the 1974 liberal post-Watergate elections, through the 1994 Republican Revolution, and culminating with the 2010 Tea Party Wave, to analyze how and why the appropriations process has deteriorated to its current state of disarray. This study finds that both institutional changes, in the form of House Rule and party rule changes, as well as changes in membership vis-à-vis increased partisanship and polarization have created an appropriations process that has deteriorated into a state of disrepair. The true cause of this deterioration is the role of increasing and hyperpartisanship and asymmetric polarization as a result of the Republican Revolution of 1994 and made worse by the Tea Party Wave of 2010. There are few immediate fixes to the appropriations process due to the partisanship and polarization that have doomed it in the first place, as many fixes would require an Act of Congress, a possibility unlikely under the gridlock fostered by increased levels of partisanship and polarization. Instead, this study finds that the appropriations process in the House is dead, leaving a weakened system crippled by hyperpartisanship and asymmetric polarization and shirking the oversight of government funds and the enumerated powers of Congress, threatening government operations and operability.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerald R. Ford Oral History Project John O. Marsh Interviewed by Richard Norton Smith October 7, 2008 (Part One and Two)
    Gerald R. Ford Oral History Project John O. Marsh Interviewed by Richard Norton Smith October 7, 2008 (Part One and Two) Smith: It is hard to know where to begin because there is so much to your story. But let me ask you, first of all, to describe for us, who are accustomed to a very different political climate, what Congress was like in 1963, and for the rest of that decade, when you were a member from Virginia – a Democrat. Marsh: A Democrat, yeah. Well, of course the overriding event to occur in the early sixties, of course, was the assassination of President Kennedy in November ’63. Interestingly, that was my freshman class. Rumsfeld and I were classmates in Congress, and a lot of other players that we know. But the assassination of President Kennedy was a force that impacted very much on that Congressional class. And that class remained very, very close. I think a lot of that related to the assassination because of the very turbulent event. But the Congress probably was beginning to develop into the more stronger divisions, but it had not, at the time. It was more collegial. True, there were political battles that had to be fought. I think President Ford was a tremendous example of that – what most people don’t realize about President Ford were the strong ties he had on the Hill that went across the aisle. I’ll give you an example. Ford and I kind of looked at, accessed things the same way. We kind of reacted philosophically.
    [Show full text]
  • Edward "Ted" Kaufman Oral History
    EDWARD E. (TED) KAUFMAN United States Senator from Delaware and Chief of Staff to Senator Joe Biden Oral History Interviews August 17 - 24, 2011, September 27, 2012 Senate Historical Office Washington, DC Deed of Gift I, Edward E. Kaufman, do hereby give to the Senate Historical Office the recordings and transcripts of my interviews between August 17 and 24, 2011 and on September 27, 2012. I authorize the Senate Historical Office to use the recordings and transcripts in such a manner as may best serve the educational and historical objectives of their oral history program. I also approve the deposit of the transcripts at the Library of Congress, the National Archives, the Senate Library, and any other institution which the Senate Historical Office may deem appropriate. In making this gift, I voluntarily convey ownership of the tapes and transcripts to the public domain. ([date] Accepted on behalf of the Senate Historical Office by: Donald A. Ritchie Table of Contents Preface. i Interview # 1: Engineering, Business, and Politics. 1 Interview #2: Chief of Staff. 44 Interview #3: Biden for President. 91 Interview #4: Teaching About Congress. 125 Interview #5: Senator from Delaware. 167 Interview #6: The Financial Meltdown. 206 Interview #7: National Security. 257 Interview #8: The Most Exclusive Club. 289 Interview #9: Life After the Senate. 342 Interview #10: The Man in the Arena. 379 Index. 396 Appendices Dedication To Lynne, who is the love of my life, my best friend and has made all this possible. To Mom, who taught me to fight for what I believe in, and Dad, who was the greatest man I have ever known.
    [Show full text]
  • GPO-CDOC-108Hdoc226-5.Pdf
    Index 42940_12-APA-INDEX.indd 609 2/13/2018 12:50:32 PM Member names appear in bold (surnames in ALL CAPS) Bold page numbers denote Member profiles Italicized page numbers denote references to images and image captions A 452, 452, 558 – 59, 581 77, 81– 84, 280 – 300, 454 – 61 459, 462, 469n citizenship and, 277, 279 – 80, 306n, 559 military service of. See military service, Bordallo, Ricardo J. (Ricky), 371, 422 Abelarde, Pedro E., 17, 55 – 56 constitution of, 279, 414 Asian Pacific American Members of Bordonaro, Molly, 488 Abercrombie, Neil, 363, 401, 424, 426, 451, creation of Territorial Delegate position Congress Borseth, Peter, 164, 166 453, 522, 548 – 49 and, 280, 412, 428, 449 – 50, 602 statutory representation and, 3, 6, 11, 24n, Box, John C., 120 Abscam scandal, 340 – 41 diaspora and, 4 – 5, 430, 440, 444 – 45, 546 52 – 53, 85 – 86, 90n, 102 – 255, 258, Boxer, Barbara, 461– 62 Ackerman, Gary, 556 economy of, 415, 428, 432 – 33, 559 279 – 80, 366 – 75, 412 – 23, 428 – 35, Boykin, Frank W., 12 Adams, Alva, 235 – 36 fono, 279 439, 480 – 85, 558 – 61, 580 – 81 Bracero Program, 321– 22 Adams, Ansel, 291 Instrument of Cession, 278 surrogate representation and, 2, 23n, 328, Bradley, Bill, 399 Aglipay, Gregorio, 194 statehood and, 207 332, 358, 361– 62, 400 –10, 430, 445, Bradley, Willis, 278 Agnew, Spiro, 351 territorial status of, 2, 2, 17, 43, 207, 259, 447, 476, 607 Brands, H. W., 17, 54, 57 Aguinaldo, Emilio, 48, 51, 51, 66, 105, 124, 276 – 79, 277, 369, 421– 22, 446 women Members of Congress and, 12, 14, Brinkley, Alan, 5 136,
    [Show full text]